Chad 005

The European Journal of International Law Vol. 34 no.
1
© The Author(s), 2023. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of EJIL Ltd.
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Rethinking International Law: A

TWAIL Retrospective
Antony Anghie*
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Abstract
This EJIL Foreword is a personal retrospective of the Third World Approaches to International
Law (TWAIL) movement. It provides an account of the origins of TWAIL and the political and
intellectual context in which it emerged during the 1990s. It outlines some of the key themes
and concerns of TWAIL – including ‘colonial continuities’, ‘capitalism, imperialism and pol-
itical economy’, and ‘TWAIL and History’. It argues that the distinction between the ‘First’
and ‘Third’ Worlds continues to be relevant by examining the operation of this distinction in
various fields of international law, such as the use of force, international migration law and
human rights. The Foreword then outlines two of the author’s current research projects on
themes that have been of major interest to TWAIL scholars: first, human rights and their
relationship to imperialism; and second, race and reparations. The Foreword concludes by
arguing that ‘Third World Approaches to International Law’ are relevant, not simply for the
‘third world’, but for the entire globe; it urges us to consider TWAIL as a cosmopolitan project.
1 Introduction
Historians of international law have traditionally focused on conferences as a be-
ginning point of understanding crucial shifts and developments in the discipline.
Succumbing then to this trope, my presentation of Third World Approaches to
International Law (TWAIL) begins with a conference. The first conference heralding
the emergence of the movement that is now called TWAIL took place on 7–8 March
1997.1 Ironically, given the topic, it took place at the Harvard Law School. It featured
*
Professor of Law, National University of Singapore and University of Utah, USA; Head of Teaching
and Researching International Law in Asia unit, Centre for International Law, National University of
Singapore. Email: [email protected]. I am very grateful to the superb research assistance provided by
Samuel Heber Flitton, Jing Min Tan and Amiel Ian Valdez. Omnia pro Deo.
1
For a detailed account of the background to the conference by one of its principal organizers and for
one account of the Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL), see Gathii, ‘TWAIL: A Brief
History of Its Origins, Its Decentralized Network, and a Tentative Bibliography’, 3(1) Trade Law and
Development (TLD) (2011) 26.
EJIL (2023), Vol. 34 No. 1, 7–112 https://doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chad005

8 EJIL 34 (2023), 7–112 EJIL Foreword
four panels2 and issued a vision statement that pointed to the privileging of European
and North American voices in international law, the need to democratize the discip-
line and the imperative to critique the structures of international law that reproduced
relations of hierarchy and discrimination.3 It acknowledged a continuity with a Third
World4 tradition and called for a constructive dialogue among scholars to contest the
undesirable features of international law. While the participants were excited to dis-
cuss the Third World tradition of international law, there was little sense of what would

emerge from the conference. It is now apparent that TWAIL scholarship has grown in
range and influence and has established itself as an important movement that has
illuminated and continues to illuminate the workings of international law. Those pre-
sent at the 1997 conference could hardly have anticipated these developments.
The task of giving an account of TWAIL is daunting. In this retrospective, I out-
line the circumstances in which TWAIL emerged in the 1990s and an overview of all
that has followed from it. The 1997 conference was an attempt to understand what
the Third World tradition stood for and how it had to be reconceptualized in the light
of the profound changes in the international order that took place after the fall of
the Berlin Wall. In section 2, I outline in broad terms some of the characteristics and
major developments of this ‘new world order’ of the 1990s and how they impacted
the people of the Third World. I then discuss how these same developments, and the
ideas and initiatives that supported them, contrasted with, and indeed repudiated,
the vision of international law that had been developed by an earlier generation of
Third World international lawyers in the 1960s and 1970s – what might be termed
‘TWAIL I’. The vision of TWAIL I scholars had driven the ambitious campaign to fur-
ther decolonization, consolidate Third World sovereignty, and later, to establish a New
International Economic Order (NIEO), which was the central thrust of an effort to
create a more equitable global system. The task that confronted the TWAIL scholars of
the 1990s (‘TWAIL II’), then, was to explore and demonstrate how the ideas and con-
cerns of TWAIL I scholars continued to be relevant, even if they had to be rethought
and reformulated in the context of the 1990s.
TWAIL I and TWAIL II scholars were united in their efforts to create a system of
international law that acknowledged and furthered the interests of the people of the
Third World. While building upon and continuing the pioneering work of their prede-
cessors, TWAIL II scholars rethought the Third World tradition in international law.
2
The four panels were ‘The Politics of International Legal Scholarship and Practice’, ‘Third World
Approaches to International Law’, ‘Law and Development at the End of the Millennium’ and ‘Human
Rights in the Third World: Struggles of Mass or Elite Politics’.
3
For the vision statement, see Mickelson, ‘Rhetoric and Rage: Third World Voices in International Legal
Discourse’, 16(2) Wisconsin International Law Journal (WILJ) (1998) 353, at 416.
4
The term ‘Third World’ was deliberately and boldly chosen by the organizers of the conference. TWAIL
scholars have invariably written on their particular use of the term ‘Third World’ in their own work.
They make it clear that the term refers not only to a geographical entity but also, variously, to a pro-
ject of solidarity, a heuristic to understand the plight of disadvantaged communities and the structures
that bring about exclusion and inequality and a politics of anti-subordination, among other things. See,
e.g., Rajagopal, ‘Locating the Third World in Cultural Geography’, 15(2) Third World Legal Studies (TWLS)
(2000) 1.
Rethinking International Law: A TWAIL Retrospective 9
This was attempted in different ways. TWAIL scholars extended and deepened their
study of international economic law to analyse the new regimes of trade and invest-
ment that furthered the expansion of globalization. They complicated and enriched
the idea of the Third World by focusing on actors and communities within the Third
World other than states, the traditional unit of analysis. Indeed, TWAIL scholars scru-
tinized and critiqued Third World states as many of them deployed an opportunistic
and destructive ethnic nationalism and problematic development policies to oppress

minorities and marginalize other communities within the state. TWAIL scholars also
formulated an alternative account of the history of international law, one that was
based on the premise that imperialism, far from being peripheral to the development
of the discipline, was central to its very identity and operations. TWAIL scholars, in
exploring all the themes listed above, drew upon advances in other disciplines and
approaches, such as post-colonialism, Marxism and dependency theory, critical devel-
opment studies and feminism to develop a deeper understanding of the operations of
a globalized international law, its impact on the peoples in the Third World and their
efforts to resist and reform it.
TWAIL, as the very name suggests – Third World ‘Approaches’ rather than a Third
World ‘Approach’ – has always fostered and encouraged plurality. As the vision state-
ment of 1997 made clear, ‘[m]embers of this network may not agree on the content,
direction, and strategies of third world approaches to international law’.5 Nevertheless,
there are certain broad themes and questions with which TWAIL scholars as a col-
lective have been preoccupied. In section 3, I provide a thematic overview of TWAIL
scholarship, discussing some of the themes on which TWAIL scholars have focused.
It is a central argument of all TWAIL scholarship that the formal end of colonialism
did not bring about the end of colonial relations, and, thus, TWAIL scholars have fo-
cused on tracing how colonial relations have continued, in varied and complex forms,
in a supposedly decolonized world. Political economy and the relationship between
capitalism and imperialism have been a constant preoccupation of TWAIL scholars,
who have thus written extensively on how this relationship has shifted and changed
and manifested itself at different times. Empire and imperialism have continuously
evolved, and while TWAIL scholars have focused on European and Western imperi-
alism, they are also alert to the other forms and locations of empire. Empire and im-
perialism are by no means a uniquely European practice, even if European Empire
warrants particular attention because it is so fundamental to the making of modern
international law.
Finally, in this section, I also point to another important aspect of TWAIL scholar-
ship – that of restoring and reconsidering the efforts of Third World countries and anti-
colonial scholars to rethink and remake the world. In 1955, Asian and African states
gathered at a conference in Bandung, Indonesia, to discuss the international system
and global justice, and they concluded by presenting a compelling vision of a reformed
world order. As the participants recognized, this was a historic occasion – the first
conference at which sovereign, non-European states, representing a good proportion
5
Mickelson, supra note 3, at 416.
of the world’s population and also seeking to speak for those who remained under co-
lonial rule, articulated an anti-colonial global system. Nevertheless, this event, as well
as the NIEO itself, was overlooked and neglected and, by the 1990s, did not feature in
any significant way in discussions of large questions of global order, governance and
justice that were so enthusiastically and elaborately propagated at the time. Similarly,
but at a more individual level, the work of brilliant anti-colonial scholars such as Eric
Williams, as well as those of earlier Third World scholars, had fallen into neglect.

TWAIL scholars have revisited these events and works: both to treat them with the in-
tellectual seriousness that they warrant and also to suggest how many contemporary
debates and works of scholarship deal with issues that were originally raised by these
pioneering and sometimes overlooked scholars. Thus, the task of what I term ‘restor-
ation and rethinking’ has been an important dimension of TWAIL scholarship.
Ever since TWAIL emerged, questions have been raised about how the term ‘Third
World’ should be understood and, in more recent times, about whether the assumed
dichotomy between the First World and the Third World on which TWAIL appears to
be founded makes sense. What is the analytic value of the term in the midst of all the
changes that have taken place since the 1990s? In section 4, I argue that the term
continues to serve an important purpose, even while I sometimes use the similar ter-
minology of ‘North-South’ or ‘global South’ – more capacious and current terms for
the set of concerns that were initially articulated in Bandung and that evolved and
shifted with subsequent global change. I try to suggest why the term ‘Third World’ is
relevant by surveying several regimes such as international economic law, environ-
mental law and international criminal law. Needless to say, this is a very superficial
survey. All I seek to suggest is that the First World–Third World divide is a sort of tec-
tonic plate – that developments in each of the surveyed areas of law, whether or not
they explicitly reflect this divide and even when they complicate and appear to tran-
scend or overcome the divide, are still, however remotely, based on and affected by that
divide.6 The selection of these areas is a matter of personal choice and interest, illus-
trative rather than systematic and comprehensive. I focus in particular on TWAIL and
human rights as the uses of human rights have been an enduring interest to TWAIL
scholars and, further, as a number of TWAIL scholars are now serving as special rap-
porteurs in the United Nations (UN) system and their work promises to further enrich
and expand human rights. I would argue that TWAIL scholars have now written im-
portant and original works on virtually every major topic of international law and,
more speculatively, that a ‘TWAIL’ approach to any overlooked or outstanding topics
of international law will reveal new dimensions of that topic.
This is a personal account of TWAIL. It is in no way intended to be objective or
authoritative. But while sections 3 and 4 do purport to be overviews, sections 5 and
6 entitled ‘The Colonial Origins of Human Rights’ and ‘The Third World and the
Reparations Campaign’ are much more explicitly personal and comprise my current
reflections and research on these two topics. Natural rights, developed at various
6
On the use of geological metaphors for analysis, see Weiler, ‘The Geology of International Law-
Governance, Democracy and Legitimacy’, 2004 German Yearbook of International Law 547.
stages of European history – through the times of the French and American revolu-
tions, for instance – are commonly cited as the predecessor of modern human rights
law. In section 5, I outline a facet of my work in which I seek to understand a different
‘natural rights’ tradition, one that was formed in the colonial encounter and that was
crucially connected to the rights of the European alien in the non-European world. I
sketch aspects of this tradition in the work of Francisco de Vitoria and Hugo Grotius
in order to locate and identify the characteristics of this ‘rights bearer’ – the European

alien – as a prelude for exploring the relationship between this rights holder and the
development of international human rights law.
Section 6 on reparations deals with some issues raised by multiple campaigns for
reparations that squarely engage with imperialism and its ongoing effects. What I
term the ‘Third World campaign for reparations’ – that is, for instance, campaigns by
the Herrero against Germany and by the Caribbean countries seeking reparations for
slavery – are faced with numerous legal obstacles under the existing system of inter-
national law. I contrast this with what I term the ‘Western campaign for reparations’.
My argument here is that it is the West that has successfully created a system of inter-
national law that enables the West and its corporations to claim ‘reparations’ on an
ongoing basis from the Third World. The result is a continuing transfer of wealth from
the Third World to the West, further entrenching misery and dislocation in the Third
World. An identification of the ‘Western’ system of reparations is, I would argue, a
crucial step for the Third World campaign for reparations and its efforts more broadly
to create a fairer global system. Aspects of these arguments may also be relevant to a
related campaign for climate reparations.
In section 7, I try to sketch out the significance of TWAIL for current debates over
the character of international governance and order. I also make more explicit a theme
that is perhaps latent in the earlier sections. The term ‘TWAIL’ may suggest that TWAIL
scholarship is relevant only to the people of the Third World and those in the West
whose interests and sympathies extend to the Third World. My argument here is that
TWAIL is of universal – a problematic term – significance. We cannot achieve global
justice unless we achieve justice for the people in the Third World, and it is TWAIL
scholarship that reveals important and systemic inadequacies in the international
order that prevent this from occurring. The further point is that TWAIL is based on an
account of the history of international law that demonstrates the integral, formative,
inescapable relationship between the ‘First World’ and the ‘Third World’, Europe and
non-Europe. Much of ‘European’ history unfolded in the non-European world, and
TWAIL, by focusing on this phenomenon, provides new insights into the history of
Europe itself. It is encouraging and appreciated that many European scholars have
taken an interest in TWAIL work and have contributed to it for precisely this reason. In
writing the history of international law, TWAIL scholars are writing a history not of
the past but of the present, not only of the non-European world but also of Europe it-
self. Finally, I would argue, the legal technologies of dispossession that were developed
and applied to the Third World are now globalized – that is, they now affect the lives of
people in the West itself and, as such, contribute to the social dislocation, insecurity
and inequality afflicting communities in the rich First World countries themselves.
Indeed, these developments might point to a further issue: systems of exploitation

have created inequality and suffering in both the First and Third Worlds, and TWAIL
scholarship might contribute to the long-standing and ongoing efforts to create global
solidarities between the poor in the North and the South. Broadly then, despite its title,
TWAIL cannot be considered to be purely about the ‘Third World’. It is TWAIL that
offers an alternative, universal vision of international law and justice.
Having sketched these developments, it becomes possible to get some sort of an

overview of TWAIL and its evolution in the intervening two decades – a guide of sorts
to TWAIL, its origins and development, its basic intellectual orientations, its connec-
tions with other types of scholarship and, in this respect, a version of its history. There
are now already several important overviews of TWAIL, and I draw upon them in pre-
senting this account – yet another account – of TWAIL and its future.7 Needless to say,
mine is a very personal and idiosyncratic view of TWAIL. It is the view of a member of
what might be termed ‘TWAIL II’.8 A new generation of TWAIL scholars has emerged
that has already produced rich and path-breaking scholarship. There are, then, mul-
tiple TWAILs, and this work cannot do justice to all that is taking place within the
TWAIL network of scholars. I should add that my terminology has not always been
consistent: the terms ‘Third World’ and ‘global South’, for instance, have different
connotations, but I use them interchangeably. The term ‘global South’ may seem less
offensive than the term ‘Third World’ with all its connotations of inferiority and hier-
archy. However, I use the latter term because, as I have tried to suggest, it does invoke
a particular history and tradition that has inspired the TWAIL project named after it.
I must add that in trying to outline the ‘TWAIL tradition’ I may have cited scholars
whose works have added to TWAIL thinking but who do not see themselves as part of
the tradition. Equally importantly, and inevitably, given the ever-expanding volume
7
See, e.g., Gathii, supra note 1; Mutua and Anghie, ‘What Is TWAIL?’, 94 Proceedings of the Annual Meeting
of the American Society of International Law (PAMASIL) (2000) 31; Chimni, ‘TWAIL: A Manifesto’, in A.
Anghie et al. (eds), The Third World and International Order: Law, Politics and Globalization (2003) 47; Anghie
and Chimni, ‘Third World Approaches to International Law and Individual Responsibility in Internal
Conflicts’, 2(1) Chinese Journal of International Law (CJIL) (2003) 77; L. Eslava, TWAIL Coordinates, 1
April 2019, available at https://grojil.org/2019/04/01/twail-coordinates/; Gathii, ‘The Agenda of Third
World Approaches in International Law (TWAIL)’, in J. Dunoff and M. Pollack (eds), International Legal
Theory: Foundations and Frontiers (2022) 153; Gathii, ‘The Promise of International Law: A Third World
View Grotius Lecture’, Social Sciences Research Network (2020), available at https://papers.ssrn.com/
sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3635509; A. Bianchi, International Law Theories: An Inquiry into Different
Ways of Thinking (2016), ch. 10; Eslava and Pahuja, ‘Between Resistance and Reform: TWAIL and the
Universality of International Law’, 3(1) TLD (2011) 103; see also Anghie et al., ibid.; R. Falk, B. Rajagopal
and J. Stevens (eds), International Law and the Third World: Reshaping Justice (2008); U. Natarajan et al.
(eds), Third World Approaches to International Law: On Praxis and the Intellectual (2018).
8
The distinction between an earlier generation of TWAIL scholars (TWAIL I) and the scholars whose work
commenced roughly in the 1990s (TWAIL II) is elaborated on below. It was initially made in Anghie and
Chimni, supra note 7. Although useful heuristically and illuminated various aspects of TWAIL scholar-
ship, it is imprecise and has rightly been questioned and problematized. For an important analysis, see
Galindo, ‘Splitting TWAIL’, 33(3) Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice (WYAJ) (2016) 37.
of TWAIL scholarship, this article will leave out important TWAIL work. I ask for the
understanding of both these groups of scholars.
2 TWAIL in Context
I begin this account, then, with a sketch of the characteristics and major develop-
ments of the ‘new world order’ of the 1990s and how the ideas that supported this

order contrasted with the vision of international law developed by TWAIL I scholars
in the 1960s and 1970s, before turning to the task confronting the TWAIL II scholars
of the 1990s: how to articulate a challenge to this ‘new world order’ while critically
rethinking and developing the pioneering work of their TWAIL I predecessors.
A The Liberal Order Ascendant: The Global Context

TWAIL II emerged at a time when US President George H.W. Bush, following the fall of
the Berlin Wall, proclaimed a ‘new world order’.9 Globalization was, if not at its peak,
then gathering inexorable momentum, the ‘End of History’ had arrived and the liberal
order was triumphant, having overcome its socialist and Third World rivals. In this
section, I sketch the character of this ‘new world order’ with a view to illuminating
some of its key elements and the impact of that order on Third World countries and
how it transformed what might be broadly termed ‘North-South’ relations. I outline
then the political context in which TWAIL II emerged and how this new order estab-
lished itself through various legal regimes, particularly in the areas of human rights,
trade and foreign investments, that intensified globalization and had a profound im-
pact on developing countries. In broad terms, the ‘End of History’ narrative that held
that all societies had to aspire to become liberal democracies was reflected in inter-
national legal initiatives directed at transforming the Third World accordingly.
Most conventional histories of the discipline focus on the new system and visions
of international law created after major wars: the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, the
Congress of Vienna in 1815, the League of Nations in 1919 and the UN in 1945. The
fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, of course, could be seen as the conclusion of one such
war. In this case, however, no treaty formally ended the war or articulated the rules
that would now govern the world. Rather, the new world order was developed through
the existing but renewed UN system and, equally importantly, expansive and powerful
trade and investment regimes. The new world order could be broadly termed a ‘liberal
order’ given that liberal philosophy was the foundation of its animating ideas of the
rule of law, the individual, society, the market, the role of government and political
economy. And although the international legal regimes of human rights, trade, envir-
onment, finance and investment each had unique characteristics and concerns, they
were broadly founded on these liberal values and united in constructing a system in
9
George H.W. Bush, ‘Address before a Joint Session of Congress’, 11 September 1990, available at
https://web.archive.org/web/20160602115313/http://millercenter.org/president/bush/speeches/
speech-3425.
which these values could be expanded and implemented. This overarching system was
distinctive in that, by now, with the defeat both of communism and the Third World
campaign for a NIEO, it confronted no ideological rivals or alternative visions of global
governance. Arguably, it was not since imperialism at its zenith in the late 19th cen-
tury that one system of ideas had been so globally dominant. The tenets of this order
were enthusiastically taken up by international institutions, Western governments,
technocrats in developing countries and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), all

of whose actions and programmes received powerful legitimacy by furthering the pro-
ject of transforming the Third World prescribed by this order.
Shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the UN acquired a new stature and signifi-
cance. The Iraq War of 1991, authorized by the UN Security Council, revealed fea-
tures of this new world order, one in which the UN appeared finally empowered to
begin fulfilling all the aspirations so movingly presented in its preamble – to save suc-
ceeding generations from the scourge of war, to reaffirm faith in human rights and to
promote social progress in larger freedom. Despite, or perhaps because of, its failures in
countries such as Rwanda, the UN expanded and refined its missions and operations,
reconstructing Cambodia, managing post-war Iraq and establishing tribunals to try
war crimes.
In the economic sphere, international and regional organizations promoted inten-
sifying economic integration. Through these developments, liberalism itself was ar-
guably transforming into what might be termed ‘neo-liberalism’, a system in which
the market was dominant, the state receded, deregulation became the norm and cor-
porate rights expanded.10 After the Maastricht Treaty was concluded in 1992, the cre-
ation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1994 most powerfully symbolized
and embodied the system of neo-liberal globalization.11 The WTO, moreover, was a
sort of global economic constitution, one that both complemented and yet competed
with the UN in terms of its institutional structure, reach and global impact. Countries
eager to join the WTO undertook to transform their economies in return for member-
ship, willingly relinquishing important sovereign powers by agreeing to submit them-
selves to the dispute resolution system of the WTO that was such a notable, novel and
enviable feature of the whole WTO regime. The WTO system covered an extraordinary
range of activities in the realm of the global economy. Evolving intellectual property
law, which characterized many aspects of human activity and the natural world as
‘property’, was included in the WTO regime, despite the opposition of developing
countries.12 Trade in services, another economic sector in which developed countries
enjoyed a significant comparative advantage, was similarly included in the system.13
10
For a valuable overview of neo-liberalism and its origins, see Q. Slobodian, Globalists: The End of Empire
and the Birth of Neoliberalism (2018).
11
Treaty on European Union 1992, OJ 2002 C 325/5.
12
See Moschini, ‘Intellectual Property Rights and the World Trade Organization: Retrospect and Prospects’,
in G. Anania et al. (eds), Agricultural Policy Reform and the WTO: Where Are We Heading? (2004), 1 at 22
(exploring the argument that ‘[d]eveloping countries are net “losers”,’ with the TRIPS Agreement).
13
World Trade Organization, Trade Services, available at www.wto.org/english/tratop_e/serv_e/serv_e.
htm#:~:text=Services%20trade,dynamic%20component%20of%20international%20trade.
Developing countries enjoyed a comparative advantage in textiles and agriculture, but

their efforts to include these sectors within the regime of free trade were opposed by
the West and ultimately unsuccessful.
Another economic regime that proved over time to be profoundly important was
coming into existence through a largely decentralized process that contrasted mark-
edly with the creation of the WTO and all the negotiations that preceded it. An inci-
dent in Sri Lanka that would otherwise have remained obscure, and hardly of note

given the bloody war of which it was a part, led to the destruction of a prawn farm,
which was a foreign investment. The case that followed, Asian Agricultural Products v.
Sri Lanka,14 decided by the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes
(ICSID), could be seen as the beginning of the modern international investment
law system. The international law protecting foreign investment had emerged spor-
adically, developed through specific arbitral commissions and tribunals such as the
American-Mexican Claims Commission of the 1920s and 1930s and the Iran-US
Claims Tribunal from the 1980s onwards. The new investment regime created by bi-
lateral investment treaties established a far-reaching and global system in which the
jurisprudence from the Iran-US Claims Tribunal and earlier commissions was revived
and elaborated. During this period, thousands of bilateral investment agreements
were signed by developing countries in the belief that that they would help attract
the foreign investment that was crucial to achieving economic development and
growth.15 The problem of enforcement has classically bedevilled international law.
The investment regime, however, developed a very wide-ranging and effective system
of enforcement that ingeniously drew upon both international and domestic legal sys-
tems. Strikingly, this formidable system of enforcement was designed to advance the
rights of corporations, and it has proved potent in enforcing arbitral awards against
governments. These awards have amounted to millions, sometimes billions, of dollars.
In very different ways, then, the rights of corporations were both expanded and
given enhanced protection through the trade and investment regimes. The law of the
WTO did not reflect some of the major interests of developing countries, but it was
at least possible for developing country states to take actions against powerful states
under the WTO dispute resolution system. The bilateral investment treaty system,
meanwhile, was unbalanced in several respects. Strictly speaking, of course, both de-
veloped and developing countries enjoyed equal rights under the bilateral treaties. In
reality, however, developing countries – almost by definition – lacked the resources to
invest in any meaningful way in developed countries, and so the rights they putatively
possessed were rarely exercised. Further, bilateral investment treaties classically pro-
vided corporations with standing to sue states under international law; they did not
allow states to sue corporations under international law even if corporations might
have been involved, for instance, in human rights violations.
14
ICSID, Asian Agricultural Products v. Republic of Sri Lanka – Final Award, 27 June 1990, ICSID Case no.
ARB/87/3.
15
See J. Bonnitcha, L.N. Skovgaard Poulsen and M. Waibel, The Political Economy of the Investment Regime
(2017), at 207.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, older institutions that
preceded the UN itself, reconceived their mission and found new arenas in which to
operate – not only in Asia, Latin America and Africa but also in Eastern Europe as
countries in these regions began the arduous transition to the free market that the IMF
and the World Bank prescribed and promoted using the highly sophisticated and novel
economic and legal technologies that they had developed for these purposes. ‘Shock
therapy’ was administered on those countries in order to propel their economies into

activity.16 The combination of these institutions and regimes – the older and Western-
controlled IMF and World Bank and the newer trade and investment regimes – created
a far-reaching system that furthered the neo-liberal project, profoundly affecting the
economic sovereignty of developing countries. These countries, which had been so
adamant about regaining and asserting their sovereignty during decolonization, felt
they had no alternative but to subscribe to these regimes in order to achieve the de-
velopment for which they had always yearned and that neo-liberalism had promised
to deliver.
In other developments within the UN system, The International Court of Justice
(ICJ) during this same period became increasingly busy and heard a number of major
cases, such as the Lockerbie case17 and the Nuclear Weapons advisory opinion.18 Another
notable feature of the times was the intense ethnic conflicts that broke out in several
countries, and the appalling violence not only affirmed the fundamental importance
of protecting and promoting international human rights law but also revived com-
pelling arguments for humanitarian intervention, although this practice found no
express justification in the UN Charter. The ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) initia-
tive followed, which was a set of principles that outlined in what circumstances inter-
vention was justified. R2P became a powerful and wide-ranging project embraced
by organizations and think-tanks in their particular projection of human rights and
international relations. The conflicts of the 1990s, such as those in the Balkans and
Rwanda, all served to confirm the value of human rights and, indeed, gave the field
a new impetus and range as human rights became crucial to far-reaching initiatives
of social and political intervention and transformation. International criminal law
was developing rapidly thanks to the Yugoslav and other ad hoc tribunals. Broadly,
human rights was the foundation of some of the most ambitious projects of this time:
transitional justice, good governance, state building, international territorial admin-
istration, R2P and international criminal law. Perhaps more radically, these initiatives
postulated the protection of human rights as the basis of sovereignty itself, the legit-
imizing and animating idea of constitution making and state building. This conceptu-
alization of the relationship between human rights and sovereignty was also evident
16
Sachs, ‘Shock Therapy in Poland: Perspectives of Five Years’, Tanner Lectures on Human Values University
of Utah (1994), available at www.tannerlectures.utah.edu/lectures/documents/sachs95.pdf (describing
shock therapy and shock therapy policies).
17
Questions of Interpretation and Application of the 1971 Montreal Convention Arising from the Aerial Incident
at Lockerbie (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya v. United States of America), Preliminary Objections, Judgment,
27 February 1998, ICJ Reports (1998) 9.
18
Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, 8 July 1996, ICJ Reports (1996) 2006.
in the European Union’s (EU) policy of recognizing sovereign states only if they under-
took and adhered to human rights obligations.19 Many of these trends were noted and
exemplified in Thomas Franck’s famous article on the ‘right to democracy’.20
Even while human rights expanded as an integral part of all these efforts to recon-
struct broken societies and establish justice and order within them, the specific vision
of human rights that was so furthered was in some respects a narrow one. Although
human rights sought to protect women, migrant workers and other disadvantaged

communities, the person being protected by all these initiatives was an individual
envisaged as inhabiting a specific sort of society, a liberal democracy whose char-
acter was powerfully shaped by neo-liberal economics. Earlier efforts by developing
countries to expand human rights by advocating, for instance, for the ‘right to de-
velopment’ – a right that would call for a system of political economy very different
from that promoted by neo-liberal economics – faded in significance. By this time, the
Western vision of individual human rights in a society implicitly assumed to be neo-
liberal or aspiring to be neo-liberal had become dominant, even if resisted by social
movements in the Third World and, for very different reasons, by Asian states whose
opposition gave rise to the ‘Asian Values’ debate.21 Human rights sought to promote
democracy, but neo-liberalism was most successfully promoted by governments that
were not particularly democratic in any robust sense of the term.22
While the Western vision of human rights expanded in all these different ways, it
also faced the complex task of engaging with the forces of globalization and neo-liberal
political economy inaugurated by the ‘new world order’. Human rights sought to pro-
tect human dignity, but, in its efforts to do so, it had to address not only ethnic conflict
and corruption within Third World states but also a system of political economy –
neo-liberalism – that was now changing the world. It was not so much a liberal, but a
neo-liberal, order that was coming into existence. Human rights in this period devel-
oped and expanded their reach by generating new subfields of activism and institution
building, but they had very little purchase on the trade and investment regimes that
powerfully drove a neo-liberal political economy that posed its own threats to human
dignity.
B Rethinking TWAIL I and the Challenges of the Liberal Order

It is broadly in this landscape of the early 1990s that a new generation of TWAIL
scholars – scholars who I broadly term TWAIL II – began their work. In this section, I
sketch how TWAIL II scholars responded to the challenges raised by the liberal order
19
Newman and Visoka, ‘The European Union’s Practice of State Recognition: Between Norms and
Interests’, 44(4) Review of International Studies (2018) 760.
20
Franck, ‘The Emerging Right to Democratic Governance’, 86(1) American Journal of International Law
(AJIL) (1992) 46.
21
One of the most famous articles asserting ‘Asian values’ and critiquing the arrogance of Western visions
of human rights was authored by a senior Singaporean official. Kausikan, ‘Asia’s Different Standard’, 92
Foreign Policy (1993) 24.
22
See S. Marks, The Riddle of All Constitutions: International Law, Democracy and the Critique of Ideology
(2000).
of the 1990s and developed the inheritance of their TWAIL I predecessors, particu-
larly given the failure of the major Third World initiative to create its own NIEO in
the 1970s. One of the crucial questions posed by the ascent of liberalism and the de-
mise of the NIEO was: what is the legacy of the NIEO in this new conjuncture? This
was one of the key issues taken up at the 1997 conference. Crucially, scholars such
as B.S. Chimni and Muthucumaraswamy Sornarajah continued to demonstrate
the importance of that legacy through their analysis of the legal regimes emerg-

ing in the 1990s, an analysis informed by the same concerns that had animated
the NIEO. At the same time, they and other TWAIL scholars felt the need to develop
new approaches and analytic tools to renew and reformulate the Third World trad-
ition in the context of all the developments occurring in the 1990s. This section
thus sketches some of the characteristics of the scholarship produced by TWAIL II
scholars in responding to these different imperatives, situating them within the pol-
itical context of the 1990s and exploring the ways in which they developed, con-
tested and departed from TWAIL I.
The NIEO campaign was the most important component of the concerted effort
by the Third World in the 1960s and 1970s to reform the international order be-
cause the order failed to address the plight and concerns of the vast majority of the
world’s population. These states wanted to advance the process of decolonization,
consolidate their sovereignty, further their economic development and take their
place as equals in the community of nations, shaping the rules of the international
system. These initiatives and aspirations were expressed in a number of important
declarations that were passed in the 1960s and 1970s. These included the Charter
of Economic Rights and Duties of States,23 the Declaration of a New International
Economic Order (NIEO Declaration)24 and the Declaration on Friendly Relations
among States.25 Scholars from the Third World wrote extensively on all these issues,
outlining a vision of a fairer global system and how it could be achieved through
a reformed international law in a post-imperial world. This pioneering group of
scholars included R.P. Anand,26 Mohammed Bedjaoui,27 T.O. Elias,28 Georges Abi-
Saab,29 Jorge Castañeda,30 J.J.G. Syatauw31 and Kéba Mbaye.32 It is this group of
23
Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, GA Res. 3281(xxix) (1974), at 50.
24
GA Res. 3201 (S-VI), 1 May 1974.
25
GA Res. 2625, 24 October 1970. For a recent study of the importance of the declaration, see J.E. Vinuales,
The UN Friendly Relations Declaration at 50: An Assessment of the Fundamental Principles of International
Law (2020).
26
R.P. Anand, New States and International Law (1972).
27
M. Bedjaoui, Towards a New International Economic Order (1979).
28
T.O. Elias, Africa and the Development of International Law (1972).
29
Abi-Saab, ‘The Newly Independent States and the Rules of International Law: An Outline’, 8 Howard Law
Journal (1962) 95; Abi-Saab, ‘The Third World and the Future of the International Legal Order’, 29 Revue
Egyptienne de Droit International (1973) 27.
30
Castañeda, ‘The Underdeveloped Nations and the Development of International Law’, 15(1) International
Organization (IO) (1961) 38.
31
J.J.G. Syatauw, Some Newly Established Asian States and the Development of International Law (1961).
32
Kéba Mbaye, Les droits de l’homme en Afrique (1992).
scholars – and I mention only some of them here – who constitute what has come to
be somewhat crudely termed ‘TWAIL I’.33
By the 1990s, following the oil crisis and widespread structural adjustment policies
of the 1980s, the efforts of developing countries to establish a NIEO appeared to have
faded in significance.34 The developments of the 1990s seemed to further emphasize
the wrong-headedness of the Third World campaign without even directly engaging
with it. The liberal triumph of the 1990s seemed to assume and demonstrate, almost

in passing, that decolonization had been achieved. Imperialism, the major preoccu-
pation of TWAIL I scholars, receded from scholarly interest and attention. All these
developments inevitably affected international law scholars in the Third World. As
Chimni notes in his study of international law in India, scholars in India, encour-
aged by the promise of the NIEO and the prospects of making economic decoloniza-
tion a reality, had written extensively in areas such as international economic law,
the law of the sea, the UN and international dispute resolution. However, with the
demise of the NIEO, many Third World international law scholars became disillu-
sioned with that earlier project and, more generally, with international law itself.35
Compounding the situation in many Third World countries, the optimism and aspir-
ations accompanying independence had disappeared: anti-colonial nationalism had
collapsed into racist politics that led to ongoing ethnic conflicts in many parts of Asia
and Africa, and, rather than serving the people, many post-colonial regimes proved
to be corrupt and authoritarian. Nationalist heroes became nepotistic dictators. The
‘Cold War’, furthermore, had taken an immense toll on many Third World countries
in whose territories that war was fought. In many cases, Third World dictators were
able to maintain power because of their affiliations with one or other great powers in
that ostensibly ‘cold’ war.
Unsurprisingly, then, in the 1990s, many Third World international lawyers, rather
than pursuing the NIEO vision, sought to become experts in the powerful new legal
33
The distinction between TWAIL I and TWAIL II scholars was made in Anghie and Chimni, supra note 7, at
77–105. This distinction was devised as a somewhat crude heuristic device; it illuminated the evolution
of TWAIL scholarship in various ways but has subsequently and rightly been questioned and problem-
atized. There is a new and important scholarship that focuses on the important work of TWAIL I scholars.
See, e.g., Ozsu, ‘Organizing Internationally: Georges Abi-Saab, the Congo Crisis and the Decolonization of
the United Nations’, 31(2) European Journal of International Law (EJIL) (2020) 601; Khan, ‘International
Law in the Aftermath of Disasters: Inheriting from Radhabinod Pal and Upendra Baxi’, 37(11) Third
World Quarterly (TWQ) (2016) 375.
34
One of the last volumes to deal with the issues of the ‘Third World’ was F.E. Snyder and S. Sathirathai,
Third World Attitudes toward International Law: An Introduction (1987). The effort to continue the Third
World tradition in this changing environment is also found in M. Bedjaoui (ed.), International Law:
Achievements and Prospects (1992). The tone of this collection of essays is markedly different from the
tone of Bedjaoui’s classic, Towards a New International Economic Order, supra note 27. Another notable
edited volume that contained some essays that conjectured on the impact of the emerging global order
for the Third World project is R.S.J. Macdonald (ed.), Essays in Honour of Wang Tieya (1994). See, in par-
ticular, in this volume Abi-Saab, ‘International Law and the International Community: The Long Road to
Universality’, in Macdonald, ibid., 31.
35
Chimni, ‘International Law Scholarship in Post-colonial India: Coping with Dualism’, 23 Leiden Journal of
International Law (LJIL) (2010) 42.
technologies, including human rights, investment and WTO law, that were so instru-
mental in creating the new liberal order. Their project, then, was to master these inter-
national legal technologies and apply them – with appropriate modification – to the
major problems of their own societies, such as ongoing poverty, the corruption and
human rights violations of the post-colonial states, the violence suffered by women
and protracted ethnic conflicts. The causes of social injustice were to be found in the
Third World itself, and a neo-liberal international law offered the tools of remedying

the situation by furthering economic growth and prosperity and protecting human
dignity. Human rights seemed to offer protection against dictatorship, discrimination
and the oppression of minorities, and it is hardly a coincidence that many TWAIL
scholars of this generation studied and wrote on human rights.36
A few works contested this general trend of liberal triumphalism by continuing to
explore the same concerns that TWAIL I scholars had written about – neo-colonialism
and the inequities of the international legal order. One such major work of dissident
scholarship – whose significance became evident only in retrospect – was Chimni’s
work entitled International Law and World Order, which appeared in 1993 and outlined
a critique of classic theories of international law, including the New Haven School and
Realism, and presented the case for the continuing relevance of the Marxist tradition
for understanding international law and relations.37 It was a brave work, given the
widely celebrated triumph of liberalism. Karin Mickelson revisited the Third World
legacy and insisted on the distinctiveness and continuing validity and coherence of
the Third World vision in the face of arguments that dismissed it. Critics of the NIEO
claimed that Third World voices were merely ‘rhetorical’ and lacking in substance.
Mickelson repudiated these attacks, eloquently and presciently arguing that ‘Third
World approaches to international law were not in fact rhetorical – that they were
characterized as such in order to defuse the threat they posed to the [Western] he-
gemony of international law’.38 Mickelson’s article was significant, moreover, because
it directly connected the Third World tradition with the 1997 Harvard conference.
Dianne Otto also returned to the NIEO, drawing on the scholarly tradition of the sub-
altern studies movement to reveal how the emancipatory and inclusive rhetoric of
international law concealed the varied ways in which international law excluded
36
See, e.g., Nyamu, ‘How Should Human Rights and Development Respond to Cultural Legitimization
of Gender Hierarchy in Developing Countries?’, 41(2) Harvard International Law Journal (HILJ) (2000)
381; Tamale and Onyango, ‘“The Personal Is Political,” or Why Women’s Rights Are Indeed Human
Rights: An African Perspective on International Feminism’, 17(4) Human Rights Quarterly (1995) 691;
Anghie, ‘Human Rights and Cultural Identity: New Hope for Ethnic Peace’, 33 HILJ (1992) 341; Mutua,
‘The Ideology of Human Rights’, 36 Virginia Journal of International Law (VJIL) (1996) 589; Rajagopal,
‘From Resistance to Renewal: The Third World, Social Movements and the Expansion of International
Institutions’, 41(2) HILJ (2000) 529; Gathii, ‘Good Governance as a Counter Insurgency Agenda to
Oppositional and Transformative Social Projects in International Law’, 5 Buffalo Human Rights Law
Review (BHRLR) (1999) 107; Okafor, ‘The Concept of Legitimate Governance in the Contemporary
International System’, 44(1) Netherlands International Law Review (1997) 33; O.C. Okafor, Re-Defining
Legitimate Statehood: International Law and State Fragmentation in Africa (2000).
37
See B.S. Chimni, International Law and World Order (2nd edn, 2017) (this book was revised significantly in
its second edition to include an analysis of feminist and critical legal scholars).
38
Ibid., at 417; Mickelson, supra note 3.
many communities, the subaltern communities whose voices remained silenced.39 In

a different mode, Siba Grovogui explored the ongoing significance of race for inter-
national relations and international law at a time when the neo-liberal order had re-
inforced the conventional argument that decolonization was complete, that race and
the civilizing mission that it supported and justified were unhappy features of the 19th
century that had long been banished from the system.40 Richard Falk, an ongoing in-
spiration for Third World scholars, as he had long been empathetic to their concerns

and needs, wrote several works that critically examined how globalization furthered
injustice.41 Onuma Yasuaki continued his long-term project of outlining a vision of
inter-civilizational international law.42 In so doing, he followed a tradition that had
been developed by earlier non-Western scholars, who argued that non-Western tra-
ditions and concepts of governance and justice could make important contributions
to international law. These arguments, popular in the 1960s and 1970s, were now
largely disregarded in the 1990s when scholarship on non-Western traditions largely
viewed them not as enriching international law but, rather, as obstacles to achieving
human rights because of how they lent themselves to ‘cultural relativism’.
Chakravarthi Raghavan, a veteran commentator on trade matters, wrote an in-
fluential critique of the WTO, arguing that it effected the recolonization of the Third
World.43 Chimni pointed out how the proposed WTO would further impact Third
World sovereignty in that ‘what has always been considered sovereign economic space
is now the subject of globalization; both the formulation and the implementation of
economic policies are brought under international surveillance’.44 Upendra Baxi,
with his wide-ranging expertise in constitutional law and human rights and his deep
engagement in different social causes, wrote powerful and original works on human
rights based on the efforts of marginalized communities to use human rights to pro-
tect their dignity.45 Baxi’s detailed study of the Bhopal tragedy explored how multi-
national corporations could be implicated in large-scale human rights violations and
the limitations of the law in providing the victims with remedies. This topic, of course,
has become only more urgent in recent times.46 Further, his incisive and prescient
study of human rights, and, in particular, of how neo-liberalism was creating its own
39
See Otto, ‘Subalternity and International Law: The Problem of Global Community and the
Incommensurability of Difference’, 5 Social and Legal Studies (SLS) (1996) 337.
40
S. Grovogui, Sovereigns, Quasi Sovereigns and Africans: Race and Self-Determination in International Law
(1996).
41
See R.A. Falk, Explorations at the Edge of Time: The Prospects for World Order (1992).
42
Onuma, ‘In Quest of Intercivilizational Human Rights: Universal vs. Relative Human Rights Viewed
from an Asian Perspective’, in D. Warner (ed.), Human Rights and Humanitarian Law: The Quest for
Universality (1997) 43. Onuma’s magnum opus on the topic is Y. Onuma, A Transcivilizational Perspective
on International Law (2010).
43
C. Raghavan, Recolonization: GATT, the Uruguay Round and the Third World (1990).
44
See B.S. Chimni’s sharp analysis of the negotiations leading to the creation of the World Trade
Organization (WTO) and the implications for the Third World. Chimni, ‘Political Economy of the Uruguay
Round of Negotiations: A Perspective’, 29 International Studies (1992) 135.
45
U. Baxi, Mambrino’s Helmet? Human Rights for a Changing World (1994).
46
See Baxi, ‘Mass Torts, Multinational Enterprise Liability and Private International Law’, Collected Courses
of the Hague Academy (2000) 276, at 297.
version of human rights, continues to resonate today, as he identified a major devel-

opment that has now been the subject of further important scholarship.47 Foreign
investment law was a means of advancing globalization and increasing the power of
corporations, and Sornarajah’s pioneering work in this area explored the topic in the
broader context of the fraught economic relations between developed and developing
countries.48 Sornarajah produced one of the first major texts on the field of foreign
investment law in 1994 and sounded a number of warnings about the still nascent

regime that turned out to be prescient.49 His work was also especially important, as it
continued, amidst all the developments in investment law in the 1990s that were cele-
brated and uncontested, to further the critical analysis of foreign investment law that
had preoccupied an earlier generation of TWAIL scholars such as S.N. Guha Roy.50
Sornarajah’s work was distinctive and original precisely because it viewed the field of
foreign investment from a perspective shaped by the sensibility and concerns of the
NIEO.
This sensibility extended into the ICJ. In the Nicaragua case, the ICJ, presided over
by the formidable Justice T.O. Elias, handed down a decision that outlined important
principles on the use of force and intervention.51 The decision was especially signifi-
cant for Third World countries as the case arose because of the actions of the USA, a
superpower, in a developing country, Nicaragua. As we have seen, in the 1990s, the
Court decided a number of major cases including Lockerbie52 and issued a significant
advisory opinion in Nuclear Weapons.53 The outcomes of these cases had important
implications for developing states as they raised crucial issues such as whether UN
Security Council decisions were subject to any sort of judicial review54 and suggested
that states could use nuclear weapons without violating international law. Justice
Christopher Weeramantry’s judicial opinions, many of them dissenting, reflected
what might be termed a Third World sensibility in addressing the complex questions
raised by these cases, even while persistently attempting, more broadly, to develop a
jurisprudence that built on non-Western cultures and systems in deciding questions
of international order and governance.
The system inaugurated in the 1990s confronted ongoing resistance as protests
against neo-liberal globalization took place in many countries and efforts to include
47
Baxi, ‘Voices of Suffering and the Future of Human Rights’, 8 Transnational Law and Contemporary
Problems (1998) 163; U. Baxi, The Future of Human Rights (2008); J. Whyte, The Morals of the Market
(2019).
48
M. Sornarajah, The International Law on Foreign Investment (5th edn, 1994).
49
Ibid.
50
See Roy, ‘Is the Law of State Responsibility for Injuries to Aliens a Part of Universal International Law?’,
55 AJIL (1961) 863. For a classic work on the topic, see C.F. Amerasinghe, State Responsibility for Injury to
Aliens (1967).
51
Case Concerning Military and Paramilitary Activities In and Against Nicaragua (Nicaragua v. United States of
America), 27 June 1986, ICJ Reports (1986) 14.
52
See the Lockerbie case, supra note 17 (this case raised far-reaching issues about the power of the UN
Security Council, which took on the form of a potentially imperial authority); see also M. Bedjaoui, The
New World Order and the Security Council: Testing the Legality of Its Acts (1995).
53
Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, Advisory Opinion, 8 July 1996, ICJ Reports (1996) 226.
54
See Bedjaoui, supra note 52.
investment in the WTO system were challenged and failed. Overall, however, imperi-
alism had ceased to matter as an analytic or political category at this time. The ‘Battle
for International Law’55 that had been fought so vigorously in the 1970s had ended by
the 1980s, with the Cold War taking centre stage, and structural adjustment policies
authored by Bretton Woods becoming the norm in a large number of Third World
states. Neo-liberalism and not the NIEO seemed to offer a clear and decisive path for
development, progress and rights both in the Second and Third Worlds. Global justice

was to be achieved not by the NIEO campaign for redistribution or global socialism
but, rather, by the further extension of capitalism and the transformation and reform
of the Third World state, both politically and economically.
In the midst of all this, some TWAIL scholars were eager to promote human rights
in their own countries. Civil and political rights could be deployed against authoritar-
ianism, and economic and social rights seemed to be a way of furthering economic
justice. Nevertheless, these scholars were uncertain as to whether the orthodox ver-
sions of human rights advanced by Western states and NGOs could actually solve the
many problems that they promised to.56 The new trade and investment regimes and
neo-liberal World Bank and IMF policies purported to bring about development, but
the question remained as to whether this indeed would be achieved. Further, TWAIL
scholars could not overlook how practices that were previously associated with inter-
vention and imperialism had reproduced themselves and become acceptable in this
supposedly ‘new world order’. New arguments were produced to justify very old im-
perial practices of intervention. And disciplines that seemed to have been decisively
critiqued years earlier, including ‘law and development’ had now returned, in new
form, their questionable assumptions almost unchanged but now transformed into a
major industry worth millions of dollars.57
It is in this context that TWAIL scholars faced a number of issues and challenges:
first, using and developing international law, particularly human rights law, to protect
against the violence of the Third World state; second, analysing and understanding
how the new world order of neo-liberal globalization affected the Third World and,
third, exploring the legacies of the NIEO, what it stood for, why it did not succeed and
what enduring questions it posed about international law. Put another way, the ques-
tion was: how should the Third World project be rethought and advanced given this
conjunction of events? Further, what could be learned from the pioneering efforts of
TWAIL I scholars? The broad question that united the different generations of TWAIL
55
For this impressive collection of essays, see J. Bernstorff and P. Dann (eds), The Battle for International Law:
South-North Perspectives on the Decolonization Era (2019).
56
See Gassama, ‘A World Made of Violence and Misery: Human Rights as a Failed Project of Liberal
Internationalism’, 37 Brooklyn Journal of International Law (2012) 408.
57
Trubek and Galanter, ‘Scholars in Self Estrangement: Some Reflections on the Crisis in Law and
Development Studies in the United States’, Wisconsin Law Review (1974) 1062 (famously points to these
issues). For his later account of the 1990s, see Trubek, ‘The “Rule of Law” in Development Assistance:
Past, Present, and Future’, in D. Trubek and A. Santos (eds), The New Law and Economic Development: A
Critical Appraisal (2006) 74. For a perceptive analysis, see Rittich, ‘Theorizing International Law and
Development’, in A. Orford and F. Hoffmann (eds), The Oxford Handbook of the Theory of International Law
(2016) 820.
scholars was: how can international law be used to further the interests of the people
of the Third World? This in turn connected with another question: how can inter-
national law be written and understood from the perspective of the Third World?
These questions, of course, were complex as international law had been complicit
in colonizing the people of the Third World. Developing countries – the so-called ‘new
states’ when they emerged in the 1960s – were optimistic that they could change the
international system. Scholars such as Anand and Elias, while condemning inter-

national law for justifying colonialism, saw this fact as arising from an aberration, the
misapplication of an international law whose proper purpose was the promotion of
international peace and justice and the achievement of all the goals mentioned in the
UN Charter in its moving preamble.58 TWAIL scholars had hoped that the profound
political shifts caused by decolonization would give rise to a non-imperial world, that
international law would reflect changes in political systems particularly because the
‘new states’ – the former colonial territories – would now make up the majority of the
members of the UN. This was not to be.59 The defeat of the NIEO, while attributable to
many complex causes, including vehement political campaigns launched by the West
and the oil and debt crises of the 1970s and 1980s, also suggested that this particular
Third World vision of international law as being amenable to a change that would
eradicate its colonial dimensions was questionable. It raised the broader question: how
was the relationship between imperialism and international law to be understood?
Could it be that imperialism was far more entrenched in the system than TWAIL I
scholars had envisaged? Further, it was evident by now that the post-colonial state,
while trying to use its sovereignty as a bulwark against imperialism, was itself inflict-
ing massive violence on its own population using instruments of colonial rule. The
‘prevention-of-terrorism’–style legislation wielded by the post-colonial states against
their own people were usually based on legislation originally devised by the colonial
powers to suppress native protests against colonial rule.60 The question for TWAIL
scholars then became that of finding a new vocabulary, a new set of analytic tools
with which to understand this constellation of political and intellectual developments.
It is perhaps a paradox that at precisely this time, even as the liberal order was
expanding and consolidating itself, that theorizing about international law had be-
come more probing, widespread, plural and acute. Major works by David Kennedy,61
Martti Koskenniemi,62 Nathaniel Berman,63 Dan Danielson and Karen Engle,64 Ileana
58
For a broad characterization of TWAIL scholarship, see Anghie et al., supra note 7; Anghie and Chimni,
supra note 7. It should be added that these characterizations, while useful, have been refined and con-
tested by later work.
59
While these scholars were arguing for a change that they hoped would take place and were summoning
all their intellectual resources to make the case for change, they were profoundly aware of the difficulties
they confronted.
60
N. Hussain, The Jurisprudence of Emergency: Colonialism and the Rule of Law (2003).
61
D. Kennedy, International Legal Structures (1987).
62
M. Koskenniemi, From Apology to Utopia (1989) (this book was reprinted in 2006).
63
Berman, ‘“But the Alternative Is Despair”: European Nationalism and the Modernist Renewal of
International Law’, 106 Harvard Law Review (HLR) (1992–1993) 1793.
64
D. Danielsen and K. Engle (eds), After Identity: A Reader in Law and Culture (1995).
Porras,65 Lama Abu-Odeh,66 Christine Chinkin and Hilary Charlesworth67 and oth-
ers had expanded the range of ways to interrogate and understand international law.
Prior to this, international law theorizing consisted principally of classic positivist
concerns to identify the proper law using the relevant techniques; refuting the crass
and incessant argument forcefully made by Hans Morgenthau that it was politics and
not law that mattered and the efforts of the New Haven School to reconceptualize
law as a process. The new scholarship transformed this landscape. It was a heady

and exuberant time as the ‘New Approaches to International Law’ (NAIL) movement
adapted and applied critical tools from continental philosophy, feminism and critical
legal studies to the exploration of international law. TWAIL scholars were deeply en-
couraged by this drive towards rethinking international law,68 even at a time when it
seemed that international law had never been so focused on a single direction, ani-
mated by an all-encompassing vision of liberal order. Critical race theory (CRT),69 the
work of Derrick Bell,70 Patricia Williams,71 Kimberlé Crenshaw72 and Cheryl Harris,73
was another source of inspiration even if it was not at this stage directly focused on
the international arena. Race has been central to the operations and justifications of
imperialism. Within the international arena, however, race had been understood in
broad and somewhat obvious terms. This understanding shaped the international
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, which prohib-
ited explicit discrimination.74 However, CRT scholarship had brilliantly demonstrated
how racism could be reproduced by the law in an ostensibly neutral, non-racial set-
ting, and many of the insights of CRT were valuable to TWAIL scholars who sought to
understand the impact of racism on the development of international law.75
65
See Porras, ‘On Terrorism: Reflections on Violence and the Outlaw’, Utah Law Review (ULR) (1994) 119.
66
Abu-Odeh. ‘Post-Colonial Feminism and the Veil: Considering the Differences’, 26 New England Law
Review (1992) 1527; Abu-Odeh, ‘Comparatively Speaking: The Honor of the East and the Passion of the
West’, 2 ULR (1997) 287.
67
Charlesworth, Chinkin and Wright, ‘Feminist Approaches to International Law’, 85(4) AJIL (1991) 613.
68
TWAIL scholarship was distinctive in its focus on imperialism and the theoretical concerns of an earlier
generation of TWAIL scholars. For a detailed and comprehensive analysis of the relationship between
what might be broadly termed NAIL and TWAIL scholarship, see Chimni, supra note 37, chs 5, 7.
69
See generally K. Crenshaw (ed.), Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings That Formed the Movement (1995).
70
D. Bell, Face at the Bottom of the Well (1993).
71
P. Williams, The Alchemy of Race and Rights (1991).
72
K. Crenshaw, ‘Race Reform and Retrenchment: Transformation and Legitimation in Anti-Discrimination
Law’, 101 HLR (1988) 1331.
73
Harris, ‘Whiteness as Property’, 106(8) HLR (1993) 1709.
74
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Racial Discrimination 1965, 660
UNTS 195. For an assessment of this vision of racial discrimination, see Bradley, ‘Human Rights Racism’,
32 Harvard Human Rights Journal (HHRJ) (2019) 1.
75
Ruth Gordon organized a conference devoted to the theme of TWAIL and critical race theory (CRT). A
collection of articles based emerging from the conference are found in volume 45, issue 5, of the Villanova
Law Review. This same theme of the relationship between CRT and TWAIL and what they might learn
from each other is the subject of a path-breaking special issue of the University of California Los Angeles
Law Review. See Achiume and Asla Bali, ‘Race and Empire: Legal Theory within, through and across
National Borders’, 67 University of California Los Angeles Law Review (UCLALR) (2021) 1386; Achiume
and Carbado, ‘Critical Race Theory Meets Third World Approaches to International Law’, 67 UCLALR
(2021) 1462.
Some TWAIL scholars were part of this community, pursuing different and diverse
and mutually supportive projects that sought to critically explore and challenge the
apparently inexorable march to the ‘end of history’. This critical energy and excite-
ment, and the support David Kennedy76 generously extended to many TWAIL scholars,
were crucial for the TWAIL movement. The turn to theory by TWAIL scholars was per-
haps also a product of their particular circumstances. An earlier generation of TWAIL
scholars had often served their governments in senior positions as ambassadors or

ministers, and the NIEO was very much a reflection of their ambition to change the
world through diplomacy and international institutions.77 For the next generation of
TWAIL II scholars, who lacked this status and, indeed, in many cases, were sceptical,
if not hostile, towards the Third World state, holding such official positions was some-
times problematic. A different politics was called for, even if its shape and character
were unclear at this stage. Since the prospects of changing the world through trad-
itional diplomacy seemed limited, TWAIL II scholars were intent on interpreting it.
TWAIL II scholars recognized that TWAIL I scholars, although attempting to reform
international law in practical ways, had also raised profound theoretical questions
about the nature and operation of international law. The task then was to identify
these questions and explore them in the depth they warranted and, in doing so, to
challenge the notion of ‘theory’ itself.
For TWAIL scholars of all generations, empire was the central concern, the key to
understanding the impact of international law in the Third World. Imperialism, after
all, played a defining role in creating the modern world, the enduring divisions crudely
rendered as ‘First World and ‘Third World’. Thus, in seeking to develop an arsenal
of critical tools with which to understand the character, operations, continuities and
technologies of empire – all this in the context of the demise of the NIEO, the triumph
of liberalism and the acceleration of globalization – TWAIL II writers drew eclectically
on the writings of a wide variety of traditions and authors such as Mahatma Gandhi,
Karl Marx, Frantz Fanon, Samir Amin and Immanuel Wallerstein, the dependency
theorists, as well as post-colonial and subaltern studies scholars such as Edward Said
and Gayatri Spivak, Partha Chatterjee, Dipesh Chakrabarty and Enrique Dussel.78
Although these scholars did not focus on international law, their analyses of the char-
acter of imperialism and its ongoing effects of exclusion were inspirational.
Drawing on this scholarship, TWAIL tried to develop a new and different approach to
the history of international law. Earlier, scholars such as C.H. Alexandrowicz and R.P.
Anand, had turned to the history of international law seeking to better understand
76
Kennedy created a remarkable graduate programme at Harvard and mentored and supervised many
TWAIL and critical scholars, including Helena Alviar, Antony Anghie, James Gathii, Sylvia Kang’ara,
Arnulf Becker Lorca, Vasuki Nesiah, Joel Ngugi, Celestine Nyamu, Liliana Obregon, Balakrishnan
Rajagopal, Alvaro Santos Hani Sayed and Amr Shalakany. Duncan Kennedy and Henry Steiner were also
important mentors to many of these students.
77
Many notable TWAIL scholars, such as Bedjaoui, T.O. Elias and Jorge Castañeda, were senior diplomats or
government officials.
78
In this way, TWAIL scholarship connects with ongoing and broader efforts to decolonize knowledge to
understand how apparently universal concepts of ontology and epistemology are based on European
thinking.
the traditions of their own societies and how they had conceptualized key issues of
governance and order. These scholars also relied on historical studies to argue that
non-European states were no strangers to international law, as they too had developed
principles relating, for instance, to the conduct of war and to the immunities of diplo-
mats. The history of international law was a notoriously neglected field at this point
in time.79 Nevertheless, in rethinking the Third World legacy after the NIEO and amid
the liberal triumph of the 1990s, TWAIL scholars found it imperative to examine, once

again, the history of international law and the way in which that history served as the
foundation, albeit unacknowledged, of a whole vision of international law and its gov-
erning theories and language, the analytic tools that shaped the way in which the dis-
cipline was explored and understood. Chakrabarty famously argued that Europe had
to be provincialized,80 and the post-colonial approach of viewing Europe itself as par-
ticular rather than universal offered one resource for developing a set of analytic tools
that could better represent and understand the experience of the Third World. My
own work has attempted to suggest how insights from post-colonial theory could illu-
minate the relationships between imperialism and international law.81 A post-colonial
reading of Vitoria, widely regarded as one of the founding fathers of international
law, suggests how classic and foundational works of international law could be read in
ways that revealed the centrality of imperialism for the making of international law,
the doctrines used to conquer and dispossess non-European peoples and a structure
of ideas and doctrines that had a continuing relevance in the reproduction of imperial
relations.82
TWAIL scholars seeking to rethink international law developed a number of ar-
guments that contested the assumptions underpinning the conventional view of the
discipline.83 First, the classic and conventional approach to international law treated
imperialism as peripheral to the development of the discipline. The classic approach
to international law presented, as its central problem, the question of ‘how is order to
be established among equal and sovereign states’. This question, posed most promin-
ently by John Austin, was the foundation of the broader argument that has haunted
international law since the emergence of positivist jurisprudence: is international law
‘law’, and in what sense can it be thought of as ‘law’? Second, the traditional view held
that international law was a product of European history, achievement and conflict.
European events – most prominently, the Peace of Westphalia – created the doctrines,
such as the sovereignty doctrine, that served as the foundation of the discipline. This
vision of international law suggests that international law was fully formed in Europe
and that it then extended in a stable and established form into the non-European
79
See S.C. Neff, Justice among Nations: A History of International Law (2014).
80
D. Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe (2000).
81
A. Anghie, ‘Creating the Nation State: Colonialism and the Making of International Law’ (1995) (SJD dis-
sertation on file at Harvard Law School (later revised and published as A. Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty
and the Making of International Law (2005)).
82
Anghie, ‘Francisco Vitoria and the Colonial Origins of International Law’, 5(3) Social and Legal Text 321.
83
I draw upon my own work in providing this sketch. See A. Anghie, Imperialism, Sovereignty and the Making
of International Law (2005).
world through imperialism. According to this view, sovereignty was bestowed on the
non-European world through decolonization, which was understood as a process that
enabled these societies to emerge as equal and sovereign states. The success of decol-
onization then signalled the end of imperialism, which could now be dismissed as an
unhappy aberration of the longer trend of international law towards ensuring pro-
gress, inclusion and justice.
TWAIL scholars focused on understanding the deeper structures of the discip-

line, the very ontology of international law, and approached the history and theory
of international law from a very different set of perspectives. They argued that im-
perialism was central to international law. This was not only because imperialism
was the means by which international law became universal, a single system of
rules that governed societies in Africa and Asia, Europe and the Pacific. Rather,
imperialism was foundational to the making of international law because it was
in the colonial encounter that the basic doctrines of international law were forged.
Sovereignty, understood in this critical way, was not created in Europe and then
simply transferred, through European empires, to the non-European world. Rather,
sovereignty was created and formulated in the imperial encounter and structured
in such a way as to exclude, dispossess and disempower the non-European world.
Sovereignty, rather than being a gift of ‘civilization’ bestowed generously on the
non-European world by the West, was itself a crucial instrument of conquest. The
classic question ‘how can order be created among equal and sovereign states?’
becomes a redundant question for the non-European world that, until relatively
recently, was deemed to be lacking in sovereignty according to international law.
For TWAIL scholars the issue was: How was it decided that non-European soci-
eties were lacking in sovereignty in the first place? History suggested that sov-
ereignty was conceptualized in a way that rendered non-European societies as
non-sovereign. For the TWAIL scholar, then, sovereignty needed to be studied as
a mechanism of exclusion and international law needed to be reoriented. TWAIL
scholars advocated for an alternative ontology, an alternative theoretical frame-
work to understand these developments.
The ‘civilizing mission’ was central to the imperial project, an explicit driving force
of 19th-century imperialism. The basic intellectual structure of the mission con-
sisted of a constellation of related ideas whereby a certain entity was characterized
as ‘barbaric’, ‘helpless’, immature, savage, violent or unproductive. In each case,
European intervention was required in order to transform and even protect this ab-
errant entity. New techniques of law, governance and administration were required
to effect this transformation. Conquest and dispossession were thus justified because
the non-European entity was inferior or less than human and thus lacking sover-
eignty and rights. The project of transformation is never complete, however, as the
non-European entity, because of its resistance or because of its posited inherently
savage nature, proves itself to be incapable of change. More sophisticated techniques
are thus called for; the endless process of transformation being accompanied by the
endless process of dispossession in the global South for accumulation in the global
North. This structure might be termed ‘the dynamic of difference’. It is a structure
that is reproduced in very different vocabularies and doctrines over time, and an im-
portant scholarly task, then, is to explore the constructions and operations of the dy-
namic in a specific context.
Classic studies have been made of the ‘standard of civilization’ in international law,
many of them pointing to its continuation in many forms.84 For TWAIL scholars, the
‘civilizing mission’ has an almost ontological character. It is not only a historical phe-
nomenon, a concept that was at its height in the 19th century but was then discarded

and rendered irrelevant by decolonization, but also a fundamental and enduring fea-
ture of international law. The classic paradigm of equal and sovereign states would
suggest that international law, in the absence of an overarching sovereign, is made
through the consent – the agreement – of equal and sovereign states. The paradigm of
civilization, however, suggests that international law is made and that new doctrines
are formulated through the efforts of international law – again driven by the West –
to transform the inferior non-European peoples while simultaneously dispossessing
them. It is precisely because international law has subordinated the non-sovereign,
non-European world that it is able to exercise an extraordinary authority over that
world and devise and impose on it new practices that would not be juridically possible
in another equal and sovereign state. In this way, crucially, it is the Third World that is
the crucible, the arena in which important doctrines of international law, including
sovereignty, are fashioned. International law cannot be understood by focusing exclu-
sively on the West. The whole geography and character of international law becomes
reconfigured if seen in this way. An approach produced by revisiting and rethinking
concepts such as political economy, sovereignty, universality, civilization and race
through a study of imperialism reveals both the constitutive and enduring effects of
the phenomenon, while suggesting promising new lines of research.
Needless to say, the West’s concerted and implacable political opposition to the
NIEO was the main and primary reason for its failure. For TWAIL scholars, a further
question remained, however, as to how international legal doctrines, including sov-
ereignty and sources, could be deployed at a jurisprudential level to attack the NIEO.
TWAIL II scholars, then, by rethinking the history of international law and its forma-
tion, provided at least one rough thesis for explaining, however partially, the failure
of the NIEO. Broadly, if imperialism is constitutive of international law, the TWAIL I
belief that it could be readily excised from international law proper became problem-
atic. This analytical departure differed from conventional histories as well as from the
TWAIL understanding that seemed to have animated the NIEO: the belief, or to be fair,
the hope – the political aspiration – to change the system. Another way of putting it
would be to rely on realist arguments. Power may indeed shape everything, as realists
would assert. But power, historically, is expressed through ideas as well as through
84
See G. Gong, The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in International Society (1984); Fisch, ‘Internationalizing
Civilisation by Dissolving International Society: The Status of Non-European Territories in Nineteenth-
Century International Law’, in M.H. Geyer and J. Paulmann (eds), The Mechanics of Internationalism
(2001) 235. For an authoritative overview of the literature that explores the concept and the important
contributions of Grewe, Gong and Fisch, see Obregon, ‘The Civilized and the Uncivilized’, in B. Fassbender
and A. Peters (eds), The Oxford Handbook of the History of International Law (2012) 917.
force, and, as such, the story of the civilizing mission is one of the most enduring and
highly elaborated stories through which power and conquest are justified.
The political economy of imperialism was, inevitably, an enduring concern for
TWAIL scholars of both the NIEO era and the 1990s, which entailed a close study
both of the relationship between imperialism and capitalism and the relationship be-
tween international law and capitalism. As Bedjaoui put it, ‘[t]raditional international
law is derived from the laws of the capitalist economy and the liberal political sys-

tem’.85 Capitalism had adapted to produce neo-colonialism, the continuation of im-
perial economic relations in a supposedly post-imperial world. Understandably, then,
the NIEO campaign was precisely an effort to identify the legal structures and trade,
investment and finance regimes that supported neo-colonialism and then to reform
them in order to create a fairer international system. The study of neo-colonial eco-
nomic relations was, then, an ongoing preoccupation of TWAIL scholars, connecting
both generations.
Equally importantly, the concept of the ‘Third World’ itself was expanded and
complicated. By the 1990s, the violence inflicted by the Third World state on its own
people had become an unmistakeable and tragically common occurrence. TWAIL
scholars shifted their attention, then, to the plight of the people within the Third
World and how international law, particularly international human rights law, could
protect them. TWAIL I scholars had focused principally on the Third World state as the
foundation of their analysis. The sovereign and newly independent state was the key
to resistance against an unjust order, a means of transforming the system. TWAIL II
scholars, however, were also concerned about how different communities within the
Third World state – peasants, workers, Indigenous peoples, minorities – were affected
both by the Third World state itself and by international law and how they could
potentially use international law for their own purposes in these encounters. Thus,
Balakrishnan Rajagopal explores ‘the lived experience of ordinary people with inter-
national law when they encounter international institutions, frame their demands
in international legal terms, and network for influencing international or domestic
policy’.86 TWAIL II scholars were in this sense preoccupied by the question of how the
most disadvantaged and marginalized could represent and assert themselves through
international law.
TWAIL II scholars were also inspired by feminist scholarship, and, in this respect
too, they focused on a new set of concerns that had not been explored by earlier
TWAIL scholarship. The pioneering work of international law scholars Charlesworth
and Chinkin had powerfully demonstrated that international law was a masculine
creation, that women had little role to play in its making and that international law
was indifferent, if not hostile, to the concerns of women. Prominent feminist scholars
such as Spivak had analysed in compelling detail the different ways in which women’s
voices had been silenced and excluded from history. This work resonated with TWAIL
85
Bedjaoui, supra note 27, at 49.
86
B. Rajagopal, International Law from Below: Development, Social Movements, and Third World Resistance
(2003), at xiv.
scholars not only because they wanted to understand and explore how international
law, including an ostensibly universal human rights system, failed to protect women
but also because feminism provided important analytic tools for revealing how such
exclusions were achieved. Politically and methodologically, both TWAIL and feminism
contested international law and its effects of excluding or silencing large sections of
the world’s population.
At the same time, a TWAIL feminism had to deal with complex and distinctive

challenges for, as Vasuki Nesiah has put it, ‘Third World feminisms pursue political
agendas interpolated by the cracks and fissures of post-colonial nationhood and inter-
nationalized feminisms’.87 TWAIL feminism had to formulate a perspective that con-
tended with local nationalisms and their impact on women while also departing from
a homogenizing Western feminism, all this in an effort to understand what might be
termed, in however qualified and problematic a way, the situated and contextualized
struggles of women in the Third World. Nesiah incisively outlined a model of a TWAIL
feminist perspective when examining the plight of factory workers in Sri Lanka. She
explores how the exploitation of these women is an integral part of an imperial pol-
itical economy. At the same time, she points out that the contradictions of global
capitalism that produce and shape these struggles may be overlooked by a feminist
legal scholarship in America even as it has attempted to engage with and alleviate the
plight of these women.88 Seeking to overcome these occlusions in American feminism,
Nesiah argues for what she terms a ‘[f]eminist [i]nternationality’, which she describes
as a ‘shorthand for a transnational political alliance of women whose differences are
acknowledged’.89 Written in 1993, this work is exemplary in making links between
traditional TWAIL concerns of political economy and the operations of multinational
corporations with the struggles of women in the Third World and how those struggles
can be illuminated and supported by a TWAIL feminism. Most importantly, the work
demonstrates further how TWAIL concerns about imperialism and the operations of
international law would be inadequate without a TWAIL feminist analysis.90
3 TWAIL Scholarship: A Thematic Overview

Turning now from the 1990s and TWAIL II scholars’ critical engagement with their
TWAIL I inheritance amidst their challenge to the ‘new world order’, I attempt to
sketch a broader thematic overview of TWAIL scholarship, its concerns and central
arguments and the powerful case made from numerous perspectives in various fields
87
See Nesiah, ‘The Ground beneath Her Feet: “Third World” Feminisms’, in Anghie et al., supra note 7, 133.
88
Nesiah, ‘Towards a Feminist Internationality: A Critique of U.S. Feminist Scholarship’, 16 Harvard
Women’s Law Journal (1993) 189.
89
Ibid., 191, n. 9.
90
Vasuki Nesiah has produced a number of important works that demonstrate and develop feminist
perspectives on a variety of issues. See Nesiah, ‘Decolonial CIL: TWAIL l, Feminism, and an Insurgent
Jurisprudence’, 112 AJIL Unbound 313, at 318; Nesiah, ‘Discussion Lines on Gender and Transitional
Justice: An Introductory Essay Reflecting on the ICTJ Bellagio Workshop on Gender and Transitional
Justice’, 15(3) Columbia Journal on Gender and the Law (2006) 799.
that the formal end of colonialism did not end colonial relations, that imperialism con-
tinues in and through international law and that we must rethink Western accounts
of history and reclaim Third World histories if we are to deepen our understanding of
international law.
A Introduction
TWAIL scholarship has proliferated. James Gathii has estimated that, since 1997,

TWAIL scholars – those who have adopted TWAIL approaches or explicitly written
on TWAIL themes – have produced more than 400 articles, books and book chap-
ters.91 It is hardly possible to give a full account of the wide-ranging and varying
works in subject matter, scale and tone of TWAIL scholarship.92 It is not for nothing
that TWAIL has adopted and emphasized the term ‘approaches’. In this section, I
attempt to provide a broad thematic overview of TWAIL scholarship, its intellectual
concerns and the methodological and analytical tools and innovations that TWAIL
scholars have developed over the last decades in exploring these concerns. The
central TWAIL concern to understand international law through the ‘lived experi-
ences’ of the Third World, continues to animate much TWAIL scholarship. TWAIL
scholarship also continues a long-standing project of exploring the ways in which
non-European traditions and systems of governance could contribute to the making
and enrichment of international law. Equally importantly, TWAIL scholarship has
intersected with important work, beyond the specific field of international law, that
rethinks the position of the global South in philosophical and ethical terms, con-
testing European epistemologies and ontologies.93 The history of international law
is now a dynamic and expanding area of interest not only to international law-
yers but also to historians and intellectual historians. This interest in the history of
international law has been largely driven by an interest in the relationship between
empire and international law, which has been a central preoccupation of TWAIL
scholars.94 Broadly, TWAIL scholarship has ranged from close doctrinally oriented
91
See figures in Gathii, ‘Agenda of TWAIL’, supra note 7.
92
Gathii, ‘Promise of International Law’, supra note 7 (see, in particular, the bibliography of TWAIL
scholarship).
93
Thus, TWAIL is part of a broader project of ‘rethinking the world’. See the work of B. de Sousa Santos,
Towards a New Legal Common Sense, Law, Globalization and Emancipation (3rd edn, 2020); B. de Sousa
Santos, The End of the Cognitive Empire (2018); J. Comaroff and J.L. Comaroff, Theory from the South:
Or, How Euro-America Is Evolving toward Africa (2012); S. Grovogui, Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy:
Memories of International Order and Institutions (2006).
94
A historical approach to international law has long been a part of the TWAIL tradition. See, e.g.,
C.H. Alexandrowicz, D. Armitage and J. Pitts (eds), The Law of Nations in Global History (2017); R.P.
Anand, New States and International Law (1972); Anghie, ‘“The Heart of My Home”: Colonialism,
Environmental Damage, and the Nauru Case’, 34(2) HILJ (1993) 445; Anghie, ‘Francisco de Vitoria
and the Colonial Origins of International Law’, 5(3) SLS (1996) 321; Grovogui, supra note 38;
Gathii, ‘International Law and Eurocentricity’, 9 EJIL (1998) 184; Landauer, ‘The Polish Rider:
CH Alexandrowicz and the Reorientation of International Law, Part 1’, 7(3) London Review of
International Law (LRIL) (2019) 3.
studies to historical, philosophical and sociological work. I explore how TWAIL

questions95 and TWAIL preoccupations have been given focus and shape and how its
concerns have been added to, contested and extended.
International law is rapidly expanding and evolving, proliferating and fragmenting
into different areas of specialization. TWAIL scholars, then, have the task of keeping
abreast with these developments and studying how these different international legal
regimes have affected the peoples of the Third World and the potential of those legal

regimes to advance Third World interests. How did foreign investment,96 trade rules,97
intellectual property rules,98 transitional justice99 and truth and reconciliation com-
missions affect peoples of the Third World? How did developments in the broad areas
of human rights law affect migrants100 and refugees?101 How did activists in Africa
reshape human rights in their campaigns?102 How could human rights be used to en-
hance the protection of women?103 How could international environmental law be
used by the people in developing countries to protect against the many environmental
95
Fakhri, ‘Introduction: Questioning TWAIL’s Agenda’, 14 Oregon Review of International Law (ORIL)
(2012) 1.
96
See M. Sornarajah, Resistance and Change in the International Law of Foreign Investment (2015); Odumosu,
‘Locating Third World Resistance in the International Law on Foreign Investment’, 9(4) International
Community Law Review (2007) 427.
97
Gonzalez, ‘Institutionalizing Inequality: The WTO Agreement on Agriculture, Food Security and
Developing Countries’, 27 Columbia Journal of Environmental Law (2002) 43; Chimni, ‘The World
Trade Organization, Democracy and Development: A View from the South’, 40 Journal of World Trade
(2006) 5; Gathii, ‘International Justice and the Trading Regime’, 19 Emory International Law Review
(2005) 1407; Lewis, ‘Transnational Dimensions of Racial Identity: Reflecting on Race, the Global
Economy and the Human Rights Movement at 60’, 24 Maryland Journal of International Law (MJIL)
(2009) 296.
98
See Aoki, ‘“Free Seeds, Not Free Beer”: Participatory Plant Breeding, OpenSource Seeds, and
Acknowledging User Innovation in Agriculture’, 77 Fordham Law Review (2009) 2275; Aoki,
‘(Intellectual) Property and Sovereignty: Notes towards a Cultural Geography of Authorship’, 48(5)
Stanford Law Review (SLR) (1996) 1293; Titilayo Adebola, ‘Africa and Intellectual Property Rights
for Plant Varieties’, in Oxford Bibliographies in International Law (2020), available at https://www.
oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199796953/obo-9780199796953-0210.
xml?rskey=0vxfnk&result=2; Adebola, ‘Examining Plant Variety Protection in Nigeria: Realities
Obligations and Prospects’, 22(1) Journal of World Intellectual Property 36; I. Mgbeoji, Global Biopiracy:
Patents, Plants and Indigenous Knowledge (2006); Aginam, ‘Right to the Highest Attainable Standard
of Health: Trade Agreements and the Right to Health in Africa’, 15 African Yearbook of International
Law (2007) 223; Aginam, ‘“Predatory Globalization”: The WTO Agreement on Trade in Services and
Public Health in Africa’, 104 PAMASIL (2010) 139.
99
Nesiah, ‘Theories of Transitional Justice: Cashing in the Blue Chips’, in A. Orford and F. Hoffmann (eds),
The Oxford Handbook of the Theory of International Law (2016) 779.
100
Mahmud, ‘Migration, Identity and the Colonial Encounter’, 76 Oregon Law Review (1997) 663; Ramji-
Nogales, ‘Undocumented Migrants and the Failures of Universal Individualism’, 477 Vanderbilt Journal of
Transnational Law (2014) 36.
101
See Chimni, ‘The Geopolitics of Refugee Studies: A View from the South’, 11(4) Journal of Refugee Studies
(1998) 350; Woldemariam et al., ‘Forced Human Displacement, the Third World and International Law:
A TWAIL Perspective’, 20 Melbourne Journal of International Law (MJIL) (2019) 1.
102
Okafor, ‘What Should Organized Human Rights Activism in Africa Become? Contributory Insights from
a Comparison of NGOs and Labor-Led Movements in Nigeria’, 16 BHRLR (2010) 113; O.C. Okafor, The
African Human Rights System: Activist Forces and International Institutions (2007).
103
Andrews, ‘Women’s Human Rights and the Conversation across Cultures’, 67 Albany Law Review (2003)
609.
threats that they face?104 The implications of the international criminal law regime for
global justice and developing countries was another subject of extensive TWAIL schol-
arship.105 A further body of scholarship outlines all the developments and innovations
taking place outside the usual centres of international law – Washington, New York,
London and Geneva. This is the theme of Gathii’s Grotius lecture, which explores how,
for instance, the East African Court of Justice and the African Court on Human and
Peoples’ Rights are developing an innovative and vibrant jurisprudence.106 Similarly,

the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has produced an important and pion-
eering jurisprudence.107
In pursuing these inquiries, TWAIL scholars, of course, did not work in intellectual
isolation. In developing their arguments, they drew upon and complemented the work
of both traditional and critical scholarship. Equally importantly, TWAIL scholarship
became increasingly accepted and engaged with by a broader audience of scholars
who did not necessarily identify as TWAIL but who welcomed and recognized the
value of the insights that TWAIL scholars provided through their work in all these
different areas of international law.
B Colonial Continuities
TWAIL scholars have been united and consistent in arguing that colonialism con-
tinued even after official ‘decolonization’. In this respect, they contested the powerful
idea that colonialism was a thing of the past. Kwame Nkrumah famously warned,
even as decolonization was commencing, that colonialism could be replaced by neo-
colonialism and that political domination could be succeeded by economic domination
in an ostensibly post-colonial world.108 Formal empire had been replaced by neo-colo-
nialism, which bore certain resemblances to informal imperialism. In a famous art-
icle on the topic, the eminent British historians John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson
outlined the characteristics of informal empire and its relationship with imperialism
proper, as it were, arguing that:
[i]mperialism, perhaps, may be defined as a sufficient political function of the process of inte-
grating new regions into the expanding economy; its character is largely decided by the various
104
See Atapattu and Gonzalez, ‘The North-South Divide in International Environmental Law: Framing the
Issues’ in S. Alam et al. (eds), International Environmental Law and the Global South (2015) 1; Gonzalez,
‘Environmental Justice, Human Rights and the Global South’, 13 Santa Clara Journal of International Law
(2015) 151; Dehm, ‘Carbon Colonialism or Climate Justice? Interrogating the International Climate
Regime from a TWAIL Perspective’, 33(3) WYAJ (2016) 129; Natarajan, ‘TWAIL and the Environment’,
in A. Phillippopoulos-Mihalopoulos and V. Brooks (eds), Research Methods in Environmental Law (2017)
207.
105
Kiyani, ‘Third World Approaches to International Criminal Law’, 109 AJIL (2015) 255.
106
As Gathii puts it, ‘I argue in favor of ending the insularity of international law characterized by a limited
set of locales and ideas. I make the case why we should embrace the practice and scholarship of inter-
national law about and from the Third World as integral to our discipline and practice rather than as
destabilizing, irrelevant and different’. Gathii, ‘Promise of International Law’, supra note 7, at 3.
107
Shelton, ‘The Jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’, 10 American University
International Law Review (1996) 333.
108
K. Nkrumah, Neo-colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism (1987).
and changing relationships between the political and economic elements of expansion in any
particular region and time. … It is only when the polities of these new regions fail to provide sat-
isfactory conditions for the commercial or strategic integration and when their relative weak-
ness allows, that power is used imperialistically to adjust those conditions.109
Gallagher and Robinson noted in a matter of fact way a crucial feature of informal
empire: ‘[T]he most common political technique of British expansion was the treaty
of free trade and friendship made with or imposed on a weaker state.’110 Political
economy was not the only realm in which colonialism transformed and reproduced

itself. Colonial structures and modes of thinking persisted in several forms. Fanon,
in his eloquent indictment of colonialism, explored the many and complex ways in
which racial thinking, foundational to colonialism, had metastasized, metamorpho-
sized and persisted as well as how non-European peoples continued to be dismissed as
inferior and savage.111 Colonial structures of thought were often re-presented in new
vocabularies that nevertheless reinforced hierarchy and inequality. Colonial continui-
ties could be found in the ways in which certain concepts, such as ‘universality’, were
consistently used to further advance a Western vision of the world.112
Gathii’s efforts to ‘identify the extent to which the legacy of colonial disempower-
ment has continued in the relationship between war and commerce in international
law’ was emblematic of this sort of project of tracing colonial continuities.113 TWAIL
scholars argued that many legal innovations had colonial origins and that they were
devised by imperial powers to manage and exploit colonial territories. Thus, one way
of revealing colonial continuities was to trace the ways in which these legal tech-
nologies were reconstructed to achieve the same effects in a supposedly post-colonial
world. Scholars drew comparisons, for instance, between older ideas of colonial pro-
tectorates114 and capitulations regimes115 and modern foreign investment regimes
that empowered corporations to escape the local jurisdiction and to sue states in inter-
national tribunals.
Development was famously proclaimed as a major US policy by Harry Truman in
1949 in his inauguration. The development project was heralded as a novel approach
to transforming the world and ensuring global welfare. As such, it was embraced by
the newly independent countries themselves as they strove for the economic growth
that was essential for their populations. However, through their historical research on
the operations of the Mandate System of the League of Nations, established in 1919,
TWAIL scholars revealed aspects of the pre-history of this massive initiative and,
109
Gallagher and Robinson, ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade’, 6(1) Economic History Review (1953) 1, at 5–6.
110
Ibid., at 11.
111
F. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (1961).
112
For a searching study of how broader structures of Eurocentric thinking have shaped international re-
lations, see Grovogui, supra note 90; S. Pahuja, Decolonizing International Law: Development, Economic
Growth and the Politics of Universality (2011).
113
J. Gathii, War, Commerce and International Law (2010), at xxxi.
114
Singh, ‘Of International Law, Semi-colonial Thailand, and Imperial Ghosts’, 9(1) Asian Journal of
International Law (Asian JIL) (2019) 46.
115
These connections are traced in D.S. Margolies et al., The Extraterritoriality of Law: History, Theory, Politics
(2019).
further, the connections between development and a much older and explicit form of
imperialism.116 Both the ideology and legal technologies of the ostensibly novel project
of development borrowed from, and indeed refined, those older imperial technologies.
Sundhya Pahuja’s important work illustrated how the development project could be-
come a new mechanism for imperial rule and how it deployed the idea of universality
in order to do so.117 The Third World was to be transformed for its own good in order to
promote higher rates of growth and the well-being of its people. Up to now, however,

in the era dominated by the development project, wealth continues to be transferred
from the Third World to the First World.118
TWAIL scholars showed, then, at a number of different levels – conceptual, doc-
trinal, institutional – how colonial hierarchies were reproduced and how colonial re-
lations, which basically facilitated the transfer of wealth from the poor countries to
the rich countries, were reinforced. Doctrinal developments, often presented as radic-
ally innovative responses to ‘new challenges’,119 invariably appealed to an entrenched
and storied constellation of ideas relating to universal values, cosmopolitanism and
‘humanity’. Each of these terms has a deep and complex genealogy in Western pol-
itical thought. TWAIL scholars have shown how terms such as ‘universal’ and legal
regimes based on appeals to the ‘common good’ and ‘humanity’ have been deployed
to disadvantage peoples in the Third World120 and how these discourses continue to
operate in contemporary international relations in this exclusionary way.121 Rajshree
Chandra makes this point in her recent study of the potential effects of principles of
international environmental law, such as concepts of ‘common concern of mankind’
in relation to global public goods. She explores how the Convention on Biological
Diversity,122 the UN Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest
Degradation and intellectual property regimes have the unintended consequence of
often ‘displacing Indigenous Peoples from their customary habitats and livelihoods’.
As she argues, an earlier ethic of local solidarity is undermined: ‘The ethic of cosmo-
politanism – “common heritage”, “common concern”, “common risks”, universally
optimal solutions – displaces the older ethic of “local-common”. Aiding and abet-
ting this displacement are the discursive practices of environmentalism and innov-
ation that do not just alter the architecture of common property and public goods
but concomitantly marginalise and disenfranchise local and Indigenous communi-
ties.’123 Chandra explores how the larger concepts and principles of ‘humanity’ and
116
See A. Anghie, Imperialism Sovereignty, and the Making of International Law (2005), ch. 3.
117
Pahuja, supra note 112.
118
J. Hickel, The Divide: Global Inequality from Conquest to Free Markets (2017).
119
Okafor, ‘Newness, Imperialism, and International Legal Reform in Our Time: A TWAIL Perspective’,
43(1–2) Osgoode Hall Law Journal (OHLJ) (2005) 171.
120
As Kapur puts it, ‘[m]odernity posits a set of claims to universal truth about equality, citizenship, and rep-
resentation in international law. Yet these universal concepts have continuously been exposed as resting
on exclusions, as in the context of slavery, apartheid, Empire and gender discrimination’. Kapur, ‘Travel
Plans: Border Crossings and the Rights of Transnational Migrants’, 18 HHRJ (2005) 108.
121
See Eslava and Pahuja, ‘Between Resistance and Reform: TWAIL and the Universality of International
Law’, 3(1) TLD (2013) 103, n. 5.
122
Convention on Biological Diversity 1992, 1760 UNTS 79.
123
Chandra, ‘The “Moral Economy” of Cosmopolitan Commons’, 1 TWAIL Review (TWAILR) (2020) 51, at 73.
cosmopolitan invocations of ‘common concern’ contained in certain legal regimes –

in this case, international environmental law – create new structures of management
and control that further the ethic of the market rather than the Indigenous ethic of
subsistence. The article is equally important for its study of the rights of Indigenous
peoples and the impact of large-scale development programmes on those rights.
TWAIL scholars have studied the violence of the Third World state itself, exploring
the plight of communities that have been neglected by traditional international law

and earlier TWAIL work that identified the ‘Third World’ with the Third World state
itself. In his pioneering work, Rajagopal demonstrated how international law could
be rethought if viewed from the perspective of new social movements,124 movements
formed by groups such as squatters, peasants, workers and women who are very
often the victims of development projects that have caused massive displacements
and environmental harm. Luis Eslava has studied the plight of people deemed ‘illegal’
by Colombia’s development projects.125 Ratna Kapur’s work examines the complex
interaction between international human rights law, migrants’ rights and women’s
rights, suggesting how human rights protect a particular identity and not others. In
her work on transnational migrants, for instance, Kapur seeks to show how ‘law pro-
duces exclusions and contributes to the construction of the transnational migrant
subject’s subaltern location’.126 These works have been attentive to the ‘small voices
of history’, including the voices of peasants, women and religious and sexual minor-
ities.127 Through this scholarship, the idea of the ‘Third World’ was contested and ex-
panded, extended beyond the state to focus instead on different actors and how they
have been affected by international law, resisting its workings or trying to reformulate
international law for their own purposes.
The TWAIL study of how hierarchical relations could be sustained and reproduced
also focused on historical events and what they revealed about imperial concepts and
legal technologies. Thus, Prabhakar Singh’s study of ‘semi-colonial Thailand’ explores
how competing versions of empire manifested in Siam’s struggles with European co-
lonial powers, on the one hand, and Japan’s own imperial ambitions to obtain extra-
territorial rights against Siam, on the other.128 Similarly, Ali Hammoudi’s study of
Oman outlines another version of semi-colonialism, this time effected not through
124
Rajagopal, ‘The Role of Law in Counter-Hegemonic Globalization and Global Legal Pluralism: Lessons
from the Narmada Valley Struggle in India’, 18 LJIL (2005) 345.
125
Eslava, ‘Decentralization of Development and Nation-Building Today: Reconstructing Colombia from the
Margins of Bogotá’, 2(1) Law and Development Review (LDR) (2009) 283; L. Eslava, Local Space, Global Life:
The Everyday Operation of International Law and Development (2015).
126
See Kapur, supra note 120, at 110; see also R. Kapur, Gender, Alterity, and Human Rights: Freedom in a Fish
Bowl (2018).
127
See Guha, ‘The Small Voice of History’, in S. Amin and D. Chakrabarty (eds), Subaltern Studies, vol. 9
(1996) 1. For a critique of TWAIL’s own shortcomings and failures to address the plight of marginalized
communities, see Burra, ‘TWAIL’s Others: A Caste Critique of TWAILERS and Their Field of Analysis’,
33(3) WYAJ (2016) 111.
128
Japan had a different approach to empire. As Prasenjit Duara argues, the new imperialists – Japan, the
Soviet Union and the USA – ‘often created or maintained legally sovereign nation-states with political and
economic structures that resembled their own’. Singh, supra note 109, citing Duara.
extraterritoriality129 but, rather, by means of the protectorate. Hammoudi’s aim is to

identify the ‘informal mechanisms of imperial domination and how they endure’.130
The works by Singh and Hammoudi add to the growing literature on semi-colonial-
ism, the different legal techniques used to create it in varying locations and the ways
in which these techniques could be adapted to further neo-colonialism.
While vocabularies of cosmopolitanism and humanity have continued to shape
mainstream international legal thinking, TWAIL scholars have developed an array of

alternative concepts and concerns in order to better understand colonial relations and
their impact on different communities in the Third World. Race is among the most
important of these, and TWAIL scholars, drawing also on important works of CRT,
have tried to rethink and understand the ongoing effects of race in international law
and relations – this in a period when race had diminished as a subject of scholarly
interest.131 In short, TWAIL brought a new arena into the study of international law.
Further, it constructed an alternative analytic framework and a different conceptual
vocabulary for analysing the discipline. Through this alternative framework – one
that focused on race or semi-sovereignty, for instance – otherwise disparate experi-
ences like those in Siam and Oman could be studied together, and it is through the re-
sulting comparison and contrast that different aspects of the workings of imperialism,
both past and present, might be understood.
C Capitalism, Imperialism and Political Economy

Imperialism and capitalism are intimately connected. Marx himself, in the Communist
Manifesto, pointed to the central role that imperialism played in the emergence of
modern capitalism and the bourgeoisie: ‘The discovery of America, the rounding
of the Cape opened up fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and
Chinese markets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in
the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to naviga-
tion, to industry, an impulse never before known.’132 Rosa Luxemburg and Vladimir
Lenin wrote classic works on this theme. Major critics of empire such as Rodney133
and the dependency theorists used the basic Marxist framework as a beginning point
for their analysis, pioneering arguments that the West, through imperialism, under-
developed the Third World. Eric Williams illuminated another dimension of the rela-
tionship between capitalism and imperialism in his trail-blazing thesis that the slave
129
See Hammoudi, ‘The International Law of Informal Empire and the “Question of Oman”’, 1 TWAILR
(2020) 121.
130
Ibid., at 6.
131
The recent revival of interest in race and international law should not obscure the neglect of the topic.
For earlier studies of race that connected TWAIL and CRT, see ‘Symposium: Critical Race Theory and
International Law: Convergence and Divergence’, 45(5) Villanova Law Review (2000) 847. A few major
works, such as Siba Grovogui’s pioneering work, attempted to insist on the ongoing importance of race.
See Grovogui, supra note 40.
132
K. Marx and F. Engels, The Communist Manifesto (2008), at 10; see also Neocleous, ‘International Law as
Primitive Accumulation; Or, the Secret of Systematic Colonization’, 23(4) EJIL (2012) 941.
133
W. Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972).
trade was crucial for the industrialization of Great Britain.134 TWAIL scholars were
deeply influenced by these critiques of capitalism and its imperial role. Bedjaoui criti-
cized international law precisely because it ‘derived from the laws of the capitalist
economy’135 and was hence a ‘plutocratic law allowing these [the “civilized” states]
to exploit weaker peoples’.136 He was completely clear-sighted when, in 1979, he out-
lined the challenge that followed from this observation: ‘But now the task of the law
will be prospective and above all it will be more complex. Its object is now twofold for

it must also help in its own transformation and contribute to eliminating that part of
it which is resistant to change.’137 Law had to enact its own transformation. Was it
possible for international law to do this, to transcend its founding connections with
capitalism and imperialism?
For TWAIL scholars, the intensifying globalization that defined the 1990s and that
integrated all societies into a neo-liberal economic system138 could be compared with
imperialism at its height in the 19th century when non-European states were all in-
serted, almost invariably through some form of coercion, into imperial trading net-
works and economies.139 European empires imposed capitalism on their colonies in
an especially stark and brutal way. One Dutch colonial expert was driven to say of the
capitalist economy established by the Dutch in Indonesia: ‘There is materialism, ra-
tionalism and individualism and a concentration on economic ends far more complete
and absolute than in homogeneous western lands; a total absorption in the exchange
and market; a capitalist structure, with the business concern as subject, far more typ-
ical of capitalism than one can imagine in the so-called “capitalist” countries.’140 The
crucial point, then, is that it is in studying how colonial powers furthered capitalism
within these territories that we might get a sense of how imperial law constructed
and facilitated a system of political economy devised broadly to extract wealth from
the people and territories of the colony. In a similar vein, TWAIL scholarship, with its
focus on how contemporary international law furthers neo-liberal policies in devel-
oping countries, illuminates how neo-liberal international law came into being and,
equally importantly, what impact this law has had on the communities, social struc-
tures and political systems it regulates.
Neo-liberal international law creates inequalities and social dislocation not only in
the developing countries but also in the West itself. As such, a TWAIL analysis is rele-
vant globally for this important reason to understand not only the Third World but
also the First World itself. This is one of the major arguments developed in The Misery
of International Law, a superb work that explores the global impact of neo-liberal inter-
national law.141 The authors, John Linarelli, Margot Salomon and Sornarajah, have
134
E. Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (1944).
135
Bedjaoui, supra note 27, at 49.
136
Ibid., at 50.
137
Ibid., at 110.
138
Chimni, ‘International Institutions Today: An Imperial Global State in the Making’, 15(1) EJIL (2004) 1.
139
It is no real surprise that scholars of globalization look to the 19th century as an important precedent.
140
J.H. Boeke, cited in Anghie, supra note 81, at 173.
141
J. Linarelli, M. Salmon and M. Sornarajah, The Misery of International Law (2018).
brilliantly analysed how international economic law and the regimes of trade, finance
and investment continue to favour the powerful and so intensify injustice, showing,
for instance, how Greece – the foundation of Western civilization that serves as the
origin of the division between the North and the South – has been subjected to struc-
tural adjustment programmes and disciplines that were originally applied to the Third
World.
Chimni’s work, unsurprisingly given his Marxist orientation, has focused over

many decades on exploring the relationships between international law, capitalism
and imperialism in a time of globalization. His major article entitled ‘International
Institutions Today: An Imperial Global State in the Making’, identifies many of the
major issues that TWAIL scholars have grappled with in trying to understand the
character and impact of neo-liberal international law in a time of globalization.142 He
traces how globalization furthered imperialism by reproducing itself through inter-
national institutions as well as a variety of legal regimes. More critically, however,
Chimni argues that human rights and environmental regimes that might be seen as
protecting human welfare against the adverse effects of globalization are ineffective
in doing so because they were themselves founded in ways that basically accepted the
capitalist market system. Pointing out that the character of both imperialism and cap-
italism is continuously changing, taking new social, economic and political forma-
tions, Chimni argues that ‘the task is to explore in detail the meaning and features of
the new imperial social and political formation and the ways in which it is shaping
international law and institutions’.143 For Chimni, it was crucial to understand not
only the First World–Third World divide but also, equally importantly, the rich-poor
divide. In order to do this, he focuses on what he termed the ‘transnational capitalist
class’, comprised broadly of the elites of both the First and Third Worlds and their
role in the making of international law that disadvantaged the poor in both the First
and Third Worlds. For Chimni, international law is an important resource in the re-
sistance by subordinated communities against their own immiseration. This contrasts
with China Miéville’s Marxist analysis of international law, which led him to conclude
that international law was unredeemable, that it was so much a part of the unjust
order that it could not bring about any change.144
International trade law and foreign investment law are the regimes of international
law that most profoundly constructed and furthered a particular version of capit-
alism. Sornarajah’s ongoing and pioneering work on foreign investment law dem-
onstrated how this regime has continuously expanded its reach and, in so doing,
imbued corporations with extraordinary power.145 Sornarajah’s work is compelling
because its careful analysis of key principles such as ‘fair and equitable treatment’
shows how they have evolved to the disadvantage of Third World countries. Donatella
Alessandrini’s historical approach shows how a particular concept of development
142
Chimni, supra note 138.
143
Chimni, ‘Capitalism, Imperialism and International Law in the Twenty-First Century’, 14 ORIL (2012)
17, at 20.
144
C. Miéville, Between Equal Rights: A Marxist Theory of International Law (2004).
145
For his major overview of the field, see M. Sornarajah, supra note 96.
has influenced the formation of the WTO,146 while Celine Tan’s scholarship focuses
on how the ideology of development shaped the making of economic and finance re-
gimes.147 These works were alert to colonial history and, by carefully analysing the ori-
gins and evolution of international economic regimes, demonstrated how particular
visions of development and the international law regimes supporting it became part
of the system of globalization and operated in ways that furthered inequality.
TWAIL scholars studied the impact of globalization on the developing world in a

number of different modes. Jeanne Woods and Hope Lewis produced an important
volume on international human rights law, assessing how economic and social rights
could protect against the damaging aspects of globalization.148 Lewis also insisted on
the continuing importance of race to an understanding of these developments.149
Broadly then, a TWAIL perspective on the study of human rights, globalization, trade
and foreign investment emerged through this body of scholarship. The sensibility
again explored neo-colonialism in its many guises and indeed extended the critiques
of international law that had been so powerfully articulated by an earlier generation
of TWAIL scholars, such as Bedjaoui and the dependency theorists.150
The last decade further witnessed a deeper engagement with political economy and
capitalism.151 Chimni elaborated on his Marxist vision of international law, proffering
it as essentially the TWAIL vision of international law.152 TWAIL scholars have been
continuously rethinking and expanding some of the crucial debates and vocabularies
relating to imperialism and capitalism by tracing their connections with doctrinal
areas beyond the explicitly economic. Rose Parfitt’s work, for instance, studies the op-
erations of capitalism by focusing on statehood and legal personality. Focusing on the
key principle of the sovereign equality of states, she argues that, whatever the official
criteria of statehood, non-European states must in effect adopt a capitalist system in
the hope of being recognized as ‘sovereign’. Parfitt’s analysis is based on her theory
of international legal reproduction, one by which dominant states seek to reproduce
themselves in less powerful states that are ostensibly sovereign, demanding that these
less powerful states engage in the hopeless task of meeting the standards they pre-
scribe. She outlines how, ‘[h]aving been constituted on a conditional basis, the rights
and duties of international law’s subjects remain conditional, leaving them vulnerable
to being disciplined at a later date if, and to the extent that, they renege on their con-
ditions of constitution’.153 Decolonization, then, is a perpetually unfinished process
146
D. Alessandrini, Developing Countries and the Multilateral Trade Regime (2010).
147
Tan, ‘Beyond the “Moments” of Law and Development: Critical Reflections on the Contributions and
Estrangements of Law and Development Scholarship in a Globalized Economy’, 12(2) LDR (2019) 285.
148
J. Woods and H. Lewis, Human Rights and the Global Marketplace: Economic, Social and Cultural Dimensions
(2005).
149
Lewis, ‘Transnational Dimensions of Racial Identity: Reflecting on Race, the Global Economy, and the
Human Rights Movement at 60’, 24 MJIL (2009) 296.
150
See A.G. Frank, Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America (1967).
151
See Neocleous, supra note 132.
152
153
R. Parfitt, The Process of International Legal Reproduction: Inequality, Historiography, Resistance (2019), at
13 (emphasis added).
since the goal of achieving sovereignty is contingent, and ever receding, beyond the
powers of the non-European state as it tries to comply with the endless demands of an
expanding capitalism.
The ongoing significance of race for international law and international relations
has been emphasized by TWAIL scholars such as Tayyab Mahmud.154 The standard
of civilization has operated in many complex ways.155 The connections between the
standard of civilization, race and capitalism have now been revealed in important and

illuminating work. Robert Knox has written extensively on the connections between
race and capitalism. He examines, for instance, the UN intervention in Haiti that fol-
lowed the overthrow of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. His historical study illustrates how
practices of exploitation and extraction were inextricably linked with ideas of racial
superiority that were deployed and elaborated by European scholars from the 17th
century onwards to denigrate the Haitians as irredeemably inferior. Consequently,
they were stripped of the usual protections granted to labourers and could be worked
to extremes. Later, once Haiti became nominally independent following the successful
and unprecedented slave revolt against France, a new type of racial hierarchy was
formulated in which imperial states characterized the Haitians as inferior and un-
able to govern themselves; consequently, it was thus natural and appropriate for the
USA to invade in order to establish a proper system of governance. Knox outlines how
we might understand imperialism through the prisms of both Marxism and race.
Economic motivations and imperatives might have driven the occupation of Haiti, but
these forces were facilitated and justified by a sophisticated and flexible vocabulary of
racial discrimination that justified US, and, even earlier, European, domination and
exploitation of Haiti and Haitians.156
Ntina Tzouvala’s incisive work reveals further dimensions on the standard of ci-
vilization and its connections with political economy, demonstrating how it was in-
timately connected to racial capitalism. Treating the standard of civilization as an
argumentative structure rather than as a doctrine, Tzouvala demonstrates how this
structure reproduces relations of capitalism with its tendency for ‘unlimited expan-
sion combined with its tendency constantly to create and re-create unequal develop-
ment’.157 Importantly, Tzouvala’s work explores the many dimensions of this theme
by studying it in a number of different contexts, ranging from the South West Africa
cases to the recent efforts to establish the doctrine of ‘unable or unwilling’ as a part of
binding international law.158
154
See Mahmud, ‘Colonialism and Modern Constructions of Race: A Preliminary Inquiry’, 53 University of
Miami Law Review (1999) 1219.
155
On the protean character of the standard of civilization, see Obregon, supra note 84; A.B. Lorca, Mestizo
International Law: A Global Intellectual History 1842–1933 (2015).
156
See Knox, ‘Valuing Race? Stretched Marxism and the Logic of Imperialism’, 4(1) LRIL (2016) 81; see gen-
erally Knox, ‘Marxist Approaches to International Law’, in A. Orford and F. Hoffmann (eds), The Oxford
Handbook of the Theory of International Law (2016) 306.
157
N. Tzouvala, Capitalism as Civilization: A History of International Law (2020), at 219.
158
Ibid., at 42.
In these different works, a new generation of scholars has begun to explore the
crucial topic of racial capitalism, a phenomenon identified by South African scholars
studying the operations of apartheid, and brilliantly explored by Cedric Robinson in
his pioneering work Black Marxism as a rejoinder to the more conventional Marxist
theories, which, he argued, ignored the realities of race and its shaping historical
importance. For Robinson, following in many respects the work of W.E.B. Du Bois,
race shaped consciousness itself: ‘Racialism insinuated not only medieval, feudal and

capitalist social structures, forms of property and modes of production, but as well,
the very values and traditions of consciousness through which the peoples of those
ages came to understand their worlds and their experiences.’159 Importantly, this new
scholarship, drawing on a number of bodies of scholarship including CRT and TWAIL,
focuses on the specific concept of race – rather than broader concepts of ‘ethnicity’ or
‘civilization’ – in order to better understand its unique role not only in shaping political
economy and capitalism but also in the making and unmaking of the modern world.
This scholarship illuminates new understandings of the ongoing and shifting nature
of racism and its effects.160 The study of racial capitalism offers new ways of under-
standing not only political economy but also connections between different fields of
international law, as Nesiah demonstrates in her argument that a celebratory focus
on international criminal tribunals and their role in protecting humanity against the
evils of Nazism and slavery serve to obscure the operations of racial capitalism and the
ways in which it furthers a normalized violence that international criminal law and
tribunals exclude from their vision.161
D Many Locations, Multiple Empires

Versions of imperial practices and empire exist in a bewildering number of forms and
locations. In this section, I sketch out the different and contrasting circumstances in
which questions of imperialism arise and require scrutiny and analysis. This entails
a study of several issues including the workings of the post-colonial state, the rise of
China, and what might be termed ‘Fourth World Approaches to International Law’,
an approach that focuses on the struggles of Indigenous peoples for their rights and
their land.
The violence of the post-colonial state has been an ongoing concern for TWAIL
scholars. Indeed, that violence could be seen as another form of colonial continuity,
the dictatorial leaders of the post-colonial state exercising, and indeed expanding
on, the powers developed by the colonial state. In many developing countries, the
post-colonial state became the vehicle by which particular ethnic groups fought to
expand their power over minorities. Some form of what might be termed ‘ethnic
159
C. Robinson, Black Marxism, The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (2000), at 66.
160
See, e.g., Achiume and Bali, supra note 75; Achiueme and Carbado, ‘Critical Race Theory Meets Third
World Approaches to International Law’, 67 UCLALR (2021) 1462. This special issue contains a number
of valuable essays on race and international law that will surely be the foundation of important new
research.
161
See Nesiah, ‘“A Mad and Melancholy Record”: The Crisis of International Law’, 11(2) Notre Dame Journal
of International and Comparative Law (NDJICL) (2021) 232.
violence’ had of course existed in societies well before the advent of the Europeans.
Colonial powers, however, had often instantiated a system of ethnic politics in their
colonies – the classic strategy of ‘divide and rule’, which involved simplifying and
sometimes creating ethnic identities and thereby exacerbating ethnic tensions.
This ethnic politics could not be readily managed and contained by the liberal
democratic constitutions that European powers often virtuously bequeathed to their
colonies upon independence. Ethnic politics in this way was built into the politics of

the post-colonial state. Post-colonial elites were quick to realize that they could attain
power by exacerbating racial and ethnic divides within their own countries. This ethnic
politics, of course, also had an economic dimension. The colonial state had sought to
establish order and stability, a rule of law that was compatible with the extraction and
exploitation of the resources of the colony and that could deal with local violence by
recourse to emergency rule. Post-colonial elites, corrupt and authoritarian, seized on
the same apparatus, then, to enrich themselves and to expand their power by target-
ing other ethnic groups as economic rivals and threats to the continuing prosperity
and well-being of their own majority ethnic group, invariably identified as the state
itself. Tribal and Indigenous peoples in Asia and Africa who had suffered under colo-
nial rule experienced the same hardships and immiseration as a result of development
programmes administered by the post-colonial state.
The ongoing violence of the post-colonial state took on many forms and dimen-
sions. TWAIL scholars continued to study how human rights could be used to prevent
ethnic conflict. Mohammed Shahabuddin, for instance, has produced a significant
body of scholarship on the relationship between colonialism, race and contemporary
ethnic conflict. His work is important in connecting ideas of race and ethnicity that
had structured colonialism with ethnic and racial practices within post-colonial
states. Indeed, his analysis of ethnic conflict is all the more relevant because of the rise
of nationalism everywhere – and not just in non-European states that were the subject
of earlier theorizing on ethnic conflict. Shahabuddin’s work ranges from ethnic con-
flict in the Balkans162 to the atrocities committed against the Rohingya in Myanmar.163
These works are especially illuminating because Shahabuddin, rather than presenting
the issue of ethnic conflict as a specialized and marginal subject within international
law, instead explores the way in which ethnic conflict has shaped the making of inter-
national law itself. The minority treaty regimes of the League of Nations, for instance,
which were designed to protect ethnic minorities, embodied a novel model of qualified
sovereign statehood. Ethnic conflict has been studied in several different modes. The
history of Sri Lanka since independence has been driven by ethnic politics, directed
principally against estate workers and the Tamil minority. Thamil Ananthavinayagan’s
book is a detailed account of how contemporary human rights institutions and issues
of accountability might protect minority rights and address all the issues raised by the
162
See M. Shahabuddin, Ethnicity and International Law: Histories, Politics and Practices (2016).
163
Shahabuddin, ‘Post-colonial Boundaries, International Law and the Making of the Rohingya Crisis in
Myanmar’, 9(2) Asian JIL (2019) 334; M. Shahabuddin, Minorities and the Making of Postcolonial States in
International Law (2021).
conflict in Sri Lanka, while Kalana Senaratne’s work explores the potentials of ‘in-
ternal self-determination’ to address such conflicts.164
The post-colonial state, through the new systems of political economy shaped by
globalization, reproduced hierarchy and inequality in other ways. Eslava’s work, for
instance, has shown how post-colonial states have now constructed the arenas of
‘local government’ as a novel and promising site to achieve the ever elusive goal
of development and how this site itself, one that is directly connected with the in-

timate and everyday lives of people, becomes internationalized. Eslava traces this
expansion of international law beyond traditional boundaries ‘into new forms of
administration, jurisdictional spaces, social spheres, multiple normative bodies, and
indeed, into the very material elements that constitute the world’.165 Various hier-
archies are created and reinforced, demarcated both spatially by ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’
neighbourhoods and by norms of citizenship of this new metropolis. Eslava adopts
an ethnographic approach in order to study the international law of the everyday
and unremarkable, and, in so doing, he illuminates its impact on material and sub-
jective elements – on economy, space, identity. Rather than the international law
of crisis, wars, famines and disasters, Eslava’s work is pioneering in its focus on a
quotidian international law that has a profound impact on the lives of people. And
in studying how people negotiate and resist this version of international law, Eslava
adds new dimensions and techniques to the concern of TWAIL to understand inter-
national law from the lived experiences of people of the Third World. Further, and
equally significantly, he shows how policies based on this conjunction of the ‘local’
and ‘development’ that are marketed by development experts as revolutionary and
novel in fact replicate in many ways a much older technology developed by Frederick
Lugard166 at the beginning of the 20th century as a form of colonial administration
that extended into the most intimate spaces of native life in an effort to transform
the native into an economic actor within a colonial economy. Further, Eslava points
out that this focus on the local serves the dual purpose of placing the responsibility
for development – and its failure – on a particular set of actors – the municipality
and not the national state – while deflecting attention from the ways in which inter-
national power structures of governance undermine efforts to achieve development
based on human well-being.167
Given the TWAIL focus on empire and its persistence, the rise of China has raised
new issues for many TWAIL scholars. Wilhelm Grewe argued in his expansive and
masterly work that international law is fundamentally shaped by the great powers,168
and, inevitably, China’s emergence has been studied principally in terms of great
164
T.V. Ananthavinayagan, Sri Lanka, Human Rights and the United Nations: A Scrutiny into the International
Human Rights Engagement with a Third World State (2019); K. Senaratne, Internal Self-Determination in
International Law: History, Theory and Practice (2021).
165
Eslava, Local Space, Global Life, supra note 125, at 35.
166
F. Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa (1965).
167
Ibid., at 295 (‘[t]he different ways in which the development project has tried’).
168
W. Grewe, The Epochs of International Law (2000).
power politics by both Chinese169 and Western scholars.170 What is unique in modern
international law, however, is that this great power is from Asia and has a very ancient
history and complex cosmology and political theory, one in which China is the centre
of the world. The Confucian order, which plays such an important role in this sys-
tem, is based on hierarchical relations. China is also distinctive because of its commit-
ment to a state-led model of development, sometimes labelled the ‘Beijing Consensus’,
which is an alternative, if not a challenge, to the ‘Washington Consensus’, which has

dominated since the 1980s.171 China has embraced the Bandung model of strong sov-
ereignty and proclaims it does not interfere with the sovereignty of other countries,
unlike Western powers that criticize the human rights records of developing states.
All these factors have led to another major debate on whether China presents a threat
to the ‘liberal order’ and the system of international law that supports it or whether
China will continue its rise through the existing system of international law.172
A TWAIL perspective, and there could of course be many TWAIL perspectives, on all
these developments is distinctive for several reasons. China has a dual character:173 it
has been a champion of the Third World that is also a great power. China, although
never formally colonized, suffered significantly at the hands of imperial powers, being
subjected, for instance, to the Opium Wars and the Treaty of Nanking of 1842 and all
that these events signified. Chinese scholars such as Wellington Koo,174 Wang Tieya175
and Xue Hanqin176 have written eloquently on China’s efforts to grapple with inter-
national law and use it as a means of liberating the country from Western domin-
ation, symbolized most powerfully by the unequal treaties into which it was compelled
to enter. These and other works have explored with depth and insight concerns that
were shared by many colonized Asian states. They are a rich contribution to the Third
World tradition. Further, China, since at least the time of its participation in the San
Francisco Conference in 1945, has been a strong advocate for decolonization as a
goal of the United Nations. Zhou En Lai attended the Bandung Conference, further
169
Congyan, ‘New Great Powers and International Law in the 21st Century’, 24 EJIL (2013) 755; C.
Congyan, The Rise of China and International Law (2019).
170
See J. Ikenberry and G. Allison, Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides’s Trap? (2017).
Thucydides set out to write a history that would last for all time, and he appears to have succeeded in no
small part because Western international relations scholars have invariably used his paradigm to explain
a wide range of events extending from the Cold War to the rise of China.
171
C. Weitseng and Fu Hualing (eds), The Beijing Consensus? How China Has Changed the Western Ideas of Law
and Development (2017).
172
Sornarajah and Wang, ‘China, India, and International Law: A Justice Based Vision between the
Romantic and Realist Perceptions’, 9(2) Asian JIL (2019) 217.
173
See ibid. (with specific reference to China-India relations, and whether these two countries that were
leaders of the Third World can retain an idealist vision in their foreign policies).
174
W. Koo, The Status of Aliens in China (1912).
175
See the Hague lectures. Wang Tieya, ‘International Law in China: Historical and Contemporary
Perspectives’, 221 Receuil des course de l’Academie du Droit International (RCADI) (1995) 195.
176
See the Hague lectures. Xue Hanqin, Chinese Perspectives on International Law: History, Culture and
International law (2018). For an ambitious attempt to reconceptualize international law, see Sienho
Yee, Towards an International Law of Co-progressiveness (2004). It is appreciated, further, that the Chinese
Journal of International Law, under Yee's editorship, expeditiously published one of the first articles on
TWAIL, co-authored by myself and B.S.Chimni. See supra note 7.
consolidating China’s status as an important champion of the Third World,177 con-

sistently asserting and developing the principles of peaceful co-existence that consti-
tuted the Bandung model of sovereignty. China has often supported classic principles
of international law that powerful Western states were seeking to amend or violate,
for instance, attempting to resist the disastrous US-led war in Iraq.
At the same time, however, the expansion of China into all parts of the world has
raised concerns in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)

has attracted particular attention. This is hardly surprising as the BRI is an extraor-
dinarily ambitious project, encompassing more than 70 countries and more than 25
per cent of world trade.178 Through the BRI, China seeks to further cosmopolitanism
and the well-being of humanity by building ‘a community of common destiny for
mankind’ or a ‘community of shared future for mankind’,179 a goal that was codified
in the Constitution. China adamantly asserts that, even while constructing the BRI,
it adheres to its respect for the sovereignty of the countries with which it deals, not
seeking to spread its own ideology or democracy or the rule of law but, rather, working
with the consent of its partner countries. Based on a close study of the BRI, Wang
Jiangyu makes the persuasive argument that China’s policies are furthered within the
rules of the current world order.180 The literature on the BRI is immense and interdis-
ciplinary and what follows are my inexpert observations on the topic. The question
then arises: What is the relationship between being a great power and imperialism?
Is it possible to be a great power without being an imperial power? Historically, it is
difficult to think of a great power that has not been imperial. It is precisely a country’s
control over foreign lands and people by whatever means that earns the accolade of
‘greatness’. Chinese history suggests, further, that China has always seen itself as an
empire. China’s recent history, like that of many countries such as the USA and the
United Kingdom (UK), and, indeed, Russia, might be viewed as an instance in which
entities that imagine themselves as empires and that are driven by that vision pursue
their goals through the vehicle of the sovereign state. Great powers might be seen as
empires operating through the modalities of the classic sovereign nation state in a
world in which all states are ostensibly equal. In China’s case, the vision of order has
been shaped by the idea of hierarchy as embodied in the tributary system. Notably,
177
For an account of Zhou Enlai’s efforts at Bandung to strengthen Third World solidarity, see Chen Yifeng,
‘Bandung, China and the Making of World Order in East Asia’, in Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, Bandung,
Global History and International Law (2017 177.
178
For an excellent overview see Jiangyu Wang, ‘The Belt and Road Initiative, International Order, and
International Law: A Game Changer in Power Politics, or in International Rule-Making?’ unpublished
working paper NUS Law Working Paper 2019/005 (on file with the author). See also Yun Zhao (ed.),
International Governance and the Rule of Law in China under the Belt and Road Initiative (2018). For a study
of the possible political implications of the BRI for recipient countries, see Ginsburg, ‘The BRI, Non-
Interference and Democracy’, 62 Harvard International Law Journal (2021) 40.
179
Wang, supra note 178, at 8.
180
See ibid.; Wang, ‘China’s Governance Approach to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI): Partnership,
Relations, and Law’, 14 Global Trade and Customs Journal (2019) 222; see also Wang, ‘Dispute Settlement
in the Belt and Road Initiative: Progress, Issues, and Future Research Agenda’, 8 Chinese Journal of
Comparative Law (2020) 4.
under this system, China did not, at least in principle, interfere in the internal relations
of a tributary country.181 Arguably, then, hierarchy is combined with some respect for
sovereignty in this complex system. However, China faces the challenge of meeting the
needs of a large and growing population that aspires to improve its living standards. It
seems inevitable that more resources will be needed. It is hardly surprising, then, that
China is expanding into all parts of the world.
In some developing countries, China has been criticized as a new imperial power.

Sri Lanka is increasingly indebted to China, which has provided loans for some
projects that served the interests of (duly elected) local politicians, but that have
led to large losses. Subsequently, Sri Lanka has leased the port of Hambantota
to Chinese companies for 99 years, a development that has often been cited as
an example of Chinese ‘debt diplomacy’ in practice. Hambantota is an extremely
strategic port given its proximity to one of the busiest sea lanes in the world, con-
necting Europe and the Middle East with Southeast and East Asia. Chinese com-
panies further constructed a new ‘port city’ in Colombo, investing some US $1.4
billion in the project.
Whether Hambantota can be seen as an example of the Chinese ‘debt trap’ re-
mains a controversial and debatable issue, one that is hard to resolve without further
information – information that is not readily available – about the precise terms of
the agreements and the factors that led to the arrangement.182 Western states criti-
cize China for ‘debt diplomacy’ but ironically, ‘debt diplomacy’ is a long-standing
practice that has been developed and, indeed, perfected by the great Western pow-
ers. It is striking, for instance, that the king of Ceylon relinquished control over the
country’s maritime provinces – and, thus, its key ports – to the Dutch East India
company, which claimed the territories and ports as compensation for the debts
the king had failed to pay the company for ridding the island of the Portuguese.183
It is notable that China is establishing institutions – the Asian Infrastructure and
Investment Bank – that parallel in some respects institutions such as the World Bank
and the IMF that TWAIL scholars have analysed in detail as enabling the great pow-
ers to continue to shape the economies of countries in various ways and, very often,
to perpetuate ongoing debt. The broad point to be made here is that the technologies
of imperialism are technologies that can be wielded by very different actors. As we
have seen, TWAIL scholars have argued that the modern foreign investment regime
181
See Kang, ‘International Order in Historical East Asia: Tribute and Hierarchy beyond Sinocentrism and
Eurocentrism’, 74(1) IO (2019) 65; Zhu Yuan Yi, ‘Suzerainty, Semi-sovereignty, and International Legal
Hierarchies on China’s Borderlands’, 10(2) Asian JIL (2020) 293. For another account of the relation-
ship between the tributary system and hierarchy, see Yuan-Kang Wang, ‘Explaining the Tribute System:
Power, Confucianism, and War in Medieval East Asia’, 13(2) Journal of East Asian Studies (2013) 207.
182
For an influential argument that it represents the Chinese debt trap, see Abi-Habib, ‘How China Got
Sri Lanka to Cough Up a Port’, New York Times (25 June 2018). For a more complex account of the
Hambantota matter, see Carrai, ‘China’s Malleable Sovereignty along the Belt and Road Initiative: The
Case of the 99 Year Chinese Lease of Hambantota Port’, 51 New York University Journal of International
Law and Politics (NYUJILP) (2019) 1061.
183
The same Dutch East India company that was advised by Grotius. See K.M. de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka
(2nd edn, 2008), at 120.
is a neo-colonial technology. It is extremely ironic, then, that it is the West itself

that now seeks to reform the foreign investment regime it had so ingeniously estab-
lished, overcoming Third World concerns and protests. The West’s concerns about
the extraordinary protections granted to foreign investors is surely connected with
this reversal of roles, as the West now finds itself the recipient of foreign investments
from China.
Western states that criticize China now often focus on policies and technologies that

they had practised, developed and refined earlier in the course of their own imperial
expansion. For instance, Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are viewed as threats
to the national security of host countries and challenges to classic investment law that
appear to operate on the assumption that corporations have a specific identity and
form. Broadly, the argument is that corporations are ‘economic’ actors and that SOEs
are in a sense ‘political actors’ masquerading as economic actors or using economic
means to further the political ends of the state with which the corporation is affili-
ated.184 Seen from a historical perspective, we might see this as a very old phenom-
enon: after all, even if the analogy is a crude one, the Dutch East India Company and
the British East India Company were created through royal charters and the principal
vehicle of imperial expansion.
The basic point, then, is that, as far as TWAIL scholars are concerned, rising great
powers do not have to depart from existing international law in order to pursue their
ambitions. TWAIL scholars broadly argue, after all, that the current world order – the
neo-liberal order – is built on inequality and facilitates a version of neo-colonialism.
This version allows poor countries to maintain the façade of sovereignty even as they
relinquish their resources and economic assets to foreign powers. China, then, may
have its own unique approach to international law, but it does not have to change
international law in any significant way in order to further its interests.185 It is surely
a temptation for any state capable of doing so to use whatever legal technologies are
available to further its national interests.
This perspective then, provides a distinctive approach to understanding the emer-
gence of China and, indeed, other aspirant great powers from the Third World
itself: it is not wedded to the romanticism of the ‘liberal order’, nor does it partici-
pate in the traditional USA-versus-China debate or framework. The broad issue, ra-
ther, is understanding the role of China, as a ‘New Great Power’ which has made
184
There is a large literature on this topic. See McLaughlin, ‘State Owned Enterprises and Threats to National
Security under Investment Treaties’, 19 CJIL (2020) 283; Chaisse, ‘Untangling the Triangle: Issues for
State Controlled Entities in Trade Investment and Competition Law,’ in J. Chaisse and Lin Tsi Yu (eds),
International Economic Law and Governance: Essays in Honour of Mitsuo Matsushita (2016) 240.
185
This is not to say that China does not have its own methods of enhancing its power. See, e.g., Shaffer
and Gao, ‘A New Chinese Economic Law Order?’, 23 Journal of International Economic Law (2020) 607.
This article gives a detailed account of China’s efforts to establish and promote its own standards, its dis-
tinctive approach to creating trade networks and dispute settlement, all as part of a larger programme
of creating a ‘Sino-centric economic order’. While these are important differences, they remain broadly
within the system of existing international law. The question of state-led development does create ten-
sions with a neo-liberal order premised on a particular idea of the corporation and its role within the
WTO and the investment regimes.
anti-colonialism such a central part of its policy, in potentially shaping a different

global order. And this will involve a study of the impact of China on developing
countries, for better and worse, and the role of law as part of the larger politics
that structures that relationship. There is a massive and growing scholarship on
this broad topic. Scholars located in Asia, Africa and Latin America are able to track
Chinese operations within their own countries, exploring how those operations sug-
gest, from the ground level, the specifics of Chinese strategy and legal principles

and techniques. Dilini Pathirana’s work on China in Sri Lanka, for instance, ex-
plores how China relies on commercial diplomacy rather than law in its dealing
with the country.186 She suggests that asymmetrical bargaining power might lead
to uneven outcomes.187 Muhammad Azeem, provides an account of Chinese invest-
ment in Pakistan, following the formation of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
(CPEC).188 This study adopts a `bottom up’ approach, which focuses on the situation
of workers in Pakistan. His work points to some of the political implications of these
arrangements and their impact on labour rights.189 China has invested billions in
developing countries, and assessing the impact, the costs and benefits of the BRI on
each country is a very difficult task. It is telling that the number of BRI countries
continues to increase. It remains the case that China is in a unique position, given its
power and unprecedented achievement in lifting millions out of poverty – adopting
policies very different from neo-liberal orthodoxies – to shape a different and fairer
global system. This remains to be seen.
While seeking to understand the many and varied forms of imperialism, TWAIL
scholarship has been principally driven by a specific understanding of imperialism
as the encounter between Europe and the non-European world that shaped modern
international law. It is clear, however, that settler colonialism is a distinctive form of
empire, and TWAIL scholars have not focused closely on the plight of Indigenous
peoples,190 who have suffered and resisted a massive violence that has been sus-
tained over many centuries and that has threatened their very existence.191 The role
of international law in settler colonialism has been studied in powerful detail in the
work of Robert Williams192 and Irene Watson.193 The struggles of Indigenous peoples
throughout the world have given rise to what Hiroshi Fukurai terms ‘Fourth World
186
Eg. Pathirana, ‘The Paradox of Chinese Investments in Sri Lanka: Between Investment Treaty Protection
and Commercial Diplomacy’, 10(2) Asian JIL (2020) 375.
187
Ibid., at 408.
188
Azeem, ‘Theoretical Challenges to TWAIL with the Rise of China: Labour Conditions and Resistance
under Chinese Investment in Pakistan’, 20(2) ORIL (2019) 395.
189
Ibid., at 427.
190
See Bhatia, ‘The South of the North: Building on Critical Approaches to International Law with Lessons
from the Fourth World’, 14 ORIL (2012) 131; Ngugi, ‘The Decolonization-Modernization Interface and
the Plight of Indigenous Peoples in Post-Colonial Development Discourse in Africa’, 20 WILJ (2002) 297.
191
See N. Estes, Our History Is the Future (2019); A. Simpson, Mohawk Interruptus (2014); Wolfe, ‘Settler
Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native’, 8(4) Journal of Genocide Research (2006) 387.
192
R. Williams Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought (1992).
193
I. Watson, Aboriginal Peoples, Colonialism and International Law: Raw Law (2015).
Approaches to International Law’.194 A study of the colonial experience of Indigenous

peoples is all the more important because it is the post-colonial states themselves – the
states that fought for their independence from colonialism, that proclaimed the end of
racism and that demanded equality – that are now inflicting further violence in turn
on Indigenous peoples.195 The urgent task arises of recognizing, and exploring, the
world views of these peoples and their understandings of community, justice and gov-
ernance. These vital bodies of knowledge have been historically suppressed, dismissed

and, indeed, destroyed. A recently published volume, edited by Sujith Xavier, Beverly
Jacobs, Valerie Waboose, Jeffrey Hewitt and Amar Bhatia, that explores the important
theme of the relationship between different forms of imperialism as part of a larger
and more ambitious project of decolonization, points to the urgent task of recovering
Indigenous knowledge ‘We want to turn to non-Western sites of knowledge produc-
tion, beyond the pale of citing to and regurgitating outdated Western canons … we
are interested in thinking beyond law, beyond Western institutions of governance and
surveillance and beyond Western notions of knowledge.’196
TWAIL explores, then, the many forms of imperialism, the different sites in which
they might be located and the different impacts that they might have. Complex ques-
tions arise about the ways in which different forms of imperialism interact and relate
to each other – developing countries may be objects of neo-colonialism, for instance
but, at the same time, adopt and apply colonial practices to minorities and Indigenous
peoples. The question of how different forms of imperialism overlap, reproduce and
possibly reinforce each other, with victims of colonialism aspiring themselves to be-
come colonial masters, needs exploration.197 Further, imperialism, even if it adapts
and manifests itself in many different forms, offers only a partial approach to the
broader question of how power works and how inequality and subordination are
effected.
E TWAIL and History

For reasons discussed earlier, history has always been important to TWAIL scholars,
although their approach to the writing of history and their reasons for doing so have
changed over the years. TWAIL has had to improvise a set of analytic tools in order to ex-
plore the issues that matter to them. They have turned to history not because they sought
194
Fukurai, ‘Fourth World Approaches to International Law (FWAIL) and Asia’s Indigenous Struggles and
Quests for Recognition under International Law’, 5 Asian Journal of Law and Society (2018) 231, at 231.
Hiroshi Fukurai proposes a number of themes that are central to FWAIL, and that both complement
and depart from TWAIL in their emphasis and focus. See also Natarajan, ‘Decolonization in Third and
Fourth Worlds: Synergy, Solidarity and Sustainability through International Law’, in S. Xavier et al. (eds),
Decolonizing Law: Indigenous, Third World and Settler Perspectives (2021) 60.
195
As Benedict Kingsbury points out, many Asian states do not even want to acknowledge the existence
of Indigenous peoples in their territories. See Kingsbury, ‘“Indigenous Peoples” in International Law: A
Constructivist Approach to the Asian Controversy’, 92(3) AJIL (1998) 414.
196
Xavier et al., supra note 194.
197
I have tried to elaborate on this question in the context of international law in Anghie, ‘Race, Self-
Determination and Australian Empire’, 19(2) MJIL (2018) 423.
to be historians but, rather, to understand the ways in which history shaped a particular
approach to international law and how this approach precluded any inquiry into imperi-
alism and its impact on the making of international law.198 They were also dissatisfied by
works that dealt with imperialism but presented it in an unrecognizably etiolated way.
A few central themes have shaped the TWAIL approach to history. First, TWAIL
works have attempted to study incidents – cases – that involve the Third World or that
have affected Third World peoples and to identify their broader significance for the dis-

cipline of international law itself. Second, TWAIL studies have focused on the way in
which international law has played a role in the transfer of wealth and resources from
the Third World to the First World. Third, TWAIL scholarship studies how these tech-
nologies of expropriation have adapted and evolved over time and continue to operate
in a supposedly post-imperial world. Fourth, TWAIL scholars have sought to illus-
trate how a focus on the Third World would challenge conventional histories of inter-
national law more broadly and in particular fields and doctrines within international
law. Fifth, TWAIL scholars have approached history with a view to recovering alterna-
tive ideas of justice and governance originating in the non-European world, ideas that
have often been ignored or belittled. Broadly then, TWAIL scholars, by turning to his-
tory, have innovated in various ways to explore TWAIL themes – how imperial power
operates, how inequalities are entrenched, how accounts of the origins of particular
doctrines or regimes illuminate the workings of the biases that they then produce.199
I discuss below important TWAIL scholarship that illustrates different facets of how
TWAIL scholars have engaged with history. Michael Fakhri’s historically oriented
work offers a novel perspective and scale by focusing on sugar to tell a much larger
story about the evolution of the international trading regime. Colonial powers used
their territories principally to extract raw materials and produce commodities such
as sugar. Once these territories achieved independence, they inherited this coloni-
ally constructed economy, and their efforts to reform international trade law were
driven by the need to change this system.200 Fakhri’s analysis of trade in a single com-
modity over time presents a rich alternative view of an international trade regime
and, thereby, new insights into the large themes of sovereignty, empire, revolution,
relations between the ‘centre’ and the ‘periphery’ and contested understandings of
the concept of ‘free trade’. It outlines what might be termed a Third World approach
to trade, economy and society, one that has animated the work of the UN Conference
on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). It shows how this work has differed from
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and how the GATT’s version
198
Obregon, ‘Peripheral Histories of International Law’, 15 Annual Review of Law and Social Sciences (ARLSS)
(2019) 437.
199
The TWAIL approach to history has generated something of a debate about method. For an excellent
overview of the issues involved, see A. Orford, International Law and the Politics of History (2021). I am
especially appreciative of Orford’s efforts to engage sympathetically with the TWAIL project and my
own work. For a comprehensive and illuminating overview of the turn to history’ see I. de la Rasilla,
International Law and History: Modern Interfaces (2021).
200
M. Fakhri, Sugar and the Making of International Trade Law (2014).
prevailed.201 Fakhri thus challenges traditional narratives and histories that underlie
established bodies of law such as international trade law and the law of international
institutions.202 He does this by focusing on the themes of commodities, dependency,
the UNCTAD initiative and the Third World’s struggles to create a system of inter-
national commodity agreements. Like Eslava’s work on development policies in
Colombia, new relationships are limned and new insights provided on the battles that
led to the creation of the international trading regime.

Similarly, the work of scholars such as Usha Natarajan, Manuel Jiménez Fonseca
and Ileana Porras rewrite the history of international environmental law, using
broadly similar techniques. The traditional history of international environmental
law begins with the 1972 Stockholm Conference. Natarajan and Kishan Khoday,203
Porras204 and Fonseca,205 in different ways, return to much earlier times such as the
16th century, the period when nature was conceptualized as a commodity to be ex-
propriated and exploited as part of a system of political economy that survived only
through endless expansion. This system was facilitated and promoted by the idea of
trade as being providentially ordained, as Porras argues in a study of a very early
instance of the complex relationship between trade and the environment. It is with
respect to the lands of non-European peoples that much of this thinking about prop-
erty, ownership and nature took place, as Fonseca argues in his reading of Vitoria’s
vision of nature. The challenging question that they raise is whether it is possible for
all the most sophisticated techniques of international environmental law to negate
this primordial nexus and the system it reproduces. These works compel not only a
rethinking of the history of international environmental law but also a new system
of relationships and a fresh perspective on the complex connections among nature,
economy and property.
International institutions have profoundly shaped the modern world of inter-
national law. Guy Fiti Sinclair’s work offers us a new understanding of the history
of international institutions. Focusing on the relationship between institutions and
empire, he argues that one of the principal purposes of international institutions –
and, indeed, their innovations and expansion of powers – was the management of
the Third World.206 The work and significance of these institutions are seen in a new
201
For a wide-ranging exploration of aspects of this method, see J. Hohmann and D. Joyce (eds), International
Law’s Objects (2018).
202
Indeed, even accounts that do not explicitly seek to advance a TWAIL vision but focus instead on the
origins of certain disciplines reveal what might be termed ‘colonial origins’. See Jan Klabbers and his
account of the beginnings of the law of international institutions in the work of Paul Reinsch, who was
a specialist in international institutions. Klabbers, ‘The Emergence of Functionalism in International
Institutional Law: Colonial Inspirations’, 25(3) EJIL (2014) 645.
203
Natarajan and Khoday, ‘Locating Nature: Making and Unmaking International Law’, 27(3) LJIL (2014)
573.
204
Porras, ‘Appropriating Nature: Commerce, Property, and the Commodification of Nature in the Law of
Nations’, 27(3) LJIL (2014) 641.
205
Fonseca, ‘Jus gentium and the Transformation of Latin American Nature: One More Reading of Vitoria?’,
in M. Koskenniemi, W. Rech and M.J. Fonseca (eds), International Law and Empire: Historical Explorations
(2017) 123.
206
G. Fiti Sinclair, To Reform the World: International Organizations and the Making of Modern States (2017).
way because of this focus on imperialism. A different aspect of Third World govern-
ance is illustrated by John Reynolds’ work on emergency, which shows how it was
in the non-European world that different dimensions of emergency rule evolved and
expanded.207 Emergency has now become such a prominent part of modern life that
we are said to be living in a state of ‘permanent emergency’. Diverging from the highly
influential work of Giorgio Agamben,208 Reynolds studies the characteristics of emer-
gency rule, a founding element of colonial governance, in locations varying from

Kenya, to Cyprus, to Palestine and Australia. Reynolds illuminates the colonial origins
of emergency law, as well as the intimate relationship between race and emergency.
Race again serves the purpose of rendering certain communities as inherently savage,
their violence containable only through a departure from the ‘rule of law’ and the
application of the rule of emergency. Like Nasser Hussain’s classic,209 Reynolds’ book
could well be termed a ‘global history of emergency rule’, and it serves the crucial pur-
pose, again, of making non-European peoples and locations and experiences central
to the story of this formidable technology of violence and management. The TWAIL
focus on history thus calls for a global history of the world,210 one that is sensitive to
the many connections between the First and Third Worlds and the constitutive sig-
nificance of the non-European world to the creation of Europe itself.211 For TWAIL
scholars studying the relationship between imperialism and international law, history
has always been global.
The question of how imperialism has featured and been understood in the disciplines
of history, political theory, intellectual history and international relations is a large
one. As I have argued, imperialism was ignored as a topic of any major importance for
international law after the collapse of the NIEO. TWAIL scholarship into imperialism,
and all the insights that have been generated by the argument that imperialism is in-
tegral to the very identity of international law, is a major reason why imperialism has
become so central to an understanding both of the history of international law212 and
of current events. It is not only international law, of course, that has suffered from this
myopia. Jennifer Pitts makes the striking argument, for instance, that ‘political theory
has come slowly and late to the study of Empire, relative to other disciplines’.213 This
situation seems anomalous for at least two reasons. First, political thinkers often pre-
sented their theories as universal, true of all societies including those outside Europe.
Second, many of the great political theorists – John Locke, Grotius, J.S. Mill, to name
only a few – dealt directly with colonial issues. In Mare Liberum, Grotius was also
207
See J. Reynolds, Empire, Emergency and International Law (2017).
208
G. Agamben, State of Exception (2005).
209
N. Hussain, The Jurisprudence of Emergency: Colonialism and the Rule of Law (2003).
210
For an insightful overview, see Obregón, ‘Peripheral Histories of International Law’, 15 ARLSS (2019)
437.
211
Chakrabarty, supra note 80.
212
For an account of the connections between TWAIL work and the historical scholarship of Martti
Koskenniemi, for instance, see Chimni, supra note 37, ch. 4.
213
Pitts, ‘Theory of Empire and Imperialism’, 13 Annual Review of Political Science (2010) 211, at 212. For
an illuminating study see J. Tully, Public Philosophy in a New Key: Volume II Imperialism and Civic Freedom
(2008).
responding to immediate problems arising from colonial expansion and not only to
some imagined Other. These examples further illustrate the basic post-colonial argu-
ment discussed above that Western categories of thought – Western disciplines – were
profoundly shaped by the colonial encounter.
TWAIL approaches to history are driven by the effort to explore TWAIL concerns,
and traditions such as Marxism and post-colonialism have offered important tools
with which to accomplish this exploration. These traditions generate their own vision

of what might be termed ‘global history’, which follows from one of the basic premises
of both traditions: that there would be no ‘West’ as we know it without imperialism.
The question then arises of how these different disciplines – ‘global history’, inter-
national relations, intellectual history, political theory – address the challenges of im-
perialism and, more particularly, the adequacy of their engagement with an issue that
arguably shaped the very foundation of their disciplines. The project of decolonizing
knowledge that is now so inescapable and so obviously needed has finally propelled
into the debate a whole series of issues that TWAIL and other forms of Southern schol-
arship have been asserting for many years.
F The Third World Tradition: Restoration and Rethinking

One of the major goals of TWAIL scholarship is to understand better the Third World
tradition, the ideas, projects, scholars, events and struggles that created and shaped
this tradition. In many cases, this involves returning to works and events that have
been long neglected or writings that have been peremptorily dismissed. This project
of restoration and rethinking is a difficult and very incomplete one, but it is an im-
perative of justice to recover these works, to study, critically assess and recognize their
importance to an understanding of both the Third World tradition and international
law more generally.
Some of the major features of this aspect of TWAIL scholarship may be identi-
fied and assessed through the recent volume of essays on Bandung.214 The Bandung
Conference, in contrast to the great conferences that had ostensibly shaped inter-
national law – Westphalia, Vienna and Paris – was held in Asia and attended by Asian
and African states that represented a very large proportion of the world’s popula-
tion. The volume, consisting of 38 essays, is a landmark in TWAIL scholarship. While
turning to an event that has been largely neglected in the history of international law,
the volume also suggests the rich developments that have taken place in TWAIL schol-
arship since the 1990s. The Bandung Conference was the first time that formerly col-
onized peoples of the world from Asia and Africa met together to formulate a common
agenda. The radical nature of this moment must be appreciated. European imperi-
alism had been a driving force of world order and international relations since the
16th century. The 29 states at Bandung faced several formidable challenges: develop-
ing a common position amid daunting diversity; creating an alternative, anti-colonial
214
L. Eslava, M. Fakhri and V. Nesiah (eds), Bandung, Global History and International Law: Critical Pasts and
Pending Futures (2017).
vision in the midst of great power rivalries; and assisting colonized peoples fighting for
their independence. The Bandung states believed that the UN did not fully represent
the aspirations of the newly independent states, particularly their goal of ending colo-
nialism. They felt excluded by the UN and concerned by the fact that the new global in-
stitution entrenched inequalities within it, most explicitly in the UN Security Council.
It was in this large setting that the Bandung states formulated their vision of a fairer,
post-colonial, global order, which was presented in the Bandung communique,215 and

which outlined a far-reaching vision of sovereignty and principles dealing with the
peaceful settlement of disputes, economic cooperation to enhance trade and invest-
ment, human rights and self-determination and nuclear disarmament. This was the
Third World proclaiming a new global order.216 For Third World countries and peo-
ples, Bandung was an epoch-making event at that time.217
The Bandung volume captures the efforts of TWAIL scholars to recuperate the past.
Almost before it took place, the Bandung Conference was belittled and dismissed.218
The coverage at the time was sporadic, and, given the control of news channels and
publications by the Western powers, it was inevitably through the lens of these pow-
ers that these efforts to challenge the West were viewed. Perceptive contemporaneous
accounts of Bandung, many by people who participated in the proceedings, and oth-
ers by observers,219 served as an important record of the background to Bandung and
what transpired there. But, over the years, Bandung, like the NIEO, has receded in sig-
nificance, and scholarly interest for international lawyers, as the ambitions of the con-
ference to reconstruct the international order began to appear futile and misplaced in
retrospect. One legacy of Bandung survived in the repeated affirmation of Third World
states of the importance of Pancasila, the principles of peaceful co-existence. These
principles, which also strongly affirm the primacy of sovereignty, continue to resonate
with Third World countries and, indeed, form the basis of their engagement with the
international system. This is despite all the arguments to the effect that, in a globalized
and interdependent world, sovereignty is redundant.220
As we have seen, China continues to assert the importance of Bandung, and
Indonesia commemorated the anniversaries of Bandung by hosting widely attended
events in 2005 and 2015. The legacies of Bandung continue in these ways in on-
going efforts to promote South-South cooperation. The concerns and ambitions of
the conference to remake the world, however, lapsed into obscurity over time, and,
215
For a reproduction of the Communique, see, ‘Final Communique of the Asian-African Conference’,
Bandung, 18–24 April 1955, 11 Interventions: Journal of Postcolonial Studies (2009) 94.
216
For an important study of other Third World states and anti-colonial scholars’ intent on what might be
termed ‘world making’, see A. Getachew, World Making after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination
(2019).
217
See M. Fakhri and K. Reynolds, The Bandung Conference (2017).
218
See Acharya, ‘Studying the Bandung Conference from a Global IR Perspective’, 70(4) Australian Journal
of International Affairs (2016) 342, at 343.
219
G.H. Jansen, Afro-Asia and Non-alignment (1966). Richard Wright’s rich and vivid account of Bandung is
found in R. Wright, The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference (1956).
220
See, e.g., Wondam, ‘The 60th Anniversary of the Bandung Conference and Asia’, 17 Inter-Asia Cultural
Studies (2016) 148.
indeed, Bandung, partly perhaps because of its heavy emphasis on sovereignty, be-
came associated with authoritarianism and the failure of the Third World project. The
larger vision of Bandung diminished, although a few scholars221 have valiantly at-
tempted to point to the enduring and global significance of Bandung.222 International
law scholars in general, even those interested in the Third World, only had a vague
sense, largely unexplored, that Bandung had led to the Non-Aligned Movement, the
Group of 77 and the NIEO. But given that these initiatives themselves were repudiated,

Bandung and its legacy receded.
The Bandung volume is crucial, then, because it is a further stage in TWAIL’s en-
gagement with history in order to produce a unique global history,223 one that focuses
on the central effort to create a united anti-colonial world. Bandung might be con-
trasted with the UN and its own particular vision of universal order. Bandung did
not reject the UN, but, unlike the UN, it made anti-colonialism a central and powerful
theme.224 The Bandung volume, then, addresses the question that the editors pose
after surveying the extant literature: ‘But what does it mean to situate Bandung or
place these other accounts within international legal history?’225 Among other things,
in a move now well established in the TWAIL repertoire, we may see Bandung as an
alternative to Westphalia, a different ‘origin’ story.226 Bandung and the Third World
are brought out of history and into history, and the volume can be taken to explore the
responsibilities that follow from this transition.
The volume, while analysing the many themes discussed in Bandung, includ-
ing human rights, self-determination, race, development and nuclear weapons, saw
these in a broader context of global order: ‘[W]e are less interested here in chronicling
Bandung as an event; we are more interested in how the “global histories of Bandung”
are narrated, how the postcolonial condition is emplotted, and how the intellectual
and political stakes of the synergies and tensions in those multiple and varied histories
shaped, or could shape, the orientation of the dominant world order.’227 The volume,
then, seeks to place this event in the centre of global history and to engage with the
unprecedented effort of Asian and African peoples to articulate their vision of global
order. In keeping with this global perspective, among the major achievements of this
221
See the following works of Amitav Acharya. Acharya, ‘Who Are the Norm Makers? The Asian-African
Conference in Bandung and the Evolution of Norms’, 20(3) Global Governance (2014) 405; A. Acharya
and S.S. Tan (eds), The Legacy of the 1955 Asian-African Conference for International Order (2008).
222
For more recent important works that place Bandung in the larger trajectory of the Third World project
and decolonization, see V. Prashad, The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World (2007). The
50th anniversary of Bandung in 2005 prompted important reassessments. See, e.g., C. Lee, Making a
World after Empire: The Bandung Moment and Its Political Afterlives (2019); V. Prashad, The Darker Nations
(2019), at 31; P. Mishra, From the Ruins of Empire: The Revolt against the West and the Remaking of Asia
(2012).
223
See Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, ‘The Spirit of Bandung’, in Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, supra note 214, 3.
224
See the work of Mark Mazower for the argument that the UN sought to preserve colonial relations in a
world heading clearly towards decolonization. M. Mazower, No Enchanted Palace: The End of Empire and the
Ideological Origins of the United Nations (2009).
225
Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, ‘The Spirit of Bandung’, supra note 214, at 14.
226
Ibid., at 15.
227
Ibid., at 12.
volume is its exploration of the ramifications of Bandung for agents and countries that
had not been previously associated with Bandung. How did Bandung, as an event,
myth, sensibility, set of principles, ethos and contradiction, impinge on the emergence
of Bangladesh as a sovereign state in 1971?228 How did Bandung author a ‘new ver-
sion of Third World modernity through an alliance of African-Asian nations’?229
Nasser was a major figure at Bandung and, indeed, campaigned to hold the next con-
ference in Egypt, which never occurred. His Bandung-inspired development projects,

however, affected women adversely. Mai Taha powerfully argues that the ‘Bandung
moment’ in Egypt ‘failed to challenge the underlying root causes of women’s ex-
ploitation; in fact, it relied on this exploitation to sustain its postcolonial and modern
moment’.230
The Bandung states succeeded in their campaign against colonialism, over-
coming the ambiguities of the United Nations Charter to establish the principle of
self-determination for colonized peoples. These states, and the many Third World
scholars who took up the cause against colonialism further asserted and consolidated
the sovereignty of the ‘new states’. While recognizing the achievements and signifi-
cance of Bandung, however, the volume also details its ironies and tragedies. Even as
sovereignty was being confirmed and celebrated, communities that had lived in the
newly independent states were being simultaneously further marginalized. Tribal peo-
ples have suffered particularly as a result of development projects. Indeed, the newly
independent states later discussed the problem of tribal peoples using language that
completely reproduced the civilizing mission that those states had been so adamant
in condemning.231 Many of the chapters in the book examine the interlocking and
intersecting nature of colonialism through a careful study of how forms of internal
colonialism were being reproduced by the post-colonial state, even as it was fighting
in the realm of international law to assert its own sovereignty and independence.232
The collective achievements of this volume are many: it offers a model and a superb
demonstration of the different ways and registers in which TWAIL histories could be
written and how connections could be made, as Bandung resonated through time and
space. But, among its greatest achievements is the act of recovery: the effort to exca-
vate, engage with and understand the Third World project, with all its aspirations,
tensions, ambitions and inadequacies. The Bandung volume can be seen as an act of
restoration as the essays seek to give this conference the recognition, dignity and intel-
lectual seriousness that it warrants.
228
Cyra Akila Choudhury, ‘From Bandung 1955 to Bangladesh 1971: Postcolonial Self-Determination, and
Third Worldist Failures in South Asia’, in Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, supra note 214, 322 at 322.
229
Taha, ‘Reimagining Bandung for Women at Work in Egypt’, in Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, supra note 214,
337.
230
Ibid., at 354.
231
See Abraham, ‘From Bandung to NAM: Non-alignment and Indian Foreign Policy, 1947–1965’, 46(2)
Commonwealth and Comparative Politics (2008) 195, at 201.
232
See, e.g., Gassama, ‘Bandung 1955’, in Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, supra note 214, 126; a similar argu-
ment haunts Feyissa, ‘Non-European Imperialism and the Europeanisation of Law: Complexities of Legal
Codification in Imperial Ethiopia’, 1 TWAILR (2020) 152.
Returning to Bandung through this volume also serves as a benchmark. It is a

means of comparing ‘imperialism then and imperialism now’.233 Further, Bandung
first articulated a range of issues that preoccupied developing states for many years
and that continue to be TWAIL concerns: sovereignty, self-determination,234 develop-
ment, human rights, trade and peace. The final communique mentioned tensions in
the Middle East and declared its support for ‘the Arab people of Palestine’,235 a fur-
ther ongoing issue that TWAIL scholars have continued to write about, drawing on

the framework of settler colonialism to understand Israel’s occupation and expansion
further into Palestinian territory and all the human rights violations that this process
entails.236 Race was a major preoccupation of the Bandung states, as it had been to
all Asian and African peoples at least since 19th-century sciences of racism had con-
signed them to permanent inferiority. The Bandung treatment of race, however, has
implications not only for the West but also for the Bandung states themselves. For the
Bandung states, human rights were not only a means of advancing self-determination
but also of protecting against and ending racism. The communique expressly ‘de-
plored the policies and practices of racial segregation and discrimination’, a condem-
nation directed against the West and, in particular, South Africa where racism was
entrenched as apartheid, ironically after the creation of the UN Charter.
Most importantly, however, the Bandung states made a pledge to their own peoples:
the conference pointedly ‘re-affirmed the determination of Asian-African peoples to
eradicate every trace of racialism that might exist in their own countries; and pledged
to use its full moral influence to guard against the danger of falling victims to the same
evil in their struggle to eradicate it’.237 What this clearly indicates is that the partici-
pating states recognized that racism existed within their own countries and that this
needed to be acknowledged and addressed. It is especially poignant that they foresaw
and warned against ‘the danger of falling victims to the same evil in their struggle to
eradicate it’, a version of the danger of the slave only seeking to become the master but
keeping the system intact. It is clear that many of the states that so solemnly made this
declaration have failed. And that ethnic tensions and conflict have been an ongoing
feature of the histories of so many of the Asian and African countries at Bandung,
including Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Myanmar and India. Taken at its best, however, the
Bandung project continues to be relevant: the Bandung emphasis on disarmament,
the abolition of nuclear weapons, and the creation of global peace in the midst of
super-power rivalries is more compelling than ever.
233
Chimni, ‘Anti-Imperialism’, in Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, supra note 214, 35.
234
On further efforts to use self-determination as a means of creating a new global order, see A. Getachew,
Worldmaking after Empire (2019).
235
Final Communiqué of the Asian-African Conference of Bandung, 24 April 1955, s. E. On the cautious
approach taken to Palestine by the Bandung states, see Samour, ‘Palestine at Bandung: the Longwinded
Start of a Reimagined International Law’, in Eslava, Fakhri and Nesiah, supra note 214, at 595.
236
For an important historical and legal analysis of the Palestine-Israel conflict, see V. Kattan, From
Coexistence to Conquest (2009); see also Dugard and Reynolds, ‘Apartheid, International Law and the
Occupied Palestinian Territories’, 24(3) EJIL (2013) 867; N. Erakat, Justice for Some (2019).
237
Final Communiqué, supra note 235, at 6, s. C-2.
The broad project of recovery takes place at a number of different levels. TWAIL
scholars and their colleagues have attempted to recuperate Third World efforts to
change international law and relations by revisiting the NIEO, the battle for inter-
national law that took place in the 1970s and the construction of institutions and
centres of knowledge such as UNCTAD that formulated credible alternatives to world
trade. Histories have now been written in the vein of broad movements, of conferences
and of particular doctrinal areas such as state succession and acquired rights.238 These

works are detailed studies of specific areas of law, but they have a broader significance
because of the matrix of issues relating to race, decolonization, unequal economic
relations and empire that bind together all these many varied projects. These histories
have identified new themes and concerns and formulated new conceptual and ana-
lytic tools with which to explore them. These developments have unified and facili-
tated a new sort of ‘global scholarship’, bringing together experiences and histories
that would otherwise be viewed in narrowly regional or local terms. In other words,
works that would be seen as individual or disparate might be seen as part of a growing
and vibrant body of scholarship, just as Bandung generated varied responses and re-
actions that are all given shape and richness by being considered in a broader context.
At a more micro level, TWAIL scholars have focused on major figures in the Third
World tradition and what they have worked on and sought to accomplish. The work of
scholars such as Alejandro Álvarez, Elias,239 Doudou Thiam and Mbaye,240 Abi-Saab,241
Weeramantry242 and Sornarajah243 have been approached in this way. The scholar-
ship focuses not only on the contributions that these scholars and jurists have made to
international law and the ways in which they have sought to give Third World actors
voice and personality within international legal frameworks244 but also to understand
their ambitions, their visions of politics and their relationship with international
law.245 The effort here, in particular, is to understand these scholars within their own
terms, and their works and careers assume a different significance when viewed as
part of the TWAIL tradition rather than being assimilated, in however distinguished
a manner, into the more familiar frameworks of the orthodox system of international
law. These studies have been revealing for the differences they have exposed within
238
See M. Craven, The Decolonization of International Law: State Succession and the Law of Treaties (2007).
239
See Gathii, ‘A Critical Appraisal of the International Legal Tradition of Taslim Olawale Elias’, 21 LJIL
(2008) 317; Lim, ‘Neither Sheep nor Peacocks: T.O. Elias and Postcolonial International Law’, 21 LJIL
(2008) 295.
240
See Gathii, ‘Africa and the Radical Origins of the Right to Development’, 1 TWAILR (2020) 28, at 50.
241
Ozsu, ‘Georges Abi-Saab, the Congo Crisis and the Decolonization of the United Nations’, 31(2) EJIL
(2020) 601.
242
Anghie ‘C. G. Weeramantry at the International Court of Justice’, 14(4) LJIL (2001) 829.
243
See C.L. Lim (ed.), Alternative Visions of the International Law on ‘Foreign Investment’: Essays in Honour of
Muthucumaraswamy Sornarajah (2016).
244
See, e.g., Western Sahara, Advisory Opinion, 16 October 1975, ICJ Reports (1975) 83, Separate Opinion
of Vice-President Ammoun.
245
See, e.g., Abi-Saab, ‘The Third World Intellectual in Praxis: Confrontation, Participation, or Operation
behind Enemy Lines’, 37(11) TWQ (2016) 1957; Sornarajah, ‘On Fighting for Global Justice: The Role of
a Third World International Lawyer’, 37(11) TWQ (2016) 1972.
the broader Third World tradition itself.246 At the same time, in his penetrating study
of TWAIL traditions, Adil Hasan Khan points to the broader common and underlying
existential dilemmas that many of these scholars have faced.247
At a more basic level, the extraordinary intellectual courage and independence of
many Third World scholars must be appreciated. What did it take for Eric Williams,
as a graduate student at Oxford in the 1930s, bereft of squadrons of highly quali-
fied research assistants, to doggedly pursue his fundamental interest in the economics

of slavery and his intuition that slavery and capitalism were inextricably linked?
Williams’ argument profoundly challenged conventional histories of the time that
furthered the view that British humanitarianism led to the abolition of slavery.248
Williams had the sheer resilience and brilliance to translate his own, lived experience
as a native of Trinidad into scholarship that went against the mainstream histories
produced by scholars who were far more powerful in every way. Williams’ thesis has
been questioned, contested and refined, but his work began a debate that resonates to
the present and should be recognized as such.249
G Conclusion
As the editors of the TWAIL Review argued in the inaugural volume of the journal,
‘TWAIL draws attention to how injustice is enabled and structured through law and
its institutions, not only in local and domestic arenas but transnationally and glo-
bally’.250 These are large claims. Indeed, the aims of TWAIL – to give voice to the un-
heard and suppressed, to develop an anti-colonial international law, to expose the
ongoing effects of imperialism – could seem like clichés and slogans on their own. It
is the rich scholarship that I have attempted to present above that gives these aspir-
ations detail, substance and content. What is important is that, despite very different
Third World approaches, they are connected with each other as part of a TWAIL set
of concerns and ideas. They have been enriched by the conversation and the tradition
that is TWAIL. In this section, I have focused largely on scholars who explicitly present
246
See, e.g., James Gathii’s study of the different approaches of two distinguished African scholars, Kéba
Mbaye and Elias. Gathii, ‘Africa and the Radical Origins of the Right to Development’, 1 TWAILR (2020)
28.
247
Khan, ‘International lawyers in the Aftermath of Disasters: Inheriting from Radhabinod Pal and Upendra
Baxi’, 37(11) TWQ (2016) 2061.
248
On the many challenges he faced at Oxford, see E. Williams, Inward Hunger: The Education of a Prime
Minister (1969), especially ch. 4, ‘A Colonial at Oxford’.
249
Neptune, ‘Throwin’ Scholarly Shade: Eric Williams in the New Histories of Capitalism and Slavery’, 39(2)
Journal of the Early Republic (2019) 299 (for a critical view of some of the ways in which Williams’ work
has been drawn upon in contemporary works on slavery). Neptune makes the argument that Williams’
work has been obfuscated in modern scholarship and that ‘[t]he obfuscation of Williams’ study might be
understood best in relation to a wider professional interest in maintaining the privileged project(ion) of
history writing in the North Atlantic. This province has imagined itself as the hub of historiographical
innovation since the start of the Cold War, as the capital site of original knowledge production of the
world’s past. Capitalism and Slavery, it should be clear, deeply threatens this avant-garde image of the in-
tellectual economy of the West’. Ibid., at 326.
250
TWAILR Editorial Collective, ‘Third World Approaches to International Law Review: A Journal for a
Community’, 1 TWAILR (2020) 7.
themselves as TWAIL scholars, whose work engages directly with TWAIL scholarship
or who have influenced TWAIL scholarship. A complex overlap exists between TWAIL
scholars and scholars who do not identify as TWAIL scholars, but who, like TWAIL
scholars, are alert to some of the exclusions and inadequacies of international legal
regimes. One does not have to be a TWAIL scholar to note the problems of the foreign
investment regime or the empirical claim that the whole international criminal law
apparatus has focused and expanded through its application to the developing world,

while violence inflicted by the West on communities in other parts of the world are
beyond scrutiny.
One of the major achievements of TWAIL is that its analytic tools – its perspec-
tives and concerns – have all now filtered through to mainstream international
lawyers and are informing the work of these scholars in ways that are difficult to
quantify but which are still significant. Indeed, mainstream scholars who were
similarly concerned about the justice of international law have been open to
TWAIL scholarship, have engaged with TWAIL work and have acknowledged and
explicitly used TWAIL methodologies and analytic tools in their own work. One
does not have to be from the Third World to be a ‘TWAIL scholar’. After all, as I
have argued, TWAIL offers a different vision of Europe and the West itself. Further,
major journals based in the West such as the European Journal of International
Law251 and the Leiden Journal of International Law have published TWAIL work and,
indeed, actively sought to promote it.252 The London Review of International Law
since its beginning has been a haven for important TWAIL and critical scholar-
ship. These different forms of support were crucial to the emergence and success
of TWAIL, and, happily, they contrasted with other responses to TWAIL scholar-
ship that were less welcoming.253
4 The Continued Relevance of the First World–Third World

Dichotomy
Having sought to provide a broad thematic overview of TWAIL scholarship, its re-
curring themes and central arguments, I move now in this section to address a ques-
tion that has vexed TWAIL since its beginning: what is the analytic value of the
term ‘Third World’ and the dichotomy it assumes between the Third World and First
World?
251
Many TWAIL works have been published in the EJIL. See, e.g., Gathii, ‘International Law and
Eurocentricity’, 9(1) EJIL (1998) 184.
252
See, e.g., the Leiden Journal of International Law’s ‘Periphery Series’, which featured articles on Alvarez
and Elias as well as a series of ‘India and International Law’, 23(1) LJIL (2013).
253
Although not dealing with international law, Richard Delgado’s article on how some established
scholars might respond to critical work by a range of responses including ignoring it, dismissing it or
condescending to it is still illuminating. See Delgado, ‘The Imperial Scholar Revisited: How to Marginalize
Outsider Writing, Ten Years Later’, 140 University of Pennsylvania Law Review (1992) 1349.
A Introduction
The terms ‘First’ and ‘Third World’ were first formulated by a French scholar, Alfred
Sauvy, in the 1950s. He coined ‘Third World’ as a way of identifying states that be-
longed to neither the capitalist nor socialist blocs of countries in the Cold War. They
have always been a convenient but partial and inadequate account of the complex
ways in which to understand the relations created by imperialism and its aftermath.
The very term ‘Third World Approaches to International Law’ suggests a dichotomy

between First and Third Worlds that has been crucial to TWAIL scholarship. The sig-
nificance of this dichotomy has been questioned in recent times for many reasons. The
emergence of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), for instance, was
seen as heralding a major change for international law, disrupting this basic division.
And it is clear that many states, including South Korea and Singapore, for instance,
have made the transition from ‘Third World’ to ‘First World’. Further, many commen-
tators, including, most notably, Robert Zoellick, have declared that such terminology
is outdated.254 The basic division between First and Third Worlds might appear to be
anachronistic and redundant in the present. Here then, I try to explore this issue of
whether the First World–Third World dichotomy continues to have any relevance to
contemporary international law and international relations marked by the putative
end of the ‘liberal order’, the global pandemic, US-China tensions and the resurgence
of nationalism globally.
My broad argument here is that the First World–Third World dichotomy continues
to have important explanatory power. In the first place, the term ‘Third World’ has
always had multiple meanings. While it broadly refers to the countries that became
independent sovereign states after decolonization, its significance has changed de-
pending on the particular phenomenon being studied, and TWAIL scholars have gone
to great lengths to outline how they have chosen to interpret this term for the purposes
of their own scholarship.255 Particularly, the term ‘Third World’ has been extended
and reinterpreted to refer not only to the so-called ‘Third World’ states but also, more
intimately, to the struggles and experiences of the most marginalized peoples of the
Third World and, indeed, the First World itself. Further, whatever the changing geo-
political realities, the term ‘Third World’ retains a certain power because it suggests
‘an alternative “epistemology” or system of knowledge’.256 As Vijay Prashad points
out further, ‘[t]he Third World was not a place. It was a project’.257 I try to elaborate
on this point by suggesting how the First World–Third World dichotomy has shaped
the making of important international regimes and how it continues to play a useful
254
R. Zoellick, The End of the Third World?: Modernizing Multilateralism for a Multipolar World (2010), available
at https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/29639.
255
See Mickelson, supra note 3; Rajagopal, ‘Locating the Third World in Cultural Geography’, 15 TWLS
(1999) 1 (who in their scholarship outline the particular ways in which they use terms such as ‘Third
World’, ‘developing states’ and so on); see also Pahuja, supra note 112, at 261–262.
256
See R. Young, Postcolonialism: A Very Short History (2003), at 18. For an important examination of what
the ‘global South’ stands for, see Grovogui, ‘A Revolution Nonetheless: The Global South in International
Relations’, 5(1) The Global South (2011) 175.
257
V. Prashad, The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World (2007).
analytic role in understanding international law and relations through a survey of

some major areas of international law, including international economic law, the use
of force, human rights and the law of migration.
Any ‘survey’ of the sort I attempt here will necessarily be superficial and incom-
plete. The topics I have chosen are more a product of my own interests rather than
any attempt to be systematic and exhaustive. I hope in these ways to convey some
sense of the continuing relevance of the concept of the ‘Third World’ in the areas

I have discussed below and how different understandings of the term ‘Third World’
complement each other and illustrate different dimensions of international law and
its relationship with the Third World.
B International Economic Law

Developing states, the vast majority of which were colonies in 1944 when the
Bretton Woods conference took place, played little part in the creation of the World
Bank and the IMF, institutions that were instrumental in creating the post–World
War II global financial and economic systems. Developing states, however, partici-
pated in various ways in the Uruguay Round of negotiations (1986–1994)258 that
led to the formation of the WTO. Further, they hesitantly entered into the many in-
vestment treaties – bilateral and otherwise – on which the international investment
law regime was founded.259 With the ‘Washington Consensus’, dominant, develop-
ing countries were persuaded that participation in these regimes was necessary to
achieve economic growth, and, thus, they adopted the prescribed neo-liberal pol-
icies as key to development.260
My basic argument is that the First World–Third World divide – by now, more com-
monly termed the North-South divide – was a key factor in the formation of trade and
investment regimes and that, in each case, the Third World and its specific concerns
were defeated or disregarded. As we have seen in the case of the WTO, for instance,
intellectual property and services regimes were established under the auspices of the
WTO in the Uruguay Rounds despite strong, but ultimately unsuccessful, opposition
by the developing countries. In effect, new areas of economic activity – areas in which
the North had a massive advantage but that had not been traditionally associated with
the GATT regime – were now incorporated into the WTO regime and afforded many
of the benefits that followed.261 By contrast, Third World concerns about commodity
price stability, a key aspect of the NIEO, had been defeated along with the NIEO. One
258
See Preeg, ‘The Uruguay Round Negotiations and the Creation of the WTO’, in M. Daunton, A. Narlikar
and R. Stern (eds), The Oxford Handbook on The World Trade Organization (2012) 122.
259
For a comprehensive account and assessment of the investment regime, see J. Alvarez, The Public
International Law Regime Governing International Investment (2011), at 16.
260
See Birdsall, De La Torre and Valencia Caicedo, ‘The Washington Consensus: Assessing a “Damaged
Brand”’, in J. Ocampo and J. Ros (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Latin American Economics (2011) 79.
261
This is not to say, of course, that trade in services was the same as trade in goods. However, the inclusion
of services and intellectual property in the regime, albeit in unique ways, furthered the trade in services
and expanded intellectual property protection in important ways.
Third World concern that survived in the WTO era was the generalized system of pref-
erences, championed by Gamani Corea in his time as director of UNCTAD.262
The failure of the Uruguay Round of negotiations to address developing country
concerns was explicitly recognized; it was the promise of the optimistically labelled
2001 Doha Development Round that this omission would be remedied. Needless to
say, this never occurred, and the credibility of the WTO regime has suffered ever since,
as rich countries demanded more concessions in addition to those that they had al-

ready obtained from the Uruguay Round in return for meeting the demands of devel-
oping countries. This in a situation where the South had already made concessions
and were, in effect, in credit. The consensus-based system of the WTO appeared to
prevent certain countries – the great powers – from being granted special privileges of
the sort enjoyed by the permanent members of the UN Security Council. But this did
not prevent the North from shaping the essential architecture and operations of the
WTO. While developing states such as China and India have won notable victories in
the WTO system, it does not detract from the essential point that the WTO in its very
framework has favoured the North and entrenched its particular vision of trade. It is of
course ironic, given this situation, that the USA under President Donald Trump para-
lyzed the system by blocking the appointment of members of the Appellate body263 at
precisely the time when developing states, especially China, had become adept enough
to use it successfully for their own purposes.
The foreign investment regime, similarly, is based explicitly on the North-South,
developing and developed country divide, broadly reflecting the division between
capital exporting and importing countries, as the major purpose of the regime was
to protect investors from the North in their activities in the South. It is now common-
place and universally recognized that the investment regime is highly problematic
and further entrenches the divisions between the North and South. It was understood
from the outset that the treaties were structured in ways that inherently favoured for-
eign investors.264 The terms of the treaties themselves provide extensive protections
to investors. They allow corporations to bring actions against states but do not allow
states to bring actions against corporations.265 Efforts by states to enforce their do-
mestic law against corporations, or even pass legislation to protect the environment
or human rights, could trigger investor-state disputes that would propel the whole
matter to the system of arbitration that structurally favours the corporation. The
262
Toye, ‘Assessing the G77: 50 Years after UNCTAD and 40 Years after the NIEO’, 35(10) TWQ (2014)
1759.
263
K. Johnson, How Trump May Finally Kill the WTO, 9 December 2019, available at https://foreignpolicy.
com/2019/12/09/trump-may-kill-wto-finally-appellate-body-world-trade-organization/.
264
For an analysis of all the issues discussed here, see Sornarajah, supra note 48.
265
The counter-argument is that a state can bring action against foreign corporations in their domestic sys-
tems; the complication, of course, is that those actions might be interpreted as violations of the bilateral
investment treaty in place and so trigger precisely an international dispute within the system, one in
which national law will be subordinate to the international law, represented by the treaty with its terms
that are extremely favourable to the investor and as interpreted and applied by the tribunal. For an im-
portant study of the relationship between the foreign investment regime and the constitutional order, see
D. Schneiderman, Constitutionalizing Economic Globalization (2008).
ongoing operations of the regime have now revealed further problems: arbitrators
have expanded enormously the protections enjoyed by investors through questionable
interpretations of key terms, the jurisprudence is inconsistent and contradictory, and
a particularly narrow group of arbitrators has dominated the field and driven devel-
opments in this important area. Recognizing these problems and their impact on the
legitimacy of the regime, the EU and the UN Commission on International Trade Law,
among other bodies, have sought to reform the system. As discussed above, in many

cases, these concerns are in no small way prompted not only by foreign investor claims
brought against Western states, but by the emergence of China and the potential use
by China of foreign investment laws to further their own economic expansion. Many
Western governments have cited security concerns as a ground for denying China ac-
cess to their economies,266 even while their own corporations control crucial sectors
such as water, food, medicine and power in developing countries.
C Law on the Use of Force

The North-South divide is also broadly evident in efforts of the North – efforts by
countries such as the USA and the UK – to shape the fundamental laws of war in ways
that further their own vision and interests. The NATO intervention in Kosovo, for in-
stance, demonstrated to Chinkin how ‘the West continues to script international law,
even while it ignores the constitutional safeguards of the international order’.267 The
2003 war in Iraq – and the war on terror more generally – initially generated a large
literature pointing to how these sweeping initiatives reproduced imperial relations.
The return of the British to Iraq following the wars against Saddam Hussein led one
Iraqi to comment: ‘It’s the British again. They have been bombing my family for over
eighty years now. Four generations have lived and died with these unwanted visitors
from Britain who come to pour explosives on us from the skies.’268 Equally import-
antly, a new paradigm for the use of force was systematically developed by the West
and its allies, prompted by the 9/11 attacks and the accompanying focus on non-state
actors. Most notably, the Bush doctrine asserted that it was permissible to use force not
only against immediate threats, as was arguably permitted by existing international
law, but also against ‘emerging threats’. This view called for a shift from the concept
of ‘imminence’ to ‘pre-emption’. The argument was that pre-emptive measures could
be taken against emerging, rather than immediate, threats. This controversial set of
ideas that would have gravely undermined the existing law on the use of force was re-
sisted and opposed by many international law scholars. The dangers of the doctrine,
266
E.g., Australia, Canada and the USA. A. Connolly, Risks from Chinese Takeovers Mean Canada Needs
Tougher Investment Rules: Experts, 8 June 2020, available at https://globalnews.ca/news/7040029/
canada-foreign-takeovers-china/; ‘Australia Blocks Chinese Buyout of Builder over Security Concerns:
Media’, Reuters (12 January 2021), available at www.reuters.com/article/australia-investment-law-
idUSL1N2JN07C; J. Green, ‘Stop China’s Predatory Investments before the US Becomes Its Next Victim’,
Defense News (17 April 2020), available at www.defensenews.com/opinion/commentary/2020/04/17/
stop-chinas-predatory-investments-before-the-us-becomes-its-next-victim/.
267
Chinkin, ‘Kosovo: A “Good” or “Bad” War, Editorial Comment’, 93(4) AJIL (1999) 841.
268
R. Young, Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction (2003), at 34.
which relied on effective and accurate intelligence about the potential or emerging
threats that could then be targeted, were vividly demonstrated by the war in Iraq.
While justified in numerous ways, one of the most prominent and public arguments
made in support of the war was that Saddam Hussein posed an immediate threat to
the people of the USA and the UK. Famously, Tony Blair declared that Hussein could
deploy weapons of mass destruction in 45 minutes, and these could be used to hit
British targets.269 Throughout his campaign for war, Blair also invoked a humani-

tarian argument, proclaiming that the people of Iraq would be the beneficiaries of the
invasion. The absence of weapons of mass destruction and the disastrous intelligence
failure that led to an illegal war, starkly revealed the many dangers of pre-emption.
The doctrine of pre-emption was undermined by this failure and appeared to have
been discarded. Remarkably, however, these same ideas persisted and were reproduced
and promoted by precisely those Western countries that had committed this extraor-
dinary error. The question of when a state could use force continued to be a topic of
scholarly and diplomatic concern, and discussion focused on the concept of ‘immi-
nence’ on the grounds that international law permitted a state to use force against an
‘imminent threat’. Sir Daniel Bethlehem made a central contribution to the debate in
his notable article published in one of the most prestigious venues in international law
scholarship, the American Journal of International Law.270 Bethlehem closely analyses
the term ‘imminent’, arguing that ‘what constitutes an “imminent” armed attack will
develop to meet new circumstances and new threats’.271 The question, of course, was
who is to give content and meaning to this term in the light of ‘new circumstances’.
Bethlehem provides an elaborate and multifaceted test of imminence in his ‘Principle
8’. What has to be considered is ‘the nature and immediacy of the threat’. Further,
‘[t]he absence of specific evidence of where an attack will take place or of the precise
nature of an attack does not preclude a conclusion that an armed attack is immi-
nent for purposes of the exercise of the right of self-defence’.272 Bethlehem himself ac-
knowledges that ‘some of the principles will undoubtedly prove controversial’273 and
that he ‘offers them up for debate’.274 At the same time, he asserts that the principles
he outlines are based on ongoing discussions in various foreign ministries. The prin-
ciples are unique, he says, because they represent a synthesis, deriving from a special
and neglected arena of state practice – the discussions between lawyers and those en-
gaged in actual operations – as such, ‘they carry particular weight, being material
both to the crystallization and development of customary international law and to the
interpretation of treaties’.275
269
See ‘Timeline: The 45-minute Claim’, BBC News (13 October 2004), available at http://news.bbc.
co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/3466005.stm.
270
Bethlehem, ‘Self-Defense against an Imminent or Actual Attack by Nonstate Actors’, 106 AJIL (2017)
770, at 772.
271
Ibid., at 772.
272
Ibid., at 776.
273
Ibid., at 773.
274
Ibid., at 774.
275
Ibid., at 770.
Commentators on these developments, point out, however, that Bethlehem’s view

of imminence in fact extends significantly the circumstances in which force may be
used.276 In effect, although presented in the language of ‘imminence’ rather than the
discredited language of ‘pre-emption’, the Bethlehem principles go far towards ena-
bling the pre-emptive use of force by permitting the use of force even if there is un-
certainty as to the place of the attack or the precise nature of the attack.277 Arguably
then, the Bethlehem version of the use of force was not so much a departure from

the Bush doctrine of pre-emption but, rather, a refinement of it.278 Nevertheless, his
principles were swiftly taken up. In 2016, the legal advisor of the USA, Brian Egan, de-
livered a speech at the American Society of International Law that approvingly cited
the Bethlehem principles.279 Bethlehem’s version of ‘imminence’ was also endorsed
by Jeremy Wright, attorney general of the UK, speaking in 2017 at the International
Institute for Strategy Studies in London.280 In his speech, Wright refers to a meeting
of the ‘quintet’ of attorneys general in Washington in 2016: the attorneys general of
the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the UK who endorsed this vision of im-
minence. Wright presents this as ‘working with our international partners to advance
the security of our nation and of others, within a legal framework’. Shortly after this,
the attorney general of Australia at the time, George Brandis, directly cited Wright
and Bethlehem, claiming that the ‘Bethlehem principles’ by now have ‘acquired near
to doctrinal status’.281 The debate is complex and ongoing, but the simple point from a
TWAIL perspective is that a few powerful states have taken upon themselves the task
of changing fundamental principles of the laws of war.282 Kattan, in his detailed study,
shows how certain powerful governments have coordinated a campaign through
which Bethlehem’s principles were being swiftly and repeatedly cited as doctrine.283
276
See Kattan, ‘Furthering the War on Terrorism’ through International Law: How the United States and the
United Kingdom Resurrected the Bush Doctrine on Using Preventive Military Force to Combat Terrorism’,
5 Journal on the Use of Force and International Law (2017) 97.
277
Ibid., at 101.
278
Ibid., at 100; see also J. Goldsmith, ‘Obama Has Officially Adopted Bush’s Iraq Doctrine’, Time (6 April
2016), available at https://time.com/4283865/obama-adopted-bushs-iraq-doctrine/.
279
M. Lederman, ‘ASIL Speech by State Legal Adviser Egan on International Law and the Use of Force
Against ISIL’, Just Security (4 April 2016), available at www.justsecurity.org/30377/asil-speech-state-
legal-adviser-international-law-basis-for-limits-on-force-isil/ (for the speech itself, see the link included
there). Jack Goldsmith argued that this speech indicated that the Bush pre-emption doctrine had been
adopted by the Obama administration. Goldsmith, supra note 278. Bethlehem disagreed and responded,
understandably, as his principles were central to Egan’s argument. D. Bethlehem, ‘Not by Any Other
Name: A Response to Jack Goldsmith on Obama’s Imminence’, Law Fare Blog (7 April 2016), available
at www.lawfareblog.com/not-any-other-name-response-jack-goldsmith-obamas-imminence. Goldsmith
remained unconvinced. For an overview of the debate, see Kattan, supra note 276, at 98–99.
280
J. Wright, ‘The Modern Law of Self-Defence’, EJIL: Talk! (11 January 2017), available at www.ejiltalk.org/
the-modern-law-of-self-defence/.
281
G. Brandis, ‘The Right of Self-Defence against Imminent Armed Attack in International Law’, EJIL:
Talk! (25 May 2017), available at www.ejiltalk.org/the-right-of-self-defence-against-imminent-armed-
attack-in-international-law/.
282
I examine an earlier version of this phenomenon. Anghie, ‘Imperialism’, supra note 81.
283
Bethlehem, supra note 270, at 773. Kattan, supra note 276.
Another key element to transform the laws of war is the ‘unable or unwilling’ doc-
trine that is used to justify, in the name of self-defence, the use of force against a state
that is deemed to be ‘unable or unwilling’ to take action against non-state actors
within its own territory.284 Such a doctrine, of course, massively extends the grounds
on which force may be used against a state. Article 51 of the UN Charter, after all,
indicates that self-defence is legal only when a state is subject to an ‘armed attack’.
As the doctrine of ‘unable or unwilling’ is formulated, elaborated and extended, it is

surely worth remembering that the USA bombed Laos more heavily than the Allies
bombed Germany and this without any war being declared between the two countries.
The only justification was some version of the argument that, as Laos was ‘unable or
unwilling’ to prevent use of its territory for pursuing military actions against the USA,
it was permissible for the USA to bomb Laos.285 Here, the past is hardly the past: the
fragments of those bombs continue to kill Laotians.286 This episode also suggests that
the broad idea of ‘unable or unwilling’ has clear North-South dimensions, enabling
and justifying violence against the South.
Bethlehem again played a vital role in this debate. His Principle 12, which stated in
part that ‘[t]he requirement for consent does not operate in circumstances in which
there is a reasonable and objective basis for concluding that the third state is unable
to effectively restrain the armed activities of the non-state actors’.287 This too is a
controversial proposition – as Dire Tladi points out, ‘the effect of principle 12 is pre-
cisely to be ‘enabling of the use of force beyond what the Charter permits’.288 The de-
bate on the legal status of ‘unable and unwilling’ continues. As Jutta Brunnée and
Stephen Toope point out in their detailed analysis of these developments, ‘[a] few im-
portant actors are actively promoting the unwilling or unable trigger for self-defence
284
See Deeks, ‘“Unwilling or Unable: Toward a Normative Framework”’, 52 VJIL (2012) 483. For an illumi-
nating overview of the literature from a TWAIL perspective, see Tzouvala, supra note 157, at 187–209.
285
According to Channapha Khamvongsa and Elaine Russell, the US military undertook one bombing mis-
sion every eight minutes, 24 hours a day, for nine years. See Khamvongsa and Russell, ‘Legacies of War:
Cluster Bombs in Laos’, 41(2) Critical Asian Studies (2009) 281. By Nicole Barrett’s account, ‘[b]y the
end of the bombing in 1973, the U.S. had dropped 1.9 million metric tons of bombs, which is equal
to ten tons per square mile or a half a ton of bombs for every citizen of Laos, making Laos the most
heavily bombed nation per capita in history’. See Barrett, ‘Holding Individual Leaders Responsible for
Violations of Customary International Law: The US Bombardment of Cambodia and Laos’, 32 Columbia
Human Rights Law Review (2001) 429, at 434. It is for these reasons that Laos has been called ‘[t]he
most heavily bombed country in history’. ‘A new library sheds light on the US ‘secret war’ in Laos’ avail-
able at https://edition.cnn.com/2022/06/14/us/laos-secret-war-library-legacies-of-war-cec/index.
html. See also, ‘Laos: Barack Obama regrets “biggest bombing in history’’’, https://www.bbc.com/news/
world-asia-37286520?zephr-modal-register.
286
P. Convery, ‘US Bombs Continue to Kill in Laos 50 Years after Vietnam War’, Aljazeera (21 November
2018), available at www.aljazeera.com/features/2018/11/21/us-bombs-continue-to-kill-in-laos-50-
years-after-vietnam-war.
287
Bethlehem, supra note 270, at 776.
288
See, e.g., Tladi, ‘The Nonconsenting Innocent State: The Problem with Bethlehem’s Principle 12’, 107(3)
AJIL (2017) 570, at 576. For a further important critique of the doctrine, see Ahmed, ‘Defending Weak
States against the “Unwilling or Unable Doctrine of Self-Defense”’, 9 Journal of International Law and
International Relations (2013) 1, at 18.
against non-State actors’.289 And this is achieved in part through ‘a curious interplay
amongst State officials, former officials writing in their personal capacity, and some
academic commentators, whereby a small group tries to expand its influence by con-
stantly cross-referencing each other’.290 The ‘unable and unwilling’ doctrine is a cru-
cial element of the larger legal framework that justifies drone operations. Again, it is
powerful Western states, inspired by the work of Israeli lawyers, who have driven this
initiative.291

The basic point to make here is that a sophisticated and expert group of Western
lawyers, over the years, has developed a new version of the use of force. The legality
of this vision has been continuously contested. It is clear, however, that this expan-
sive vision of violence – one that combines a broader vision of ‘imminence’, of ‘un-
able and unwilling’ and of permissible drone attacks – will be used to justify violence
against the people of the Third World. International law has traditionally limited the
use of force in a number of ways: temporally, by distinguishing between states of war
and peace and devising different rules for each; spatially, by requiring states to con-
duct war within the territories of the warring states; and using Article 51 of the UN
Charter, by justifying self-defence only in the event of an ‘armed attack’. Each of these
principles has been challenged by Western-driven efforts to transform the laws of war
– efforts that would enable an endless war that might be conducted anywhere, without
territorial limit, and triggered by the perception of a threat even if the source of the
threat is unclear or not identified. The idea of ‘security’ – the idea of what constitutes
a ‘threat’ – is significantly expanded. This idea in turn expands the notion of justifiable
self-defence, and, as self-defence is an ‘inherent right’, it is exercised at the discretion
of the state perceiving itself to be threatened. That discretion is now immense, even if
it is to be exercised, as the advocates put it, with proportionality in the name of ‘good
faith and on the basis of sound evidence’ and similar principles.
For TWAIL scholars, again, these efforts to establish a new system for the use of
force raises a number of issues. History would suggest that the postulated doctrines
of pre-emption and ‘unable and unwilling’ would inevitably justify violence directed
at people in the global South, the ‘unable or unwilling test’ being yet another means
of stripping a Third World state of its sovereign rights at the discretion of the West, as
Tzouvala argues.292 Further, it provides yet another example of Chimni’s argument
about the way in which customary international law has been made and how it is
that Western countries have presented their own state practice as creating customary
international law for all293 – in this case, the actions of five countries, presenting them-
selves as creating customary international law – making it clear that, even if it is not
289
Brunnée and Toope, ‘Self-Defence against Non-State Actors’, 95 International Law Studies (2019) 467.
290
Ibid.
291
M. Gunneflo, Targeted Killing: A Legal and Political History (2016).
292
See Tzouvala, ‘TWAIL and the “Unwilling or Unable” Doctrine: Continuities and Ruptures,’ 109 AJIL
Unbound (2017) 266.
293
Chimni, ‘Customary International Law: A Third World Perspective’, 112(1) AJIL (2018) 1.
a universally binding law, it is the law by which they see themselves being bound.294
These states simultaneously proclaim that they are law-abiding states and always
have been; that the people of the UK, for instance, ‘rightly pride ourselves on being ad-
vocates for, and acting within, a rules based approach’.295 It is an approach, however,
in which a few states make the rules for themselves. It is surely significant, further-
more, that none of these articles – by Wright, Brandis or Bethlehem – engage with,
or, in some cases, even mention, the UN study done on the law of self-defence and

pre-emption – namely, the UN High Level Panel on Threats Challenges and Change,
chaired by Anand Panyarachun of Thailand296 – which addressed many of the issues
relating to imminence and pre-emption.
Viewed more historically – and perhaps less doctrinally – these articles reflect a cer-
tain set of ideas – a structure of rhetoric – that is evident from a much earlier time. The
authors advocating this controversial view of the laws of war continuously invoke
ideas of proportionality and reasonableness and, in doing so, echo the sentiment of
another, distant, jurist: ‘[I]t is essential for a just war that an exceedingly careful exam-
ination be made of the justice and causes of the war.’297 These words were written by
Vitoria, exploring the issue of making war on the Indians. It is a model of how extra-
ordinary violence based on the same fundamental principle of ‘whatever is required
for the defence of the state is permissible’ can be combined with calls for moderation,
reason and forbearance – that the Indians may be despoiled of their goods and reduced
to captivity, ‘yet withal with observance of proportion’.298
This view of the use of force is based on the argument that ‘[t]here is little intersec-
tion between the academic debate and the operational realities’, the hard calls that
have to be made by ‘governments and the military who are required to make deci-
sions in the face of significant terrorist threats emanating from abroad’.299 Based on
this view and the invocation of ‘operational realities’ that academics removed from
the urgencies and anguish of life and death decisions were incapable of fully appre-
ciating, a formidable intellectual apparatus has constructed this world of endless war
and of drone killings that are almost routine, normalized and unaccountable.300 Many
of these developments – the significant expansion of executive authority to wage war
– took place in an Obama administration that presented itself as less bellicose than
294
For a survey of state responses to the ‘unable or unwilling’ doctrine, see E. Chachko and A. Deeks, Which
States Support the ‘Unwilling and Unable’ Test?, 10 October 2016, available at www.lawfareblog.com/
which-states-support-unwilling-and-unable-test.
295
See the list of notifications lodged by states with the UN Security Council in relation to the exercise of
their right of self-defence against ISIS. Wright, supra note 280, Annex 1. It is worth noting that they are
predominantly by Western states.
296
UN General Assembly, Report of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, UN Doc.
A/59/565, 2 December 2004.
297
F. de Vitoria, De Indis sive de Iure Belli hispanorum in Barbaros (1539), at 173.
298
Ibid., at 155.
299
Bethlehem, supra note 270, at 773.
300
For important accounts of how this occurred, see Gunneflo, supra note 291.
its predecessor and determined to avoid earlier mistakes.301 Reality continued to be a

governing theme, justifying these interpretations of the law as ‘the credibility of the
law depends ultimately upon its ability to address effectively the realities of contem-
porary threats’.302 There is another ‘reality’, another universe, that perhaps should be
taken into account in these debates about the character of modern war. It is estimated
that more than 7,000 drone strikes took place in Afghanistan in 2019. The number
of people killed in these strikes has been estimated as ranging from 411 to more than

4,000.303 Indeed, getting information about these operations has proven to be diffi-
cult.304 NGOs have noted with concern that statistics are not widely available.305 The
virtues of accountability and transparency, and the systems that ensure them, have
been ignored. The larger point is that disastrous and costly wars launched by the West
and now continued in new forms are taking an immense toll on the people in the
South. And efforts to continue and prosecute these wars is leading to grave uncer-
tainty about the laws of war and who is authorized to make them.
In their recent, important and widely praised work on the history of the law of war,
Oona Hathaway and Scott Shapiro provide a sweeping and compelling account of the
law of war from the times of Grotius to the present. They argue that the Islamic state,
inspired by Sayyid Qutb, offered a vision of international relations that justified new
and extensive, ‘breathtakingly encompassing’ representations of the enemy and the
violence that could be legally inflicted on it.306 But, in this wide-ranging book about
war, perhaps because of the line of argument it follows, little is presented about the
endless war waged by the USA and its allies and the new versions of self-defence and
the use of force that have justified this campaign but that depart fundamentally from
the law of the UN Charter. The ‘war on terror’ is singular because there is no likelihood
or even pretence of it ever being concluded. Drone attacks supported by complex and
elaborate arguments continue and have indeed been normalized.307
301
For my analysis of the ambiguities of President Barack Obama’s Nobel Peace Prize–winning speech, see
Anghie, ‘International Law in a Time of Change’, 26(5) American University Law Review (2011) 1315.
Here, I also contrast Obama’s visions of war and peace in his speech with Martin Luther King’s views.
302
Bethlehem, supra note 270, at 773. The names of the advisers cited are Harold Koh, John Brennan, Jeh
Johnsen, Eric Holder and Stephen Preston. Ibid., at 770.
303
Data obtained from the Bureau of Investigative Journalism, Drone Strikes in Afghanistan (2019–2020),
available at www.thebureauinvestigates.com/projects/drone-war/afghanistan. This uncertainty seems
to be part of a general confusion about the whole intervention of Afghanistan.
304
For an overview of the dilemmas created by increasing recourse to drones, see Report of the Special
Rapporteur on Extrajudicial and Summary Killing; A. Callamard, Use of Armed Drones for Targeted
Killings, Doc. A/HRC/44/38, 15 August 2020.
305
In 2019, President Donald Trump revoked an order by Obama that all drone attacks be reported. ‘Trump
Revokes Obama Rule on Reporting Drone Strike Deaths’, BBC News (7 March 2019), available at www.
bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-47480207.
306
O. Hathaway and S. Shapiro, The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World
(2017), at 409.
307
The literature is extensive. For important works on the legal frameworks for drone strikes, see, e.g., Koh,
‘Keynote Address: The Obama Administration and International Law’, 104 PAMASIL (2010) 104;
Brooks, ‘Drones and the International Rule of Law’, 28 Journal of Ethics and International Affairs (2014)
83. For an opposing view, see Gunneflo, supra note 291.
What we see here, then, is a set of practices and developments that are entirely
familiar to TWAIL scholars: efforts by major Western states to transform the law to
suit their own vision of international relations and to present their state practice and
scholarly opinions as decisive. The atrocities and violence committed by Daesh or the
regimes in any number of countries, extending from Syria, to Ethiopia, to Myanmar
are recognized and denounced, as they must surely be, as clear violations of some of
the most fundamental principles of international humanitarian and human rights

law. International lawyers should be rightly concerned about identifying and ad-
dressing these violations. But we should also be concerned about expanding the realm
of violence in the name of international law, allowing force to be used with new and
sophisticated justifications. A further danger of this expansion of legalized violence
is that it could easily be used by authoritarian Third World states to justify their own
forms of violence.308 And even the smallest Third World state can proudly present it-
self as the equal of the most powerful states by deploying this new weapon against its
‘internal enemies’, the terrorist threats within that allegedly endanger security.
D International Environmental Law

The same broad arguments about the ongoing significance of the North-South divide
may be made about international environmental law. The division between the First
and Third Worlds, global North and global South and developed and developing coun-
tries continues to haunt environmental negotiations. Imperial powers became wealthy
by appropriating and exhausting the natural resources of their colonies.309 Now it is
the poorer countries that are most badly affected by environmental problems such as
climate change for which the rich countries are principally responsible. Leaders of
developing countries have thus argued that the rich countries owe the poorer coun-
tries an ‘enormous and “unpaid carbon” debt that is an element of a broader eco-
logical debt owed by developed countries to developing countries’.310 This situation of
course has led to a whole series of claims and exhaustive negotiations on vital issues
ranging from biodiversity to climate change. The doctrine of ‘common but differenti-
ated’ responsibilities was designed to acknowledge this history in a doctrinal form, one
by which developed countries that had already caused environmental damage were
given specific targets for reducing pollution, while developing countries recognized
their obligations to protect the environment more broadly. This idea, which was the
centrepiece of the Kyoto Protocol, was amended drastically in the Paris Agreement.311
308
This is happening increasingly. See Callamard, supra note 304, para. 7. Non-state actors are also arming
themselves with drones. Ibid., para. 9.
309
For a rewriting of the history of international environmental law that focuses on the commodification
of nature and its assimilation into an expanding political economy, see Porras, supra note 204; Fonseca,
supra note 205; Natarajan and Khoday, supra note 203.
310
See Mickelson, ‘Beyond a Politics of the Possible? South-North Relations and Climate Justice’, 10(9) MJIL
(2009) 411.
311
For a detailed explanation of the ‘common but differentiated responsibilities’ regime, see Castro, ‘Common
but Differentiated Responsibilities beyond the Nation State: How Is Differential Treatment Addressed in
Transnational Climate Governance Initiatives?’, 5(2) Transnational Environmental Law (2016) 379.
The First World–Third World environmental debate, raising issues about international
justice, debt, reparations, political economy and global governance, is in many ways
reminiscent of the debates on the NIEO. Again, however, powerful and reasonable
calls by the Third World for a fairer international environmental regime have been
opposed and dismissed as ‘politically unrealistic’.312
TWAIL scholars such as Mickelson, Natarajan, Julia Dehm, Carmen Gonzalez and
Sumudu Atapattu have examined the different dimensions of the environmental crisis

in depth, pointing, among other things, to the complex and variegated effects of en-
vironmental harm, effects that both illuminate the importance of First World–Third
World categories while also moving beyond these to suggest the differences between
Third World countries and the divisions within them.313 This approach produces a
complex picture of differing scales and intersecting forms of domination. Many Third
World states themselves pursue aggressive development policies that cause environ-
mental devastation that particularly affect communities such as tribal and Indigenous
peoples. However, it should also be noted that several Third World states have made
significant advances in environmental protection and have been globally pioneering
in creating specialized environmental tribunals and developing a progressive environ-
mental jurisprudence, among other things.
The North-South lens, then, cannot account for the many complex ways in which
specific groups are impacted by climate change. The poorest in rich countries are most
especially vulnerable to climate change because there is a ‘South in the North’. A more
refined analysis is needed to illuminate how vulnerabilities are powerfully shaped by
race, gender and class.314 Nevertheless, as Mickelson argues, the North-South lens
needs to be rethought rather than rejected:
Perhaps it is time to rethink the North-South divide by re-embracing it because we now recog-
nize that long-standing demands for global justice are no longer abstract or theoretical. Rather,
they are concrete, real and quantifiable. We cannot ignore either historical disparities in contri-
butions to greenhouse gas concentrations or present-day inequalities in per capita emissions.
Both result in unequal contributions to a problem, the effects of which will be felt throughout
the international community and are likely to have particularly tragic consequences among
the world’s most vulnerable and marginalised populations. A genuine engagement with inequality
with regards to both responsibility and vulnerability might lead to a different way of approaching cli-
mate change. However, this would require a fundamental change of approach.315
The Third World no longer possesses the unity that it forged at the time of the NIEO.
Third World states are divided for several reasons, including different economic situ-
ations and environmental resources. Nevertheless, the law itself is broadly structured
around the North-South divide. And it may be recalled that at crucial moments such
312
See Mickelson, supra note 310; Natarajan, ‘Environmental Justice in the Global South’, in S. Atapattu, C.
Gonzalez and S. Seck (eds), The Cambridge Handbook of Environmental Justice and Sustainable Development
(2021) 39; Natarajan, ‘Climate Justice’, in M. Valverde et al. (eds), Routledge Handbook of Law and Society
(2021) 102.
313
Atapattu and Gonzalez, supra note 104.
314
Ibid.
315
Mickelson, supra note 310, at 412 (emphasis added).
as the Doha Round of negotiations, Third World states have developed coherent and
united positions, which is why these positions were vehemently and continuously op-
posed by developed countries.
E International Criminal Law

In the field of international criminal law, of course, the argument that an ostensibly
universal regime seems to apply only to countries in the Third World – and those coun-

tries that are expeditiously categorized in this way – is now commonplace. Whether
it is the NATO bombing of Serbia or the war in Iraq or Afghanistan, Western states
and their forces have evaded any effective scrutiny of their actions. One does not have
to be a TWAIL scholar to notice these anomalies. However, the important work of
Reynolds and Sujith Xavier316 and Asad Kiyani317 on the selectivity of international
criminal justice demonstrates how this bias is far from random or aberrant but part
of a systemic manifestation of biases that may be traced back to colonial times and
to the basic view that the North provides justice and order for the violent and unruly
South.318 Importantly, Reynolds and Xavier also focus on issues of political economy
and structural violence in order to provide a richer account of the factors that con-
tribute to the situations that international criminal law attempts to address. Economic
stresses have historically led to increased racism and ethnic violence. As Anne Orford
points out, crimes against humanity and genocide may have roots in socio-economic
tensions, massive economic disruptions that are becoming more frequent in a global-
ized world and that are sometimes triggered by structural adjustment programmes
prescribed by international actors such as financial institutions.319
Beyond the immediate controversies about the biases in international criminal law,
TWAIL scholars and their colleagues have explored a number of other dimensions of
the great project of international criminal law. Nesiah, for instance, studies the his-
tory of international criminal law to show how it could become a way of overlooking
everyday violence of racial capitalism.320 Michelle Burgis Kasthala critically examines
the evolving work of transitional justice and special tribunals, created invariably to try
atrocities in the Third World, and the complex ways in which they impact the societies
to which they seek to deliver justice.321 And Cheah Wui Ling and Moritz Vormbaum
complicate what might be termed the ‘Western narrative’ of international criminal
316
Reynolds and Xavier, ‘“The Dark Corners of the World”: TWAIL and International Criminal Justice’,
14(4) Journal of International Criminal Justice (JICL) (2016) 959. Commendably and distinctively,
Australia is investigating possible war crimes committed in Afghanistan as a result of the findings of the
wide-ranging Brereton report.
317
Kiyani, ‘International Crime and the Politics of Criminal Theory’, 48 NYUJILP (2015) 129, at 200.
318
Reynolds and Xavier, supra note 316.
319
Orford, ‘Locating the International: Military and Monetary Interventions after the Cold War’, 38 HILJ
(1997) 443.
320
See Nesiah, ‘A Mad and Melancholy Record: The Crisis of International Law Histories’, 11(2) NDJICL
(2021) 232.
321
Burgis-Kasthala and Saouli, ‘The Politics of Normative Intervention and the Special Tribunal for
Lebanon’, 16 Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding (2022) 89; Burgis-Kasthala, ‘Assembling Atrocity
Archives for Syria: Assessing the Work of the CIJA and the IIIM’, 19(5) JICL (2021) 1193.
law that focuses on Nuremberg as the founding paradigm of the initiative, by ex-
ploring the operations and jurisprudence of British war crimes tribunals in Asia.322
TWAIL scholars in this area have also engaged in what I have called ‘restoration and
rethinking’ to study in more detail the landmark dissenting opinion of Radhabinod
Pal at the Military Tribunal of the Far East, which was established to try Japanese war
crimes committed during World War II, and what that reveals about the project of
international criminal law.323

F International Migration
The migration crisis has similar and inescapable First World–Third World, North-
South dimensions.324 It is the countries of the South, such as Uganda, Bangladesh
and Jordan, that host vast numbers of refugees. And it is difficult not to see the refugee
flows, at least in some cases, being directly attributable to the actions of Western states
– such as in Libya, where efforts, ostensibly to liberate the Libyans from the tyranny of
Muammar Gaddafi, have left behind a state of chaos, one in which there are reports of
a return to the slave trade. Chantal Thomas points to a further dimension of the North-
South dynamic by analysing how US initiatives – the war on drugs, the promotion of
free trade agreements – have created economic hardships and insecurity that have in-
tensified refugee flows to the USA.325 Despite these connections, as Chimni points out,
recent developments in refugee law and the creation of new strategies and categories
are attempts to curtail refugee movement to the North.326 Reynolds argues bluntly:
‘The European Union’s external border regime is a manifestation of continuing im-
perialism. It reinforces particular imaginaries of Europe’s wealth as somehow innate
(rather than plundered and extorted) and of Europeanness as whiteness – euphemis-
tically packaged as a ‘European Way of Life’ to be protected.’327 TWAIL scholars point
to the imperial dimensions of these phenomena, which are readily dismissed or over-
looked by a North that is more preoccupied, as in the Sale case,328 to craft regimes that
separate themselves from the chaos in which their actions are often implicated.
Discernible here is a further version of a basic theme – the externalization of vio-
lence – the system by which the North assumes the freedom to intervene militarily,
322
Cheah and Vormbaum, ‘British War Crimes Tribunals in Europe and Asia, 1945–1949: A Comparative
Study’, 31(3) LJIL (2018) 669.
323
See, e.g,, Khan, ‘Inheriting a Tragic Ethos: Learning from Radhabinod Pal’, 110 AJIL Unbound (2016)
25; Xavier, ‘Locating and Situating Justice Pal: TWAIL, International Criminal Tribunals, and Judicial
Powers’, 12(2) Asian JIL (2022) 392.
324
For an overview of current developments in migration law, see Ramji-Nogales and Spiro, ‘Introduction to
Symposium on Framing Global Migration Law’, 111 AJIL Unbound (2017) 1.
325
Thomas, ‘Transnational Migration, Globalization and Governance: Theorizing a Crisis’, in A. Orford and
F. Hoffmann (eds), The Oxford Handbook of the Theory of International Law (2016) 882.
326
327
Reynolds, ‘Symposium on COVID-19, Global Mobility and International Law: Fortress Europe, Global
Migration and the Global Pandemic’, 114 AJIL (2020) 342. As Reynolds argues, this involves ‘treating
Black Europeans and all migrants from the colonized world, as equal participants in European society’
(quoting Adom Getachew).
328
Sale, Acting Commissioner, Immigration and Naturalization Service, et al., Petitioners v. Haitian Centers Council,
Inc., 113 S.Ct. 2549 (US 1993).
financially and environmentally in the South while seeking to escape the consequences
that follow, the desperate refugees seeking to escape their homes now rendered un-
inhabitable due to war, poverty or environmental devastation. Tendayi Achiume’s
deeply considered and powerfully presented argument of migration as decolonization
seems entirely persuasive in this context.329 TWAIL scholarship is multilayered, and,
while TWAIL scholars write about current developments, they also explore the histor-
ical dimensions of this large issue. Under the emerging European international law of

the 16th century, it was entirely legal for Europeans to travel anywhere they wished.
Vitoria and Grotius wrote extensively and elaborately of what might broadly be termed
‘the right to travel’. For Grotius, this right to travel was essential for self-preservation, a
self-preservation understood in economic terms.
Once imperialism had reached its zenith, however, European international lawyers
consolidated and entrenched imperial European sovereignty by emphasizing sacro-
sanct borders. Within this framework, travel was possible through and within the
networks of empire as ‘subjects’ of the empire could to some extent travel within its
territories. Imperial imperatives, of course, were the driving force of the slave trade,
enforced migration of the most brutal sort by which 6 million Africans were trans-
ported to the new world, their labour needed for mines and plantations. The popula-
tions of territories were radically transformed in the interests of furthering imperial
wealth and commerce. By the 19th century, slaves were often replaced by indentured
labourers. Indians, for example, were sent to work in the Caribbean, Fiji, Africa and
other parts of the British Empire. While these workers were not technically slaves,
they had to survive in a plantation system that reproduced many of the technolo-
gies of slavery. Indeed, as Kris Manjapra has shown, slave owners who were paid
compensation for the loss of their slaves used these funds to establish plantations
that were ostensibly departures from slavery but that reproduced the logic and con-
trol of slavery.330 Given these histories, it is ironic that now desperate people seeking
to escape their misery are termed ‘economic migrants’ and, as such, denied refugee
status.331 The refugee definition itself is based, as is so much else of international law,
on European experience: the refugee crisis caused by World War II, a definition that
was reproduced in the Protocol of 1967.332
G Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Since at least the time of Bandung, developing countries have been concerned about
nuclear destruction. Indeed, even earlier, in his great speech at the Asian Conference of
1947, Gandhi explicitly associated the West and its civilization with nuclear weapons
and their potential to destroy the world.333 More recently, the ongoing efforts of the
329
Achiume, ‘Migration as Decolonization’, 71(6) SLR (2019) 1509.
330
K. Manjapra, Colonialism in Global Perspective (2020).
331
See Achiume, supra note 329.
332
Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, GA Res. 2198 (XXI), 31 January 1967.
333
‘Gandhi’s Speech’, Inter-Asian Relations Conference, Delhi, India, 2 April 1947, available at www.nonvi-
olent-resistance.info/exhibitions/eng/gandhi/pg40.htm.
developing countries to create a fair regime to manage nuclear weapons and nuclear
disarmament has also been marked by the First World–Third World divide, manifested
in this case by a closely corresponding divide between nuclear and non-nuclear pow-
ers, a division that has been given legal form by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT),334 which in effect stipulated ‘common and differentiated re-
sponsibilities’ but in a way that significantly curtailed the rights of Third World states.
Once again, many Third World states, acting in good faith and trying to do their part

to create a more peaceful world order, signed the NPT, undertaking not to develop
nuclear weapons. They did so on the understanding that the nuclear states would in
due course engage in negotiations leading to disarmament and the eventual abolition
of nuclear weapons. This has not occurred. Article VI of the NPT requires nuclear
states to engage in good faith negotiations with a view to ending the arms race and
disarming, but they have made little effort to do so. Instead, nuclear states continue to
expand their arsenals of nuclear weapons. It is especially concerning that the ICJ, in a
split decision reminiscent of another famous case, South West Africa, avoided deciding
a case brought by the Marshall Islands seeking to assess whether states such as the UK
were complying with their obligations under the NPT.335
China and India, both proclaiming themselves to be leaders of the Third World, are
nuclear powers, demonstrating again that the North-South, First World–Third World
division is not by any means decisive. However, the manner in which the Marshall
Islands v UK case was decided, with all the judges who were nationals of countries
with nuclear weapons finding that the court had no jurisdiction, further reinforced
the sense that the international legal system was operated by the powerful for the
powerful. And the fact that the Court dismissed the Marshall Islands’ application by
departing from its own jurisprudence on the question of when a ‘dispute’ could be said
to exist between parties, only furthered this impression. A close and objective reading
of this case, with no explicit TWAIL analysis, will reveal the biases undermining inter-
national law and the way in which it is administered. Worse, the Court’s decision val-
idates the position of countries such as India and Pakistan that refused to sign the NPT
on the basis that it was a form of ‘nuclear apartheid’.336 The non-nuclear signatory
states appear somewhat naïve and foolish in their willingness to sign a treaty that was
supposed to further the cause of world peace and disarmament because nuclear states
continue to develop nuclear weapons. The recent landmark treaty abolishing nuclear
weapons337 – furthered here by both developed and developing states – will have little
effect on nuclear powers that have adamantly resisted the formation of the treaty and
its terms.
334
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons 1968, 729 UNTS 161.
335
Obligations Concerning Negotiations Relating to Cessation of the Nuclear Arms Race and to Nuclear Disarmament
(Marshall Islands v. United Kingdom), Judgment, 5 October 2016, ICJ Reports (2016) 833.
336
J. Singh, ‘Against Nuclear Apartheid’, Foreign Affairs, September/October 1998, available at www.for-
eignaffairs.com/articles/asia/1998-09-01/against-nuclear-apartheid.
337
Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, Doc. A/CONF.229/2017/8 (2017).
H Human Rights
The First World–Third World divide takes on a particularly complex form in the
field of human rights. Third World countries, and, indeed, several TWAIL scholars,
have enthusiastically embraced human rights, despite their Western origins, as a
means initially of fighting imperialism and racism and then, more recently, as a
way of resisting dictatorship.338 Several TWAIL scholars have commenced their car-
eers focusing on international human rights law, and their work has contributed

to important debates that illustrate the workings and manifestations of the First
World–Third World division in that field. Some themes and debates may be broadly
identified, and, in this section, I outline some of the varying responses of TWAIL
scholars to human rights. I also focus on the writings of TWAIL scholars who are
special rapporteurs and independent experts in the UN human rights system and
whose work offers important insights into current TWAIL efforts to rethink and re-
formulate international law.
First, as discussed earlier, TWAIL scholars were drawn to human rights as a means
of protecting against the depredations of the post-colonial state. Thus, TWAIL scholars
explored how initiatives such as ‘good governance’ could make authoritarian leaders
of developing countries more accountable.339 As part of this project, TWAIL scholars
have sought to amend and adapt human rights law to make it more effective and more
sensitive to the realities of those societies and the particular harms suffered by mi-
norities and women. Further, they have explored how people in the Third World have
innovated to develop and expand human rights in ways that would protect human
dignity more widely conceived and, broadly, to enhance the application and effect-
iveness of human rights. The jurisprudence of bodies such as the African Court of
Human and Peoples’ Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights is vital
in this regard.340 Second, TWAIL scholars have analysed the Eurocentric character of
international human rights law. They have argued that the ‘universal human being’
posited as the foundation of international human rights law is a human being that
is essentially European, white and male.341 Third, TWAIL scholars have argued that
human rights may replicate forms of colonialism – that human rights expand their
reach through narratives based on colonial assumptions – ideas, for instance, that citi-
zens of the Third World have to be ‘saved’ by the champions of international human
rights law.342 Such approaches could justify intervention and often obscure the pos-
sible complicity of the West in these violations and legitimize interventions that are
338
For a rich collection of essays dealing with different aspects of this large theme, see J.M. Barreto, Human
Rights from a Third World Perspective: Critique, History and International Law (2013).
339
See, e.g., E.K. Quashigah and O.C. Okafor, Legitimate Governance in Africa (1999).
340
See, e.g., U. Baxi, The Future of Human Rights (2012); O.C. Okafor, The African System of Human Rights,
Activist Forces and International Institutions (2007); B. Rajagopal, International Law from Below (2009).
341
See, e.g., R. Kapur, On Gender, Alterity and Human Rights: Freedom in a Fishbowl (2019); M. Mutua, Human
Rights, a Political and Cultural Critique (2002).
342
For the classic article on this, see Mutua, ‘Savages, Victims and Saviors’, 42 HILJ (2002) 201.
often violent and could themselves be destructive of human rights.343 Fourth, TWAIL
scholars – and this has been a long tradition – have explored affinities between human
rights and the teachings of various religious and cultural traditions that have shaped
non-Western societies, further arguing that international human rights law is not ex-
clusively Western, that these non-Western societies had their own concepts of good
governance and dignity and that these could enrich human rights and add to their
legitimacy and reach.344 Fifth, TWAIL scholars have studied the complex relation-

ship between human rights and political economy. The argument here is that human
rights, while they have been crucial for the protection of the person, have also sup-
ported, or at least been ineffectual against, a particular system of political economy
– the regimes of international trade and investment law – that in turn have had an
enormous impact on the everyday lives of people in the Third World. TWAIL scholars
have focused especially on globalization in this regard, showing how human rights are
implicated in a system of political economy that has caused ongoing immiseration and
environmental damage.
For TWAIL scholars, these inquiries were not abstract; they were prompted by
observing what was happening in their own societies, as neo-liberal economic pol-
icies extended into the developing world, and human rights offered only limited ways
of mitigating the social and economic impacts of such policies. The stronger version
of this argument asserts not only that human rights are ineffectual but also that they
actually support such a system of neo-liberalism. Fundamental insights of the com-
plicity of human rights and neo-liberalism were laid out at least two decades ago by
scholars such as Baxi345 and Chimni.346 More recently, a number of works have fur-
ther enriched this exploration on the relationship between human rights and neo-
liberalism.347 Finally, unsurprisingly, TWAIL scholars have taken a historical approach
to human rights, studying the way in which developing countries have supported
human rights and attempted to articulate and expand their own vision of human
rights. The Bandung communique, for instance, endorsed the Universal Declaration
on Human Rights (UDHR).348 Later, developing countries drove the initiative to achieve
racial equality and formulated new rights – most notably, the right to development.349
TWAIL scholars also continue to work on several crucial human rights issues as
UN special rapporteurs and independent experts. Achiume has authored several
343
For a superb study of the issue of the unrecognized ways in which the West intervenes in the Third
World, see Orford, ‘Locating the International: Military and Monetary Interventions after the Cold War’,
38 HILJ (1997) 443; A. Orford, Reading Humanitarian Intervention: Human Rights and the Use of Force in
International Law (2003).
344
See, e.g., C.G. Weeramantry, Universalising Interntional Law (2004); Clark, ‘Universalizing International
Law’, 99 AJIL (2005) 298.
345
See the sources by Baxi in notes 45–47 above.
346
Chimni, ‘International Institutions Today: An Imperial Global State in the Making’, 15 EJIL (2004) 1.
347
See, e.g., J. Whyte, The Morals of the Market Human Rights and the Rise of Neolibralism (2019).
348
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, GA Res. 217A (III), 10 December 1948.
349
See Bedjaoui, ‘The Right to Development’, in M. Bedjaoui (ed.), International Law: Achievements and
Prospects (1991) 1177.
important reports on contemporary forms of racism.350 Rajagopal’s work on the

human right to adequate housing is especially urgent in the midst of the pandemic.351
Fakhri in his work as special rapporteur of the right to food has been formulating a
concept of the right to food that focuses on human dignity rather than on the im-
peratives of the current trade and financial regime.352 Fakhri also points to another
crucial concept that could serve as an important foundation for a different norma-
tive order, the concept of solidarity.353 Indeed, the independent expert on the right to

solidarity, Obiora Okafor, is developing this concept further, emphasizing why inter-
national solidarity is important in dealing with current crises relating to migration,
climate change and health.354
The term ‘solidarity’ has always been associated with the Third World, but, in more
recent times, it has appeared frequently in statements and declarations that urge
global solidarity to meet the challenges of the pandemic. The notion of solidarity af-
firms and expands on the idea that the protection of all human rights, whether eco-
nomic and social or civil and political, depends on the creation of conditions that
enable and support those rights.355 Many aspects of international law impinge upon
the creation of those ‘conditions’ and a vision of human rights that focuses only on
the rights owed by a state to individuals within its territory or jurisdiction could be
inadequate to promote the needed conditions. For instance, if the right to health is
central to the management of the pandemic – and surely it is for countries that have
universally available health care are managing the pandemic much better even if they
are in other respects poor countries – then it is important to ensure that states are able
to afford to fund health care. This observation in turn suggests that international fi-
nancial organizations and other such actors should be sensitive to these matters when
devising debt relief strategies as the imposition of austerity will inevitably affect the
availability of health care.
Okafor further outlines how solidarity offers an alternative approach to the phenom-
enon of vaccine apartheid as rich countries acquire the bulk of vaccines available.356
350
See, e.g., UN Human Rights Committee Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial
Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, UN Doc. A/76/434, 22 October 2021.
351
See B. Rajagopal, ‘Opinion: The Pandemic Shows Why We Need to Treat Housing as a Right’, Washington
Post (7 May 2020).
352
See M. Fakhri, The Right to Food in the Context of International Trade Law and Policy, UN Doc. A/75/219,
22 July 2020.
353
As Fakhri puts it, ‘[s]tates are obliged to work collectively, and in solidarity, to ensure that the inter-
national system guarantees everyone’s human rights’. Ibid., at 6.
354
See, e.g., O.C. Okafor, Report of Independent Expert on Human Rights and International Solidarity, UN
Doc. A/76/150, 19 July 2021.
355
See the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights1966, 993 UNTS 3, which, in
the preamble, affirms that freedom from fear and want ‘can only be achieved if conditions are created
whereby everyone may enjoy his economic, social and cultural rights, as well as his civil and political
rights’.
356
See UN Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, ‘UN Expert Says Global Coordination and
More Equitable Sharing of COVID-19 Vaccines Key to Recovery’, available at www.ohchr.org/EN/
NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=26683&LangID=E; UN Human Rights Office of the
High Commissioner, ‘Independent Expert on Human Rights and International Solidarity’, available at
www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/Solidarity/Pages/IESolidarityIndex.aspx.
The right to solidarity has been opposed by many Western states. However, given all
the new forms of interdependence, vulnerability and inequality both revealed and cre-
ated by the pandemic, it is surely the case that a new approach is needed to think about
global order, human rights and the effective protection of human dignity. Similarly,
the right to development, dismissed in the aftermath of the NIEO, continues to be re-
thought as a draft convention on the topic was presented to the UN General Assembly
in 2020.357 These initiatives offer new ways of thinking about compelling global

issues. The works of Rajagopal, Fakhri, Achiume and Okafor continue to develop a
TWAIL approach to human rights.358 While sensitive to its biases and inadequacies,
they do not reject human rights. Rather, they seek new ways of making the promise of
human rights a reality. They are implementing a TWAIL vision of human rights, seek-
ing to expand and adapt rights to deal with new threats to human dignity, especially in
the socio-economic realm. Further, this vision of rights makes the real experiences of
those most affected a foundation of their analysis – the ‘lived Third World experience’
– however crudely formulated and understood. Significantly, all these scholars have
focused on developing a vision of human rights that could effectively protect human
rights against neo-liberal globalization, which has only intensified since the 1990s,
leading to the further financialization of food, water, energy and other resources es-
sential for human well-being. The trend has resulted in the diminution of the state and
the prevalence and normalization of insecurity in multiple ways.
Broadly then, since the 1990s, TWAIL scholars have explored the question of how
human dignity might be preserved in a neo-liberal world. The efforts of the special
rapporteurs and independent experts continue this tradition. It is yet another effort,
like their predecessors of TWAIL I, to establish an ambitious legal framework that
would further the well-being of people in the Third World as well as everywhere. I
would argue that the future of human rights depends in important respects on these
efforts as one of the major issues confronting human rights is how it can respond to
all the economic forces that further human misery. Authoritarian and racist politics
are now spreading everywhere, and the protection of civil and political rights is more
important than ever. However, human rights will fail unless they can also address the
challenges of the current economic structure, a structure that creates many of the
social tensions and fractures that foster racism and ethnic conflict.
5 The Colonial Origins of Human Rights: The Sovereign

Alien
Having discussed the issue of human rights, and the complex and continuing ques-
tion of their place in a neo-liberal world, I introduce a more explicitly personal note, as
the preceding overviews of TWAIL scholarship and the continued analytical value of
357
See UN General Assembly, Draft Convention on the Right to Development, with Commentaries, UN Doc.
A/HRC/WG.2/21/2/Add.i, 8 May 2020.
358
See T. Achiume, The Impact of Nationalist Populism on Racial Equality: Report, Doc. A/73/305,
6 August 2018; T. Achiume, Global extractivism and racial equality, Doc. A/HRC/41/54, 14 May 2019.
the First World–Third World dichotomy now give way to my own current reflections
and research on the origins of human rights and the Third World reparations cam-
paign. These are my efforts to further explore topics with which TWAIL scholars have
been preoccupied.
A Protecting Human Dignity: The Individual in International Law

The protection of human dignity might be considered the ultimate goal of inter-

national law, and it is for this reason that the human rights revolution was welcomed
as a major advance in international law. A theme that has preoccupied human rights
law, but that has long predated it, is the issue of the position of the individual in inter-
national law. Questions related to this broad issue explore the relationship between the
sovereign and the individual and the eclipse of the individual within the classic system
of international law that was based on the sovereign. More recent debates focus on the
nature of the individual that human rights seek to protect. In this section, I sketch out
another approach to the individual and human rights that uses TWAIL methodology,
as it were. The basic argument here is that a version of human rights that was devised
to protect a specific type of individual was created in the colonial encounter – that is,
particular understandings of ‘human rights’ were given form and expression in the
colonial encounter and that it was in this encounter that these rights were developed
and connected to, and related to, various other areas of international law, including
trade, sovereignty and property. My broad argument here is that international law
vested the European individual with a broad set of rights in the colonial encounter,
and the system of rights so created continues to shape international law. Indeed, I
argue that it constitutes, albeit largely unrecognized, a separate trajectory of human
rights from that which is usually studied within international human rights law.
B The Rights of Aliens: A Historical Approach

An introduction to this particular theme, which might be broadly termed ‘the rights
of European aliens’, is suggested by an analysis of two passages authored by 19th-
century jurists. The first, a famous passage from Justice Horace Gray, states: ‘It is an
accepted maxim of international law, that every sovereign state has the power, as in-
herent in its sovereignty, and essential to self-preservation, to forbid the entrance of
foreigners within its dominions, or to admit them only in such cases and upon such
conditions as it may see fit to prescribe.’359 This statement, made in 1892, affirms a
fundamental tenet of positivist 19th-century international law – the essential right
of the sovereign over its own territory – a right that is especially emphasized by the
sovereign’s prerogative to exclude and manage aliens. The alien – in this specific case,
a Japanese woman, Nishimura Ekiu – is seen as potentially threatening the existence,
the ‘self-preservation’, of the state.
A somewhat different idea of the relationship between the alien and sovereignty
is presented by another prominent jurist, John Westlake, Whewell professor of
359
Nishimura Ekiu v. United States, 142 U.S. 651 (1892).
international law at the University of Cambridge, only two years later in 1894: ‘When
people of European race come into contact with African tribes the prime necessity is a
government under the protection of which the former may carry on the complex life
to which they have been accustomed in their homes. … Can the natives furnish such
a government or can it be looked for from the Europeans alone? In the answer to that
question lies, for international law, the difference between civilization and the want
of it.’360 Westlake refers to ‘government’ rather than sovereignty. Under international

law, proper government is an essential element of statehood and sovereignty, and a
society ruled by a government that fails to meet appropriate standards – ‘the stand-
ards of civilization’, in Westlake’s parlance – could not be properly sovereign. His ar-
gument appears to be that, for a government to be ‘civilized’, it had to basically enable
people of ‘European race’ to live the complex lives to which they were ‘accustomed in
their home’. And if such a government could not be furnished, then, it followed that
the government in question could not be regarded as the government of a sovereign
state. There is a great deal to unpack in this passage about the complex connections
amongst race, civilization, government and sovereignty.
For my purposes, however, what is compelling about Westlake’s statement is his ar-
gument, in effect, that it is the rights of European aliens that define sovereignty; that
an entity could be regarded as sovereign only to the extent that it protects the rights
of such aliens. This paradigm of the sovereignty-alien relationship is striking: it com-
pletely reverses the relationship posited by Gray. In Gray’s statement of international
law, the sovereign has absolute rights over aliens and their entry; in Westlake’s state-
ment, an entity is only sovereign if it protects the rights of aliens. It is an entity’s
capacity to protect the rights of aliens that determines the validity or otherwise of
government and, hence, sovereignty. It is also noteworthy that Westlake’s paradigm
transforms the native of the non-European state into an ‘alien’ within her own ter-
ritory insofar as that native would ostensibly be ruled, according to Westlake, by a
system of governance that takes the European as the standard.
This inquiry, then, is driven by the issues that arise from these contrasting visions
of the relationship between the sovereign and the alien. I seek to explore the origins,
character and structure of the jurisprudence that Westlake so confidently asserts –
the rights possessed by these extraordinary aliens, people of ‘European race’. What
are the origins of this formidable personality? More specifically, if this alien could be
said to possess ‘rights’, where do these rights derive from and what happened to this
particular tradition of rights, so emphatically and assuredly presented (it is hard to
overlook the tone of Westlake’s statement)? What is the importance, if any, of this
tradition of rights in the system of modern, familiar human rights as embodied and
extended in the UDHR?
One version of the origins of the rights of European aliens asserted by Westlake
may be traced to the beginnings of modern international law – namely, the writings of
360
J. Westlake, Chapters in the Principles of International Law (1894), at 51. Westlake’s emphasis on race is
hard to overlook. See Gevers, ‘“Unwhitening the World”: Rethinking Race and International Law’, 67
UCLALR (2021) 1652.
Francisco de Vitoria. In developing his argument as to how the Spanish could exercise
sovereignty over the Indians of the New World, Vitoria articulated concepts of ‘nat-
ural society’ and ‘fellowship’, stressing that ‘[i]t was permissible from the beginning
of the world (when everything was in common) for anyone to set forth and travel
wheresoever he would’. Vitoria elaborates that this right to travel – to enter foreign
lands – was based on concepts of hospitality361 and trade, together with the right to
preach the gospel throughout the world. Vitoria very broadly pronounced that ‘[t]he

Spaniards have a right to travel into the lands in question and to sojourn there, pro-
vided they do no harm to the natives, and the natives may not prevent them’.362
The consequences of these basic propositions were considerable. It meant that any
violation of this right to travel and trade could trigger, eventually, a war against the
Indians.363 Much of this discourse is shaped by considerations of humanity, fellow-
ship, the duties and sentiments arising from the idea that there is a larger ‘global so-
ciety’ of which all human beings are a part. Connected with this framework relating
to the rights of travel and ‘abode’ is a specific and far-reaching set of doctrines relating
to property, personality and political economy.364 My inquiry is driven specifically by
an exploration of the relationship between the rights of aliens and political economy,
and it seeks to contrast that inquiry with alternative approaches to the rights of aliens
that are based on concepts of hospitality.365
The importance of the right to trade and travel, and the further elaboration of a
system of political economy based on these ideas, is to be found in Grotius’ landmark
work, written in justification of the Dutch East India Company’s claims to a Portuguese
treasure ship, the Santa Caterina, captured by Dutch vessels in 1603.366 Grotius, ex-
plicitly referring to and building on Vitoria’s arguments, affirmed and expanded the
‘right to trade’ as a universal natural right.367 Having established the foundation of
361
This is the focus of Vincent Chetail’s illuminating analysis of hospitality. Chetail, ‘Sovereignty and
Migration in the Doctrines of the Law of Nations: An Intellectual History of Hospitality from Vitoria to
Vattel’, 27(4) EJIL (2017) 901.
362
F. de Vitoria, De Indis et De Jure Belli Relectiones (1548), at 151 para 386.
363
Ibid.
364
In this regard, I depart from the valuable work of Chetail, on hospitality, and Koskenniemi and Bohrer on
political economy. See Koskennimi, ‘Empire and International Law: The Real Spanish Contribution’, 61
University of Toronto Law Journal (2011) 1; Ashley J. Bohrer, ‘Just Wars of Accumulation: The Salamanca
School, Race and Colonial Capitalism’, 59 Race and Class (2017) 20. Unlike Chetail, I detail the right to
travel in relation to political economy and hospitality (the latter giving rise to what we might term the
rights of refugees); unlike Koskenniemi and Bohrer, here, I approach Vitoria by focusing on his place in
the trajectory on the rights of aliens specifically.
365
These are related to ideas of neighbourliness. See Vitoria, supra note 362 at 152. Vitoria cites Augustine:
‘Therefore they may not keep them away from our country without cause: When it is said “Love thy
neighbour”; it is clear that every man is our neighbour.’ See St. Augustine, De Doctrina Christana (397).
Other ideas are connected with ‘righteousness and charity’.
366
For a superb account of this incident and the legal issues it raises that I have drawn upon, see Porras,
‘Constructing International Law in the East Indian Seas: Property, Sovereignty, Commerce and War in
Hugo Grotius’ De Iure Praedae – the Law of Prize and Booty, or “How to Distinguish Merchants from
Pirates”’, 31 Brooklyn Journal of International Law (2006) 741.
367
For valuable studies of Grotius and natural rights, see R. Tuck, The Rights of War and Peace (1999);
Pagden, ‘Human Rights, Natural Rights and Europe’s Imperial Legacy’, 3(2) Political Theory (2003) 171.
universal natural rights, Grotius then proceeded to elaborate on the content of these
rights. The most fundamental of these rights had to do with self-preservation, and a
central aspect of this right of self-preservation was the right to trade: ‘[I]t is lawful
for any nation to go to any other and trade with it.’368 The whole scheme of nature
as created by God affirms the validity of this principle, for Grotius. He points out how
different peoples excel at different arts, thus ensuring that people interact with each
other.

Grotius argues that interdependence is inherent in this scheme and that friendship
is furthered through mutual wants and needs. Since trade is integral to society and
friendship, any impingement on trade violates ‘nature herself ’. The existence of the
ocean and the winds that facilitate travel are evidence of this larger plan. Given all
this, the Portuguese would be violating natural law in preventing trade with coun-
tries over which they were sovereign. How much worse then, claims Grotius, that the
Portuguese are preventing trade with the Asian states over which they have no sover-
eignty and which are themselves willing to trade. This offence against natural law by
the Portuguese justified the Dutch in resorting to war and, as such, in capturing the
Portuguese vessel, the Santa Caterina, and its treasures.
What is also notable about Grotius’ jurisprudence is his development of a particular
sort of legal personality as well as the rights associated with that personality. Vitoria
had argued that excluding people from travelling could be just grounds for war. While
relying on Vitoria, Grotius addresses a number of crucial issues that had been left rela-
tively unexplored by Vitoria. These had to do with the rights of an individual – a pri-
vate actor – to wage war: ‘The examples afforded by all living creatures show that
force privately exercised for the defence and safe-guarding of one’s own body is justly
employed. Furthermore, such force is also just when the purpose is the defence or re-
covery of one’s property; nor is it less so when employed for the collection of debts.’369
War is a public act, one of the crucially exclusive prerogatives of the sovereign. In
civil society, the individual surrenders his right to go to war, as it were, to the sover-
eign. However, the natural right of self-defence that every person possesses can be
exercised by an individual in a ‘state of nature’, a state where sovereign protection is
absent and wanting. For Grotius, as for many theorists of the time, the non-European
world was such a state of nature.370 The Dutch vessel, fighting for its rights in the
seas of Southeast Asia, far beyond the reach and protection of the nascent Dutch re-
public, was operating in a state of nature. Significantly, then, Grotius articulated and
elaborated on natural rights in their most expansive and elaborate form, vividly im-
agined, because the extra-European world was the location of this state of nature.371
Grotius further elaborates upon Vitoria in developing arguments for s elf-preservation
understood principally in economic terms and elaborating a corresponding set of
368
H. Grotius, The Freedom of the Sea (2004), ch. 1.
369
H. Grotius, Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (2006), ch. VII.
370
Kingsbury and Straumann, ‘The State of Nature and Commercial Sociability’, 31 Grotiana (2010) 22.
371
There is something of a paradox here. That is, non-European sovereignty is recognized (as it is in Vitoria),
and, yet, the non-European arena is seen as a state of nature in which individual subjective rights might
be vindicated. Complex issues arise here about the evolving Dutch approaches to imperialism.
natural rights. It is striking that an individual can go to war to recover property or

collect unpaid debts. The protection of property is central to self-preservation.372 What
is significant here is the emphasis on economic self-preservation and economic in-
jury as giving rise to self-defence. The world of natural rights that Grotius outlines in
these texts, his major works prior to the Rights of War and Peace, are rights that con-
nect self-preservation – the right to life, as it were – to a particular system of political
economy and not only in relation to physical preservation, bodily integrity, the right

to be free of torture and so on.
C The Corporate Alien

When adumbrating this particular vision of rights, Grotius is speaking of the rights
of the person, while, in effect, what he is advancing are the rights of a corporation,
the corporation that commissioned him to write an opinion on all the issues accom-
panying the capture of the Santa Caterina. From the outset, then, the rights of the
person and the corporation are conflated. Grotius argues that the Dutch East India
Company has the right to go to war because the rights of the company are in effect
the rights of a person or group of persons: ‘[N]o one will maintain that the East India
Company is excluded from the exercise of that privilege [to go to war] since whatever
is right for single individuals is likewise right for a number of individuals acting as a
group.’373 In many ways, the company – a trading entity created for the purpose of
making profit – is a perfect embodiment of a particular type of economic actor, and
Grotius constructs a universe of rights that furthers the rights of man as a particular
type of economic actor. Further, this specific actor – the corporation – is capable of
taking on a number of different forms. What we see in The Free Sea and The Law of
Prize and Booty is a complex jurisprudence in which the corporation is attributed with
a number of different legal personalities – sometimes as a person, sometimes as an
agent of the sovereign state and, at other times, in effect, as sovereign itself.374 The
great trading companies – the Dutch and British East India Companies – acted, of
course, as sovereigns in governing many parts of India and Southeast Asia, including
Indonesia.375 A trading company that acts as sovereign approaches governance, then,
principally as a necessary means by which it might continue its singular operation
of making a profit. The corporation, particularly in Asia in the 19th century, was the
principal vehicle by which European colonialism and international law expanded into
372
One can see here the legal underpinnings of what Sven Beckert has aptly termed ‘war capitalism’. S.
Beckert, Empire of Cotton: A Global History (2014).
373
Grotius, supra note 369, at 302. On the elusive and shifting character of corporate personality, see
Stapelbroek, ‘Trade, Chartered Companies, and Mercantile Associations’, in A. Peters and B. Fassbender
(eds), The Oxford Handbook of International Law (2012) 338.
374
On a valuable study of this elusive and shifting character of corporate personality, see Stapelbroek,
supra note 373. For an insightful study, see Barreto, ‘Cerebrus: Rethinking Grotius and the Westphalian
System’, in M. Koskenniemi, W. Rech and M. Jiménez Fonseca (eds), International Law and Empire:
Historical Explanations (2017) 150.
375
See, e.g., P. Stern, The Company State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British
Empire in India (2007); J.A. Phillips and J.C. Sharman, Outsourcing Empire: How Company States Made the
Modern World (2020).
that region. While we might see the corporation as a proxy for the sovereign, it may
be possible to view the sovereign as a proxy for the corporation. The interests of the
East India Company were a major factor leading to the Opium Wars, but the official
Treaty of Nanking was entered into between the sovereign states of the UK and China.
Significantly, the person entering into the treaty as plenipotentiary for the UK is Sir
Henry Pottinger of the East India Company.376 In a further iteration, the corporation,
which could assume the form of the individual or the sovereign, disappears completely

from visibility within the international legal system, even if it is the spectral actor
whose interests shape the making of international law.377
By the beginning of the 20th century, the corporation recedes as an explicit actor
in the world of international law because of events such as the Indian mutiny that
prompted the British government to assume control over India rather than leave it
in the hands of the East India Company.378 It is roughly at this time that we see the
explicit emergence of a new body of law through which the corporation inserts its
presence in the international system – the law relating to the rights of aliens, which in
turn is the law that profoundly shapes the law of state responsibility. Both these bodies
of law emerged in the early 20th century, much of it prompted by disputes between US
investors and Latin American governments. Latin American scholars such as Carlos
Calvo and Luis Drago attempted to use international law to protect against interven-
tion in Latin American countries by European states and the USA, which resorted to
bombardment and gunboat diplomacy in their efforts to protect their investors.379
The ‘rights of aliens’ become a body of law that appeared to be devised to protect in-
dividual human beings in foreign countries. This is why ‘the rights of aliens’ are seen
as an important development in the evolution of international human rights law: the
human person was given some sort of recognition and protection by international
law. Edwin Borchard’s classic book might be seen as the embodiment and expression
of the factors that shaped this body of law.380 What is clear, however, is that as soon
as the law of aliens took shape – and the topic was taken up by the Institut de Droit
and the League of Nations, both of which began ambitious projects to clarify and co-
dify the law – corporations were included among the entities classified as aliens and
thus capable of enjoying protection under international law. As a consequence, we
have one body of law, the law relating to the rights of aliens, which encompasses two
376
Treaty of Nanking (1842), preamble.
377
For outstanding recent studies of the relationship between international law and the corporation, see K.
Miles, The Origins of International Investment Law: Empire, the Environment and the Safeguarding of Capital
(2013); G. Baars, The Corporation, Law and Capitalism (2019); D. Lustig, Veiled Power: International Law and
the Private Corporation 1886–1981 (2020) (traces the ways in which the corporation continued to shape
international law despite having retreated from international legal prominence).
378
J. Darwin, The Empire Project (2009), at 180–183.
379
On the Latin American and Mexican experience, see Vecoso, ‘Resisting Intervention through Sovereign
Debt: A Redescription of the Drago Doctrine’, 1 TWAILR (2020) 74. K. Greenman, State Responsibility and
Rebels: The History and Legacy of Protecting Investment against Revolution (2021).
380
See E. Borchard, Diplomatic Protection of Citizens Abroad and Change to the Law of International Claims
(1927). For a valuable recent work on this topic, see C. Casey, Nationals Abroad: Globalization, Individual
Rights, and the Making of Modern International Law (2020).
very different types of actors. This body of law applies, on the one hand, to the most
abject and vulnerable people, such as indebted and undocumented migrant workers,
and stateless persons and, on the other, to increasingly powerful actors, foreign in-
vestors and especially foreign investors who are corporations.
The protection of aliens was an essential element in the development of the law
of state responsibility. Newly independent states seeking to nationalize foreign enter-
prises that had control over their natural resources were confronted with the argu-

ment that they were violating the rights of alien corporations and hence incurred
state responsibility. It is hardly coincidental, then, that the international law of state
responsibility – a law that constrained sovereign states – became such an important
topic of international law at precisely the time when decolonization was unfolding. It
was a time when Third World states were radically challenging the established eco-
nomic order and the interests of colonial powers who were intent on maintaining
their economic advantages despite decolonization. The international law of state re-
sponsibility – and related areas such as state succession and acquired rights – was
therefore one of the principal areas in which the West and the Third World came into
conflict. Guha Roy’s classic article in the American Journal of International Law outlined
the stakes involved and the position of the Third World.381
A very distinguished group of lawyers including Sir Elihu Lauterpacht and Sir
Hartley Shawcross set about the task of constructing an international system that
would protect foreign investments. This extraordinary project – advanced through
many different forums and institutions, including the World Bank and ad hoc tribu-
nals such as the Iran-US Claims Tribunal as well as through the regime of bilateral
investment treaties – transformed international law. The current system of investor-
state arbitration has emerged from these developments. In effect, the system elevates
the corporation to sovereign status. Thanks to investment treaties, corporations are
no longer dependent on the support of the state and can now, on their own initiative,
commence claims against signatory governments under international law. And the
grounds on which corporations might claim compensation have been ever increas-
ing. As we have seen, it is these tribunals that have been continuously expanding the
concept of property itself through their findings on what constitutes a ‘foreign invest-
ment’. In all these different ways, wealth is in a sense created in order to be transferred
as all manner of activities and rights are transformed into an investment protected
by bilateral investment treaties.382 This ‘sovereign alien’ had emerged again not in a
universe of natural law but, rather, in a universe created by thousands of treaties, all
381
Roy, ‘Is the Law of State Responsibility of States for Injuries to Aliens a Part of Universal International
Law?’, 55 AJIL (1961) 863.
382
An important and complex issue arises here as to whether arbitration tribunals recognize as ‘invest-
ments’ rights that would not usually be regarded as ‘property’. That is, do arbitration tribunals create
rights and ‘property’ rather than simply enforcing existing property rights? The ability to enforce a prop-
erty right through international arbitration rather than through the national court system alone gives
the right in question a very different and powerful character. See Anghie, ‘Deutsche Bank v Democratic
Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, “All That Is Solid Melts into Air”’, 30(2) Foreign Investment Law Journal
(2015) 356.
basically supported by the ideology that corporate protection was essential to develop-
ment and human welfare. Sovereigns themselves acceded to this idea, often creating
legal regimes that enhanced private power and furthered corporate interests.
D The Two Traditions of Rights

The set of rights enjoyed by the European alien in the non-European world as devel-
oped in the natural law jurisprudence of Vitoria and Grotius is uniquely based on a

complex relationship between trade, property, personality and self-preservation. The
right to travel anywhere was a crucial element of these rights. What is notable is that
these rights are very different from the rights claimed within the classic genealogy of
human rights that focuses exclusively on Western experience and that are studied as
the natural rights predecessors of the UDHR. The rights in the UDHR, no doubt pro-
foundly shaped by the natural law tradition, are largely conceptualized as protection
against the tyrannical and arbitrary sovereign or state.383 This is the great theme con-
necting the French Revolution and the US Revolution. Property is certainly a concern
of all these revolutions. Many of these classic rights were protected by 19th-century
jurisprudence relating to the rights of aliens. As Gerrit Gong points out, the rights of
aliens by the time of the 19th century were a crucial part of the ‘standard of civiliza-
tion’ that the non-European society had to meet if it was to become properly sovereign.
It is unsurprising, then, that the ‘standard of civilization’ encompassed, according to
Gong, ‘guarantees of basic rights of liberty, dignity, property’. Importantly, however,
this list of rights crucially also includes ‘freedom of travel and commerce, especially for
foreigners’ and, further, ‘a domestic system of courts, codes and published laws which
guarantee legal justice for foreigners and nationals alike’.384 Thus, the rights of aliens
encompassed both classic rights relating to the protection of the person as well as the
right to trade and travel. In effect, the natural rights of Grotius and Vitoria to travel
and trade were now protected by the positivist international law of the 19th century,
an international law powerfully imposed and enforced by imperial powers. The Treaty
of Nanking might be read as an embodiment of the way in which the ‘natural rights’
of aliens – rights to commerce and trade – are now precisely the rights entrenched
through the instruments of positivist law, a treaty that the Chinese were compelled
to sign after a war. It is surely significant, further, that under the very first article of
this deeply unequal treaty, China and the UK undertook to protect each other’s citi-
zens, ‘who shall enjoy full security and protection for the persons and property within
the Dominions of the other’.385 Persons and property are inseparable. And connecting
with this past, a version of the basic principle endures in bilateral investment treaties,
many of which include a provision referring to ‘the full protection and security’ of the
383
See Pagden, ‘Human Rights, Natural Rights and Europe’s Imperial Legacy’, 3(2) Political Theory (2003)
171.
384
See Obregon, ‘The Civilized and the Uncivilized’, in B. Fassbender and A. Peters (eds), The Oxford Handbook
of International Law (2012) 918, citing G. Gong, The Standard of ‘Civilization’ in International Society
(1984), at 936, nn. 86, 87.
385
Treaty of Nanking, supra note 376, Art. 1.
foreign investor, although the investor is now, overwhelmingly, a corporation rather

than an individual.
The basic rights of aliens encompassed the international legal protection of the per-
son against state violence. It is understandable, therefore, that accounts of the histor-
ical background of international human rights law should see the rights of aliens,
together with the minority treaty system of the League of Nations and the abolition
of the slave trade, as a precursor to international human rights.386 However, the right

to travel and the right to engage in commerce through travel are not included in the
UDHR. The right to self-preservation – the crucial right for Grotius – is intimately tied
to trade, travel, property and political economy. And the system of international law
he then proceeds to outline is one that recognizes, expands and protects such rights,
even to the extent that war is justified to protect economic interests. International
human rights law as it emerged most immediately in the post-UN period was not ani-
mated by such a vision. Indeed, notably, the right to property, although mentioned in
the UDHR, is not outlined in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,
and trade and travel are dealt with in only a limited way.387 The UDHR’s protection of
the rights of aliens is limited in its range, and the scheme reinforces the sovereign state
that is under no obligation to recognize the rights of persons outside its ‘territory and
jurisdiction’.388 It is in many respects in keeping with Justice Gray’s vision of sover-
eignty that the UDHR seeks to establish the rights of aliens. What is striking, however,
is that both Grotius and Gray invoke some version of self-preservation to justify en-
tirely different versions of the ‘right to travel’.
Given this brief outline, it seems that several inquiries might be useful. I have ar-
gued that international law has both constructed and been constructed by the entity I
would call ‘the sovereign alien’ because the rights it enjoys may be traced back to the
sovereign rights of persons in a state of nature and, further, because the protection of
its rights becomes the test of whether an entity claiming to be the territorial sovereign
should be properly recognized as such. In this sense, it is the ‘sovereign alien’ that
rivals – indeed, that creates – the official sovereign. This alien is very different from
the vision of what might be termed the ‘helpless, abject alien’ – the alien as migrant
worker, refugee, stateless person – that has animated much of the scholarship on mi-
gration. The powerful work of Hannah Arendt, of course, has made the predicament
of this alien vivid and inescapable.389 It is this version of the alien that has inspired
powerful and probing studies of migration and refugees.390 I contrast this with the
‘sovereign alien’, an entity that acquires extraordinary rights precisely because it lacks
the benefit of sovereign protection because it is, in this sense, ‘stateless’. It is because
the vessels of the Dutch company in 1603 cannot call upon the emerging sovereign
386
See, e.g., H. Steiner and P. Alston, International Human Rights in Context: Law, Politics, Morals (2000), at
81.
387
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966, 999 UNTS 171.
388
See D. Weissbrodt, Human Rights of Non-citizens (2008).
389
For her famous conceptualization of the ‘right to have rights’, see H. Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism
(1951), ch. 9.
390
See, e.g., S. Benhabib, The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents and Citizens (2004).
Dutch republic to protect their rights that powerful private rights, surrendered to the
sovereign in a properly constituted civil order, revert again to the company. The most
significant of these rights is the right to go to war, which is the ultimate manifestation
of sovereignty.
The question, then, is how do we understand the construction, and the subsequent
history, of this particular type of alien and the different bodies of international law,
including human rights and foreign investment law that protect and expand the rights

of this entity? What will also be revealed is the dual trajectory of two traditions of ‘nat-
ural rights’, which overlap and which are nevertheless distinct: the natural rights to
free speech, proper trial and so on that are embodied in the UDHR and the natural
rights tradition that I have attempted to trace here, which includes the right to travel
and the interconnected rights of property and self-preservation. My argument is that
it is in the colonial encounter – in the theorization of the rights of Europeans in the
non-European world – that we might identify this other tradition of rights and, thus,
at least commence a study of how these two traditions relate to, contrast, overlap and
intersect with each other.
It is in the international law relating to corporations, in particular, that this theme
may be usefully analysed as corporations adroitly shift from one international legal
regime to another to expand their property rights. In some cases, these corporations
claim to be ‘human’ and claim human rights. Corporations have asserted human
rights both in international and domestic systems.391 In other cases, it is through a
different structure and body of law – through foreign investment law – that these
rights are protected. In certain cases, these two traditions clash, such as when cor-
porate rights may conflict with human rights.392 Tracing the trajectories of these two
traditions of rights – how they emerged, developed and intersected – offers another
approach to understanding the entire debate on corporations and human rights and
whether corporations have human rights obligations. This inquiry may also illuminate
the jurisprudence developed by arbitral tribunals when confronted by the defence that
the state, which has allegedly violated bilateral investment treaties due to measures
it has taken, has adopted those measures to protect the human rights of its people.
The task is to understand the existence, the origins and the continuity of these alien
natural rights; the manner in which international law, in various ways and through
various doctrines, has expanded these rights; the entities that bear these rights and
the technologies that they have created to protect themselves against competing re-
gimes, including ‘human rights’. Broadly, the project is to understand the origins and
391
For important studies of this large theme, see Grear, ‘Challenging Corporate “Humanity”: Legal
Disembodiment, Embodiment and Human Rights’, 7(3) Human Rights Law Review (2007) 511; A.
Winkler, We the Corporation FN-US Cases About This-Citizens United (2018); see also Kulick, ‘Corporate
Human Rights?’, 32 EJIL (2021) 537; Acharya, ‘Globalization and Hegemony Shift: Are States Merely
Agents of Corporate Capitalism?’, 54 Boston College Law Review (2013) 937.
392
This situation arises, for instance, when a state passes regulations designed to protect human rights but,
in doing so, affects the corporation’s profitability, potentially giving rise to investment claims. See, e.g.,
Crow and Lorenzoni, ‘International Corporate Obligations, Human Rights and the Urbaser Standard:
Breaking New Ground’, 35 Boston University International Law Journal (2018) 87.
ramifications for the world of these divergent, and yet connected, regimes. As we have
seen, modern refugee law has been powerfully shaped by European experience and, in
particular, World War II. Under this system, people seeking asylum who are deemed
‘economic migrants’ can be denied refugee status. However, the ‘economic migrant’,
the migrant battling for economic survival and self-preservation, is – at the risk of an-
achronism – very close to the individual to whom Grotius provides natural rights – the
rights to trade in order to survive – the person who can assert these rights by enter-

ing non-European territories unimpeded. Economic self-preservation is an imperative,
and the only way in which most persons can engage in the world of commerce in the
contemporary world is by selling their labour. The migrant worker is an embodiment
of this phenomenon in a globalized world. The rights of the corporation and the rights
of the migrant worker, then, represent two aspects of the world of commerce. And it
is through studying the rights of aliens that the divergent trajectories and histories of
these two entities might be traced, furthering our understanding of the operations of
capitalism, imperialism, race and international law. And the question arises not only
‘whether corporations have human rights?’ but also ‘how can a human being acquire
the rights of a corporation?’
6 The Third World and the Reparations Campaign
A Introduction
One of the major contemporary issues that has generated a new scrutiny of the leg-
acies of imperialism – much as the Iraq War revived the topic of imperialism and inter-
national relations in the 2000s – is the issue of slavery, race and reparations and the
efforts to understand in its fullest form the meaning and significance of race and its
impact on the international order. In this section, I outline some of the features of the
campaign for reparations, including the legal issues that such a campaign must con-
front. The challenges to such a campaign are formidable, and this is, I would argue,
no coincidence as an imperial international law ensures as part of its operations that
it cannot be subject to scrutiny: conquest creates structures and inequalities that
must remain unquestioned. Justice Marshall was emphatic in this regard: ‘The title by
conquest is acquired and maintained by force. The conqueror prescribes its limits.’393
Here, I develop a further argument – namely, that this campaign for reparations must
be seen in conjunction with another and much more successful campaign for repar-
ations, one that was initiated by the West itself. I argue that there are two systems of
law dealing with reparations. The first is the ‘Third World system’, which is still nas-
cent and uncertain and beset by numerous legal obstacles. The second system, which
is less recognized, is what I would call the ‘Western law of reparations’, one that is
already in place, established and operating with great effect and consequence. It is
the reparations continuously being paid not by the First World to the Third World but,
rather, by the Third World to the First World. The ‘Western law of reparations’ also
393
Johnson v. McIntosh, 21 US 543, para. 589 (1823).
has a defensive dimension, one that blocks and denies Third World claims for repar-
ations. It is in this way that the two systems are connected. I sketch these arguments
and suggest that what is needed is an appreciation of the Western system that ensures
an ongoing transfer of wealth from the Third World. The Third World campaign for
reparations should be directed not only at exploring compensation but also in making
visible the unequal structures of international law that continue to place Third World
people at a disadvantage and reforming those structures.

B Race, Slavery and Reparations
The campaign for reparations is inherently connected to a long history of slavery
and racism. The study of race and its relationship with the international system has
a long and rich tradition. The first Pan-African Congress, organized by a West Indian
barrister, Henry Sylvester-Williams, and attended by William Du Bois, took place in
London in 1900. The proceedings were dominated by questions of slavery, colonialism
and demands for the respect for the territorial integrity of Abyssinia, Liberia and Haiti.
It is at this congress that Du Bois famously proclaimed that ‘[t]he problem of the twen-
tieth century is the problem of the color line’, the problem of race determining access
to ‘the opportunities and privileges of modern civilization’.394 In warning against a
system in which ‘the black world is to be exploited and ravished and degraded’, Du
Bois made his appeal to ‘the Great Powers of the civilized world, trusting in the wide
spirit of humanity and deep sense of justice and of our age’. Du Bois, like many oth-
ers after him, appealed to the ideals of justice and humanity that Western states
proclaimed they were furthering through the civilizing mission. Du Bois eloquently
praised ‘the American Negro’ for ‘the great work he has accomplished in a gener-
ation toward raising millions of human beings from slavery to manhood’.395 What
is especially poignant, however, is Du Bois’ simultaneous recognition of the complete
devastation suffered by black people, the depredations inflicted by civilization, while
appealing to its ideals. Notably, Du Bois speaks of the plight not only of blacks but
also of the ‘brown and yellow myriads elsewhere’.396 Du Bois’ speech was prescient in
identifying race, slavery and colonialism as central to the international system and the
efforts to understand the consequences of this situation for the global order that con-
tinue. His work raises the question: what would a history of international law written
from the vantage point of the slave, which takes the practice of slavery as its ontology
and epistemology, reveal about the character of international law, its promises and
potentials, elisions and exclusions?397
394
W.E.B Du Bois, ‘To the Nations of the World’, Closing address, First Pan-African Convention, London,
1900.
395
Ibid.
396
Ibid.
397
For important efforts along these lines, see H. Richardson III, The Origins of African-American Interests in
International Law (2008); Grovogui, ‘To the Orphaned, Dispossessed and Illegitimate Children: Human
Rights beyond Republican and Liberal Traditions’, 18 Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies (2011) 41;
see Li, ‘Genres of Universalism: Reading Race into International Law with Help from Sylvia Wynter’, 67
UCLALR (2021) 1686.
Du Bois’ concerns endure. Slavery and atrocities committed during colonial rule
have given rise to several campaigns for reparations.398 These claims for reparations
for slavery, colonial exploitation and human rights violations have been made in many
different jurisdictions and under varying systems of law.399 Equally importantly, the
question of reparations has been taken up within the UN itself. As already touched on
above, the special rapporteur on ‘contemporary forms of racism’, Achiume, presented
the UN General Assembly with a wide-ranging report that explores the ‘human rights

obligations of Member States in relation to reparations for racial discrimination rooted
in slavery and colonialism’.400 The report explores ‘contemporary racially discrimin-
atory effects of structures of inequality and subordination resulting from failures to
redress the racism of slavery and colonialism’.401 These campaigns for reparations
provide an important and focused means of exploring the ongoing effects of imperi-
alism. Within the contemporary landscape of international law, amidst all the inter-
est in R2P, foreign investment law, cyber attacks and so on, the claim for reparations
is in many ways the most direct and explicit way of addressing imperialism and its
aftermath.
C Reparations, Property and Dispossession

Any discussion of reparations must commence from a basic premise. As scholars have
surely established now beyond any question, the development of international law
was driven by efforts to render the world in terms of ‘property’, to expand property
rights and to protect such rights.402 As I have already pointed out, scholars such as
Vitoria and Grotius wrote extensively on property issues: on how property is acquired,
398
See, for instance, the long-running Herrero efforts seeking reparations for the genocide they had suf-
fered under German colonial rule. See European Centre for Constitutional and Human Rights, ‘Colonial
Repercussions: Germany and Namibia’, available at www.ecchr.eu/en/case/colonial-repercussions-ger-
many-and-namibia/; see, e.g., H. Aidi, ‘Forgotten Genocide: Namibia’s Quest for Reparations’, Aljazeera
(7 August 2015), available at www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2015/8/7/forgotten-genocide-namibias-
quest-for-reparations; ‘Descendants of Namibia Genocide Victims Seek Reparations in New York’, The
Guardian (16 March 2017), available at www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/16/namibia-gen-
ocide-reparations-case-germany-new-york; E. Larkin, ‘Genocide Descendants Halted from Seeking
Reparations from Germany’, Courthouse News (24 September 2004), available at www.courthousenews.
com/genocide-descendants-halted-from-seeking-reparations-from-germany/; ‘What Is The CARICOM
Reparations Commission’, available at https://caricomreparations.org/about-us/.
399
See Ndiki Mutua, Paulo Nzili, Wambugu Wa Nyingi, Jane Muthoni Mara and Susan Ngondi v. Foreign and
Commonwealth Office, [2011] EWHC 1913 QB (UK); see, e.g., D. Boffey, ‘Hague Court Orders Dutch State
to Pay Out over Colonial Massacres’, The Guardian (27 March 2020), available at www.theguardian.
com/world/2020/mar/27/hague-court-orders-dutch-state-to-pay-out-over-colonial-massacres. The
Chagos case raises interesting questions about the sort of remedy available to a people for dispossession.
Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965, Advisory Opinion,
25 February 2019, ICJ Reports (2019) 2.
400
GA Special Rapporteur Tendayi Achiume, ‘Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination,
Xenophobia and Racial Intolerance’, UN General Assembly, UN Doc. A/74/321, 21 August 2019.
401
Ibid.
402
See A. Fitzmaurice, Sovereignty, Property and Empire (2014). This has been a key theme of Martti
Koskenniemi’s work. See, e.g., Koskenniemi, ‘Sovereignty, Property and Empire: Early Modern English
Contexts’, 18(2) Theoretical Inquiries in Law (2017) 355.
on what rights are connected with property, on what measures can be taken to pro-
tect property, on the distinction between common property and private property and
so on.403 Vitoria even asserts that the natives could own property, and yet, ‘just war’
waged by Europeans could give them legitimate title to native lands. In later jurispru-
dence, Indigenous peoples were deemed to have only imperfect rights over property
as they failed to cultivate the soil; thus, their lands could be taken over by European
settlers. In other cases, the existence of Native peoples was not even acknowledged,

the land they occupied thus being transformed into terra nullius.404 These doctrines
legitimized settler colonialism.
In short, from a TWAIL perspective, what is astonishing is that the ingenious ex-
pansion of property rights through international law, and through the expansion of
private property rights, was simultaneous with the dispossession of entire peoples of
their lands, their territories, their very persons. The relationship is almost asymptotic,
the property rights of European entities expanding as the non-European peoples were
deprived of their lands and means of existence. The racialized dynamic is at its most
literal in the practice of slavery, which turned black people into slaves.405 This dynamic
of expansion and retraction, of inclusion and exclusion, is a feature – a fundamental
characteristic – of international law that is in many respects ongoing as the man-
agement of global commons, outer space and other such arenas is conceptualized
principally through the lens of property.406 Any discussion of reparations must begin
by engaging with the process by which the world was transformed into property and
by confronting the historical fact of the unprecedented dispossession that followed.
Indeed, the phenomenon of dispossession created by imperial international law seems
to be so overwhelming that, to many, it cannot be addressed by legal means but must
simply be accepted as a given of the international order.
A study of the history of developing states and their claims for reparations is re-
vealing. The theme of reparations haunts much of the scholarship produced by
TWAIL I scholars. But it is not an explicit theme even in a work as powerful and
far-reaching as Bedjaoui’s Towards a New International Economic Order. The Bandung
communique makes no mention of reparations. Even the NIEO Declaration, which
makes numerous references to ‘the remaining vestiges of alien and colonial domin-
ation’, quite remarkably, given its reputation as a manifestation of the Third World at
its most strident, makes no general reference to reparations – either directly or even
403
See Vitoria, supra note 362.
404
These are the various doctrines, authored by scholars such as Emer de Vattel, that justified settler coloni-
alism. See R. Williams, The American Indian in Western Legal Thought: The Discourses of Conquest (1990); I.
Watson, Aboriginal Peoples, Colonialism and International Law (2015).
405
As Brenna Bhandar puts it in her superb study of property and racial capitalism, ‘[t]he brutal rendering
of black lives as objects of economic commerce produced a racial regime of ownership whose legacies
remain very much alive’. B. Bhandar, Colonial Lives of Property: Law Land and Racial Regimes of Ownership
(2018), at 6.
406
See ‘Special Issue: New Space through an African Lens’, 9(1) New Space (2021).
conceptually.407 The claim for the NIEO is based instead, broadly, on assertions about
interdependence and equity, on the need to ‘correct inequalities and redress existing
injustice’.408 Reparations are not mentioned as a remedy for that injustice.409 What
is remarkable and interesting, then, is that the developing states, at least within the
official legal instruments that constitute the NIEO, did not explicitly raise the issue of
reparations. The calls for a NIEO were more focused on remedying ongoing inequal-
ities, and the legal doctrines that supported them, even in a supposedly post-imperial

world. It is almost as though the Third World, concerned about the hostility that their
vision of world order and the NIEO would have provoked, had decided in the interests
of diplomacy to mute any claims for reparations.
In more recent times, the Durban 2001 World Conference against Racism revisited
the theme of continuing racism in all its forms and called for action against racism at
both the national and international levels. It declared that ‘slavery and the slave trade
are crimes against humanity and should have always been so’,410 and, importantly, it
points to the enduring effects of colonialism.411 It is surely both startling and revealing
that the one prominent area of international law in which reparations became a cru-
cial topic was in debates initiated by the West about acquired rights and state succes-
sion. Western multinational corporations argued that their acquired rights had been
breached, that they were being ‘expropriated’ and were therefore entitled to compen-
sation.412 These foreign corporations whose concessionary rights had been national-
ized by newly independent states proclaimed themselves to be victims of the predatory
Third World state that had violated the sacrosanct principle of unjust enrichment, a
principle now presented as a ‘general principle of international law’. This bold claim
was made with complete assurance and appropriate measures of righteous outrage
by corporations that had benefited enormously from the colonial patronage that
they had enjoyed prior to decolonization. Opposing this view, the Jamaican scholar
Norman Girvan pointed out that nationalization could be more properly seen instead
407
See UN General Assembly, Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, Doc.
A/RES/3201(S-VI), 1 May 1974. Provision 4(f) refers to the right of territories under foreign occupation
to ‘restitution and full compensation’ for the exploitation of the resources of their territories.
408
Ibid., at 3.
409
I have not had the chance to look into the extent to which reparations featured in discussions among
developing countries in various international law forums and institutions. I believe that the Asian-
African Legal Consultative Organization took up this matter in the 1960s and 1970s.
410
See Durban Declaration of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and
Related Intolerance, 8 September 2001, at 7, para. 13, available at https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/
files/Documents/Publications/Durban_text_en.pdf.
411
Ibid., s. 13 points to the ongoing effects of colonialism and how they have contributed to ‘lasting social
and economic inequalities in many parts of the world today’.
412
These topics were debated intensely in the International Law Commission (ILC) and beyond. Bedjaoui and
D.P. O’Connell were major protagonists. See Craven, ‘Colonial Fragments: Decolonization, Concessions
and Acquired Rights’, in J. von Bernstorff and P. Dann (eds), The Battle for International Law: South-North
Perspectives on the Decolonization Era (2019) 101. For a detailed account of the battles in the ILC and, in
particular, the responses to Bedjaoui’s repudiation of the idea of acquired rights surviving independence
of the new states, see Brunner, ‘Acquired Rights and State Succession: The Rise and Fall of the Third
World in the International Law Commission’, in von Bernstorff and Dann, ibid., 124.
as ‘expropriating the expropriators’.413 The ensuing heated debates about acquired

rights, unjust enrichment and nationalization revealed many of the strategies and
principles that featured in the ongoing battles surrounding the Third World’s claim
to ‘permanent sovereignty over natural resources’. Considering these debates now,
what is most astonishing is that foreign corporations that had exploited the resources
of colonial territories under the patronage of colonial governments then seized the
initiative to claim reparations for the wrongs they claimed they had suffered upon

nationalization.
Once again, an imperial international law lent these arguments some measure
of support. The classic case standing for the proposition that an illegal act gives rise
to a claim for reparations is the Chorzow Factory case.414 Indeed, this case is cited in
Achiume’s report.415 It is surely telling that it is a very specific entity – a corporation –
that is the origin, the centre and, in many ways, the foundation of the paradigm of the
law of reparations since at least that time. From a historical perspective, it is hardly a
surprise that the Chorzow Factory case involved a corporation, that the decisive event
that created the universal rules of reparations, the classic formulation that every
wrong must be redressed, is based on the issue of expropriation. My argument, then,
is that the whole current discourse of reparations – what might be viewed as the ten-
tatively emerging Third World law of reparations – cannot be seen in isolation from
what might be termed the established Western law of reparations, a body of law that
takes Chorzow Factory as its starting point. It is the corporation – as alien – that is in-
strumental in creating that body of law we know as ‘state responsibility’, even if later
the focus of the law of state responsibility shifted to the so-called ‘secondary rules’.
The Chorzow Factory case is illuminating, both for the law of reparations and the
earlier inquiry I sketched on the related topic of the rights of aliens. It suggests that
the international law providing for the right of an alien to claim compensation has a
longer and more developed history than international human rights law that provides
compensation for rights violations.
A stark contrast now becomes apparent. While the Third World deployed the lan-
guage of reparations in their political campaigns, they never developed a jurispru-
dence of reparations, a tribunal and a set of institutions to further the judicialization
of the project of reparations. This contrasted with what might be termed the Western
‘imperial’ campaign for reparations that was developed through tribunals and sup-
ported by the most outstanding scholars and practitioners of the time that were dir-
ected towards expanding a body of law supporting the rights of aliens, in general,
and of corporations, more particularly, through a number of mechanisms such as
413
See Girvan, ‘Corporate Imperialism: Conflict and Expropriation: Transnational Corporations and
Economic Nationalism’, 8 Journal of International Economics (1976) 472.
414
Factory at Chorzow (Germany v. Poland), 1927 PCIJ Series A, No. 9.
415
The principle is ‘reparation must as far as possible, wipe out all the consequences of the illegal act and
re-establish the situation which would, in all probability, have existed if that act had not been committed’.
Achiume, supra note 400, at 12–23, para. 31. Reparations is a broad concept and may take different
forms, and here I use the term compensation to refer to the financial aspect of reparations.
the American-Mexican Claims Commission.416 These were the foundations of what

became international investment law.
Here, the TWAIL argument is that origins matter, that the ‘colonial origins’ of the
law of state responsibility are instructive in revealing what sorts of actions count as
wrongs, who is able to claim and which interests are taken into consideration. All
these primordial and fundamental questions continue to shape the evolution of the
law. What we see in the development of the international law of foreign investment

since then is a consolidation and expansion of the mechanisms by which corporations
have strengthened their capacity to make and enforce claims. This has been achieved
through a complex structure of laws, institutions and doctrines ranging from bilat-
eral investment treaties, to the ICSID system, to the New York Convention as well as
through a jurisprudence expanding the meaning of crucial terms such as ‘investment’
and a number of related concepts.417 Several issues arise here. A law of reparations
shaped to compensate corporations is now accepted as logical, coherent, inevitable
and, indeed, indispensable to furthering growth and development. This body of law
both embodies and extends the neo-liberal vision of the world that is now so dom-
inant. By contrast, efforts to provide reparations for slavery or colonial exploitation
are criticized as aberrant and destructive, threatening entire social and economic
structures with endless claims and no end in sight. The reparations project has inevit-
ably been criticized and dismissed as impractical and disruptive, radically challenging
the system of existing international law. In response, however, it is worth noting that
the foreign investment regime itself, which furthers reparations for corporations, was
itself radical. International law had to be transformed in astonishing ways in order
to enable, for instance, corporations, through investment agreements, to acquire the
personality allowing them to sue a sovereign state under international law on its own
volition and not through the mechanism of diplomatic protection. It is in the work
of scholars such as Sornarajah, in writings produced over more than three decades,
that the changes can be traced. It is notable, however, that Ian Brownlie and Derek
Bowett, professors, respectively, at Oxford and Cambridge and often on opposite sides
in international legal litigation, both expressed amazement at some of the arguments
made on behalf of corporations; these arguments are now so commonplace as to be
unremarked on.418 It is this system that has led to developing countries being subject
to massive awards amounting to billions of dollars that often wipe out health, educa-
tion and welfare budgets.419
416
See, e.g., Neer Claim (1926), reprinted in UNRIAA, vol. 4, 60; A.H. Feller, The Mexican Claims Commission
1923–1934 (1935).
417
Convention on Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards 1958, 330 UNTS 38.
418
See Brownlie, ‘Legal Status of Natural Resources in International Law’, 162 RCADI (1979) 245, at 309;
Bowett, ‘State Contracts with Aliens: Contemporary Developments on Compensation for Termination or
Breach’, 59 British Yearbook of International Law (1988) 49. For an insightful account of how the foreign
investment regime expanded, see N.M. Perrone, Investment Treaties and the Legal Imagination: How Foreign
Investors Play by Their Own Rules (2021).
419
See Paparinskis, ‘A Case against Crippling Compensation in International Law of State Responsibility’,
83(6) Modern Law Review (MLR) (2020) 1246. For the impact of the regime on Indigenous peoples, see S.
Puig, At the Margins of Globalization: Indigenous Peoples and International Economic Law (2021).
Many legal obstacles confront the claims for reparations for colonialism and slavery.
The basic international legal principle of ‘intertemporal law’ holds that the legality of
an action must be assessed according to the law in operation at the time. Given that
colonialism and conquest and slavery were legal under the law of the 19th century,
it is argued that no remedies are available for any exploitation that took place dur-
ing this period when colonialism was at its height. The problem, of course, is that
the law of the period was itself constructed by imperial powers to enhance their own

interests. That is, the law of reparations, the law that outlines the grounds of com-
pensation, is itself imperial law. It is an imperial law that denies certain communities
reparations while enhancing the ability of other actors such as corporations to claim
such reparations. As Achiume points out, ‘international legal doctrine has a longer
history of justifying and enabling colonial domination than it does of guaranteeing
equal rights to all human beings’.420 The complication, then, is how a discipline that
reproduces colonial relations may be used to remedy those same problems. As many
scholars point out, corporations have rarely been held liable under international law
for human rights violations or, indeed, for other damaging actions affecting the rights
of states. Such contrasts raise very starkly the question of the relationship between
the corporation, the individual and the slave and the different entitlements of each
of these entities. How are these different legal personalities constructed? How is legal
personality related to entitlements and claims?
For all these reasons, claiming reparations for colonial exploitation faces many chal-
lenges if pursued under the current law. By contrast, imperial powers, on the other
hand, unilaterally established and enforced their own grounds for claiming repar-
ations. Thus, the UK simply inserted a clause on reparations in the Treaty of Nanking.
The British implacably asserted that the Chinese were required to pay reparations for
the costs of the war they had provoked the British into fighting. As Xue Hanqin points
out, the reparations in question were more than the cost of the Alaska purchase.421
D Haiti and ‘Colonial’ Reparations

The moments that shaped the law are important because they are moments in which
particular interests, identities and visions of the world compete with each other, and
one version prevails. There is perhaps something to be learned by studying the emer-
gence of principles that are then posited as universal from the specific contests that
produced them, the interests that prevailed and endured in the authoritative prin-
ciples that follow. If, as I have suggested by drawing on TWAIL, studying the law that is
generated by particular cases provides crucial insights into the character, nature and
development of that law, then it is also instructive to study another famous episode
in the history of reparations. The slaves of Haiti, having defeated Napoleon’s army
and liberated themselves, then had to pay reparations to France for engaging in the
effrontery of winning their freedom. The fledgling state of Haiti was compelled to pay
420
Achiume, supra note 400, at 4-23–5-23.
421
X. Hanqin, Chinese Contemporary Perspectives on International Law: History, Culture and International Law
(2012).
compensation for the losses suffered by French slave owners because of the successful
Haitian revolution.422 Slavery was overcome, but it was succeeded by debt, a debt that
lasted until the 1940s.423
As Liliana Obregon points out in her powerful article, Haiti had to borrow
from French banks to pay the French government, thus giving rise to what be-
came known as Haiti’s ‘double debt’.424 The Haitian experience is in many respects
archetypal of Third World sovereignty: independence is accompanied by a crip-

pling debt, the status of colony being replaced by the status of dependent debtor,
client state. Obregon observes that Haiti ultimately paid 166 million French
francs to settle the original debt of 60 million French francs.425 As she points out,
‘Haitians never asked or received compensation for the millions of people who
were enslaved, for those who died as a consequence of enslavement or for their
300 years of free labour’.426 The USA, fearful that a successful slave revolt could
inspire further slave revolts within its own borders, was equally determined to sup-
press Haiti. Crippled in all these different ways, Haiti was then presented as an ex-
ample of a failed state – a people incapable of ruling themselves – which is an idea
that persists to the present.427
In many ways, the Haitian experience might be seen as emblematic. The Third
World must pay reparations for the great offence of winning its freedom, and this pay-
ment has been the norm, required by existing legal systems.428 Many developing coun-
tries were born into debt, the acquisition of sovereignty being accompanied by the
obligations to pay the debts that had been incurred by their colonial masters. When re-
ferring to the financial burden facing developing countries on independence, Bedjaoui
noted that ‘[p]art of this burden results from the unjustified assumption of the debts
of the colonizing States, imposed by them on the newly formed States when they ac-
ceded to independence’.429 Writing in 1979 and pointing already to the enormous
difficulties facing developing countries in servicing this debt, Bedjaoui further noted
that ‘[t]he more and more unbearable indebtedness of these countries has become a
422
‘When France Extorted Haiti: The Greatest Heist in History’, The Conversation (9 July 2021), available at
https://theconversation.com/when-france-extorted-haiti-the-greatest-heist-in-history-137949.
423
For powerful studies of this episode, see Obregon, ‘Empire, Racial Capitalism and International Law: The
Case of Manumitted Haiti and the Recognition Debt’, 31 LJIL (2018) 597; see also Nesiah, ‘A Double Take
on Debt: Reparations Claims and Regimes of Visibility in a Politics of Refusal’, 59 OHLJ (forthcoming).
424
Obregon, supra note 423, at 612.
425
Ibid., at 613.
426
Ibid., at 614.
427
See Knox, ‘Valuing Race? Stretched Marxism and the Logic of Imperialism’, 4 LRIL (2016) 81. Similarly,
British slave owners were compensated for the losses they suffered upon emancipation. For a superb
study of the long-term consequences, see Manjapra, ‘Necrospeculation: Postemancipation Finance and
Black Redress’, 37 Social Text (2019) 29.
428
See P. Penet and J. Flores Zendejas (eds), Sovereign Debt Diplomacies: Rethinking Sovereign Debt from Colonial
Empires to Hegemony (2021) (for a study of the continuities between colonial times and the present). On
the related and important topic of odious debt, see O. Lienau, Rethinking Sovereign Debt, Politics, Reputation
and Legitimacy in Modern Finance (2014).
429
See Bedjaoui, supra note 27, at 41.
structural phenomenon’.430 The Third World debt situation for many countries has
been further exacerbated over time.
The corruption and incompetence of many developing country leaders in this mess
must not be overlooked, although it must be noted that many of these elites are part
of a predatory transnational network that exacerbates national indebtedness through
their corruption and so in effect invite further neo-liberal takeovers. But the system
of international law and global finance also contributes to ensuring that the South

continues to pay reparations to the North for committing the wrong of being colon-
ized. Even the basic figures relating to debt suggest the massive transfer of resources
that has taken place. For instance, to provide but a few figures: the original debt of
developing countries in 1980 was US $618 billion; the total external debt of develop-
ing countries in 2007 was US $3.3 trillion; the total amount paid in debt servicing
by developing countries is US $7.7 trillion.431 It is commonplace to attack the cam-
paign for reparations by arguing that the payment of reparations will disrupt the en-
tire social order. I would argue, however, that these alternative, imperial reparations
are already in place and, indeed, are disrupting the social order for the peoples of Asia,
Africa and elsewhere who are burdened with endless and unpayable debt and suffer
ongoing misery as a result. This version of debt seems normalized compared with the
focus on Chinese ‘debt diplomacy’. Reparations indeed have an extraordinary social
and human cost, but these are experienced most intensely in the poor world.
Financial compensation, of course, is not the only aim of the reparations project. But
what the reparations project may lead to at the very least is a systematic exploration
of colonialism and the effects of colonialism and, even more importantly, an under-
standing of how these effects are ongoing, how the technologies of colonialism continue
in a neo-liberal world to create inequality and hardship. The call for reparations and the
inquiry it generates is as much symbolic as material. International law relates to history,
philosophy and all the other disciplines in constructing and reinforcing particular ideas
about the world, its actors and its processes; the reparations project can point to alter-
native experiences and histories, reveal injustices neglected or obscured in these current
histories and, in this way, create a foundation for alternative visions.
Here I have been only able to sketch out how the foreign investment and debt re-
gimes are part of a much more complex system of what I term ‘Western reparations’.
Third World campaigns for reparations and debt cancellation are surely crucial to al-
leviate the suffering of people in the Third World. And yet, without a reform of the sys-
tem of Western reparations, such campaigns, even if successful, may be only limited
in their effects, as the underlying structures and regimes by which wealth is trans-
ferred from the Third World to the First World may remain intact.
430
Ibid.
431
See M.B. Steger, Globalization: A Very Short Introduction (2020), at 42. The statistics are based on various
sources including the World Bank. For the classic work on this theme, see S. George, A Fate Worse Than
Debt (1990); see also J. Hickel, D. Sullivan and H. Zoomkawala, ‘Rich Countries Drained $152tn from the
Global South since 1960’, Aljazeera (6 May 2021), available at www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2021/5/6/
rich-countries-drained-152tn-from-the-global-south-since-1960; see also J. Hickel, The Divide: Global
Inequality from Conquest to Free Markets (2007).
7 Global Governance and the Relevance of TWAIL to the

First World
Rounding out the general overviews in sections 3 and 4, and my own personal reflec-
tions in sections 5 and 6, I turn now in this final section to TWAIL’s significance for
current debates over the character of international governance and order. In doing so,
I seek also to make explicit a theme that runs latently through the previous sections –
namely, that TWAIL is not just for the Third World but also of universal significance,

that many of the legal technologies developed to dispossess the Third World are now
being redeployed in the First World and that TWAIL scholarship can contribute to on-
going efforts to create global solidarities between the poor in both the North and South,
exposing the inadequacies in the international order that create suffering around the
world. TWAIL may in this way contribute to the attainment of global justice.
In a speech delivered in 2020, the distinguished speaker offers a powerful over-
view of a world afflicted by coronavirus and all it revealed about the character of the
global order. He stated: ‘Inequality defines our times’ and, further, that ‘[d]iscrimina-
tion, abuse, and lack of justice define inequality for many, particularly indigenous
people, migrants, refugees, and minorities of all kinds.’ He pointed out that coloni-
alism – slavery, dispossession – created inequality and that this continues: ‘The legacy
of colonialism still reverberates. We see this in economic and social injustice, the rise
of hate crimes, and xenophobia; the persistence of institutionalized racism and white
supremacy.’ He suggests how the reverberations of colonialism continue in the trade
system: ‘Economies that were colonized are at greater risk of getting locked into the
production of raw materials and low-tech goods – a new form of colonialism.’ He
pointed out that global governance continues to be shaped by the North, exercised
through the UN Security Council and the Bretton Woods institutions. This view of
the world was presented not by some radical but, rather, by the UN Secretary-General
António Guterres in his Nelson Mandela speech.432 It is telling that Guterres’ account
of a world besieged by coronavirus leads him to examine how inequalities are both
revealed by the virus and all that follows and, further, how these inequalities, rather
than being remedied, are exacerbated. It is surely striking that Guterres raises issues
that are entirely familiar to TWAIL scholars and that have been the subject of their
ongoing scholarship. But perhaps this speech offers one clue as to why TWAIL has
not only survived (despite the scepticism of some who were present in 1997) but con-
tinues to thrive. Dissatisfied with mainstream accounts, TWAIL, building on the foun-
dational work of earlier generations of scholars, has outlined a vision of the world that
corresponds to the intuitions felt by many, particularly perhaps, but not only, people
living in the Third World. It has developed the concepts, the intellectual vocabularies
432
António Guterres, UN General Secretary, ‘Inequality Defines Our Time’: UN Chief António Guterres’
Hard-hitting 2020 Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture, 18 July 2020, available at www.un.org/sg/en/con-
tent/sg/statement/2020-07-18/secretary-generals-nelson-mandela-lecture-%E2%80%9Ctackling-the-
inequality-pandemic-new-social-contract-for-new-era%E2%80%9D-delivered.
and the systems of thinking that have enabled international law scholars to pursue
these intuitions.
The world, then, is facing the ongoing crisis of the pandemic. And it might
be appropriate, in concluding this retrospective, to consider TWAIL approaches
to the COVID-19 crisis and what this might suggest about TWAIL and its trajec-
tory. TWAIL scholars have formulated a rich and distinctive set of responses to
the question of how international law should respond to this crisis. One approach

to the pandemic is to commence again the task of institution building, treaty for-
mulation, a new and better version of the International Health Regulations and a
reformed World Health Organization (WHO). This project would call for the clari-
fication of human rights law, trade law and all the other many areas of inter-
national law that have been implicated by the pandemic. These are surely valuable
projects. However, as Francisco José Quintana and Justina Uriburu argue, what
might be needed is a much more searching and expansive idea of the crisis, one
that encompasses global governance itself.433 TWAIL scholars, then, have taken a
different approach, one based on the idea that the pandemic revealed the inter-
national order to be startlingly and deeply unequal and racialized.434 The pan-
demic is furthering inequality and hardship – both between and within states – at
least in part because current systems of global governance, which are themselves
dominated by the global North, will play a large role in managing the crisis and,
hence, the outcomes. The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual
Property Rights (TRIPS Agreement), waiver provisions notwithstanding, has in-
hibited the availability of desperately needed vaccines.435 The World Bank and the
IMF, both created and controlled by the global North, will seek to assist with the
financial crises that all developing states are experiencing, but, as a far-reaching
UNCTAD report points out, these relief programmes may only exacerbate the mas-
sive debt burdens experienced by these developing states.436
433
See Quintana and Uriburu, ‘Modest International Law: COVID-19, International Legal Responses and
Depoliticization’, 114(4) AJIL (2020) 687.
434
For TWAIL views on the pandemic, see ‘TWAIL-related Commentary on the Coronavirus Pandemic’,
TWAILR, 13 May 2020, available at https://twailr.com/twail-related-commentary-on-the-coronavirus-
pandemic. This is a very rich and varied set of views dealing with a wide range of issues. But perhaps
a linking thread is to approach the pandemic through a set of themes familiar to TWAIL, relating to
inequality, race and the structures of global governance. See, e.g., Sen, ‘Critical Thinking in Times of
Crisis: International Law, Critical Education and COVID-19’, Socio Legal Review (12 April 2020), available
at www.sociolegalreview.com/post/critical-thinking-in-times-of-crisis-international-law-critical-educa-
tion-and-covid-19; Vanni, ‘On Intellectual Property Rights, Access to Medicine and Vaccine Imperialism’,
32 TWAILR: Reflections (2021), available at https://twailr.com/on-intellectual-property-rights-access-to-
medicines-and-vaccine-imperialism/. On the racial dimensions of global public health initiatives and in-
equalities, see Sirleaf, ‘Racial Valuation of Diseases’, 67 UCLALR (2021) 1820; Sirleaf, ‘Disposable Lives:
COVID-19 Vaccines, and the Uprising’, 121 Columbia Law Review Forum (2021) 71.
435
Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights 1994, 1869 UNTS 299.
436
See UN Conference on Trade and Development, From the Great Lockdown to the Great Meltdown:
Developing Country Debt in the Time of COVID 19 (2020).
Charlesworth famously argued that international law might be viewed as a dis-

cipline generated by crises.437 TWAIL scholarship has written illuminatingly on the
various crises that have afflicted the international system: the war on terror, the
global financial crisis, the pandemic, environmental harm. But perhaps its most sig-
nificant contribution to international law is its analysis of the structural crises that
have been integrated into the everyday operations of international law to the extent
that they are regarded as the normal and natural, even if they produce misery for

many and lead to the destruction of the environment and, with it, life as we know
it on Earth.438 While the reform of the WHO, for instance, may be desirable and
helpful, the larger point that Guterres makes is that the pandemic reveals a crisis – a
long-term crisis – in global governance. It is this structural crisis on which TWAIL
scholars have focused. They argue that inequalities will be exacerbated precisely be-
cause powerful institutions and states that are in many ways responsible for those
inequalities in the first place will shape the response to the pandemic and other such
crises. While human rights regimes, for instance, may not play an effective role in
protecting human dignity amidst this catastrophe, the intellectual property regime
established through TRIPS, a regime that was basically authored by pharmaceutical
companies,439 will determine the crucial issue of the distribution of vaccines. The
pandemic has most profoundly affected those who are already the most vulnerable.
For all the reasons I have outlined above, I would argue that TWAIL offers important
perspectives and analytic tools for understanding the pandemic and the many chal-
lenges it raises.440 More broadly, TWAIL is now a tradition that has outlined a set of
concerns, perspectives and analytic tools, all based on the question of the impact of
the crisis on Third World peoples, that may be applied to the crises of the future as
well.
These challenges are being taken up by a new generation of scholars whose work
has extended and deepened and rethought TWAIL concerns and scholarship. All
this has been supported and enabled by new institutional initiatives. The TWAIL
Review has already published innovative and thoughtful work dealing with a range of
topics.441 The Afronomics project has created a forum that has featured superb work
on crucial topics such as investment, trade, human rights and debt, the bulk of which
is authored by more junior African scholars.442 While focused on events in Africa, it
is global in its reach and significance. The implications of TWAIL scholarship for the
teaching of international law, which has always been a TWAIL concern, is now its
437
Hilary Charlesworth’s influential argument about crises and international law continues to be illuminat-
ing. See Charlesworth, ‘International Law: A Discipline of Crisis’, 65(3) MLR (2002) 377.
438
J. Linarelli, M.E. Salmon and M. Sornarajah, The Misery of International Law (2018).
439
P. Drahos and J. Braithwait, Global Business Regulation (2000).
440
For TWAIL views on the pandemic, see ‘TWAIL-related Commentary’, supra note 434; Sen, supra note
434.
441
The TWAIL Review, available at https://twailr.com/.
442
See ‘About’, Afronomics, available at www.afronomicslaw.org/about.
own project with its extensive and vibrant literature that spans several continents.443
It is in all these arenas – institutional and intellectual – that TWAIL work is continuing
and a new generation of TWAIL scholars is defining and pursuing its own mission.
TWAIL, needless to say, is an ongoing project. It must engage more deeply with cru-
cial areas of international law relating to Indigenous peoples and the broader phe-
nomenon of settler colonialism,444 to labour law tracing the connections from slavery
to the present,445 to consequential debates about marine genetic resources beyond na-

tional jurisdiction and the global commons more broadly.446 There is far more work to
be done on the connections between TWAIL and feminism and TWAIL feminism,447
and it is somewhat ironic that the law of the sea, one of the major arenas of Third
World campaigns to change international law, has been somewhat neglected by suc-
ceeding generations of TWAIL scholars.448 Equally importantly, further research must
be done on the basic foundations of international law, including the law of sources.449
The world is being transformed by artificial intelligence, blockchain, cryptocurrencies,
financialization, digitalization, advances in genetics and genomics, and these tech-
nologies are transforming every aspect of life and areas of international law ranging
443
See, e.g., the list of articles at Afronomics Law, available at www.afronomicslaw.org/search/
node?keys=TRILA; On developments in Latin America, see Alvarado et al., ‘Rethinking International
Legal Education in Latin America: Reflections towards a Global Dialogue’, 1 TWAILR: Reflections (2019),
available at https://twailr.com/rethinking-international-legal-education-in-latin-america-reflections-
toward-a-global-dialogue. On Africa, see Babatunde Fagbayibo’s wide-ranging work. Fagbayibo, ‘The
Future of International Legal Scholarship in Africa: The Trilogy of Agency, Interdisciplinarity and
Functionality’, TWAILR, 3 November 2021, available at https://twailr.com/the-future-of-international-
legal-scholarship-in-africa-the-trilogy-of-agency-interdisciplinarity-and-functionality/; see more
broadly Attar, ‘Must International Law Remain Eurocentric’, 11 Asian JIL (2021) 176.
444
See S. James Anaya, Indigenous Peoples in International Law (2nd edn, 2004); S. Xavier, B. Jacobs et al. (eds),
Decolonizing Law; Indigenous Peoples and the Law (2021); N.T. Saito, Settler Colonialism, Race and the Law
(2020).
445
‘Decolonizing Labour Law: A Conversation with Professor Adelle Blackett’, TWAILR, 24 January 2021,
available at https://twailr.com/decolonizing-labour-law-a-conversation-with-professor-adelle-blackett/;
A. Smith, ‘Migration, Development and Security within Racialised Global Capitalism: Refusing the
Balance Game’, in U. Natarajan et al. (eds), Third World Approaches to International Law: On Praxis and the
Intellectual (2018) 177.
446
See draft text on marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction. UN General Assembly,
Development of an International Legally Binding Instrument under the United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas be-
yond National Jurisdiction, UN Doc. A/RES/69/292, 19 June 2015.
447
See A. Wing (ed.), Critical Race Feminism (2nd edn, 2003); R. Kapur, Gender, Alterity and Human Rights
(2018); R. Sen, Teaching International Law in Asia: The Predicated Pedagogue, 24 September 2020, available at
www.afronomicslaw.org/2020/09/24/teaching-international-law-in-asia-the-predicated-pedagogue.
448
For an important body of critical work on the law of the sea and the concepts that establish that law and
that draw on the earlier Third World efforts, see Ranganathan, ‘Ocean Floor Grab: International Law
and the Making of an Extractive Imaginary’, 30 EJIL (2019) 573; Ranganathan, ‘Decolonization and
International Law: Putting the Ocean on the Map’, 23 Journal of the History of International Law (2020)
161; Ranganathan, ‘The Common Heritage of Mankind: Annotations on a Battle’, in J. von Bernstorff
and P. Dann (eds), The Battle for International Law: South-North Perspectives on the Decolonization Era (2019)
35.
449
See Chimni, supra note 293; Heller, ‘Specially Affected States and the Formation of Custom’, 112 AJIL
(2018) 191.
from the use of force to development policy.450 Will technology transform power rela-
tions, or will technology itself be driven by existing power relations in a way that will
simply compound inequalities or create new inequalities? Or all of the above? TWAIL
scholarship will have to deal with these issues. There are many more issues, then, that
TWAIL needs to address, and, no doubt, as the complexities of international relations
unfold, new methods and analytic tools must be devised for these purposes.
I have tried in this article to point to the pioneering work being done by younger

generations of TWAIL scholars. To put it simplistically, TWAIL I focused on what might
be termed classic European imperialism of the 19th century as its object of concern
and analysis. TWAIL II, while relying upon and extending this analysis, also subjected
the post-colonial state itself to critical scrutiny because it engaged in its own forms of
oppression. The younger generations of TWAIL scholars have explored multiple other
forms of imperialism – semi-colonialism, settler colonialism, slavery, non-European
versions of imperialism. Their work, as I have tried to suggest, deepens our under-
standing of international crises – whether COVID-19 or the environment – of the sin-
gular importance of race and gender, of the different arenas in which imperialism
extends its reach, of the relationship between slavery, settler colonialism, imperialism
and racial capitalism. And, yet, as these younger scholars show, these are distinctive
experiences that generate their own histories and epistemologies. It is by writing new
histories, developing the analytic tools to render these experiences and drawing on
new theories or other disciplines to do so that TWAIL is being continuously expanded,
contested, refined and enriched by these younger generations. I will leave it to those
scholars to define for themselves how they would wish to position their work in re-
lation to the TWAIL tradition that I have outlined here, perhaps dispensing with the
metaphor of generation completely or perhaps commencing their own traditions and
schools and dispensing with the term ‘TWAIL’ itself.
This new work can take place alongside much more traditional inquiries into ques-
tions such as the contributions that non-Western traditions might make to inter-
national law and visions of international justice. This tradition, of course, extends
back to TWAIL I scholars such as Weeramantry and Yasuaki. Nesrine Badawi’s re-
cent work on Islamic jurisprudence and the regulation of armed conflict points to the
ongoing importance of this exploration of non-Western traditions.451 This cumula-
tive and expanding approach to problems of global governance is surely one of the
strengths of TWAIL.
TWAIL like many approaches to international law and order may be character-
ized not only by its political concerns and methodologies but also by its tensions and
contradictions, gaps and omissions. For instance, since its beginnings, TWAIL has
grappled with the question of whether international law, which is so profoundly
450
For insightful explorations of the connections between international law and these developments, see
Kingsbury, ‘Infrastructure and Infrareg: On Rousing the International Law “Wizard of Is”’, 2 Cambridge
International Law Journal (2019) 171; Johns, ‘Data Detection, and the Redistribution of the Sensible in
International Law’, 111 AJIL (2017) 57; Johns, ‘Centers and Peripheries in a World of Blockchain: An
Introduction to the Symposium’, 115 AJIL (2021) 404.
451
N. Badawi, Isalamic Jurisprudence and the Regulation of Armed Conflict (2019).
shaped by imperialism, can indeed be used to undo its effects.452 And this debate points
to a larger and inescapable issue. The overwhelming question remains of whether
TWAIL scholarship is changing international law. Today, as I have suggested in my
discussion of the use of force, and environmental law, powerful states and actors that
benefit from this unjust international order are implacably opposed to the changes
that TWAIL II scholars, like their predecessors who fought for the NIEO, are proposing.
Transformation in the international legal order is still driven principally by states.

Thus, complicating matters, for the reasons I have outlined here, TWAIL II scholars
are sceptical of the state itself. TWAIL, then, has to grapple with the tensions involved
in critiquing the Third World state in some circumstances, while also supporting the
Third World state in others. It is conducting a dual battle: against the authoritarian
and nationalist Third World state, on the one hand, and against an imperial inter-
national system, on the other. Negotiating and developing a position against these two
monoliths in efforts to create a decolonized and just international system is a com-
plex, exhausting and ongoing task. Further, while plurality might be one of the key
attributes of TWAIL, this might be seen as a flaw, signifying an absence of a focused
and directed approach to international law and its transformation. Decolonization
is one of the principal goals of TWAIL. But even this may be too broadly defined for
some, given questions about what decolonization entails and how it is to be achieved.
Perhaps, however, the most important tensions and contradictions cannot be so much
overcome or resolved as lived out, with all the dissatisfactions and exhilarations ac-
companying that incomplete condition. As noted in an earlier account of TWAIL, the
classic approach to international law – how law is established among equal and sov-
ereign states – creates its own tensions and dilemmas. The question, then, is which
contradictions are most productive and which contradictions do we choose to live out?
Without contraries, there is no progression.
The TWAIL emphasis on empire can easily appear exaggerated or overdone. No sin-
gle theory, concept or set of approaches can explain the convulsions of the world. But
it is worth noting that empire has been the most enduring and ancient form of rule
in human history.453 Great powers, historically, have always adopted the outlook – the
policies of empire – even if these were pursued through the institution of the nation
state in one manifestation or another, formal or informal. Empires did not cease to
exist with the emergence of the sovereign state. Indeed, as I have argued, we might see
developing countries themselves, even if lacking power in the external realm, seeking
to assert themselves as empires, imperial over their minorities while professing them-
selves to be open, tolerant and accommodating. Needless to say, empires in Asia and
elsewhere long preceded modern imperialism.454 TWAIL does not disregard this reality
452
For a classic study of this problem, see M. Bedjaoui, International law: Achievements and Prospects (1991);
Bedjaoui, supra note 27, at 110. Many searching and important critiques of TWAIL are based on this
issue. See Haskell, ‘TRAIL-ing TWAIL: Arguments and Blind Spots in Third World Approaches to
International Law’, 27(2) Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence (2015) 383.
453
See J. Darwin, Unfinished Empire: The Global Expansion of Britain (2013).
454
See Anghie, ‘Asia in the History and Theory of International Law’, in S. Chesterman, H. Owada and B.
Saul, The Oxford Handbook of International Law in Asia and the Pacific (2019) 68.
but focuses on European empire because it is that historic phenomenon that was so
important to the creation of international law and the contemporary order. And, yet,
these other versions of empire still exist and may be revived, threatening all manner
of violence. We live in a world, then, where empire is present in various guises and po-
tentialities, recessed deeply in the past even as it shapes the present, taking new forms
and shaping the future too.
The question remains whether it is possible to develop what might be termed a ‘Third

World cosmopolitanism’. The simple point is that the cosmopolitan goal of global
justice cannot be achieved without providing justice to the peoples of the Third World.
And the TWAIL argument is that this in turn cannot be achieved without engaging
deeply with the views of the Third World as to their own condition and its causes.
Simply extending and adapting the cosmopolitan discourses of the West, of individu-
alism and human rights and of expanding the ‘duties to assist’ will not be enough.455
The ‘Third World’ experience, further, has been produced through regimes that, as I
have argued, create and further disadvantage people not only in the Third World but
also in the West itself. The investment regime that TWAIL scholars have critiqued so
extensively is now being used by China as it expands into Europe: the tables are being
turned. It is surely ironic that European governments are suddenly concerned about
being subject to the biases of a regime they were so instrumental in creating. Thinkers
such as Edmund Burke and the liberal critics of empire were concerned that tyranny
practised abroad in the course of imperial expansion and rule could easily return to
the metropolis itself.456 Some version of this process has taken place. TWAIL scholars
have argued that international law has supported and sustained a system that causes
inequality and immiseration in the Third World and so continues imperial practices.
It is surely now clear, however, that international law creates divisions and impover-
ishment not only in the Third World, which has been the focus of TWAIL scholars, but
also in the ‘First World’.
A ‘Third World’ has always existed within the ‘First World’, racial minorities and
Indigenous peoples, for instance, have suffered from discrimination and exploitation.
It is hardly surprising then that black activists from the time of the creation of the UN,
campaigned at the international level for human rights and provided immense sup-
port for liberation movements everywhere. But the last few decades have witnessed
the broad intensification of inequality and social dislocation within a much broader
population in the North itself. The lives of people in the North are becoming increas-
ingly insecure, uncertain and precarious. As Saskia Sassen points out, workers in the
North experience a form of expulsion as their life worlds are transformed as employ-
ment vanishes or becomes insecure.457 Philip Alston, former special rapporteur on
455
For a powerful critique of John Rawls’ extraordinarily influential ‘Theory of Justice’ – and subsequent
works – see C. Mills, Black Rights/White Wrongs: A Critique of Racial Liberalism (2017).
456
Fitzmaurice, ‘Liberalism and Empire in Nineteenth-Century International Law’, 117 American Historical
Review (2012) 122.
457
S. Sassen, Expulsions: Brutality and Complexity in the Global Economy (2014).
extreme poverty and human rights, has written an extensive report on the plight of
the poor in the UK.458
Socio-economic hardship has been accompanied, inevitably, by the rise of racism
and ultra-nationalism and the many problems they generate. Immiseration, then, is
spreading, and international law, now deeply embedded in national systems in various
ways, is hardly innocent in creating this system. Third World concerns are no longer
confined to the Third World. Each country, of course, has its own unique circum-

stances and history. And, yet, TWAIL provides important analytic tools to grasp how
international law might further injustice not only in the Third World but also globally.
The technologies of international law may have initially developed through their ap-
plication and refinement in the Third World, but, as we have seen, they are also in-
creasingly applied in the First World. It is in this sense that it can be claimed that it is
TWAIL that is ‘universal’. Here, the title ‘Third World Approaches’ might mislead as
to the range of its importance. TWAIL offers important insights into the workings of
neo-liberal capitalism. And this is important because, whatever the ideological and
philosophical self-representation of the West, the system of political economy that it
has put in place – a system of capitalism that cannot survive without endless growth
and that has been so successful that it has been adopted, in however modified a form,
by China – will surely result in environmental devastation and global destruction. The
crucial question, then, is whether people both in the North and the South understand
their common interests and develop a politics and a system of governance that can
advance them.
Alternatives, then, must be explored. The Third World experience and history, re-
ligions and traditions, offer rich and compelling visions of society and freedom.
Needless to say, these must also be critically studied even as they are drawn upon.
And these alternative visions cannot replicate the suppressions and domination of
the paradigm they seek to replace. The nationalist turn in many developing coun-
tries is fundamentalist in its efforts to return to some ‘purer past’ and generates its
own forms of violence. As Said puts it, such alternatives must at all costs avoid the
risks of being ‘as exclusivist, as limited, as provincial, and discriminatory in its sup-
pressions and repressions as the master discourses of colonialism and elitism’.459 Nor
should the search for alternatives be a repudiation of all things ‘Western’. The idea of
‘equality’ that is central to the Western political tradition, however imperfectly under-
stood and implemented, is surely crucial to the pursuit of justice. The idea of equality
is not a prominent feature of traditional Asian political systems, which have often
been based on hierarchy such as caste. These traditions, then, while they offer rich
and important alternative visions of society and order must be subject to scrutiny and
critique. Thinkers such as Gandhi, while engaged in anti-colonial struggle, always saw
458
See UN General Assembly, Visit to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland: Report of
the Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, Philip Alston, UN Doc. A/HRC/41/39/
Add.1, 14 September 2018.
459
See Said, ‘Foreword’, in R. Guha and G. Chakravorty Spivak (eds), Selected Subaltern Studies (1988) i. at
viii.
their goal as creating a fairer world order for everyone.460 The construction of a ‘Third
World cosmopolitanism’, then, is not a contradiction in terms. It is an attempt to en-
vision a world that enhances human dignity for all. That is the task that continues to
animate TWAIL scholars and their allies.
8 Towards a Conclusion

One way of assessing TWAIL’s trajectory is to return to the vision statement of 1997
and the ambitions stated there. The statement pointed to the need to ‘democratize
international law’ and to the importance of contesting ‘international law’s privileging
of European and North American voices by providing institutional and imaginative
opportunities for participation from the third world’; it further urged that ‘we need to
formulate a substantive critique of the politics and scholarship of mainstream inter-
national law to the extent that it has helped reproduce structures that marginalize
and dominate third world peoples’.461 It seems almost presumptuous for a small and,
with a few exceptions, largely unknown group of scholars, many of them graduate
students, to make such assertions, proclaim such ambitions. But some 25 years later,
it could be argued that TWAIL has made remarkable progress in achieving these aims,
in democratizing scholarship and in critiquing mainstream ideas by formulating a dif-
ferent vision of the world and the role of international law in making it. TWAIL work
may have initially appeared obscure and exotic, but it is now an important, if not un-
avoidable, part of international law scholarship. The claims that imperialism is cen-
tral to the making of international law and that the effects of imperialism continue
to shape the present may have appeared radical in 1997, but they are now common-
place, if not trite, observations, only the beginning point of a deeper analysis. Nor have
these basic claims been seriously or effectively challenged. If these claims are now so
commonplace, of course, the question might arise: how were they overlooked all this
time, what does this omission or myopia tell us about mainstream international law
and the many prestigious institutions that propagate it?
It is difficult to assess what might be termed the ‘secondary’ impact of TWAIL.
That is, TWAIL has opened a broad range of rich conversations that have unfolded
in a number of different arenas. TWAIL concerns and themes are now the subject of
wide-ranging scholarship that, for instance, revisits many Third World projects such
as the NIEO.462 More broadly, TWAIL has hopefully made it easier for scholars working
on the broad themes relating to the Third World – minorities and historically margin-
alized communities, race and political economy, imperialism and international law –
to be treated with the seriousness they deserve. This scholarship should be seen as part
of a larger and ongoing conversation about crucial issues of global justice and govern-
ance rather than particular, localized concerns. The Third World is a site of knowledge
460
See Chimni, ‘The Self, Modern Civilization, and International Law: Learning from Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule’, 23 EJIL (2012) 1159.
461
The vision statement is reproduced in Gathii, supra note 1, at 31–32.
462
See, e.g., Humanity, vol. 6, no. 1.
in every sense. It is especially important, then, for TWAIL to provide the encourage-
ment and support for young scholars in the Third World to make their voices heard
in the international arena. However, TWAIL scholars, whatever they have achieved,
cannot be, and are far from, complacent. The tasks they have set themselves are in-
deed ever more challenging.
The question of how TWAIL has assumed this position cannot be easily answered.
TWAIL lacked the resources to hold the regular conferences that are so often essen-

tial to the consolidation and expansion of any intellectual movement, especially one
that has such fragile beginnings and radical ambitions. Moreover, TWAIL has never
adopted any form of ‘organization’ (many people have asked how they might ‘join’
TWAIL). TWAIL lacks any governance structure, officers and agenda. TWAIL was and
remains a decentralized network of scholars. Perhaps Guterres’ speech offers one clue
as to why TWAIL has not only survived but also continues to exist and thrive. TWAIL,
dissatisfied with mainstream accounts, has outlined a vision of the world that reson-
ates not only with Third World scholars and scholars seeking to decolonize knowledge
but also with international lawyers more broadly. TWAIL has developed the concepts,
the intellectual vocabularies, the systems of thinking that illuminate fundamental
and yet previously overlooked dimensions of how international law works. Perhaps,
then, TWAIL, precisely because it has lacked resources and an organizational struc-
ture has had to establish itself purely through the production of ideas that, for want of
a better word, made sense and, in seeking to interpret the world anew, has contributed
in some way to changing it.

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The European Journal of International Law Vol. 34 no.

Rethinking International Law: A

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EJIL (2023), Vol. 34 No. 1, 7–112 https://doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chad005

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Indeed, these developments might point to a further issue: systems of exploitation

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A The Liberal Order Ascendant: The Global Context

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Developing countries enjoyed a comparative advantage in textiles and agriculture, but

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B Rethinking TWAIL I and the Challenges of the Liberal Order

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many communities, the subaltern communities whose voices remained silenced.39 In

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version of human rights, continues to resonate today, as he identified a major devel-

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3 TWAIL Scholarship: A Thematic Overview

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studies to historical, philosophical and sociological work. I explore how TWAIL

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cosmopolitan invocations of ‘common concern’ contained in certain legal regimes –

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extraterritoriality129 but, rather, by means of the protectorate. Hammoudi’s aim is to

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C Capitalism, Imperialism and Political Economy

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D Many Locations, Multiple Empires

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consolidating China’s status as an important champion of the Third World,177 con-

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is a neo-colonial technology. It is extremely ironic, then, that it is the West itself