NELSON

• • •

Fifth Ed it ion

Rosalie Chappell
FIFTH EDITION

Rosalie Chappell, s.s.w., M.s.w.

NELSON EDUCATION
 NELSON EDUCATION

Social Welfare in Canadian Society, Fifth Edition

by Rosalie Chappell

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To the memory of jack Layton (1950-2011), federal leader of

the New Democratic Party and a champion of social welfare
for all Canadians.
••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••••
BRIEF TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE ............................................................................................................. xxi

PART 1 SOCIAL WELFARE IN CANADA:

AN OVERVIEW .. ....... .... ... .. .... .... ... .. ...... .. ... .. ....... .... .. ....... 1

CHAPTER 1 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE ............................. 3

The Scope and Purpose of the Social Welfare System ...................... 4
Social Welfare Programs and Services ............................................ 1 0
Social Welfare Provision: Ideology and Approaches ....................... 18
CHAPTER 2 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY ......................................................... 2 9
Stage 1: Identifying Social Problems and Issues ............................. 31
Stage 2: Understanding Social Issues and Problems ....................... 34
Stage 3: Consulting and Reviewing ................................................. 3 9
Stage 4: Formalizing Policy ............................................................. 48
Stage 5: Implementing Policy .......................................................... 52
Stage 6: Evaluating Policies ............................................................. 53
CHAPTER 3 HISTORICAL fOUNDATIONS ....................................................... 63
The Early Phase (Colonial Times to Confederation) ...................... 64
The Transitional Phase (Confederation to Second
World War) ..................................................................................... 70
The Interventionist Phase (Second World War to
Mid- l970s) ...................................................................................... 79
CHAPTER 4 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA........................... 90
A Neoliberal Approach to Social Welfare ....................................... 93
From Retrenchment to Reinvestment .............................................. 9 7
A Conservative Approach to Social Welfare ................................. 10 7
Taking Stock .................................................................................. 113

PART 2 THE SERVICE DELIVERY SYSTEM ...................... 119

CHAPTER 5 SERVICE SECTORS .................................................................. 121

Service Sectors: Public, Commercial, and Voluntary
Domains ..... .................................................................................... 12 4
New Directions in Service Delivery .............................................. 129
Forging a New Public-Voluntary Relationship ............................. 135
The Social Economy ...................................................................... 143
CHAPTER 6 SOCIAL AGENCIES .................................................................. 148
Community-Based Social Agencies ............................................... 15 0
Agency Systems: Internal Structures and Functions ..................... 155
Organic Models of Organization ................................................... 16 7

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CHAPTER 7 sERVICE PROVIDERS ............................................................... 17 7

Professional Helpers ...................................................................... 179
Agency Volunteers ......................................................................... 189
Peer Helpers .................................................................................. 194
Unpaid Caregivers ......................................................................... 198
CHAPTER 8 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO
SYSTEMS ............................................................................... 206
Change at the Micro Level: Individuals, Families, and
Small Groups ................................................................................. 208
Change at the Mezzo Level: Organizations ................................... 215
Change at the Macro Level: Communities .................................... 222

PART 3 MEETING THE NEEDS OF CANADIANS

THROUGH PROGRAMS AND SERVICES ............ 235

CHAPTER 9 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY ....... 23 7

Poverty in Canada ......................................................................... 238
The Effects of Poverty ................................................................... 24 5
Organized Responses to Poverty ................................................... 251
Working with Low-Income and Marginalized Groups .................. 263
CHAPTER 10 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES ....... 26 7
Meeting the Developmental Needs of Children and Youth .......... 270
Parental and Family Influences on Child Development ............... 2 79
Family Violence ............................................................................. 285
Social Work with Families with Children .................................... 295
CHAPTER 11 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS .............................. 298
Organized Approaches to Meeting Seniors' Needs ....................... 301
Ensuring the Well-Being of Seniors .............................................. 310
Seniors' Housing and Supports for Independence ........................ 317
Work and Participation ................................................................. 322
Gerontological Social Work .......................................................... 326
CHAPTER 12 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS .................. 330
Historical Roots of Canada's "Indian Policy" ................................ 333
Bridging the Divide between Government and Indigenous
Peoples .......................................................................................... 336
Healing and Wellness in Aboriginal Communities ....................... 342
Issues and Achievements of Selected Groups ............................... 351
Aboriginal Children and Youth ..................................................... 35 6
Social Work with Aboriginal Peoples ........................................... 361
CHAPTER 13 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS ....................... 365
Backgrounder: Canada's Immigration Policy ................................ 36 7
The Settlement P·r ocess ................................................................. 3 73
Settlement Patterns and Issues ..................................................... 3 79
Challenges for Selected Immigrant Groups .................................. 384
Social Workers and Settlement Practice ....................................... 390

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CHAPTER 14 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES .................... 395

Disability in Canada ...................................................................... 398
Canada's Disability Policy Agenda ................................................ 404
Achievements and Challenges in Selected Life Areas ................... 415
Implications for Social Work Practice ........................................... 422
APPENDIX A HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS ........................................................ 42 7
APPENDIX B GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIAL WELFARE ................................... 445

GLOSSARY ......................................................................................................... 453

REFERENCES .................................................................................................... 483
INDEX ............................................................................................................... 537

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE ............................................................................................................. xxi

PART 1 SOCIAL WELFARE IN CANADA:

AN OVERVIEW ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 1

CHAPTER 1 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE ............................. 3

0 bj ectives .......................................................................................... 3
Introduction....................................................................................... 3
1. The Scope and Purpose of the Social Welfare System .................. 4
Measuring Social Well- Being ................................................................... 5
The Primary Functions of the Social Welfare System ............................... 7
Identifying Human Needs.............................................................. 7
Meeting Human Needs .................................................................. 8
Discussion Questions: The Scope and Purpose of the Social
Welfare System ................................................................................ 1 0
2. Social Welfare Programs and Services ........................................ 1 0
Income Security Programs ..................................................................... 11
Social Services ....................................................................................... 12
Program Eligibility ................................................................................. 13
Targeted Programs...................................................................... 13
Universal Programs .................................................................... 15
Discussion Questions: Social Welfare Programs and Services ....... 17
3. Social Welfare Provision: Ideology and Approaches .................. 18
Political Ideolog)' .................................................................................... 18
Conservatism ......................................................................................... 18
Social Democracy .................................................................................. 2 0
Liberalism .............................................................................................. 21
Approaches to Social Welfare Provision ................................................. 22
Residual Approach to Social Welfare ........................................... 22
Institutional Approach to Social Welfare ..................................... 23
Social Investment Approach to Social Welfare ............................. 26
Discussion Questions: Social Welfare Provision:
Ideology and Approaches ................................................................ 2 7
~lLJL][][1L][][1LC3l~ ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 2~
Key Terms ....................................................................................... 28
CHAPTER 2 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY ......................................................... 2 9
0 bj ectives ........................................................................................ 2 9
Introduction..................................................................................... 2 9
1. Stage 1: Identifying Social Problems and Issues ......................... 31
From Social Conditions to Social Issues and Problems ........................... 32
Changing Perceptions of Social Problems ............................................... 33

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Discussion Questions: Stage 1: Identifying Social Problems

and Issues ........................................................................................ 34
2. Stage 2: Understanding Social Issues and Problems ................... 34
Social Knowledge .... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 34
Defining and Measuring Social Problems .. ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 3 7
Discussion Questions: Stage 2: Understanding Social Issues
and P·r o blems ................................................................................... 38
3. Stage 3: Consulting and Reviewing ............................................. 39
Government Participants .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 40
Federalism and Cost-Sharing Arrangements .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... 40
Regional Differences .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 41
Intergovernmental Cooperation ... ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 42
Non-Government Participants .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 44
Citizens .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 45
Interest Groups .... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 45
International Bodies .. ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 46
Discussion Questions: Stage 3: Consulting and Reviewing ............ 48
4. Stage 4: Formalizing Policy ......................................................... 48
Deciding on the Mix of Policies .... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 49
Choosing an Approach .... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 50
Authorizing Social Policy .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 50
Legislated Policies ... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 50
Non-Binding Policies .... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... 52
Discussion Questions: Stage 4: Formalizing Policy ........................ 52
5. Stage 5: Implementing Policy ...................................................... 52
Discussion Questions: Stage 5: Implementing Policy ..................... 53
6. Stage 6: Evaluating Policies ...... ................................................... 53
Models of Analysis .. .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 54
A Logic Model ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... 54
A Process Model ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 55
Analysis Through Lenses ... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 55
An Inclusion Lens ... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 56
A Life-Course Lens .... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... 57
Amending, Replacing, or Repealing Policy ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... 58
Discussion Questions: Stage 6: Evaluating Policies ........................ 60
Summary ......................................................................................... 60
Key Terms ....................................................................................... 62
CHAPTER 3 HISTORICAL fOUNDATIONS ....................................................... 63
Objectives ........................................................................................ 63
Introduction..................................................................................... 63
1. The Early Phase (Colonial Times to Confederation) .................. 64
Social Welfare in New France .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 64
The Protestant Wark Ethic. .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 66
Poor Law Principles and Public Relief. ... ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... 67
Confederation ........................................................................................ 70

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Discussion Questions: The Early Phase (Colonial Times to

Confederation) ................................................................................ 7 0
2. The Transitional Phase (Confederation to Second
World War) ..................................................................................... 70
Social Movements and Changing Attitudes............................................. 71
The Labour Movement and Workers' Compensation ................... 71
Improving Conditions for Women and Children .......................... 72
The First World War, Pensions, and Allowances ................................... 73
Income Security for Elderly Canadians .................................................. 75
. . Unemploymen t rn
Rrsrng . th e "D.rrty Th.rrt.res "........................................ . 75
Unemployment Insurance ...................................................................... 78
Discussion Questions: The Transitional Phase
(Confederation to Second World War) ........................................... 78
3. The Interventionist Phase (Second World War to
Mid-l970s) ...................................................................................... 79
The Marsh Report on Social Security ..................................................... 79
Family Allowances Act of 1944.............................................................. 81
Solidifying Canada's Retirement Income System .................................... 81
Canada Assistance Plan of 1966 ............................................................ 82
Poverty and the Notion of Guaranteed Income ...................................... 83
Social Movements: Shaking Established Foundations ............................. 84
The Early 1970s: A Time for Review ..................................................... 85
The Income Security Review of 1970........................................... 85
The Social Security Review (1973-1976) .................................... 86
Shifting of the Tide ...................................................................... 8 7
Discussion Questions: The Interventionist Phase
(Second World War to Mid-1970s) ................................................. 88
Summary ......................................................................................... 88
Key Terms ....................................................................................... 89
CHAPTER 4 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA........................... 90
Objectives ........................................................................................ 90
Introduction..................................................................................... 90
1. A Neoliberal Approach to Social Welfare ................................... 93
Progressive Conservatives and the End of Universalism ......................... 93
Cuts to Programs ........................................................................ 93
Legacy of the Progressive Conservatives ...................................... 94
A New Liberal Direction ........................................................................ 95
Taking a Business Approach ........................................................ 9 5
The 1995 Budget ......................................................................... 9 5
Discussion Questions: A Neoliberal Approach to
Social Welfare ................................................................................. 9 7
2. From Retrenchment to Reinvestment ......................................... 97
Federal Reforms ..................................................................................... 9 7
Changes to Unemployment Insurance ......................................... 98
Out with CAP, In with the CHST ................................................ 98

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Reforms at the Regional Level ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 100
Social Assistance under Attack .. .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 102
From Passive to Active Programs ... ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 103
Welfare-to-Work Programs .... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 104
Activating the Unemployed ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... ... 104
Balanced Budgets .... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. . 105
The Social Deficit.... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. . 105
Budget Surpluses .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. . 106
Discussion Questions: From Retrenchment to Reinvestment ....... 106
3. A Conservative Approach to Social Welfare ............................. 107
Lower Taxes ........................................................................................ 10 7
Fiscalization ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 108
Provincialization .. ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 109
Privatization ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 11 0
The 2008-2 009 Economic Recession ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 111
Discussion Questions: A Conservative Approach to Social
Welfare .......................................................................................... 113
4. Taking Stock.............................................................................. 113
Declining Quality of Life ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ..... ... ... .. ...... .. . 113
Income Inequality ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 114
Discussion Questions: Taking Stock ............................................. 116
Summary ....................................................................................... 116
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 118

PART 2 THE SERVICE DELIVERY SYSTEM •••••••••••••••••••••• 119

CHAPTER 5 SERVICE SECTORS ......•..................•..........................•............. 121

Objectives ...................................................................................... 121
Introduction................................................................................... 121
1. Service Sectors: Public, Commercial, and Voluntary
Domains ......................................................................................... 124
The Public Sector .... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 124
Federal Government.. ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ...... 124
Provincial and Territorial Governments .... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 125
Municipal Government. ........ .. ... ........ .. ... ........ ... .. ........ ... .. ......... 125
The Commercial Sector... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... ... 126
The Voluntary Sector ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... ... 127
Discussion Questions: Service Sectors: Public, Commercial,
and Voluntary Domains ................................................................ 12 9
2. New Directions in Service Delivery .......................................... 129
Alternative Service Delivery .. ...... .. ... ... ........ .. ... ........ .. ... ........ ... .. ......... 131
Privatization: Issues and Concerns ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 132
Discussion Questions: New Directions in Service Delivery .......... 134
3. Forging a New Public-Voluntary Relationship ......................... 135
New Funding Mechanisms ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ...... 136

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Administrative Overload ...................................................................... 138

Advocacy "Chill" .................................................................................. 140
Loss of Autonomy and Identity ............................................................. 141
Discussion Questions: Forging a New Public-Voluntary
Relationship ................................................................................... 142
4. The Social Economy .................................................................. 143
Relationship to the Voluntary Sector .................................................... 143
Social Economy Enterprises ................................................................. 144
Discussion Questions: The Social Economy ................................. 145
Summary ....................................................................................... 146
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 14 7
CHAPTER 6 SOCIAL AGENCIES .................................................................. 148
0 bj ectives ...................................................................................... 148
Introduction................................................................................... 148
1. Community-Based Social Agencies ........................................... 150
Residential Centres .............................................................................. 151
Non-Residential Centres ...................................................................... 153
Community System of Care ................................................................. 154
Discussion Questions: Community-Based Social Agencies ........... 155
2. Agency Systems: Internal Structures and Functions ................ 155
A Strategic Framework........................................................................ 155
Understanding Community Conditions and Needs .................... 156
Assessing an Agency's Sustainability .......................................... 156
Establishing the Agency's Direction ........................................... 158
An Operational Framework: Direct Services........................................ 158
An Operational Framework: Indirect Services ..................................... 159
Administration .......................................................................... 160
Program Planning ..................................................................... 161
Program Evaluation .................................................................. 162
Policies and Procedures ............................................................. 163
Case Study: Intake Screening Process, Ontario Works .............. 164
Discussion Questions: Agency Systems: Internal Structures
and Functions ................................................................................ 166
3. Organic Models of Organization ............................................... 16 7
Hierarchical Structures ........................................................................ 168
Flexibility ............................................................................................. 169
Diversity .............................................................................................. 170
Innovation............................................................................................ 172
Cooperation ......................................................................................... 173
Cooperation within Organizations ............................................. 173
Cooperation among Organizations ............................................ 173
Discussion Questions: Organic Models of Organization............... 17 5
Summary ....................................................................................... 17 S
Key Terms ..................................................................................... l 7 6

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CHAPTER 7 sERVICE PROVIDERS ............................................................... 1 7 7

Objectives ...................................................................................... 177
Introduction................................................................................... l 77
1. Professional Helpers .................................................................. 179
Social Workers.. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 180
Social Work Values and Knowledge .. .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 180
Social Wark Practice ................................................................. 181
Social Wark Education ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 181
Regulation of Social Work ... ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 183
Professional Identity .. ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 184
Social Service Workers ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 186
Rewards and Challenges for Professional and
Paraprofessional Helpers .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 188
Discussion Questions: Professional Helpers ................................. 189
2. Agency Volunteers .................................................................... 18 9
Benefits of Volunteering .. .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 190
Mandatory Volunteers .... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 191
Government Support of Volunteerism .. .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 192
Barriers to Volunteerism ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 193
Discussion Questions: Agency Volunteers .................................... 194
3. Peer Helpers .............................................................................. 194
The Role of Peer Support .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 194
Self-Help Groups .... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 195
Peer Counsellors .. ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 19 7
Discussion Questions: Peer Helpers .............................................. 198
4. Unpaid Caregivers ..................................................................... 198
The Personal Impact of Family Caregiving .. .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 200
Services for Caregivers .... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 200
Government Support of Caregivers ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 202
Discussion Questions: Unpaid Caregivers .................................... 203
Summary ....................................................................................... 2 04
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 205
CHAPTER 8 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO
SYSTEMS ............................................................................... 206
0 bj ectives ..................................... ................................................. 20 6
Introduction................................................................................... 206
1. Change at the Micro Level: Individuals, Families,
and Small Groups .......................................................................... 208
Programs for Individuals .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 209
Family Services .... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 210
Social Group Work ... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 213
The Role of Social Workers in Micro-Level Change .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... . 214
Discussion Questions: Change at the Micro Level:
Individuals, Families, and Small Groups ...................................... 215

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2. Change at the Mezzo Level: Organizations ............................... 215

Identifying the Need for Change .... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... . 215
Preparing for Change .. .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... . 216
Developing a Vision ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... . 216
Building Knowledge ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... . 216
Committing to Change.... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 21 7
Implementing Change .. ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 218
Individual Change .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 218
Systemic Change ....... ... .. ...... .. ... .. ...... .. ... ... ........ .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. . 220
Evaluating Change .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. . 220
A Social Work Approach to Organizational Change .... .. ... ........ .. ... ... .. . 221
Discussion Questions: Change at the Mezzo Level:
Organizations ................................................................................ 222
3. Change at the Macro Level: Communities ................................ 222
The Nature of Community Change ... .. ... ........ ... .. ........ ... .. ........ ... ... ...... 222
Models of Community Change .. .. ...... .. ... ........ ... .. ........ ... .. ........ ... ... ...... 223
Community Development .. .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... . 225
Social Planning .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... . 228
Social Action .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... . 22 9
Community Practice .... .. ... ... ... .. .. ... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... . 232
Discussion Questions: Change at the Macro Level:
Communities ................................................................................. 233
Summary ....................................................................................... 23 3
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 234

PART 3 MEETING THE NEEDS OF CANADIANS

THROUGH PROGRAMS AND SERVICES •••••••••••• 235

CHAPTER 9 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY ....... 23 7

0 bj ectives ...................................................................................... 23 7
Introduction................................................................................... 23 7
1. Poverty in Canada ..................................................................... 238
What Is Poverry? ... ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... . 23 9
Measurements of Poverty .. ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... . 23 9
Low-Income Measure (LIM) ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... . 239
Market Basket Measure (MBM) .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... . 2 40
Low-Income Cut-Offs (LICOs) .... ........ ... .. ...... .. ... ... ..... .. ... ... ...... 240
Other Dimensions of Poverty .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... . 2 40
Populations at Risk of Poverty .. ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... . 241
Risk Factors.. .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... . 242
Women ... ...... .. ... ........ .. ... ........ ... .. ...... .. ... .. ...... .. ... ... ..... ... .. ... ... .. . 242
Seniors ... ...... .. ... ........ .. ... ........ ... .. ...... .. ... .. ...... .. ... ... ........ .. ... ... ... 243
Children .... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 244
Discussion Questions: Poverty in Canada..................................... 245

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 •
XVI • TABLE OF CONTENTS

2. The Effects of Poverty ............................................................... 245

Food Insecurity .................................................................................... 246
Homelessness ....................................................................................... 2 46
The Cycle of Poverty ............................................................................ 2 48
The Economic Costs of Poverty ............................................................ 251
Discussion Questions: The Effects of Poverty............................... 251
3. Organized Responses to Poverty ............................................... 251
Understanding the Causes of Poverty................................................... 252
Taking a Two-Pronged Approach ........................................................ 252
Social Assistance........................................................................ 253
Employment Insurance .............................................................. 254
Asset Building ............................................................................ 256
Housing Security ....................................................................... 25 7
Food Security ............................................................................ 259
Poverty-Reduction Plans............................................................ 2 61
Discussion Questions: Organized Responses to Poverty .............. 263
4. Working with Low-Income and Marginalized Groups .............. 263
Discussion Questions: Working with Low-Income and
Marginalized Groups ..................................................................... 264
Summary ....................................................................................... 2 64
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 266
CHAPTER 10 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES ....... 26 7
0 bj ectives ...................................................................................... 26 7
Introduction................................................................................... 26 7
1. Meeting the Developmental Needs of Children
and Youth ...................................................................................... 2 70
A Focus on Young Children.................................................................. 2 70
National Children's Agenda ...................................................... 2 71
Child-Care Services ................................................................... 2 72
The Needs of Older Children and Youth .............................................. 2 74
Mental Health ........................................................................... 2 74
Youth Policy .............................................................................. 2 76
Discussion Questions: Meeting the Developmental
Needs of Children and Youth ........................................................ 279
2. Parental and Family Influences on Child Development ........... 2 79
Parenting Style .................................................................................... 2 79
Family Type ........................................................................................ 280
Lone-Parent Families ................................................................ 280
Families of Divorce ................................................................... 281
Stepfamilies ............................................................................... 282
Discussion Questions: Parental and Family Influences on
Child Development ....................................................................... 284
3. Family Violence ......................................................................... 28 5
Spousal Abuse ...................................................................................... 285
Child Abuse and Neglect. ..................................................................... 28 7

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 • •
TABLE OF CONTENTS • XVII

Child Protection Services ..................................................................... 289

Three Levels of Prevention ........................................................ 290
Child Welfare Systems .............................................................. 290
Out-of-Home Care .................................................................... 292
Children's Rights and Child Welfare Services ............................ 293
Criticisms and Reforms ............................................................. 294
Discussion Questions: Family Violence ........................................ 294
4. Social Work with Families with Children ................................ 295
Discussion Questions: Social Work with Families with
Children ........................................................................................ 296
Summary ....................................................................................... 296
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 2 9 7
CHAPTER 11 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS .............................. 298
Objectives ...................................................................................... 298
Introduction................................................................................... 298
1. Organized Approaches to Meeting Seniors' Needs ................... 301
Gerontological Research ....................................................................... 301
Ageism ...................................................................................... 301
Diversity ................................................................................... 303
Gov emment Initiatives ......................................................................... 3 05
International Action Plans ......................................................... 305
Shared Responsibility for Seniors ............................................... 306
Seniors' Groups .................................................................................... 306
Age-Friendly Communities .................................................................. 308
Discussion Questions: Organized Approaches to Meeting
Seniors' Needs ............................................................................... 309
2. Ensuring the Well-Being of Seniors .......................................... 31 0
Health Issues........................................................................................ 31 0
Disability and Activity ......................................................................... 31 0
Mental Health...................................................................................... 311
Social Connectedness ........................................................................... 313
Income Security ................................................................................... 313
Elder Abuse ......................................................................................... 316
Discussion Questions: Ensuring the Well-Being of Seniors .......... 317
3. Seniors' Housing and Supports for Independence .................... 317
Independent and Supportive Housing................................................... 318
Home and Community Support ........................................................... 319
Residential Care .................................................................................. 321
Discussion Questions: Seniors' Housing and Supports for
Independence ................................................................................ 322
4. Work and Participation ............................................................. 322
Seniors in the Workforce ...................................................................... 322
Volunteering ........................................................................................ 323
Political Activism and Consultation ..................................................... 32 4
Discussion Questions: Work and Participation ............................ 326

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 • • •
XV111 • TABLE OF CONTENTS

5. Gerontological Social Work ...................................................... 326

Discussion Questions: Gerontological Social Work ...................... 32 7
Summary ....................................................................................... 3 28
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 329
CHAPTER 12 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS .................. 330
0 bj ectives ...................................................................................... 33 0
Introduction................................................................................... 330
1. Historical Roots of Canada's "Indian Policy" ............................ 333
An Early Assimilation Plan .................................................................. 333
E~ranchisement .................................................................................. 334
The Role of Residential Schools ............................................................ 335
Discussion Questions: Historical Roots of Canada's
"Indian Policy" .............................................................................. 33 5
2. Bridging the Divide between Government and Indigenous
Peoples .......................................................................................... 336
A Shifting Balance of Power................................................................. 336
Constitutional Recognition ................................................................... 338
The 1990s ............................................................................................ 338
The Kelowna Accord ............................................................................ 339
Federal-Aboriginal Relations under the Conservatives ........................ 340
Discussion Questions: Bridging the Divide between
Government and Indigenous Peoples ............................................ 342
3. Healing and W ellness in Aboriginal Communities ................... 342
Colonization and the Residential School System ................................... 343
Traditional versus Mainstream Approaches to Helping ........................ 344
Healing Strategies and Initiatives ......................................................... 346
Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement. ................................ 348
Discussion Questions: Healing and Wellness in Aboriginal
Communities ................................................................................. 348
4. Issues and Achievements of Selected Groups ........................... 351
First Nations Living On-Reserve .......................................................... 351
Aboriginal Peoples Living in Cities ....................................................... 353
Aboriginal Women ............................................................................... 354
Discussion Questions: Issues and Achievements of Selected
Groups ........................................................................................... 356
5. Aboriginal Children and Youth ................................................. 35 6
Areas of Concern ................................................................................. 35 7
Initiatives Under the National Children's Agenda ................................ 357
Aboriginal Children in Care ................................................................ 359
Aboriginal Child Welfare Services ....................................................... 360
Discussion Questions: Aboriginal Children and Youth ................ 361
6. Social Work with Aboriginal Peoples ....................................... 361
Discussion Questions: Social Work with Aboriginal Peoples ....... 362
Summary ....................................................................................... 3 63
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 3 64

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 •
TABL E OF CO N T ENTS • XIX

CHAPTER 13 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS ....................... 365

Objectives ...................................................................................... 365
Introduction................................................................................... 36 S
1. Backgrounder: Canada's Immigration Policy ............................ 36 7
Racist Beginnings ................................................................................. 367
Canada's Open Door Policy ................................................................. 369
Human Rights and Multiculturalism .................................................... 369
Reforming the Immigration Act. ........................................................... 3 70
Economic Priorities.................................................................... 3 71
The Federal Skilled Worker Class ............................................. 3 72
Discussion Questions: Backgrounder: Canada's Immigration
Policy ............................................................................................. 373
2. The Settlement Process ............................................................. 3 73
Stages of Settlement ............................................................................. 3 73
Settlement Programs ............................................................................ 3 75
A Modernized Approach to Settlement ...................................... 3 75
Administration and Service Delivery ......................................... 3 76
Support for Refugees .................................................................. 3 77
Discussion Questions: The Settlement Process ............................ 3 78
3. Settlement Patterns and Issues ................................................. 3 79
The Distribution of Immigrants ............................................................ 380
Ethnic Enclaves ......................................................................... 380
Racism and Marginalization ................................................................ 382
Discussion Questions: Settlement Patterns and Issues ................. 383
4. Challenges for Selected Immigrant Groups .............................. 384
Children and Youth .............................................................................. 385
Immigrant Women .............................................................................. 38 6
Immigrant Workers ............................................................................. 38 7
Discussion Questions: Challenges for Selected Immigrant
Groups ........................................................................................... 390
5. Social Workers and Settlement Practice ................................... 390
Discussion Questions: Social Workers and Settlement
Practice .......................................................................................... 392
Summary ....................................................................................... 393
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 394
CHAPTER 14 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES .................... 395
Objectives ...................................................................................... 39 5
Introduction................................................................................... 39 S
1. Disability in Canada .................................................................. 398
Prevalence and Types of Disabilities .................................................... 398
Disability Issues for Children and Youth .............................................. 399
Disability and Aboriginal Peoples ........................................................ 401
Women and Disability ......................................................................... 402
Discussion Questions: Disability in Canada ................................. 404
2. Canada's Disability Policy Agenda ............................................ 404
An Era of Isolation and Exclusion ........................................................ 404

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XX • TA BLE OF C ONTENTS

Deinstitutionalization and Social Movements .... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 405
The Disability Community ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 406
Disability-Related Organizations .... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 40 7
Parents ... ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 407
The 1980s: Breaking Down the Barriers ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 408
The 1990s: Taward Full Citizenship .... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 409
Stepping Up the Focus on Accessibility ... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 411
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities .... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. .... 412
Discussion Questions: Canada's Disability Policy Agenda ........... 412
3. Achievements and Challenges in Selected Life Areas ............... 415
Housing .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 415
Working with a Disability .... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 41 7
Barriers to Employment .... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 41 7
Employment Initiatives and Best Practices... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 418
The Disability Income System ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 419
Discussion Questions: Achievements and Challenges in
Selected Life Areas ........................................................................ 422
4. Implications for Social Work Practice ...................................... 4 22
Accommodation ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 423
Autonomy and Empowerment. .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 423
Adaptation of the Social and Physical Environment .. .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... . 424
Rights and Responsibilities ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 42 4
Discussion Questions: Implications for Social Work Practice ...... 424
Summary ....................................................................................... 4 25
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 4 26
APPENDIX A HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS ........................................................ 4 2 7
APPENDIX B GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIAL WELFARE ................................... 445
Globalization: Friend or Foe? ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 445
Economic Dependence and Vulnerability .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 446
Loss of Democracy .... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 446
A Blending of Cultures ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 446
Global Economy: Global Risks... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 44 7
jobs and job Security ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... ... 44 7
Good jobs, Bad jobs... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 44 7
Down with Manufacturing, Up with Services .... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 448
Income Inequality ... ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. . 448
The Diminished Role of Social Welfare Programs .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. . 450
Conclusion ... ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... ... .. ... .. ... ... .. . 450
Key Terms ..................................................................................... 4 S 1
GLOSSARY ......................................................................................................... 453
REFERENCES .................................................................................................... 483
INDEX ............................................................................................................... 537

NEL
PREFACE
The structure of Canada's social welfare system continues to shift. Determined
to "provincialize" social welfare, the federal government has relinquished many
social welfare programs and services. Any plans to create national strategies
related to child care, home support, poverty, or homelessness have been put to
rest. The Social Union Framework Agreement with its emphasis on federal and
regional collaboration in social welfare development is virtually dead. Even
federal funding for social welfare initiatives is at issue: in their quest for more
"innovative" ways of funding social welfare programs, the federal government is
calling upon business to finance programs that offer a social benefit.
As the federal and regional governments clarify their roles in social welfare
provision, many Canadians face ongoing challenges. The number of homeless
and food-insecure Canadians continues to rise. Unemployed adults have fewer
options and resources, and more working Canadians find themselves stuck in
poor paying, insecure jobs with few or no benefits. Reports confirm that income
inequality is on the rise while the standard of living is declining. As always, social
agencies are struggling to meet the growing demand for social services.
But there is also good news. For example, most provinces and territo-
ries have developed comprehensive poverty-reduction plans, and Canada's
ratification of the UN's Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities
ensures the full inclusion of Canadians with disabilities. The body of knowl-
edge on social welfare issues and best practices keeps growing, while the
launch of large-scale longitudinal studies promises new insights into the needs
of specific populations. This fifth edition of Social Welfare in Canadian Society
takes a critical look at these and other developments and their influence on
the social well-being of Canadians.

TEXT OBJECTIVES

Specifically, this fifth edition aims to

• introduce the basic concepts and processes related to social welfare
• strike a balance between historical and current content
• explore a wide range of Canadian social welfare policies and programs
• provide real-life examples of social welfare initiatives from across the
country
• consider the impact of social welfare restructuring on Canadians

•
NEL XXI
 • •
XXII • PREFACE

• emphasize the uniquely Canadian approach to social provision and

draw from Canadian research
• critically analyze social welfare issues, approaches, and initiatives
• discuss the role of social workers in the social welfare field
This fifth edition aims to meet these objectives and, in so doing, give
students grounding in Canadian social welfare and an appreciation of the
strengths and shortcomings of Canada's approach to social well-being.

ORGANIZATION

This edition retains the basic three-part structure of previous editions. Part l
introduces readers to some of the fundamental aspects of Canada's social
welfare system, including the nature of its programs and services and the
social policy development process. Chapters in this section also focus on the
ideological base and historical foundations of the social welfare system, and
political and economic trends that affect social provision.
Part 2 is devoted to social welfare's service delivery system. Here, readers
learn about the various service sectors and the principal activities of social
agencies. This section also looks at the range of service providers in social
welfare settings and the knowledge and skills they bring to the helping
process. Concluding Part 2 is a chapter on planned change at the micro,
mezzo, and macro levels of society.
Part 3 examines the social issues and achievements of selected populations:
people living in poverty, families with children, seniors, Aboriginal peoples,
recent immigrants, and people with disabilities. This section explores the social
welfare programs and social work approaches related to each population.
Readers will be interested in the themes that weave through this new
edition and reflect the major trends in Canada's social welfare system. For
example, this edition emphasizes the role of empirical research and best practices
in the development of social welfare theory and initiatives. A main theme
is the influence of neoliberalism, globalization, and the business model on
social welfare provision. This edition also sharpens its focus on issues related
to poverty, income inequality, an aging population, and Aboriginal peoples
in Canada. In terms of social work practice, more attention is given to anti-
oppressive approaches.
Chapters that have undergone significant revisions include Chapter 4, which
examines the effects of conservatism on social welfare policy and programs. A
new Chapter 9 provides current material on poverty and its consequences, and

NEL
 • • •
PREFACE • XX111

on poverty-reduction strategies in Canada. Additional content in Appendix A

expands the chronology of key events in Canadian history and in the evolution of
social welfare initiatives. Appendix B aims to enhance readers' understanding
of the impact of globalization on social welfare in Canada. Finally, this new
edition updates social statistics and includes new content on social welfare
policies, initiatives, and related issues.

PEDAGOGICAL FEATURES

Reviews of Social Welfare in Canadian Society suggest that certain features of

previous editions enhance the reader's comprehension and enjoyment of the
book. These tried-and-true features include
• chapter-opening quotes, which set the tone for the content and inspire
reader interest and engagement
• a list of learning objectives at the beginning of each chapter to set the
direction of the content
• boldfaced key terms in the text and at the end of each chapter, with
their page references
• a variety of exhibits that expand on certain points and pull together
complex concepts
• photographs to enhance visual appeal and bring the content alive
• discussion questions in each chapter to draw readers' attention to specific
content and issues, to encourage critical thinking, and to provoke
lively in -class discussions
• profiles and examples of Canadian social welfare programs, services,
and organizations
• examples of social work practice in social welfare settings
• chapter summaries
• a glossary of key terms to familiarize readers with words and phrases
specific to the social welfare field
• a thorough index to help the reader find information quickly and
easily
Unique to this book is access to the Social Welfare in Canadian Society
website at http://www.nelson.com/site/ChappellSe. At that website, stu-
dents will find links to the most current information on issues related to social
welfare.

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 •
XXIV • PREFACE

ANCILLARY MATERIALS

About the Nelson Education Teaching Advantage

Q.fl0TQ The Nelson Education Teaching Advantage (NETA) program delivers

.. as surux
research-based instructor resources that promote student engagement
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In consultation with the editorial advisory board, Nelson Education has
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NETA Assessment relates to testing materials. Under NETA Assessment,
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in Canadian Society, Fifth Edition, is included in the description of the online
resources below.)

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 PREFACE • XXV

NETA Presentation has been developed to help instructors make the best
use of PowerPoint® in their classrooms. With a clean and uncluttered design
developed by Maureen Stone of StoneSoup Consulting, NETA Presentation
features slides with improved readability, more multi-media and graphic
materials, activities to use in class, and tips for instructors on the Notes page.
A copy of NETA Guidelines for Classroom Presentations by Maureen Stone is
included with each set of PowerPoint slides. (Information about the NETA
PowerPoint® prepared for Social Welfare in Canadian Society, Fifth Edition, is
included in the description of the online resources below.)
NETA Digital is a framework based on Arthur Chickering and Zelda
Gamson's seminal work "Seven Principles of Good Practice in Undergraduate
Education" (AAHE Bulletin, 1987) and the follow-up work by Chickering and
Stephen C. Ehrmann, "Implementing the Seven Principles: Technology as
Lever" (AAHE Bulletin, 1996). This aspect of the NETA program guides the
writing and development of our digital products to ensure that they appro-
priately reflect the core goals of contact, collaboration, multimodal learning,
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Be sure to visit Nelson Education's Inspired Instruction website at
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the testimonials of instructors who have used NETA supplements and seen
student engagement increase!

Online Instructor Resources

Key instructor ancillaries are provided on the text's website at http://www.
nelson.com/site/ChappellSe, giving instructors the ultimate tools for custom-
izing lectures and presentations.
• NETA Assessment: The Test Bank for Social Welfare in Canadian
Society, Fifth Edition, includes multiple-choice questions written
according to NETA guidelines for effective construction and devel-
opment of higher-order questions. Also included is a selection of
true/false and essay questions for each chapter. Test Bank files are
provided in Word format for easy editing and in PDF format for
convenient printing whatever your system.
• NET A Presentation: Microsoft® PowerPoint® lecture slides have
been created for every chapter of Social Welfare in Canadian Society,
Fifth Edition. NETA principles of clear design and engaging content
have been incorporated throughout.

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 •
XXVI • PREFACE

• DayOne: DayOne Prof InClass is a PowerPoint presentation that you

can customize to orient your students to the class and their text at the
beginning of the course.
• Instructor's Manual: The instructor's manual to accompany Social
Welfare in Canadian Society, Fifth Edition, contains sample lesson
plans, learning objectives, and suggested classroom activities to give
you the support you need to engage your students in the classroom.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

No one ever creates a book alone. Many thanks go to those who have
supported me through the review, research, and development of this project.
Sincere appreciation to
• Paul Wallin, for the many hours at the computer, researching, and
giving feedback on my chapter drafts
• Margaret Leitner, for her insights into the workings of voluntary social
•
agencies
• the many individuals who responded to my research questions,
including Kevin Wilheim (Edleun Group Inc.), staff at the Canadian
Association of the Deaf, Rosemary Spendlove and Leilani Farha
(Canada Without Poverty), and staff at the Vancouver Island Regional
Library
• the review panel participants for providing me with excellent sug-
gestions on how to improve the fifth edition: Brian Dwyer, Sheridan
College; Carol Halle-Bowering, Okanagan College; Mohamad Haniff,
University of Guelph; Donna Hinds, Centennial College; and Luc
Theriault, University of New Brunswick
• the reviewers of the previous editions for their feedback and direction.
Reviewers of the fourth edition include Dan Andreae, University
of Waterloo; Mike Devine, Memorial University; Mary Lou Karley,
King's College University; Eleanor Wint, University of Northern
B.C.; and Gail Zuk, University of Calgary. Reviewers of the third edi-
tion include Ken Barter, Memorial University of Newfoundland; Les
jerome, University of Calgary; Neil McMahon, Mohawk College; and
Margaret Wright, University of British Columbia. Reviewers of the
second edition include Brian Dwyer, Sheridan College; Luke Fusco,
Wilfrid Laurier University; and Paul Macisaac, Georgian College.

NEL
 • •
PREFACE • XXVII

Reviewers of the first edition include Mac Davis, Humber College;

Phil Durrant, Niagara College; Arvey Hanowski, University of Regina;
Cheryl Hebert, Memorial University; Emmett Hogan, Mount Royal
College; and Rory Mahood, Cariboo College.
In 2013, I celebrated the twentieth anniversary of my working rela-
tionship with Nelson Education and the best publishing team in Canada!
Thanks to sales representative Anthony Fast for making sure my original
book proposal got into the right hands in 1993. Many sincere thanks go to
the acquisitions editors, developmental editors, copy editors, production and
permissions teams, marketing department, sales representatives, and others
at Nelson who have supported this project and me over the years.
I hope that the revisions to this text meet the needs and expectations of
students and instructors, and that these changes enhance the reader's under-
standing and appreciation of Canada's social welfare system.
-Rosalie Chappell

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Rosalie Chappell received her Bachelor of Social Work and Master of Social
Work degrees from the University of Calgary. She has taught social work and
social service work in British Columbia and Alberta at the University-College
of the Fraser Valley, Open Learning Agency, Malaspina University-College,
North Island College, and Red Deer College. Besides teaching, Rosalie has
worked as a clinical social worker, supervisor, trainer, consultant, and
program evaluator in a diverse range of public- and private-sector organiza-
tions, including family counselling agencies, employment agencies, community
corrections, alcohol and drug treatment centres, and extended care.

NEL
 I-

<(

An Overview
The Nature of Canadian Social Welfare

Social Welfare Policy

Historical Foundations

Social Welfare in the Globalization Era

 •
ature o ana 1an
•
OCia are

OBJECTIVES
The social welfare of Canadians depends on the extent to which human
needs are met. This chapter will

• define the term social welfare

• describe the scope and purpose of the socia l welfare system

• discuss social welfare programs and services

• examine three political ideologies and their influences on socia l welfare

• •
prOVISIOn

INTRODUCTION
• ••• •••• ••• ••• • ••• •• •••• ••• ••• ••• • • •• ••• ••• • ••• ••• ••• ••• • •• •• •• • •• ••• • •• •••• ••• • •

Undeniably, the "social safety net" we built over the

past several decades helped make Canada one of the
world's most successful countries, rich in prosperity
and opportunity. Programs such as unemployment
insurance, social assistance and social services, child
benefits, universal pensions and a national network of
widely accessible colleges and universities have made our
nation a beacon of civilized values. (Human Resources
Development Canada [HRDC], l994a)
• •• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• • • • • ••• • ••• •• • •••• •• • ••• •••• ••• •••• • •• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• •• • •

NEL 3
4 • CHAPTER 1

Social welfare is the cornerstone of a caring, benevolent, and democratic

society. Moreover, social welfare is key to a nation's general quality of life
and prosperity. Underlying social welfare are core Canadian values, such as
compassion and collective responsibility, and a fundamental belief in the
social equality of all people.
Despite its importance, social welfare is a highly abstract term with no
single, exhaustive, or universally agreed on definition. The term gained popu-
larity in Canada during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
when industrialization, urbanization, and an influx of immigrants were
transforming city life. With those transformations came "modern problems,"
such as poverty, unemployment, and family breakdown. People eventually
realized that those problems were not specific to any one group; everyone
was at risk. These realizations brought demands for the redefining of social values
and the development of more effective ways of helping the poor and dis-
advantaged (Hareven, 1969). People began to treat the vulnerable members of
society with more fairness, respect, and compassion, and to take responsibility
for one another. The time was right for a new language to reflect the spirit
of social reform: thus, the term "social welfare" replaced the old-fashioned
word "charity" to mean a formal, organized, and governmental approach to
ensuring a basic standard of living for all (Leiby, 19 77).
Over time, social welfare has come to mean various things. As a concept,
social welfare refers to a society's vision of well-being, health, happiness, and
prosperity in other words, a society that sees itself as faring well. Social welfare
is also a system comprising policies and programs designed to help individuals,
families, and communities meet their basic needs. From the perspective of
a field or discipline, social welfare involves the study and implementation of
strategies designed to alleviate human suffering, prevent social problems, and
improve the quality of life of disadvantaged groups; social work is the profes-
sional occupation most closely associated with the field of social welfare. This
chapter focuses on the concept of social welfare and on the social welfare
system; subsequent chapters explore the field of social welfare in more depth.

1 THE SCOPE AND PURPOSE OF THE SOCIAL

WELFARE SYSTEM
The scope of Canada's social welfare system is limited to the members of
society who require some assistance in meeting their basic needs. To determine
who is in need, governments must first measure social well-being and then
identify which human needs the social welfare system will address and how
those needs will be met.
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 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 5

MEASURING SOCIAL WELL-BEING

The abstract nature of social welfare makes it difficult to say with any certainty
whether society is faring well or not. For example, is society doing well only
if it has zero poverty? Is society still doing well if it has a moderate amount
of poverty? What is "moderate"? For that matter, what is "poverty"? From
a subjective view, how well a society is doing is open to interpretation and is
shaped by people's values, cultural norms, and beliefs about wellness and such
constructs as "healthy lifestyles." Various surveys such as the Canadian
Survey on Disability and the General Social Survey collect data on people's
assessment of their personal experiences.
While subjective assessments of well-being are useful, governments
also require measures that are concrete or objective before they will direct
precious resources, such as time, energy, and taxpayers' money, toward
improving people's life situations. Dozens of statistical tools are available to
gauge social well-being objectively. On a global scale, the United Nations
uses the Human Development Index to rank countries, including Canada, in
terms of life expectancy, literacy, education, and standards of living. Statistical
tools are also available to assess the well-being of specific social groups. For
example, the First Nations Community Well-Being Index reports on the social
and economic conditions in Canada's First Nations communities; likewise,
the Federation of Canadian Municipalities uses its Quality of Life Reporting
System to assess the environmental, social, and economic trends in Canada's
major cities and municipalities.
In 2007, the Government of Canada introduced the Indicators of
Well-being in Canada (IWC), a measurement framework designed to pro-
vide a national and comprehensive picture of the well-being of Canadians.
The IWC recognizes ten broad domains of individual and social well-being:
learning, work, financial security, environment, security (safety), health,
leisure, social participation, family life, and housing. Each domain uses three
types of indicators to measure the characteristics of, or changes in, the well-
being of Canadians:
• Status indicators focus on human conditions or progress in major life
areas, such as employment.
• Life events indicators track the rates of significant life-course events,
such as marriage and divorce.
• Key influences indicators report on individual and community resources
required for well-being, as well as people's access to, the availability
of, and the maintenance of those resources (Human Resources and
Skills Development Canada [HRSDC], 2012a).

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6 • CHAPTER 1

Exhibit 1.1 illustrates the five domains that the social welfare system is
most likely to address that is, work, financial security, social participation,
family life, and housing. The remaining five domains are the primary focus of
the environment, healthcare, education, recreation and leisure, and criminal
justice systems.

EXHIBIT 1.1
SELECTED INDICATORS OF WELL-BEING IN CANADA

WORK • Employment rate • Strikes and lockouts • Unionization rates

• Weekly earnings • Unemployment duration
• Weekly hours worked • Unemployment rate
• Work-related injuries

FINANCIAL • Standard of living • Personal bankruptcies • Income distribution

SECURITY • Family income
• Retirement income
• Low income incidence
• Low income persistence
• Net worth (wealth)

SOCIAL • Participation in political • Sense of belonging

PARTICIPATION activities • Social networks
• Participation in social • Trust in others
activities
• Charitable donations
• Volunteering

FAMILY LIFE • Infant mortality • Marriage

• Age of mother at childbirth
• Divorce
• Young adults living with
their parent(s)

HOUSING • Housing need • Housing starts

• Rental vacancy rates
• Homeless shelters
and beds

Status: indicators of conditions or progress in important life areas

Life events: indicators related to significant transitions that a person might experience
over the life course
Key influences: indicators that reflect individual and societal resources
-
Source: Author-generated table, information derived, excerpted, and adapted from Human Resources and
Skills Development Canada. (2012). Indicators of well-being in Canada. Retrieved from http://www4.hrsdc.
gc.calh. 4m.2®-eng.jsp.

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 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 7

Researchers must update the tools used to measure well-being on a

regular basis to capture society's changing perceptions of well-being. A variety
of factors can influence people's perceptions over time. For example, as baby
boomers retire, they are likely to adopt a different view on what constitutes
the "good life" than they had when they were working or going to school
(Policy Horizons Canada, 20 11).
According to IWC reports, the well-being of Canadians is on the decline.
From 1994 to 2010, Canada's economy grew by an impressive 29 percent,
while the quality of life grew by a mere 5. 7 percent. During that period, well-
being experienced the greatest decline between 2008 and 2009, when the
economy suffered a downturn; however, even with the economic recovery
in 2010, the well-being of most Canadians continued to decline. These find-
ings dispel the myth that economic prosperity guarantees social well-being
(Canadian Index of Wellbeing, 2012).

THE PRIMARY FUNCTIONS OF THE SOCIAL

WELFARE SYSTEM

For a society to fare well, its members must be physically, socially, psychologi-
cally, financially, and materially healthy. To achieve health in these life areas,
people must adequately meet their needs. A human need is a necessary
condition or requirement of human development that if not met will result in
serious physical, psychological, or social harm. As its primary function, Canada's
social welfare system attempts to identify and meet basic human needs.

Identifying Human Needs

The diversity of human beings is such that it is impossible to list all possible
needs that arise for people over a lifetime. Several models nevertheless
attempt to outline the range of human needs; Abraham Maslow's hierarchy of
needs is one of the best known of these models. Originally, Maslow argued
that a person must first meet basic survival and security needs before trying
to meet higher-order needs related to social interaction, self-esteem, and
self-actualization. In later works, Maslow acknowledged that the meeting of
human needs does not necessarily follow a fixed order; thus, people may
be motivated to meet higher-order needs before they have fully satisfied
those lower down on the pyramid (Ashley, 2000). Exhibit 1.2 illustrates the
different levels of human needs as identified by Maslow: basic needs appear
at the bottom of the pyramid, with higher-order needs listed successively up

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8 • CHAPTER 1

EXHIBIT 1.2
MASLOW'S HIERARCHY OF NEEDS

Self-Actualization
• realizing one's
own potential
• carrying out self-development
activities
• behaving creatively
• having a problem-centred
orientation to life
• identifying with
the problems of humanity
• accepting self and others

Self-Esteem
• self-confidence • independence
• achievement • competence • knowledge
• status • personal recognition • respect
Social
• love and affection • friendships
• association with others • affiliation
Safety
• shelter • protection from immediate or future danger to
physical well-being • protection from immediate or future threat to
psychological or economic well-being
Physiological
• hunger • thirst • sex • sleep • rest • exercise • elimination
• pain avoidance • oxygen consumption

Source: Adapted from A. Harber and R.P. Runyon, Fundamentals of Psychology McGraw Hill (1983), 304.
Copyright 1983. Reproduced with permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies.

the hierarchy. Canada's social welfare system addresses many of the needs
(to limited degrees) listed in Maslow's hierarchy.

Meeting Human Needs

While basic needs are common to all humans, how a particular culture chooses
to satisfy those needs can vary. For the most part, Canadians are responsible for

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 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 9

meeting their own needs, such as the need for food, shelter, safety, and affection.
People meet those needs primarily through interactions with informal support
systems, such as family and friends, and through formal institutions, such
as the workplace and places of worship. When people are able to meet their
needs, they are more likely to fully participate in and contribute to society;
this social engagement is important for maintaining the social order, promoting
the health and sustainability of communities, and ensuring a robust economy
(Maxwell, 2006).
Canadian governments are reluctant to leave the meeting of social welfare
needs entirely up to individuals. As a result, governments support a range of
social welfare programs for people who fail to meet their needs adequately
through traditional means. Those programs aim to
• provide the basic necessities to people who cannot sufficiently provide
for themselves
• help isolated or marginalized groups to meet their social needs, such
as the need to belong and participate in society
• assist people having trouble fulfilling important social roles, such as
parent or income-earner
• ensure that people can access resources and opportunities to meet
their needs and support their families
• address "special needs" related to substance abuse, mental disorders,
and other conditions that inhibit human development
• protect vulnerable members of society, such as children and the
elderly, from abuse or neglect (Dobelstein, 1978)
In their determination of how publically funded resources should be used,
elected officials must act in the best interests of all citizens and target public
assistance to those who really need it. As the Office of the Auditor General of
Canada (2006, p. 5) notes: "Demands on government are unlimited, but the
resources available to meet them are not. Governments must therefore . . .
[decide] how much they can afford to spend, what to spend it on, and how to
get the most for the money spent." To make these decisions, political leaders
must determine which types of human needs and issues they will treat as
public matters and which needs and issues they will consider private. Public
issues refer to needs and conditions that government takes responsibility
for and that affect (or have the potential to affect) a large segment of the
population; included here are poverty, domestic violence, and racism. In
contrast, private needs and issues are those that individuals are responsible
for resolving on their own by using their own resources or purchasing the

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10 • CHAP TER 1

services they require. Canadians generally view marital disagreements, for

example, as private matters left to the resources of individuals.
Canadian governments encourage people to be as self-sufficient as
possible and to avoid relying on government for meeting their needs. To foster
self-sufficiency, governments have introduced measures that help Canadians
accumulate capital. Capital can take several forms, but human capital and
social capital are particularly relevant to social welfare.
• Human capital includes the skills, capabilities, knowledge, and other
personal assets that people use to earn a living, cope with life's prob-
lems and challenges, and achieve self-reliance. The Employment
Insurance system, for example, focuses on building human capital in
its provision of job skills training, career planning workshops, and
other services to help people find work.
• Social capital refers to the social supports, networks, and contacts
that people rely on for emotional support, access to resources, and
general participation in society. Examples of programs focused on
building social capital include early childhood education, parent
support groups, and peer counselling for seniors.

The Scope and Purpose of the Social Welfare System

1. Everyone has his or her own interpretation of social well-being. How do you
define social well-being? Do you find that your perception of well-being
changes over time? If so, how?
2. In your opinion, what conditions, resources, or activities are fundamental to a
person's (or society's) well-being? How would you rate your community in the
provision of the elements you have identified: poor, average, or excellent?
3. Why is it important (or not) for our politicians and governments to be con-
cerned with people's well-being?

2 SOCIAL WELFARE PROGRAMS

AND SERVICES
A wide range of government-sponsored programs makes up Canada's social
welfare system. A social welfare program is a set of projects or activities that
aim to meet a public need. Many programs provide tangible goods, such as
cash, food, and shelter, to people in need. Other programs have a service
component; services typically involve direct, face-to-face assistance in the

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 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 11

form of counselling, peer support, information giving, or advocacy. Rather

than offering direct client services, a number of social welfare programs focus
on social research, policy analysis, program development, or another activity
that enhances social welfare provision. (Appendix A provides a historical
timeline of key events in the development of Canada's social welfare programs
and services.)
Along with healthcare and postsecondary education, social welfare is an
essential social program. These systems often work closely together on behalf
of people in need; this is particularly true of social welfare and healthcare,
which have integrated their services on various levels. For example, it is
common for social welfare and health agencies to provide services under the
same roof or to share the same administration, as in the case of the Yukon
government's Department of Health and Social Services. It is also common for
front-line workers in social welfare and healthcare agencies to coordinate their
services with departments in the justice system; for instance, social workers
and community health nurses often team up to help older adults access health
and psychosocial supports. Despite these points of overlap, the social wel-
fare system has its own distinct mandate, goals, and objectives. Social welfare
programs and services can be classified into two broad categories: (l) income
security programs and (2) social services. Each category is described below.

INCOME SECURITY PROGRAMS

Income security programs provide financial aid to replace or supplement a

person's income during times of unemployment caused by, for instance, preg-
nancy, old age, sickness, or disability. These programs attempt to ensure that
all Canadians enjoy a reasonable standard of living, otherwise known as a social
minimum. The four main types of income security programs are as follows:
• Targeted cash transfers: These are benefits that government
transfers to individuals whose income or assets fall below a cer-
tain level. Targeted cash transfers include the Guaranteed Income
Supplement, social assistance, and disability pensions for people
with severe disabilities.
• Universal cash transfers: Government gives these benefits to
all persons, regardless of financial status or need, who meet a basic
requirement, such as age or residency. The Universal Child Care
Benefit, for example, gives a monthly payment of $100 to all parents
and guardians for each child under the age of six, irrespective of the
family's financial circumstances.

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12 • CHAPTER 1

• Contributory programs: Also known as "social insurance," these

benefits are forced savings plans that require working individuals
to contribute to a program that then compensates them when they
are not working. These programs base the amount of benefits on
the claimant's contributions and limit benefits to those who maintain
a strong connection to the labour force. Employment Insurance,
Workers' Compensation, and the Canada and Quebec Pension Plans
are examples of contributory programs.
• Tax relief measures: Various programs and incentives reduce the
amount of tax owed by individuals; government bases the amount
of tax savings on income earned and reported on an individual's tax
returns. Tax relief measures include tax credits (such as the Canada
Child Tax Benefit and the Disability Tax Credit) and tax deductions
(such as child care expenses and registered retirement savings plan
contributions). Canada's progressive tax system allows individuals
with low and modest incomes to pay proportionately less income tax.
Governments have come to prefer using the tax system, rather than
cash transfers, for assisting low-income Canadians.

SOCIAL SERVICES

Canada's social services are non-income benefits funded in part or in full by

government. Designed to improve the living conditions of individuals, families,
and communities, these direct services fulfill several important functions:
• They provide goods and services aimed at meeting basic social,
material, and emotional needs.
• They support and help people resolve problems of daily living related
to, for example, disability or family breakdown.
• They protect vulnerable members of society, such as children and
the elderly.
• They aim to prevent or minimize the negative effects of social
problems, including poverty, domestic violence, and drug abuse.
Demand for social services is increasing in Canada, fuelled in part by an
aging population, which drives the need for home support and other seniors'
programs. Changes in family composition including a rise in lone-mother
families and families with two working parents are also creating more
demand for family-oriented services, such as child care.

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 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 13

Because the provinces and territories are primarily responsible for

developing their own social services, the type and range of services across
jurisdictions will vary. However, most provinces and territories offer social
services for specific populations, such as children and youth, parents, seniors,
and people with disabilities. In many cases, these services complement or
replace the support and care that family or other informal support system
might normally provide.
Political leaders often disagree on whether an identified need would be
best met by a social service or a cash benefit. For example, between 2004
and 2006, federal politicians debated the merits of services versus cash ben-
efits for meeting the child-care needs of Canadian families. Liberal politicians
wanted to establish an extensive system of government-regulated child-care
spaces; in contrast, Conservative politicians preferred that families receive cash
to purchase the type of child care best suited to their needs. Each type of
provision has pros and cons. People tend to use child-care services when
they are available in a community; thus, the identified need is likely to be
met. Public child-care services are nevertheless restrictive in some ways: for
example, government is likely to subsidize the costs of placing a child in a
government-approved setting but not the costs of employing a babysitter in
the home. The provision of cash, on the other hand, allows people to choose
the type of service they want; however, a potential problem with giving cash
is that recipients may spend the money on something other than its intended
purpose, and the need may go unmet.

PROGRAM ELIGIBILITY

The federal, provincial and territorial, and municipal levels of government

have developed specific criteria to determine who may participate in, or
potentially benefit from, a publicly sponsored program. In Canada, the issue
of program eligibility is largely resolved through two broad classifications of
programs: targeted and universal.

Targeted Programs
Targeted programs are limited to narrowly defined segments of the popu-
lation that a government deems to be vulnerable or at risk for a certain
social or economic hardship; these groups include children living in poverty,
Aboriginal peoples, seniors, the unemployed, people with disabilities, and

NEL
14 • CHAPTER 1

recent immigrants. Social assistance, child tax credits, and rental subsidies are
some of the programs that target specific groups.
Canadian governments use three types of financial tests to determine
eligibility for targeted income security programs:
• Income tests determine eligibility based on the applicant's annual
income and generally ignore individual needs or other assets (such as
property or investments).
• Needs tests assess an applicant's needs or necessary expenses and
determine whether his or her income and assets are sufficient to meet
those needs.
• Asset tests analyze an applicant's assets (such as savings and invest-
ments); assets above a certain value may disqualify a person from
benefits.
Since the late 1980s, income tests have become a common method for
ensuring that only low- or modest-income earners receive benefits; these
tests rely on income tax returns to assess an individual's eligibility. Old Age
Security is an example of an income-tested program; in 2012, recipients earning
more than $69 562 a year received a reduced benefit rate, and those with
annual incomes of more than $1 12 772 were ineligible (Service Canada, n.d.).
Provincial social assistance programs commonly use needs tests and asset
tests. In those programs, financial assistance workers consider an applicant's
income, needs, and assets by identifying all sources of household income,
taking an inventory of the applicant's fixed and liquid assets, and deter-
mining the total needs of the household. If the household's assessed needs are
greater than its resources, the worker deems the applicant as being eligible for
assistance (National Council of Welfare, 2010).
In recent decades, government cutbacks to social spending have led to
tighter restrictions on who can use social welfare programs, making government
assistance available to fewer people (see Exhibit 1.3). For example, Employment
Insurance is an income security program that is becoming increasingly difficult
to qualify for; legislative changes in the 1990s led to a sharp drop in the
proportion of unemployed Canadian workers eligible for benefits from 74
percent in 1990 to just over 31 percent in 2010 (Mendelson&: Battle, 2011).
Social services are also becoming less accessible. To deal with reduced funding
and greater demands, social service agencies must restrict their services to
those in the greatest of need. Requiring clients to meet many criteria is one
method of restricting services; for instance, the federally funded Nobody's
Perfect program targets parents with children five years of age or younger and
gives priority to "parents who are young, single, socially or geographically

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 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 15

EXHIBIT 1.3
THAT AWKWARD AGE

...
.,
;;:... : ·:·.)~'.$<;.- ..

•
...........
• •

.
• .. • : 0

. . .. ,, . .• .. .
••••• , ••<~'•·.,
''' '~• ,t ./' '' 0
I

• I

, ' ., '
\
I

.
~I
\

"He's at that awkward age ... too young for old age security, too old for Opportunities
for Youth, too late for family allowance, too conventional for Canada Council or local
initiative programs, too poor for tax loopholes, too rich for subsidized housing ... "

isolated or who have low income or limited formal education" (Public Health
Agency of Canada, 2011).

Universal Programs
Universal programs are comprehensive in the sense that they are available to
broad segments of the population, such as all children under the age of six,
or all adults over the age of sixty-five. The notion of universality supports the
belief that benefits should be available as a matter of a citizen's rights rather
than economic need or risk. Since need or risk are not factors of eligibility,
applicants for these programs are not required to undergo a needs, income,
or asset test; however, they must meet basic criteria, often related to age or

NEL
16 • CHAPTER 1

residency. Canada's first universal program, Family Allowances, was introduced

in 1945 and provided a monthly cash benefit to all Canadian families rich
or poor that had children. (see Exhibit 1. 4)
Every beneficiary of a universal program receives the same quality of
service or amount of money (a flat rate); as a result, this type of program
does not identify anyone in the population as being "in need." Findlay ( 1983,
p. 18) sees certain advantages to this approach: "universality avoids divi-
sions among those who are entitled and those who are not: it eliminates a
two-tier system that results in 'second-class' citizens and 'second-class' ser-
vices for the less influential." Thus, universality might minimize the label-
ling, stigmatization, or segregation of disadvantaged individuals or groups
in society Qewell, 2005). On a more practical level, universal programs may
be more cost-effective than targeted programs, since they do not require
an assessment of individual needs and are therefore relatively simple to
administer.

EXHIBIT 1.4

An Inuit mother with her children signs for a family allowance cheque at the Royal
Canadian Mounted Police headquarters in Coppermine, Northwest Territories (circa
1949-1950).

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 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 17

While Canadians generally support universality in public healthcare

and public education, universality in income security programs has lost its
popularity. The critics of universality argue that giving financial assistance to
people who do not need it is a waste of taxpayer's money (Canadian Economy
Online, 2007). The gradual elimination of universal income security programs
began in the late 1980s when the federal government introduced a "clawback"
to Family Allowances and Old Age Security benefits. Clawbacks required
high-income earners receiving payments from those programs to repay some
or all of their benefits.
Canadian governments favour a contemporary and largely European
version of universality called progressive universalism. The priority of this
approach is to reduce poverty rather than benefit all citizens; thus, all persons
who meet the basic criteria receive a benefit, with a larger proportion of
benefit given to those who need it most. Quebec's early childhood education
and child-care program is an example of a progressive universalism approach.
In that province, parents with children under five years of age pay a daily fee
of $7 for child-care services. Families on social assistance with young children
may receive the same quality of services free (Dare&: Le Henaff, 2013).
Some programs are touted as universal, but because of their structural
design, they end up benefiting some recipients more than others. The federally
funded Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB) is one of these "in name only"
universal programs. Although the program gives $1200 per year for each
Canadian child under six, the benefit is taxable, which means that parents
may have to pay back a portion of it in tax. A study by policy analyst Ken
Battle (2006) found that, depending on the household's income tax bracket
and whether the family received other cash transfers or tax credits, the amount
per child might be anywhere from $460 to $1200 per year after taxes.
The "universal" structure of the U CCB is in sharp contrast to that of Family
Allowances, which, from 1945 to 1973, provided tax-free benefits to families
with children.

Social Welfare Programs and Services

1. While some politicians think that providing government-regulated child-care
services is the right way to meet families' child-care needs, others believe that
families should receive cash to purchase their own child-care services. What is
your position on this issue? Why might one approach be more or less effective
than the other?
2. In general, Canadian governments provide social welfare programs on either
a targeted or a universal basis. What are the pros and cons of each approach?

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18 • CHAPTER 1

3 SOCIAL WELFARE PROVISION: IDEOLOGY

AND APPROACHES
Along with a nation's values, priorities, goals, and resources, political ideolo-
gies influence the degree to which a government intervenes in social welfare
matters. In turn, those ideologies play an important role in the approach taken
by government to ensure the social well-being of citizens. This section looks at
three political ideologies and their related approaches to social welfare.

POLITICAL IDEOLOGY

A political ideology is a set of beliefs that shape people's views of society, their
ideas on how society should function, and their opinions about how they might
achieve social well-being. Canada's social welfare system is not the product of any
one political ideology; rather, the system reflects various ideologies that have
evolved over time in response to social, economic, and political developments.
However, three classic political ideologies conservatism, social democracy,
and liberalism have predominated in the shaping of people's views of "need"
and the extent to which they think government should help people meet
their needs (see Exhibit 1.5 for a comparative view of the ideologies).
What follows are brief descriptions of each political ideology within a
social welfare context. Nate that the ideologies discussed here are reflected in
the platforms of three main political parties in Canada: the Conservative Party,
the New Democratic Party, and the Liberal Party; however, these parties are
unlikely to adopt all the concepts and practices of any one ideological stance.

CONSERVATISM

While not entirely opposed to change, conservatism supports traditional

values and social roles, and moral (religious) standards. Individualism is
important in terms of economic advancement that is, people are encouraged
to compete, work hard, and accumulate wealth and property. In addition
to gainful employment, conservatives believe that a person's own skills
and fortitude, the family, the place of worship, and other nongovernment
social supports should be a person's main defence against want and need.
Self-sufficiency is highly regarded.
Conservatives tend to believe that many people are poor because they
made poor choices, they lack initiative, or they simply do not want to work

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 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 19

POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES: A COMPARATIVE VIEW

lJ : : ~Y:.' lJ i-='1 ~ i

BASIC VALUES • Moralism • Collectivism • Individualism

• Family, church, • Fellowship • Self-interest
tradition • Equality • Self-reliance
• Class, privilege • Cooperation • Competition
• Competition

KEY TO • Saving • Working together • Knowledge, education,

PROSPERITY • Investing • Pooling society's training
AND • Working ("any job resources and sharing • Having a "good" job to
WELL-BEING is a good job") the wealth ensure self-reliance

ROLE OF • Maintain social • Regulate the means • Enable economic

GOVERNMENT order of production progress
• Strengthen family • Create equal • Create equal opportunity
• Defend role of conditions through legislation
church and charities • Ensure social welfare • Defend individual rights
• Protect interests of • Protect rights of and freedoms
business workers and unions • Protect private property

TAXATION AND • No or low taxation • Heavy taxation • Moderate taxation

REDISTRIBUTION • Whoever earns the • Redistribute the • Give "reasonable"
money should wealth from rich to support to selected
enjoy it poor disadvantaged groups
• User pays

CAUSE OF • Personal failure, • Unequal distribution • Structural flaws in

POVERTY bad choices; of wealth and power capitalist system
unfortunate in capitalist system
circumstances

VIEW OF • "Deserving" • "Trapped" (in a • "Unskilled" or

PEOPLE WHO (justifiably in need) subordinate position "disadvantaged" (limited
ARE POOR or "undeserving" to the wealthy and in ability to compete)
(lazy, immoral, powerful)
lacking in
resou rcefu Iness)

INDIVIDUAL • Obey laws, work • Share, cooperate, • Take initiative, be

RESPONSIBILITY hard, fulfill duties avoid excess self-reliant, participate
in society

APPROACH • Residual • Institutional • Social investment

TO SOCIAL (government help (government help (government help is a
WELFARE is a last resort) is a citizen's right) long-term investment)

Source: Adapted from Pollard,]. (1993). Ideology, social policy and home-based child care [table 1] In I. Kyle
0

et al. (Edso), Proceedings from the Child Care Policy and Research Symposium (ppo 101-112). Toronto, Canada:
Childcare Resource and Research Unit, Centre for Urban and Community Studies, University of Toronto. Retrieved
from http :1/www childcarecanada.org/sites/default/files/op2 pdf.
0 0

NEL
20 • CHAPTER 1

(Morel, 2002). Conservatives nevertheless recognize that some people are

victims of circumstance; for example, they may view children who are poor
not as being responsible for their circumstances but as "innocent victims" of
wasteful or inept parents (Ismael, 2006).
For conservatives, the most desirable government is the one that regulates,
controls, or intervenes in people's lives the least. For this reason, conservative
governments are sometimes described as being laissez faire (a French term
meaning "leave alone"). Laissez faire governments expect the market, pri-
vate enterprise, and the law of supply and demand to provide people with
the income and other resources to meet all human needs. Conservatives see
government as having a primarily protective role: to secure the country by
maintaining the military and to uphold law and order by strengthening police
services. With so few responsibilities, governments are expected to keep their
administrations as small and as non-bureaucratic as possible.
According to conservative thought, people's problems are largely personal
and private and best resolved by individual effort rather than government
intervention (Wharf, 2007). Conservatives generally view state intrusion in
people's private lives as being detrimental because it restricts individual free-
doms and undermines people's inherent sense of initiative and responsibility
(International Federation of Social Workers, 2012b). Social welfare programs,
in particular, are believed to foster a dependency on the state and to "weaken
moral fibre" (Galper, 1975, p. 3).
Neoliberalism is a contemporary form of conservatism closely related
to globalization. (What makes neoliberalism new or "neo" is its global rather
than national perspective; the use of the word "liberal" is in reference to liberation
from government.) At the heart of neoliberalism is the support for capitalism,
free trade, and market expansion. According to neoliberals, government
intervention and regulation hinder a country's ability to compete successfully
in international markets: in a global economy, capital or wealth must flow
freely across boundaries, and transnational corporations expect to set up shop
anywhere in the world with little government interference (Teeple, 2000).
Neoliberals argue that if government would stop interfering in the market by,
for example, taxing the rich and giving to the poor, then the market would be
able to function properly, economic growth and prosperity would follow, and
wealth would naturally "trickle down" to all members of society.

SOCIAL DEMOCRACY

Since the coining of the term socialism in the early nineteenth century, two
main camps have evolved: (l) the revolutionary or communist camp, which

NEL
 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 21

advocates a primarily government-owned and -operated economy; and (2) the

evolutionary or social democratic camp, which supports an economy that has
a mix of public and private enterprise. Social democracy, which tends to
oppose the extreme of communism, gained more support in Canada than its
communist counterpart did. This section therefore discusses socialism from a
social democratic point of view.
According to Canadian economist Tom Kent (2011, p. 1), social democ-
racy "is a society where the enterprise of productive employment in a market
economy is joined with active government to secure the public interest in
equality of opportunities and fairness of outcomes." Traditionally, social
democracy rejects the competitive values of capitalism, individualism, and
private enterprise. Instead of personal competition, social democrats advocate
fellowship and cooperation among citizens. Solidarity is important to social
democrats, who prefer to work toward collective rather than individual goals
and who frequently use collective action, such as labour strikes, to do so.
Egalitarianism that is, equal power and advantage among citizens is also
considered a worthy goal (Spieker, 2012).
Social democrats challenge the conservative notion that poverty is the
result of an individual's shortcomings; instead, they see poverty as a consequence
of capitalism and the unequal distribution of wealth and power. From a social
democratic viewpoint, the rich inherit wealth while the poor inherit poverty,
which traps the poor in a subordinate position (George &: Wilding, 1985).
While conservatives view government intervention as a threat to indi-
vidual freedom, social democrats are willing to give up some freedom if it
means that everyone not just the rich can benefit from a country's wealth.
Thus, social democrats encourage government to use its taxation and other
powers to equalize social and economic conditions and opportunities. Social
democrats believe that government can achieve this goal through an extensive
system of universal health, education, and social welfare programs available
to all citizens.

LIBERALISM

In many respects, liberalism is similar to conservatism in terms of supporting

individualism and competitive private enterprise. However, Canada tradi-
tionally links its brand of liberalism to efforts to "humanize" capitalist values
and thus strike a balance between economic goals and human development.
Accordingly, while liberals expect governments to promote capitalism and
economic growth, they also want governments to ensure individual rights,
social justice, and equal opportunity. Unlike conservatives, who tend to cling

NEL
22 • CHAPTER 1

to tradition, liberals support people's rights to individuality, freedom of

self-expression, and choice of lifestyle.
Liberals tend to view poverty and other social problems as resulting
not from individual shortcomings but from flaws in the capitalist system.
Although liberals promote economic progress, they also see this type of progress
as a potential source of hardship. Liberals therefore question the ability of the
market alone to meet the full range of human needs in modem society and see
a role for government in helping citizens reach their full potential.
According to liberals, if the market fails to meet people's needs, govern-
ment should then provide a social safety net that is, a limited range of
targeted, publically funded programs. Liberals tend to favour programs
that help people develop the skills and knowledge they need to become
self-sufficient; many of those programs focus on creating jobs, building skills,
and helping people find well-paying and secure jobs.

APPROACHES TO SOCIAL WELFARE PROVISION

A study of the social welfare system is likely to reveal what] acqueline Ismael
(1985, p. i) refers to as a "maze of programs" and a "hodge-podge pattern of
service provision" in other words, the provision of social welfare in Canada is
highly fragmented, uncoordinated, and inconsistent. Gerald Boychuk (2004)
explains that when developing Canada's social welfare system, governments
have introduced new approaches to helping people while keeping many of
the existing approaches. The result is a mix of old and new approaches, many
of which contradict one another in their design, philosophy, and delivery.
Despite the variation, there are three main approaches to social welfare
provision: the residual approach, the institutional approach, and the social
investment approach.
The main political parties in Canada tend to favour different approaches
to social welfare. While conservatives generally support the residual approach,
social democrats have traditionally leaned toward an institutional approach.
In general, liberals take a social investment approach. Despite these tendencies,
it is common for political parties to choose elements from all three approaches,
depending on the presenting social issue or problem, party priorities, political
climate, and public pressure.

Residual Approach to Social Welfare

The word residual refers to "remains" or something "left over." Thus, a residual
approach to social welfare assumes that although economic, social, and other

NEL
 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 23

systems meet people's needs most of the time, some outstanding human needs
will be left that government must address (Dobelstein, 2003). Residualists
see government assistance as a last resort for those who have exhausted all
possible help from family, place of worship, and other private resources, and
can demonstrate true need. Assuming that the demand for government aid
will always exceed supply, the residual approach uses certain strategies either
to deter people who are not truly needy from seeking public assistance
or to make the conditions of receiving benefits so adverse that people seek
alternative, non-government forms of assistance. Thus, this approach ensures
that any help given is targeted (available to a select few), meagre (to discourage
people from preferring government benefits to gainful employment), and short
term (terminated as soon as the individual being helped can once again be
self-reliant).
Stigmatization is one of the strategies used by residualists to limit the
use of government assistance to those who really need it. The stigmatization
of the poor dates back to Canada's early settlement period, when settlers
classified the poor as being either deserving or undeserving of public aid.
The deserving poor were sick or aged, had a disability, or otherwise were
incapable of supporting themselves through work and therefore worthy of
public aid. In contrast, the undeserving poor were able-bodied, unemployed
adults who were capable of working and paying their own way; this group
received either inferior services or no services at all. T oday's stereotypes of
the poor reflect these residual attitudes (see Exhibit 1.6). People on social
assistance, for example, are often assumed to be "lazy, unwilling to work,
and lacking in self-discipline" (Handel, 1982, p. 4). The comments made by
some of the country's top political leaders reflect those derogatory sentiments.
Former prime minister jean Chretien, for example, once suggested that
people on welfare sit at home, drinking beer ("Chretien Says," 1994). Former
Calgary mayor and Alberta premier Ralph Klein once referred to unemployed
migrants as "Eastern bums and creeps." It may be difficult to see how stig-
matization can be helpful to people who are struggling to make ends meet.
However, the original intent of this strategy was to discourage dependency
on government, a condition that residualists consider a hindrance to proper
human development.

Institutional Approach to Social Welfare

The institutional approach maintains that social welfare is a primary institu-
tion of society (similar to religion, government, and education) and therefore has
a normal, legitimate, and necessary function in a civilized, modem society
(Wilensky &: Lebeaux, 1965). Governments that adopt an institutional

NEL
24 • CHAP TER 1

EXHIBIT 1.6

A residual approach to social welfare does not recognize able-bodied men as "vulnerable"
members of society or as a high priority for government assistance.

approach to social welfare do not require people to pay full market prices
for goods and services that are essential for well-being (see Exhibit l. 7).
This rights-based view which is closely aligned with a social democratic
ideology assumes that every citizen, not just people in need, is entitled to
a minimum level of food, shelter, clothing, and security (Davies, McMullin,
Avison, & Cassidy, 2001). Because citizens have a right to social welfare
programs, no stigma is attached to receiving government assistance.
Welfare states (sometimes called "social welfare states") embody the
values and principles of an institutional approach. A welfare state refers to an
industrial capitalist nation whose government uses its power to intervene in
the workings of the market to correct income inequality, a problem repre-
sented as a gap between the incomes of the very rich and the very poor.
To equalize incomes, governments use the tax system to take a portion of
income from high- and moderate-income earners and give it to low-income

NEL
 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 25

EXHIBIT 1.7

~
u
0
......
r.n
~
~
.......
...c:
j2
u
0
......
r.n
s0
u
(Q)

Both the institutional and social investment approaches to social welfare support the notion
of government-subsidized child-care services.

earners. This income redistribution enables low-income individuals and

families to spend more, which, in tum, can stimulate the economy. Welfare
states also aim to
• ensure a minimum income to all citizens
• protect people from economic insecurity arising from old age,
unemployment, sickness, and other contingencies
• provide all citizens with a range of social services (Briggs, 1961)
Following the Second World War, Canadian governments assumed
many responsibilities for social welfare that private charitable organizations
had long taken on. The greatest expansion of social welfare programs occurred
from 1963 to 1973; by the early 1980s, these programs represented close to
14 percent of Canada's gross domestic product (Drover, 1983). With the
introduction of universal healthcare, Unemployment Insurance, the Old Age
Security pension, and the Canada and Quebec Pension Plans, Canada was
well on its way to becoming a welfare state. However, unlike some European

NEL
26 • CHAPTER 1

nations, Canada did not fully support the establishment (or expense) of an
extensive range of income security programs and social services required to
reach welfare state status. Thus, Canada became not so much a welfare state as
a country that offers minimum protection by government, through a limited
range of programs, for designated "at-risk" segments of the population.

Social Investment Approach to Social Welfare

Canadian governments see the market as the primary source of well-being.
However, governments also recognize the need for innovative strategies to
address the challenges associated with globalization and other socioeconomic
shifts. Since the mid-l990s, Canadian governments have considered the social
investment approach to social welfare as a viable alternative to residual and
institutional approaches and well suited to addressing modem problems
(Dobrowolsky, 2003).
While the institutional approach tends to help people after a problem
has occurred, the social investment approach takes a proactive stance, before
problems arise. The social inclusion of all citizens is particularly important
for preventing social problems. Thus, social investment initiatives aim to foster
social inclusion by removing barriers to participation in society and allowing
visible minorities, Aboriginal peoples, people with disabilities, and other
marginalized groups to access jobs, resources, and opportunities.
Governments that take a social investment approach favour programs
that promise to yield long-term benefits. Preschool-age children who are the
country's future are a primary focus (see Exhibit l. 7 for an example). Social
welfare programs that invest in young Canadians include the National Child
Benefit and a wide range of early childhood development, early learning, and
child-care programs. Young working-age adults are another focus of social
investment initiatives. Instead of providing cash benefits to the able-bodied
unemployed, the social investment approach attempts to help adults form a
long-term attachment to the workforce. Programs designed to achieve this
objective include welfare-to-work initiatives, employment counselling, and
work incentives, such as government wage subsidies. According to the social
investment approach, employment is the best protection against poverty.
To foster self-sufficiency, social investment strategies also try to help
individuals, families, and communities build various types of capital. In terms
of human capital, governments may provide incentives to people to set aside
a portion of their income for the future. Saving for retirement, for example,
is made possible through the Canada Pension Plan and registered retirement
savings plans (RRSPs). Other human capital programs encourage the development

NEL
 THE NATURE OF CANADIAN SOCIAL WELFARE • 27

of employable skills; included here are federal government subsidies for post-
secondary training and education, and the Canada Learning Bond that helps
low-income Canadians save for educational purposes. Some programs such
as the federal tax-free savings account aim to help Canadians save money to
cover the costs of any need that arises.
Social investors also believe that social capital is central to economic
self-sufficiency. A wide range of programs and services can help people build
social capital. For instance, family resource centres aim to foster healthy rela-
tionships among families, neighbours, and friends. To help children and youth
strengthen their attachments to family, community, and the larger society, early
learning programs and youth engagement programs are available. Finally, many
programs promote multiculturalism, address racism, and help immigrants
integrate into society all efforts to foster harmony, understanding, and coop-
eration among groups.

Social Welfare Provision: Ideology and Approaches

1. In your opinion, which political ideology conservatism, social democracy, or
liberalism is most dominant in today's social welfare programs and services?
Give examples to support your views.
2. Which approach to social welfare provision the residual, institutional,
or social investment might be the most effective for reducing poverty in
Canada? Give reasons for your answer.

SUMMARY

Introduction
Despite its abstract nature, social welfare implies a formal, organized,
and governmental approach to ensuring a basic standard of living. Social
welfare can refer to a concept, a field, or a system. The primary function of
the social welfare system is to help individuals, families, and communities
meet their basic needs.

1 The Scope and Purpose of the Social Welfare System

A variety of surveys and statistical tools can be used to measure individual
and social well-being. To achieve well-being, it is important to identify
and meet human needs; Maslow's hierarchy lists many of those needs.
The social welfare system intervenes when traditional support systems

NEL
28 • CHAPTER 1

break down; however, that system tends to limit help to the most vulnerable
members of society. Canadian governments encourage self-sufficiency and
provide incentives to help people accumulate capital.

2 Social Welfare Programs and Services

Income security programs provide targeted cash transfers, universal cash
transfers, contributory programs, and tax credits. Social services offer goods,
services, support, and opportunities; some services protect vulnerable
members of society, while others address broader social problems. Social
welfare programs may be either targeted or universal, but all require
some type of test to determine program eligibility. While universalism
has potential benefits, it is no longer popular in a social welfare context.
Overall, most programs are becoming more targeted and less accessible.

3 Social Welfare Provision: Ideology and Approaches

Conservatism, social democracy, and liberalism are political ideologies that
influence people's perception of "need" and determine which human issues
government should treat as private troubles or public issues. The level of
responsibility that governments assume for social welfare shifts over time.
Canada has three main approaches to social welfare provision: the residual
approach, the institutional approach, and the social investment approach.

_ _ _ _ _ _ K E_Y I ER M S_ _ _ _ __
For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.

social welfare, p. 4 contributory programs, conservatism, p. 18

indicators, p. 5 p. 12 neoliberalism, p. 20
need, p. 7 tax relief measures, social democracy, p. 21
marginalized groups, p. 12 liberalism, p. 21
p.9 social services, p. 12 social safety net, p. 22
capital, p. 10 program eligibility, residual approach, p. 22
social welfare program, p. 13 deserving poor, p. 23
p. 10 targeted programs, undeserving poor, p. 23
client, p. 11 p. 13 institutional approach,
social program, p. 11 income tests, p. 14 p.23
income security needs tests, p. 14 welfare states, p. 24
programs, p. 11 asset tests, p. 14 income inequality, p. 24
social minimum, p. 11 universal programs, income redistribution,
targeted cash transfers, p. 15 p. 25
p. 11 progressive universalism, social investment
universal cash transfers, p. 17 approach, p. 26
p. 11 political ideology, p. 18 social inclusion, p. 26

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 •
OCia are

OBJECTIVES
Policy provides the direction and structure to social welfare programs
and services. This chapter will

• introduce the concept of social welfare policy and related terms

• identify the ways in which social policymakers learn about social issues and
problems

• explain how socia l po licymakers come to understand socia l issues and

problems

• introduce the policy community and the consulting and reviewing process

• describe how policymakers formalize social welfare policies

• briefly explain how social welfare policies are implemented

• summarize the process of evaluating social welfare policies

INTRODUCTION
• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••

Social policies are never neutral or value-free. By looking

at social policies, we see the expression of Canada, the
value choices made, the attitudes and beliefs expressed,
the judgements made by countless people. In doing
so, in making social policies and implementing them
every day, and through the years, we establish certain
boundaries of care, assistance and community (Prince,
2008, p. 7)
••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •

NEL 29
30 • CHAP TER 2

Policies provide structure to almost every aspect of our lives. Personal policies
are typically unwritten rules that we set for ourselves, such as "I don't eat
after 8 p.m.," or "I don't participate in gossip. " Many parents have rules (or
policies) for their children, such as "No TV after 9 p.m." or "Brush after
every meal. " Policies also guide people's behaviours in formal institutions,
including schools ("No talking in class") and the workplace ("Internet
access is for job-related activities only"). Policies are also central to government
decision making and intervention. There are many types of government or
public policies, including economic policy, domestic policy, and defence
policy. Social policy is most concerned with the development and imple-
mentation of social programs that is, social welfare, healthcare, and
postsecondary education. These policies affect all Canadians since they
"determine who pays for and who benefits from government spending,
how well or poorly people live, the nature of their relationships to each
other, the overall quality of life, and the nation's commitment to social
justice" (Abramovitz, 2004, p. 19).
Social welfare policy is a subset of social policy that provides the structure
of most income security programs and social services. Tightly integrated with
economic policy, social welfare policy aims to
• strengthen job security and labour market supports, such as employment
insurance and pension contributions
• provide opportunities for training and skill development
• motivate adults to work and to save for the future
• redistribute income to minimize the number of people living in
poverty
• create acceptable living and work standards to attract foreign
investment
• enhance the quality of life for individuals, families, and communities
(Conference Board of Canada, 2000)
To understand social welfare programs, we must be familiar with their
related policies and the process by which they are created. Canada has no
official or preferred method of policy development; however, the stages model
is commonly used. Any number of stages may take place during policy
development; Exhibit 2 .l summarizes six generic stages and their respective
tasks. Note that certain activities, such as decision making and consultation,
take place throughout the policy development process.

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 31

STAGES OF SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY DEVELOPMENT

-----c.·;-Understand-So ial
Problems and Issues
• Learn about the nature
1. ldeJlti Social and scope of the
Pr btems and Issues problem/issue.
Identify and define • Determine how the
what needs to problem/issue will be
change and why a ___.......easur:et:h--.. . . .
policy is needed. • Consider the policy
• Clarify the desired options and objective .
outcome of the • Seek input from the
Ongoing
policy. policy community.
• Decisions
• Consider constitutional
• Consultations \-----'influences on the
6. Evaluate the • Analysis/monitoring oposed policy.
Policy/Program • Research/data
• Clarify what is to collection
be learned about • Refinement of
the policy or program. methods
• Select a model or . Formalize the Policy
"lens" to guide the • Select the policy.
valuation. • Authorize the policy thr, ugh
• A end, replace, agreement or legis! ·on.
5. Implement the Policy
orr R8al the
• Design the initiative.
policy a needed.
• Decide who will deliver
the initiative.
• Allocate resources to
u port the initiative.

Source: Rosalie Chappell

1 STAGE 1: IDENTIFYING SOCIAL PROBLEMS

AND ISSUES
An important role of elected government officials is to make the laws, legislation,
and policies related to social programs. In stage l, these social policymakers have
to identify the issue or problem for which a policy is needed. Policymakers
must also clarify which conditions need to change to address the issue or
problem and what they hope to accomplish by creating a policy. This section
looks at these tasks.

NEL
32 • CHAP TER 2

FROM SOCIAL CONDITIONS TO SOCIAL ISSUES

AND PROBLEMS

A number of circumstances such as living arrangements, relationships,

and work or learning environment can affect people's ability to meet their
needs. These circumstances may be desirable or undesirable. For example,
some adults may find working in chaotic or noisy conditions to be stimu-
lating, while others may find the same experience to be stressful. Thus, living
and working conditions are not problematic until people label them as such.
Social conditions may be understood in a similar way. Unemployment,
substandard housing, and divorce are social conditions that exist for
large segments of the Canadian population but are not problematic in and of
themselves. Over time, however, people may perceive a social condition as a
threat to society and something that should be treated as either a social issue
or a social problem.
A social issue is a widespread condition that is not problematic but has
the potential to become so if not addressed promptly. One social issue facing
Canadians is an population aging. Older people undoubtedly can benefit
Canadian society in many ways. However, concerns arise when considering
the increasing number of elderly people, their needs, and the dwindling
resources to meet those needs. In general, policymakers agree that policies
and programs related to health promotion, housing, social support, employ-
ment, and other life areas must be introduced now to head off problems for
future generations of elderly people, their families, and society.
For society to consider a social condition to be a social problem, it
must meet certain criteria. First, a large segment of the population must rec-
ognize the condition to be undesirable in some way. Second, the condition must
create a measurable degree of economic or social hardship, psychological or
physical injury, or other negative consequence that people want changed.
Finally, the undesirable condition must spark some kind of collective response
aimed at correcting the situation (Henslin, 2003; Thompson, Howard, &
]in, 200 l).
Certain social conditions are generally accepted as social problems,
while others are not. In Canada, the general consensus is that crime, child
poverty, racism, violence against women, drug addiction, and homeless-
ness (see Exhibit 2.2) are serious social problems. Policymakers recognize
these problems as public issues that government should address and pay
for. Other social conditions, such as bisexuality and divorce, are seen as
social problems by fewer Canadians and are subsequently lower priorities
for social policymakers.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 33

EXHIBIT 2.2

Homelessness is a major social problem in Canada, especially in large urban centres.

CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF SOCIAL PROBLEMS

What Canadians currently view as a social problem might have been socially
acceptable in the past. A case in point is racism. During the first half of the
twentieth century, the Government of Canada enacted racist immigration laws
to limit the numbers of so-called undesirables including people of Chinese
origin, jewish people, and Black people from entering the country. Today,
racism and discrimination are not tolerated in Canada, as evidenced by the
number of anti-discrimination and anti-hate laws, and policies that promote
multiculturalism, diversity, and social inclusion. As Canadian culture continues
to evolve, people's views of social conditions and problems change as well. With
those changes come different expectations of government intervention. Thus,
social welfare policy tends to reflect the values of the nation at any given time.
It is not unusual for changing economic or social conditions to create new
social problems or exacerbate existing ones. In recent decades, globalization
and a shift from an industrial to a postindustrial era have been associated with
a wide range of social problems, including social exclusion. Socially excluded

NEL
34 • CHAP TER 2

people feel left out of society and often fail to enjoy the full social, economic,
political, and other benefits that society has to offer. Many experts point to
shifts in the labour market, the subsequent rise in low-paid, part-time, and
insecure jobs, and the resulting strain on people's ability to support themselves
and their families as the primary causes of social exclusion. A lack of sufficient
income naturally puts individuals and families at a high risk of poverty. Living
in poverty can raise the risk of additional challenges, such as health problems,
poor housing, and welfare dependency all conditions that can create further
barriers to inclusion in society (Galabuzi &: Labonte, 2002). People living in
poverty are at such a high risk of social exclusion that some policymakers treat
"social exclusion" and "poverty" as synonymous since each condition can cause
the other, and both conditions relate to deprivation (Voyer, 2005).

Stage 1 : Identifying Social Problems and Issues

1. Identify five social conditions. For each condition, decide whether it meets the
criteria for a social issue, a social problem, or neither.
2. What types of programs or services are available in your community (or other
locale) to address the issues or problems identified in question 1?

2 STAGE 2: UNDERSTANDING SOCIAL ISSUES

AND PROBLEMS
In Stage 2, policymakers must learn about the nature and prevalence of issues
and problems that affect society. Policymakers also search for ways to define
and measure the existence of social problems.

SOCIAL KNOWLEDGE

Social knowledge is a type of empirical research that helps policymakers

learn about societys conditions, issues, and problems. Social knowledge
comes from many sources. For example, at the government level, Policy
Horizons Canada studies a wide range of social issues to inform and struc-
ture policy decisions in federal departments. In the private sector, the studies
undertaken by research institutes and think tanks provide invaluable insight
into social trends, conditions, and risks. Professionals in the helping fields,
such as social workers, psychologists, and psychiatrists, contribute to social
knowledge in various ways; one way is by sharing the knowledge derived from
NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 35

observing and working with clients, such as what appears to help or hinder
human development. A number of academic disciplines, including sociology,
economics, and anthropology, also enrich the body of social knowledge avail-
able to policymakers. Each discipline applies its own theoretical frame of
reference to the study of society's problems and their impact on people's health
and well-being.
Depending on the nature of the information needed, social scientists
use various data collection tools to gather information on social conditions and
problems. Those tools include surveys, interviews, and focus groups, with
longitudinal surveys being one of the most useful in the social welfare field.
This type of survey follows the progress of the same group of people over time.
The survey's focus may be on one or more aspects of a condition or problem, such
as the negative events people experience (for instance, job loss or divorce), the
time it takes people to make transitions through life (for example, from losing
a job to finding new employment), and the influences (such as the economy)
on those events and transitions. In short, longitudinal surveys identify how
changes and emerging patterns in the general population might create either
social well-being or problems. Initiated in 2001, the Canadian Longitudinal
Study on Aging (CLSA) is one of the most comprehensive longitudinal studies
in the world. This national study aims to track about 50 000 Canadian adults
for at least twenty years. Researchers expect the CLSA to provide invaluable
information on factors related to health, disease, and disability as people
age information that policymakers can use to make informed decisions in
social welfare, health, and other policy areas.
Ironically, the more we learn about social problems, the less we might
understand them. As Denis Saint-Martin (2004, p. 7) explains, "Nowadays,
social problems are viewed as wicked not necessarily because they are, in
themselves, more complex but because we, as societies, have accumulated
more knowledge about such problems." Social knowledge has called atten-
tion not only to the complex, multidimensional aspects of social problems but
also to how those problems can compound and exacerbate each other. For
example, thirty years ago, people viewed poverty simply as a lack of money.
In 2001, the United Nations (2001, p. 2) called attention to the complicated
nature of poverty when it redefined poverty as "a human condition characterized
by sustained or chronic deprivation of the resources, capabilities, choices,
security and power necessary for the enjoyment of an adequate standard of
living and other civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights."
Much of Canada's body of social knowledge has come from the census,
which Statistics Canada conducts every five years. Since 1971, the census has
included both a short form (with questions on basic demographic topics, such
as age, gender, and marital status) and a long form (with questions on people's

NEL
36 • CHAPTER 2

socioeconomic conditions, such as housing, income, and education). In 20 l 0,

the federal government scrapped the mandatory long-form census question-
naire in favour of a voluntary household survey Researchers, academics, and
others who rely on the long-form data criticized the governments decision.
Among those groups is the Canadian Association of Social Workers, which
believes that the loss of the mandatory form will have a long-range negative
impact on Canadas most vulnerable citizens (see Exhibit 2.3).

CASW: MAINTAIN THE LONG-FORM CENSUS

CASW CANADIAN ASSOCIATION OF SOCIAL WORKERS

The Right Honourable Stephen Harper August 5, 2010
Prime Minister of Canada
Open Letter to Prime Minister Stephen Harper: Maintain the Long Form Census
Dear Mr. Prime Minister:
The Canadian Association of Social Workers ( CASW) is deeply concerned with the
recent decision of the Government of Canada to cancel the 2011 long form Census
and replace it with a less reliable voluntary survey.
An unfortunate consequence of replacing the Census with a voluntary survey
will be that the most vulnerable in society will not be accurately accounted for
in the data collected since they are among those that are less likely to complete a
voluntary survey. It is our understanding that the current Census information
collected, analyzed and disseminated by Statistics Canada is considered world
class. The lack of reliable data in the future could well undermine the delivery of
social and community services by all levels of government and service agencies.
This letter is being sent on behalf of the over 17,800 social workers that CASW
represent through our provincial and territorial member organizations. We urge
you to reconsider your decision and allow the 2011 long form Census to proceed
unchanged. Social workers are delivering vital services from coast to coast to coast
in Canada and we depend on the data collected by the Census to provide the best
practices for every community served.
Sincerely,
Darlene MacDonald
President, CASW

Source: Open Letter to Prime Minister Stephen Harper: Maintain the Long Form Census, dated August 5, 2010 is
reprinted here with the permission of the Canadian Association of Social Workers (CASW).

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 37

DEFINING AND MEASURING SOCIAL PROBLEMS

Once a social problem has been identified, it must be defined and measured.
The definition and measurement of social problems is a highly complex
process, largely because everyone involved in the process has his or her own
perception of the problem and its cause, impact, and solution. Nevertheless,
a general consensus on definitions and measurements must be reached before
policymakers can design effective policies.
One of the first tasks in defining a social problem is labelling it; for
example, the terms, "child abuse," "racism," "poverty, " and "social exclu-
sion," are all labels assigned to various and widespread problems in
society. Naming a social problem is relatively easy compared with iden-
tifying its essential qualities or meaning in other words, describing how
people might perceive or recognize the problem when it is occurring. It is
common for definitions of a social problem to vary between countries and
between regions within a country, depending on such things as the values
and culture of those observing the problem and on the objectives of the
researchers studying the problem. However, sometimes a consensus on
definitions can be reached. For example, in 1993, the international com-
munity (including Canada) signed the United Nations Declaration on the
Elimination of Violence against Women. The member countries agreed that
"the term 'violence against women' means any act of gender-based violence
that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological
harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or
arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private
life" (United Nations, 1993).
Over time, research may reveal more information about a social problem,
resulting in the need for a more accurate label. Some departments of the
Government of Canada, for instance, have begun to use the more inclusive
term of "woman abuse" over the traditional one of "violence against women";
woman abuse includes violence against women, as well as other forms of
maltreatment, such as the neglect of women by caregivers (Public Health
Agency of Canada, 2009).
Social and economic indicators help researchers to measure the exis-
tence of social problems. Indicators are data or statistical measures that rep-
resent the various aspects of a social problem and therefore frame problems
in concrete, observable, and objective ways. Some indicators serve to quantify
such things as how many or how often people are affected by a problem; other
indicators qualify by reporting on how people perceive or experience a social
problem. The following indicators (with examples) can be used to paint a

NEL
38 • CHAP TER 2

picture of what woman abuse "looks like" to observers or "feels like" to those
who experience it:
• emotional or psychological indicators (women are afraid or angry, feel
isolated, have suicidal or homicidal thoughts)
• physical indicators (women have visible or internal injuries, or make
excuses for how they received their injuries)
• sexual indicators (women experience non-consensual sex, recurring
genital pain, or unwanted touching)
• financial indicators (abusers control women's finances, or women
seek permission from the abusers before spending money)
• stalking or harassment indicators (women are followed or watched
or receive unwanted telephone calls or gifts) (York Region Violence
Against Women Coordinating Committee, 2006)
Not only can indicators illustrate how a problem manifests itself in society,
but they can also report on how problems change over time. Indicators are
particularly useful for identifying emerging trends. For instance, by tracking
various indicators of violence against women, social scientists have discov-
ered that some women are at a higher risk of abuse than others; the high-risk
groups include women who are young, poor, or Aboriginal, have a disability,
and are dating, in a common-law relationship, or recently out of a relationship
(Baker & Cunningham, 2005). Clearly, the type of information derived from
indicators can help policymakers target their policies and programs to certain
populations in potentially harmful circumstances.
At times, policymakers fail to agree on what a social problem looks like, how
it manifests in people's lives, and how it should be defined or measured. Poverty
is a case in point. While some regional governments and private sector groups
have proposed their own definitions of poverty, no nationally agreed on defini-
tion of poverty exists in Canada. Furthermore, unlike the United States, Canada
has no single official set of indicators to measure poverty. The lack of consensus
on what poverty is, and how to measure it, has made it difficult to determine the
prevalence of poverty in Canada and to find effective solutions to the problem.

Stage 2: Understanding Social Issues and Problems

1. Racism and child abuse are two serious social problems in Canada. What are
some of the indicators you might use to measure the existence of these two
problems?

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 39

2. A number of definitions for "poverty" exist; however, the federal and provincial
and territorial governments have failed to reach a consensus on what poverty
is or how governments should address it across the nation. Why do you think
it is so difficult to reach such a consensus?

3 STAGE 3: CONSULTING AND REVIEWING

At Stage 3 of the policy development process, policymakers consult with the
other members of the policy community; that community consists of a broad
mix of individuals, organizations, and groups from both inside and outside
government. These stakeholders represent varying interests and have their
own political agendas; while some stakeholders might advocate for a partic-
ular policy, others might vehemently oppose it. Thus, the consultation phase
is likely to be "a spicy endeavour," fraught with dynamic and unpredictable
tensions (Watson-Wright, 2001).
Cabinets are ultimately responsible for setting policy at the federal,
provincial, and territorial levels. A number of groups also influence the
nature and content of social policy decisions, including civil servants, the
voting public, opposition political parties, and interest or lobby groups.
While the media, foreign governments, the judiciary, and others tend to
have less power and influence over policy decisions, they play an important
role in the clarification, interpretation, and shaping of the public's under-
standing of policy. Each participant in the policy community interacts with
and influences the others, yet no single entity dominates the policymaking
process (Pross, 1995).
During the consultation and review phase of policymaking, the various
members of the policy community must come together to
• define the desired outcomes or benefits of the proposed policy (for
example, the outcomes of a youth-oriented policy may be that youth
are happy, healthy, and socially engaged)
• determine which type of policy would most likely achieve the desired
outcomes (for example, a social service may be more effective than a
cash benefit)
• debate the pros and cons of policy choices
This section introduces some of the key stakeholders in the policymaking
process and examines selected issues influencing their policy decisions on
social welfare matters.

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40 • CHAP TER 2

GOVERNMENT PARTICIPANTS

When setting social welfare policies, government policymakers enter into a

variety of cost-sharing arrangements, address regional differences, and, at
times, seek intergovernmental cooperation. This section looks at some of the
challenges and opportunities related to these activities.

Federalism and Cost-Sharing Arrangements

To appreciate how the different levels of government work together on policy
matters, it is important to consider the role of Canada's constitution, and the
division of governmental power. Canada is a federal state that is, a country that
divides legislative power between a central or federal government and regional
(provincial and territorial) governments. Each level of government has its own
sources of revenue and the authority to pass certain laws. This arrangement
allows the federal government to look at overall Canadian values and objectives
while regional governments deal with local needs unique to their area.
At the time of confederation in 186 7, social welfare matters seemed
insignificant and potentially inexpensive, since Canada had a relatively small,
rural, and self-sufficient population, and people in need turned to family, neigh-
bours, or religious charities. With a few exceptions, government intervention
in social welfare matters seemed unnecessary; therefore, the provinces and
territories rather than the federal government took on this relatively minor
responsibility Things changed in the early twentieth century, when the social
and economic problems created by industrialization, urbanization, and immi-
gration created the need for an expanded social welfare system. Before long,
social programs grew so costly that the provinces and territories could not
afford them. The federal government, on the other hand, had broad taxation
powers and the ability to redistribute resources across the nation.
Over time, the federal government not only assumed a greater responsi-
bility for social policy and programs but also took on more of the related costs.
Various cost-sharing arrangements between the federal and provincial and
territorial governments have attempted to reduce the fiscal disparities between
the two levels of government. An early example of cost sharing occurred
during the Great Depression of the 1930s. At the time, the provinces were
constitutionally responsible for employment matters; however, as the costs of
assisting a growing number of unemployed workers skyrocketed, the federal
government bore more of the expense and responsibility for unemployment.
A more modem cost-sharing arrangement for social welfare is the Canada
Social Transfer (CST). Under the CST, each province and territory receives
an equal per capita payment. About 75 percent of the CST finances social

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 41

assistance, child-care services, and social services across Canada, while the
remaining 25 percent supports postsecondary education (Canada, Department
of Finance, 20 lla). In 2014, the legislation governing the CST expires, calling
for the federal, provincial, and territorial governments to re-negotiate a new
funding arrangement.

Regional Differences
Although the regional governments welcome financial support from the
federal government, they have always asserted their constitutional right to
design and deliver social programs as they see fit. In asserting those rights, the
provinces and territories have traditionally resisted any attempts by the federal
government to impose "national" values on regional policies and programs.
Rather, the regional governments prefer to retain their own values and identi-
ties, which their locally developed social welfare policies and programs tend
to reflect. A number of factors shape regional identity and create differences in
how each region sets its priorities and implements its policies. Some of these
differences are described below.

Heritage
Many regional differences are rooted in the traditions brought to Canada by
the early European settlers. Ontario, for example, originally based its approach
to social welfare policy on English civil law, which favoured the delivery of
social services by private charities or places of worship. In contrast, British
Columbias colonial government (followed by the provincial government)
played a dominant role in developing that region and assigned government
workers to deliver many social welfare programs. Quebec relied on the Catholic
Church to provide the bulk of social welfare support, while Newfoundland
and Labrador expected its residents to seek help from friends, family, and
charities. Nova Scotia and New Brunswick both adopted the English Poor
Laws, which required parishes to use local tax revenue to "manage" the poor.
The way in which a region has responded to social problems in the past is
likely to influence its current approach to social welfare policy today.

Economic Capacity
Simply put, some provinces and territories are richer than others, mainly
because some jurisdictions have more resources or a larger tax base to gen-
erate greater revenues. To help correct the regional disparities in wealth, the
federal government created the Equalization program and Territorial Formula

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42 • CHAPTER 2

Financing (TFF). Under the Equalization program, the federal government

gives additional funding to the less prosperous provinces so that they can
implement social programs of similar quality to those in wealthier provinces.
In 2012-2013, the federal government transferred more than $15 billion in
equalization payments to six provinces: Quebec, Manitoba, Prince Edward
Island, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Ontario. The TFF transfers extra
funding to the three territorial governments in recognition of the higher costs
of providing public services in the North. In 2012-2013, the three territories
received payments totalling more than $3 billion (Canada, Department of
Finance, 2011b, 2011c).
Despite attempts to distribute the nation's wealth fairly across the regions,
disparities in wealth still exist. Moreover, the various jurisdictions cannot
seem to agree on how equalization payments should be calculated to ensure
fairness. Meanwhile, some poorer areas of the country struggle to provide the
same range and quality of social welfare programs as those found in wealthier
jurisdictions.

Ideological Views
Social policies across Canada reflect the social problems in each region, local
attitudes toward people in need, and the various strategies for helping at-risk
populations. In Quebec, for instance, social welfare has traditionally played
an important role in preserving the province's unique culture and identity.
Even in tough economic times, Quebec has been a staunch supporter of
social welfare programs, resulting in one of the most highly developed
social welfare systems in the country (Beland &: Lecours, 2008). In contrast,
Alberta's approach to social welfare is more residual. Albertas wealth allows
for a wide range of public programs, yet since 1995, that provinces spending
on social services has been well below the average of other provinces (Taft,
2010). A survey by Ornstein and Stevenson (2003) suggest that the degree of
regional difference depends largely on the type of social issue. In that survey,
respondents in Quebec and Atlantic Canada gave the most support to the
notion of government assisting the poor or unemployed, while the Western
provinces gave the least support.

Intergovernmental Cooperation
As a federal state, Canada disperses its political power across the country
and among different levels of government; while this sharing of power has
its advantages, a consensus on policy decisions can be difficult. Over time,
the federal and regional governments have made concessions to achieve

NEL
 SOCIAL WEL FARE POLICY • 43

common social objectives. During the 1990s, Canada began moving toward
collaborative governance, a new approach to leadership in which the various
levels of government enjoy an equal status in policy decisions and agree
to put their differences aside to address issues and problems in the interest of
all Canadians. The Social Union Framework Agreement is an example of
collaborative governance (see Exhibit 2.4). Signed in 1999 by representatives

HIGHLIGHTS FROM CANADA'S SOCIAL UNION FRAMEWORK

AGREEMENT (1999)

Under Canada's Social Union Framework Agreement (SUFA), and within their
respective constitutional jurisdictions and powers, the federal, provincial, and
territorial governments agree to the following principles and actions.

PRINCIPLES
• Treat Canadians fairly, equitably, and with dignity.
• Ensure equal opportunity and respect rights.
• Ensure access to social programs and help people in need.
• Respect the principles of medicare.
• Promote participation in social and economic life.
• Seek Canadians' input on social policy matters.
• Ensure adequate, affordable, stable, and sustainable funding for social programs.
• Ensure that this agreement is in accord with Aboriginal treaties or other rights.

ACTIONS
• Ensure the MOBILITY of Canadians by removing any barriers to economic
opportunities or social programs across the country.
• Be ACCOUNTABLE to Canadians for social programs, and operate in an open and
TRANSPARENT manner.
• WORK TOGETHER when developing, improving, and evaluating Canada's social
programs; and work with Aboriginal peoples to find practical ways to meet their needs.
• AVOID DISPUTES by working collaboratively, and RESOLVE DISPUTES in a fair
and expedient fashion.
• The federal government will consult with the regional governments before
exercising its SPENDING POWER to change funding arrangements or introduce
new national social initiatives. The federal government agrees to share the cost of
regional social programs as long as the provinces/territories are accountable and
respect mutual agreements.

Source: "Agreement- A Framework to Improve the Social Union for Canadians."© Privy Council Office.
Reproduced and revised with the permission of the Minister of Public Works and Government Services, 2013.

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44 • CHAPTER 2

of the federal, provincial (except Quebec), and territorial governments, this

intergovernmental agreement outlines the mutually agreed-on principles and
commitments for pan-Canadian social welfare developments.
Collaborative governance like any working relationship has its
challenges. In a roundtable sponsored by the Public Policy Forum and the
Policy Research Initiative, many of the participants saw the federal government
as presenting the greatest obstacles to collaborative efforts because of that
government's tendency to
• be inflexible, overly dependent on procedures, and adverse to risk-
taking and therefore unlikely to support innovative ideas and strategies
to goal achievement
• use a dictatorial or top-down approach to decision-making rather than
an approach that emphasizes cooperation and equal status among all
levels of government
• be reluctant to share accountability, resources, information, and
decision-making powers with others
• bog down the collaborative process by imposing many terms and con-
ditions on projects and initiatives (Gravelle, Baird, & Green, 2008)
In recent years, the federal government has also cancelled or reduced
funding to institutions that focus on consensus building (for example, the Status
ofWomen Canada) and virtually ignored agreements (including the Social Union
Framework Agreement) that are designed to improve intergovernmental coop-
eration (Hay, 2009). Don Lenihan (2012) of Canada's Public Policy Forum in
Ottawa urges governments to work collaboratively with one another and with
non-government stakeholders and, in the process, create better public policies.
The alternative, Lenihan suggests, is that the public will lose confidence in the
government to resolve important issues and problems.

NON-GOVERNMENT PARTICIPANTS

Since 1968 and Prime Minister Trudeau's call for "participatory democracy,"
governments have encouraged the Canadian public to speak out about social
concerns, voice their opinions about policy decisions that affect them, and
take responsibility for social and economic changes in their communities.
Citizens and interest groups are two significant non-government participants
in the policymaking process. International bodies also play an important role
in social welfare policy.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POL I CY • 45

Citizens
The involvement of citizens in the policymaking process is an essential ele-
ment of a democratic and equitable society. In recent decades, policymaking
models have emphasized citizen participation and an interactive dialogue
between citizens and government decision makers. Citizens can consult with
government officials in a variety of ways. For example, in 2012, the Alberta
government encouraged Albertans to give their input on the development
of a new social policy framework through public meetings, surveys, and
social media. Governments commonly use "roundtables" a group of people
exchanging views on selected topics to seek input from citizens on policy
issues. An example of this occurred at the federal level in 2012, when the
Minister of Labour called on labour-related experts and organizations to share
their views on how to improve conditions for working women.
Ideally, public forums give both citizens and government officials the
opportunity to engage in dialogue that is meaningful, deliberative, and
interactive. However, as Susan Phillips (2001, pp. 10-11) observes, the consulta-
tion process is flawed because "government usually determines who is invited,
there are few opportunities for a real exchange of views and genuine dialogue,
and participants receive limited information on how the results are used. "
Despite potential flaws, the consultation process is something that Canadians
generally support. A study by researcher Mary Pat MacKinnon (2004, p. 10)
found that, in general, Canadians want to be more involved in the democratic
process (beyond voting) and seek "more meaningful opportunities to connect
with decision-makers on issues that affect their collective quality of life. "

Interest Groups
Over the years, the efforts of interest groups (also called pressure or lobby
groups) have shaped many of Canada's social policies. Interest groups are
organized collectives that form to support specific causes and try to influence
government policies for the benefit of their own members or on behalf of
the public. Canada has five broad categories of interest groups (with examples):
• business associations (Canadian Manufacturers and Exporters)
• labour groups (Canadian Labour Congress)
• professional associations (Canadian Association of Social Workers)
• research institutes (Caledon Institute of Social Policy)
• advocacy groups (Ontario Coalition Against Poverty) or advisory
councils (National Seniors Council)

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46 • CHAPTER 2

In the early 1990s, a panel created by the Conference Board of Canada

concluded that interest groups are vital to a democratic society: "The only
legitimate way for government to develop policy is by accepting, even seeking,
information and views from those affected and the public at large. Lobbyists
present competing views, supply otherwise unavailable information, propose
solutions, provide unique insight and counsel so government can assess the
implications of proposed policy" (cited in Overton, 1991, p. 18).
In the political arena, interest groups compete with one another for
public recognition and government dollars to support their causes. Typically,
interest groups that successfully influence social policy decisions are those
with abundant and secure financial resources, and a cohesive and stable
membership. Politically successful groups also tend to have former politi-
cians as leaders and represent causes that are favourable to politicians and
civil servants (Thorburn, 2012). Success also hinges on an interest groups
ability to gain access to Cabinet ministers at the federal and provincial or
territorial levels.
Interest groups use a variety of strategies to pressure governments to
change existing policies, create new policies, or lend more support to spe-
cific causes. Some groups use traditional strategies to achieve their objectives,
including collective bargaining, polling, holding public information sessions,
directly contacting policymakers, participating in government consultation
processes, financing elections, and publicizing issues and concerns through
various media. Other groups try to influence government decisions through
radical strategies, such as hunger or work strikes, protest marches, boycotts,
sit-ins, and public rallies (see Exhibit 2.5). It is common for government
committees to invite representatives of an interest group to give an opinion
or provide information on a particular issue. An example of this occurred
in 2008, when a parliamentary committee invited some of Canadas most
prominent interest groups, including the National Council of Welfare, the
Canadian Council on Social Development, and the Canadian Association of
Social Workers, to give their input on a proposed national poverty-reduction
plan (Canadian CED Network, 2008).

International Bodies
Such terms as the global economy and global village reflect the interdepen-
dence of nations around the world in political, economic, social, and cultural
matters. While all nations set their own domestic policies, these policies are
open to scrutiny by the global community and, at times, must be modified
to conform to international standards and practices. Canada is an active
member of several international organizations, including the United Nations,

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 47

12 NOON:

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.......
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1-o
.......
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An Ontario Coalition Against Poverty poster promotes a public march to raise aware-
ness of poverty in Ontario.

the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the

World Trade Organization (WTO), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO). Many of Canada:S partners in the global community (such as the
OECD) promote the economic integration of nations through international
trade and relations, while others (such as the United Nations) focus more on
social development and human rights.
One of Canada:S most significant social welfare reforms involved a shift
from passive to active public policies a direct result of the OECD:S influence.
Traditionally, Canada supported passive labour market policies, whereby
recipients of government assistance were not required to work or train in
exchange for benefits. Beginning in the early 1990s, the OECD pressured
Canada and other member countries to "activate" their income-security policies;
as a result, Canadian governments now require people drawing benefits from
Employment Insurance or social assistance to participate in work experience
or training programs. The idea behind active labour market policies is to

NEL
48 • CHAP TER 2

strengthen peoples attachment to the paid labour force, to help unemployed

workers gain the knowledge and skills they need to quickly enter or re-enter
the workforce, and to discourage dependency on the state.
Canada's commitment to human rights is reflected in a number of
United Nations' treaties, most of which Canada has ratified and imple-
mented to varying degrees. These treaties influence the direction of Canadas
social policies because they require conformity to international standards
and conditions. In recent years, Canada has been criticized for failing to
comply with certain obligations under international human rights law, spe-
cifically the United Nations' International Covenant on Economic, Cultural
and Social Rights (ICECSR). The ICECSR outlines fifteen socioeconomic
rights, including the right to quality healthcare, income security, and factors
related to an adequate standard of living, such as food and housing. Some
policy analysts attribute Canadas social problems such as growing rates of
poverty and homelessness to the country's failure to incorporate many of
the ICECSR rights into domestic legislation, policies, and practices (Canada
Without Poverty, 2012a). The international community, along with many
Canadians, continue to pressure the federal government to meet its inter-
national human rights obligations through social policies.

I I <>N..___s~-----
Stage 3: Consulting and Reviewing
1. Which unique features in your community (or province or territory) should
policymakers consider when developing social welfare policies for your area?
Those features may include local politics, the economy, heritage/ethnic diver-
sity, or certain social conditions.
2. In what types of activities (for example, voting or a protest march) have you
participated to influence government policy? Do you feel those efforts were
effective? Why or why not?

4 STAGE 4: FORMALIZING POLICY

In the fourth stage, policymakers must choose one type of policy over another.
Once the policy is selected, government must authorize it through either
legislation or mutual agreement. A transition period follows, during which
government officials consider the merits and potential weaknesses of a policy.
The following section looks briefly at the tasks and processes required at
this stage.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 49

DECIDING ON THE MIX OF POLICIES

Even after extensive consultation on policy options, it is common for policy-

makers to disagree on which type or mix of policies is likely to achieve the
desired outcomes. Some policymakers favour policies that give tax breaks
rather than social services to people in need. Other policymakers may opt for
policies that provide a mix of cash benefits and services; for example, a policy
to assist unemployed workers may have an income security component (such
as Employment Insurance benefits) and a social service component (such as
the provision of employment counselling).
The wrangling among politicians as to which type of policy is best has
delayed the eradication of many social problems in Canada, including home-
lessness and child poverty (see Exhibit 2.6). However, most policymakers,
regardless of their political stripe, are likely to agree that the most desirable
policy is the one that benefits the most people, negatively affects the fewest
people, produces the most benefits in the shortest time, and costs the least
(Torjman, 2005).

EXHIBIT 2.6

...........
@

Historically, politicians have disagreed on what policies are likely to eliminate child
poverty. Meanwhile, many Canadian children go without adequate food, shelter, and
other necessities of life.

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50 • CHAPTER 2

CHOOSING AN APPROACH

Traditionally, Canadian policymakers have taken a piecemeal rather than a holistic

approach to policymaking. In so doing, policymakers have taken large complex
social issues, broken them down into smaller discrete parts, and then created
individual policies to address each part. Poverty is a case in point: over the years,
policymakers have created several individual policies to reduce poverty; those
policies focus on such things as low-cost housing, tax benefits for low-income
families, and subsidized child care. Although these individual poverty-related
policies and programs may ease the financial burden of people living in poverty,
they do little to address the complexities of poverty in a comprehensive way.
Evidence suggests that the piecemeal approach to policymaking is
gradually losing ground in Canada. This is particularly true at the regional
level, where governments have (or are in the process of developing) long-
range, comprehensive, and integrated strategies to reduce poverty in their
jurisdictions. Those strategies recognize the multidimensions of poverty in one
policy package and support a coordinated system of programs and services to
improve the quality of life of all citizens.

AUTHORIZING SOCIAL POLICY

The process that Canadian policymakers use to authorize social policies

depends on such considerations as the perceived importance of the policy, how
committed policymakers are to the policy, and how urgently the policy is needed.
Decision makers may designate a social policy as either a "hard law" (a policy
that has undergone the legislative process and been passed into law) or a
"soft law" (a policy that is not legally binding or enforceable).

Legislated Policies
Many social policies such as the federal Canada Pension Plan and provin-
cial child welfare acts are the product of enacting laws or legislation. In its
initial state, a social policy is introduced as a proposal or bill, of which there
are two types: (l) public bills, which involve matters of law and have a broad
application over a large area, such as the nation or a province; and (2) private
bills, which grant powers, privileges, or exemptions to individuals, groups, or
corporations. At the federal level, both the House of Commons and the Senate
give the bill three readings; if the bill passes in both houses, the governor
general approves the bill, which then becomes law in the form of an act or a
statute. At the provincial and territorial level, the legislative assembly approves

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 51

the bill; the lieutenant governor of the province or territory then gives "royal
consent" to the bill before it becomes an act or a statute.
The legislative process involves a great deal of debate and review among
governmental departments, committees, and legislators to ensure that bills
receive proper scrutiny before being either rejected or passed into law.
Exhibit 2. 7 illustrates the number of channels through which a bill passes at
the federal level.

EXHIBIT 2.7
THE FEDERAL LEGISLATIVE PROCESS

Cabinet Stage

Cabinet committee
Proposed Informal and ad Preparation of considers MC and
government hoc review and Memorandum to prepares a
policy consultation Cabinet (MC) committee report

Bill reviewed by
Notice of intent from
sponsonng
0

Government House Department of Cabinet ratifies

minister and Justice drafts bill committee report
Leader to introduce
Government
bill into Parliament
House Leader

Parliamentary Stage

Introduction Second
and First Committee Report Stage Third Reading
Reading Stage (House (House of
Reading (House of
(House of of Commons)
(House of Commons) Commons)
Commons)
Commons)

Third Reading Committee Second First Reading

Royal Assent
(Senate) Stage Reading (Senate)
(Senate) (Senate)

Act Comes
into Force

Source: Adapted from Barnes, A., Parliamentary Information and Research Service. (2012, May 17). The legislative
process: From government policy to proclamation: Appendix. Retrieved from http://www.parl.gc.ca/Content/LOP/
ResearchPublications/prb0864-e. pdf.

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52 • CHAPTER 2

It is common for several months or years to pass between the proposal

of a bill and its enactment. Several factors may slow a bill's progress through
the legislative process. For instance, Canadian law provides for several
"Opposition Days" to allow the official Opposition to criticize and debate the
details of a proposed bill. Sometimes the government deliberately delays a
bill's enactment so the public has adequate time to consider the content and
the direction of the proposed policy. At the federal level, the Senate may find a
flaw in a bill and return it to the House of Commons to amend. These types of
delays can potentially delay the implementation of new social policies, making
them outdated by the time they reach the program stage.

Non-Binding Policies
Non-binding social policies include mutual agreements, declarations,
codes of practice, and resolutions. These types of policies may be pre-
ferred over legislated policies because they are relatively inexpensive to
create and can be more flexible in the way they are developed, modi-
fied, or applied. In many cases, non-binding policies promote compromise
among those trying to reach an agreement; on the other hand, these poli-
cies tend to be more difficult to monitor and less enforceable if members
do not follow the agreed-on conditions. One of the most significant non-
binding social-welfare policies in Canada is the Social Union Framework
Agreement.

Stage 4: Formalizing Policy

1. Many provincial and territorial governments are recognizing that a holistic
rather than piecemeal approach to poverty is likely to reduce the problem.
Identify other complex social problems that you believe governments should
tackle by using a holistic approach.
2. What are the potential pros and cons of a policy that is either (a) legislated,
or (b) non-binding?

5 STAGE 5: IMPLEMENTING POLICY

In stage 5, policymakers take the necessary steps to put policies into action.
In a social welfare context, the implementation stage involves the develop-
ment of an income security program, a social service, or other type of initiative

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 SOCIAL WEL FARE POLICY • 53

aimed at enhancing social well-being. It is imperative that policymakers

adhere to certain core principles when developing social welfare initiatives.
For example, initiatives must be
• sustainable (capable of surviving over time, using a reasonable number
of resources)
• inclusive (foster participation in society)
• responsive (adapt to changing times and circumstances)
• accessible (capable of being reached and used by Canadians)
(Stewart, 2002)
Once a government transforms an initiative from a policy to a program
or service, it must decide who will deliver the initiative to those who need it;
government must also determine the money, staffing, equipment, and other
types of resources the initiative needs to meet its goals. Governments tend to
deliver mandated services such as provincial social assistance and child
protection services that derive from an act or a statute. Non-governmental
agencies are more likely to deliver non-mandated services, such as family
counselling and child-care services.
The primary focus of this book is policy implementation. Each chapter
gives examples of "policy in action" programs and services that have as their
primary goal the enhancement of social welfare.

Stage 5: Implementing Policy

1. Social welfare programs and services are policies "in action." Identify three
social welfare programs and services in your community. For each initia-
tive, determine what its underlying policy is trying to achieve (for example,
some policies aim to increase employment, while others try to reduce
homelessness).

6 STAGE 6: EVALUATING POLICIES

Stage 6 of the policy development process focuses on analyzing policies to
determine whether they are being carried out the way that they were intended
or whether they are achieving what they set out to achieve. Analysts must
first decide what they hope to learn from this type of review and then select a
model or framework to guide their investigation. Periodically, such an analysis

NEL
54 • CHAP TER 2

reveals flaws in the policy that make it necessary to amend or replace the
policy or, in extreme cases, repeal the policy altogether.

MODELS OF ANALYSIS

Whether conducted during or at the end of the development process, a

formal review can help to identify which areas of the policy or program are
doing well and which areas might need improvement. Many models exist
either to analyze policies or to evaluate programs; these models provide
structure and focus to the formal review. Among these models are a cost-
benefit evaluation (looks at the relationship between a policy's or program's
results and its costs), a needs assessment (determines whether an existing
or a new policy or program is needed), and an outcome measurement
(assesses whether the policy or program has achieved the desired outcomes
or results). Two generic models a logic model and a process model are
briefly described below.

A Logic Model
A logic model identifies the connections between the activities of a policy or
program and the achievement of its goals. This model assumes that successful
policies and programs are the result of a series of "if-then" relationships: if we
invest inputs, then certain activities can take place; if these activities are carried
out successfully, then we can expect specific outputs and outcomes (Innovation
Network, 2005). These components are summarized below:
• Inputs are the resources that are invested in an initiative and
include money, staff, equipment, time, expertise, and physical
facilities.
• Activities (or processes) refer to how inputs are used; for example,
resources may be used to provide staff training, improve service
delivery, recruit volunteers, or promote services.
• Outputs are the goods or services produced by the policy or program,
such as information pamphlets for clients, counselling sessions, and
the distribution of food baskets to people in need.
• Outcomes are the ultimate effects or benefits of the policy or program
in relation to the goals set; for instance, at the end of a program,
clients may report improved health or higher day-to-day functioning
(Canada, Treasury Board Secretariat, 2010).

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 55

Analyzing the content of a policy or program has many advantages. For

instance, the study of discrete parts can help to reveal what happens at each
stage of policy development or implementation and how those parts relate to
each other. This type of review can also be useful for identifying gaps or inef-
ficiencies in program resources or activities.

A Process Model
While a logic model focuses on the content of a policy, a process model
emphasizes the process by which policy is created and implemented. Process
models assume that policies and their related programs evolve from sequential
stages or steps, such as planning, setting goals and objectives, and designing.
One or more of these steps may be the subject of analysis.
A process model can help to explain what a policy or program does, how
it does it, and how those processes relate to the final results. An explanatory
approach may seek answers to the following questions:
• How do people understand, interpret, or define the presenting issue
or problem?
• What are the political processes that shaped the policy?
• Who are the main stakeholders of the policy that is, who is most
interested in, or affected by, the policy?
• Who has influence on the types of solutions that are considered? For
example, have policymakers sought the public's input or consulted
with experts?
• Which type of organization such as a government agency or a
nonprofit organization is responsible for delivering and managing
the program?
• Is the program achieving its goals, objectives, and intended outcomes?
Researchers can use any number of methods such as focus groups and
surveys to gather information about a policy's or program's process. Because
creating and implementing policies and programs is so complex, a mix of data
collection tools is usually preferred over a single method (Westhues, 2002).

ANALYSIS THROUGH LENSES

One way to analyze a policy or program is through a particular filter

or lens. These tools allow analysts to study a policy or program from a

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56 • CHAPTER 2

specific frame of reference to see if it adheres to certain principles, standards,

or values. Two examples of Canadian-based analysis frameworks are pro-
vided below.

An Inclusion Lens
Many Canadian governments, non-government organizations, and community
groups use an inclusion lens when analyzing their policies. Exhibit 2.8 depicts
the inclusion lens introduced by Malcolm Shookner in 2002. Shookner's

EXHIBIT 2.8
AN INCLUSION LENS

DIMENSION
Elements of
Exclusion

disadvantage, intolerance,
• Elements of
oppress1on
Inclusion
poverty, unemployment,
insecurity CULTUR4f
restrictions, disability,
equality, valued
undervalued assets
contributions,
marginalization, diversity
dependence on adequate
FUNCTIONJil
institutions income and jobs,
unhealthy or financial security
restrictive PAIITICIPA rony participation,
environment opportunities, recognized
denial of human competence
rights, restrictive PJf'YSICAL
empowerment,
policies/laws
freedom to choose
isolation, PoliTICAL
access to public places
segregation
and community resources
discrimination,
restricted access
~~ii1JONAl
affirmation of human
to government rights, enabling policies/laws
programs 'C71JR~\. belonging, cooperation
access to public
programs, accountable
government

Source: An Inclusion Lens: A Workbook for Looking at Social and Economic Exclusion and Inclusion. Malcolm
Shookner and Health Canada, 2002. Adapted with permission from both Malcolm Shookner and the Minister
of Health, 2013.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 57

framework includes eight dimensions in which analysts can observe inclusion

or exclusion; for each dimension, analysts can assess to what degree a policy,
program, or practice either includes or excludes people from the social and
economic benefits of Canadian life. Among the key questions analysts might
ask when using this inclusion lens are the following:
• Who is being excluded (or included) and from what?
• How are people being excluded (or included)?
• Who benefits from the exclusion (or inclusion)?
Since 2002, a number of Canadian governments have developed their
own version of an inclusion lens to assess the extent to which their communities
are inclusive and equitable. For instance, the City of Ottawa (20 10) uses an
equity and inclusion lens to ensure that its programs, services, and workplaces
are accessible to all persons; the lens is particularly valuable for ensuring
the inclusion of at-risk populations, such as Aboriginal peoples, immigrants,
people with disabilities, francophones, people living in poverty, seniors, women,
youth, members of visible minority groups, rural residents, and LGBT
(lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered) people.

A Life-Course Lens
Traditionally, policymakers have based social welfare policy on the life-cycle
model, which focuses on the standard stages of life, such as infancy, child-
hood, youth, adulthood, and old age. Those life stages, however, do not reflect
reality as closely as they once did. Today, most people engage in activities
independent of their age or stage of life; for example, it is common for people
to attend university, college, or trade school at any time in their life, not just
in early adulthood, which used to be the norm (Voyer, 2005).
The Government of Canada uses a life-course approach to better
understand how people transition from one life phase to another (for instance,
from work to retirement), what types of choices they make during these
transitions (which impact later life experiences), and what types of resources
they need to successfully make life transitions. Policy analysts study policies with
a life-course lens to ensure that policies respond to people:S experiences over
the lifespan and that they focus on individuals rather than predetermined
or stereotyped groups of people, such as "youth" or "the elderly" In recent
years, researchers have used the life-course lens to study and report on various
aspects of Canadian life, including social participation, housing insecurity,
Aboriginal health, trends in earnings, and late-life transitions (McDaniel &
Bernard, 20 ll).

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58 • CHAPTER 2

AMENDING, REPLACING, OR REPEALING POLICY

No policy is immune to change or abolition. Indeed, Canada's political history

is rich with examples of policies that Parliament or provincial legislatures
introduced, then later declared as inadequate, and subsequently amended,
repealed, or replaced. One example is the Unemployment Insurance (UI) Act.
A review of that Act in 1971 prompted a series of amendments that introduced
more restrictive eligibility criteria, shorter benefit periods, and higher premium
rates. After it underwent another major review in 1994, the UI Act was seen
as being so inefficient that Parliament repealed it and then replaced it with the
Employment Insurance Act of 1996.
Sometimes policies are introduced, and even legislated, and then later
declared illegal or "unconstitutional. " Many Canadians have had the courage
to challenge public policies in the courts, claiming that such policies violate
their rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Alleged
Charter violations often relate to the interpretation of sections 7 and 15 of
the Charter:
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

• Section 7. "Everyone has the right to life, liberty

and security of the person and the right not to be
deprived thereof except in accordance with the
principles of fundamental justice."
• Section 15. "Every individual is equal before and
under the law and has the right to the equal
protection and equal benefit of the law without
discrimination and, in particular, without discrimina-
tion based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour,
religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability."
•• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• •

Citizens whose claims relate to section 15 of the Charter have had a

number of victories. Many of those success stories have involved violations
of disability rights and discrimination based on race, sex, or poverty status.
Since the Charter was enacted in 1982, the courts have struggled with
the interpretation of the word "security" in section 7. Specifically, the courts
have considered whether certain social problems, such as poverty, could be
interpreted as a threat to an individual's security. The courts have also raised
the possibility that "security" might include economic security and there-
fore guarantee a person's right to adequate food, housing, clothing, and income
security benefits. In general, Canadian courts have concluded that while

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 59

security is a worthy social goal, government is not responsible for ensuring

it (Buckley, 2005). In 2008, the Supreme Court of British Columbia went
one step further on the security issue. In the City of Victoria v. Adams et al.,
the Supreme Court ruled that while government may not be responsible for
a person's security, it must not impede a person's right to seek his or her
own security (security in this case referred to shelter). Exhibit 2. 9 provides

EXHIBIT 2.9
VICTORIA'S ANTI-CAMPING BYLAWS RULED
UNCONSTITUTIONAL

In 2005, about seventy homeless people could not find beds in local shelters so
they set up tents in Cridge Park, a public park in Victoria, British Columbia. Law
officials ordered the campers to remove their tents because they violated the city's
anti-camping bylaws, which prohibited "temporary abodes" in public parks.
When the campers refused to leave, the city took legal action to evict them.
In response, nine homeless people challenged the constitutionality of the anti-
camping bylaws.
In her 2008 ruling on the case, B.C. Supreme Court justice Carol Ross con-
cluded that because of the insufficient capacity of local shelters, "a significant
number of people in the City of Victoria have no choice but to sleep outside in
the City's parks or streets." Expert witnesses in the case noted that tents were
more likely than blankets or sleeping bags to provide sufficient protection from
the elements.
The B. C. Supreme Court ruled that the City of Victoria's bylaws that prohib-
ited the erection of temporary shelters on public property violated "[section] 7
of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in that they deprive homeless
people of life, liberty and security of the person in a manner not in accordance with
the principles of fundamental justice."
The Court added that Victoria's anti-camping bylaws "impose upon those
homeless persons, who are among the most vulnerable and marginalized of the
City's residents, significant and potentially severe additional health risks. In addi-
tion, sleep and shelter are necessary preconditions to any kind of security, liberty
or human flourishing."
The City of Victoria appealed the court's decision but lost their case in 2009. The
city then changed its bylaws in 2010 to comply with the Charter, limiting the erection
of temporary shelters to homeless people, in certain areas, and during specific times.

Sources: Victoria (City) v. Adams, 2008 BCSC 1363. Retrieved from CanLII website: http://www.canlii.org/enl
bc/bcsddod2008/2008bcscl363/2008bcscl363.html; Victoria (City) v. Adams, 2009 BCCA 563. Retrieved from
CanLII website: httn ://www. canlii. ondenlbc/bccaldod2 009/2009bcca5 63/2009bcca5 63. html.
~ ~

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60 • CHAPTER 2

more details on this landmark case. Since the Adams decision, Canadians
have been scrutinizing the "anti-homeless" bylaws in other cities. In 2012,
Pivot Legal Society challenged the constitutionality of the City of Vancouver's
bylaws that allow officials to ticket homeless people who are sleeping out-
doors (Bennett, 20 12).

Stage 6: Evaluating Policies

1. Identify a social welfare policy that you are interested in learning more about.
If you were to conduct a process evaluation of that policy, what types of things
would you want to learn about? What are some of the basic steps you would
take to evaluate the policy?
2. Identify an income security program or a social service program in your com-
munity. What do you think the program is trying to achieve? Do you believe
that it is achieving its objectives? Why or why not?
3. Do you think that social policies should ensure that people have access to the
basic necessities of life, such as food and shelter? Give a rationale for your
answer.

SUMMARY

Introduction
Social welfare policy is a type of public policy and a subset of social policy.
Closely linked to economic policy, social welfare policy provides the struc-
ture for most income security programs and social services. Policymakers
often use the stages model to guide the development of policy.

1 Stage 1: Identifying Social Problems and Issues

Social policymakers must decide which social conditions are social issues
and which are social problems. Social problems create a negative conse-
quence for a large segment of the population. The perception of social
problems changes over time, as do the types of social risks that confront
people. Globalization and the shift to a postindustrial era have created
or exacerbated social problems in Canada. Some social problems such
as social exclusion and poverty are so closely linked that policymakers
address them as one complex problem.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY • 61

2 Stage 2: Understanding Social Issues and Problems

Government, private research institutes, academic disciplines, and profes-
siona ls are some of the groups that contribute to social knowledge.
Researchers use various data collection tools to gather information on
social conditions and problems. Social and economic indicators describe
social prob lems in concrete terms. A single social prob lem, such as
poverty, may have multiple sets of indicators.

3 Stage 3: Consulting and Reviewing

Government and non-government stakeholders make up Canada's
policy community. Government participants are influenced by federa lism
and the division of powers between levels of government. A lthough the
provinces and territories are constitutionally responsible for socia l policy
and programs, the federa l government has assumed some responsibility
as well this situation has created tension between those two levels of
government. Non-government participants try to influence Canada's
policies through citizen participation, interest group activities, and
international agreements.

4 Stage 4: Formalizing Policy

Policymakers often disagree as to which type of policy is likely to achieve
the desired results. Once a policy is selected, it may be authorized either
through legislation or as a non-binding set of guidelines. The legislative
process is complex and can delay the enactment of social welfare policies.

5 Stage 5: Implementing Policy

Governments implement social welfare policies through income security
programs or social services. Policymakers must adhere to certain principles
when designing programs and allocate resources to the service delivery
organization.

6 Stage 6: Evaluating Policies

The logic model and the process model are two of the many models
avai lable to guide the review of policies and their related programs.
Policy analysts sometimes use a lens or frame of reference to evaluate
social welfare policies. It is common for analysts to review a policy
and find it flawed in some way; in this case, po li cymakers may amend,
repeal, or replace the policy. Occasionally, citizens have challenged
publ ic policies in courts of law on the basis that they vio late people's
constitutional rights.

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62 • CHAPTER 2

KEY
For definitions of the key terms, consu lt the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
public policies, p. 30 social knowledge, citizen participation,
social policy, p. 30 p.34 p.45
social welfare policy, data collection tools, interest groups, p. 45
p.30 p.35 passive labour market
social policymakers, longitudinal surveys, policies, p. 47
p.31 p.35 active labour market
social conditions, indicators, p. 37 policies, p. 47
p.32 policy commun ity, bill, p. 50
social issue, p. 32 p.39 mandated services,
population aging, stakeholders, p. 39 p.53
p.32 outcomes, p. 39 logic model, p. 54
social problem, p. 32 collaborative process model, p. 55
social exclusion, p. 33 governance, inclusion lens, p. 56
poverty, p. 34 p.43 life-course lens, p. 57

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 • • •
1stor1ca oun at1ons

OBJECTIVES
Canada's social welfare system expanded over several decades until the
mid-1970s. This chapter will
• introduce this period in the history of social welfare

• consider the early governmenta l attempts to ensure social well-being from

colonial times to Confederation

• explore the rapidly changing social welfare needs during the transitional
phase, from Confederation to the Second World War

• examine the major socia l welfare achievements of the interventionist phase,

from the Second World War to the mid-1970s

INTRODUCTION
• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••

Histories of welfare states are much more than collec-

tions of facts and chronologies of programs. They are
also compilations of human memories and myths,
of political conflict and struggle, of compassion and
sharing, and of aspirations and achievements. They are
the stories of community members coming together to
protect themselves or organizing and encouraging their
governments to create security against unforeseen
misfortune. And they can teach us so much. Qames Rice
and Michael Prince, 2000, p. 34)
••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •

NEL 63
64 • CHAPTER 3

Canada's social welfare system is not the product of any one period or
circumstance in history. Rather, social welfare policies and programs have
been introduced and revised at different times and in response to various
human needs and social problems. For the most part, the level of social
provision at any time in history has depended on public demand, the
political and economic climate of the day, and government priorities.
While compassion and generosity have long been cherished Canadian
values, a residual approach to social welfare predominated in the early settle-
ment years. Early settlers expected to either support themselves through work
or, if in need, turn to family, neighbours, the church, or charitable organiza-
tions. It was not until the aftermath of the Great Depression and the social and
economic disruption it caused that Canadians seriously considered a more
institutional approach to social welfare.
This chapter looks at the evolving role of government in the develop-
ment of Canada's social welfare system from the early settlement period to
the mid-l970s.

1 THE EARLY PHASE (COLONIAL TIMES

TO CONFEDERATION)
The early phase was characterized by self-sufficiency and minimal government
involvement in people's lives and well-being. Many of the first immigrants to
Canada received food, clothing, work tools, and land grants from government
and private sources; however, for the most part, Canadians took responsibility
for themselves and their dependants. People met their basic needs primarily
through self-employment (mostly farming). Asking for charity even from
the churches was generally discouraged, and recipients of "handouts" were
often made to feel like personal failures. With few exceptions (mainly in New
France), Canada's early European settlers took a residual approach to social
welfare (Guest, 2012).

SOCIAL WELFARE IN NEW FRANCE

Although the French settlers valued work and self-sufficiency, they also wel-
comed various forms of support. Guided by the belief that government is
responsible for its citizens, the Government of France funded a range of educa-
tional, health, and other services for those who settled in New France (now
Quebec). Many private charities were available as well, which gave housing
and education to poor children, care to sick and elderly people, and refuge
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 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 65

to the so-called lunatic. Charitable organizations also helped the able-bodied

poor, albeit on the condition that they would work hard to become produc-
tive members of society. Some organizations, such as Quebec City's Hopital-
General (general hospital) and the Congregation of Notre Dame, offered skills
training to settlers who had trouble finding or creating work.
In general, the French had little tolerance for begging. As early as
1674, France passed a royal decree prohibiting begging by able-bodied
persons in Montreal; by 1676, Montreal had banned vagrants and beggars
from the city unless they had special permission from a parish priest to stay
(Meinhard & Foster, 2002; Olasky, 1992). Those banished from Montreal
could often find solace and help from the nuns living in outlying settlements
(see Exhibit 3.1).

EXHIBIT 3.1

From 1677 to her death in 1680, Kateri Tekakwitha tended to the poor and sick
in Sault Saint-Louis, near Montreal. In 2012, Kateri became North America's first
Aboriginal saint.

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66 • CHAP TER 3

Soon after the British conquered New France in 1759, the social welfare
supports established by the French government disintegrated, causing
great hardship (Martin, 1985). However, after Britain passed the Quebec
Act in 177 4, the Roman Catholic Church assumed a prominent role in
the provision of social welfare. The Church saw the giving of charity as a
moral responsibility and as a good deed leading to salvation; the Church
was also well suited to the role of charity provider. As Donald Bellamy
(1965, p. 36) points out: "Long experience in ministering to the weak
and suffering, backed by a strong administrative organization, dedicated
personnel and wealthy patrons, and its own abundant material resources
fitted the Church well for meeting the temporal needs of the people no less
than the spiritual needs. "
The number of French charities, largely staffed by volunteers, grew
during the nineteenth century. These volunteers ran soup kitchens and
clothing depots, delivered food and fuel, collected and distributed donations
of furniture, visited the sick and infirm, and helped unemployed people
find jobs. In the larger centres of Quebec City and Montreal, religious
societies such as the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul provided basic
goods and services to people in need, regardless of religious affiliation, and
advocated for improvements in living conditions for disadvantaged people
(Lautenschlager, 1992).

THE PROTESTANT WORK ETHIC

The Protestant Reformation in sixteenth-century Europe brought the belief

that success at work, in the form of profits and wealth, was evidence of godly
living, virtue, and God's grace. This new understanding of salvation and
work indeed, the creation of a "work ethic" accompanied an emerging
view of poverty as a sign of a sinful life and divine retribution. While many
British Protestant settlers helped to relieve the poor from hardship, they did so
in the belief that people must work in this world to be saved in the next. Thus,
help for the poor "was often accompanied by unsolicited and often irrelevant
advice on how the poor might regain God's grace through the exercise of ...
thrift, hard work, self-help, and self-discipline" (Guest, 1997, p. 18).
Over time, the religious references in programs for the poor gradually
diminished in Canada. However, the Protestant work ethic became a
core value underlying many later social welfare programs, such as work
camps during the Great Depression and, more recently, welfare-to-work
programs.

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 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 67

POOR LAW PRINCIPLES AND PUBLIC RELIEF

Many of the principles underlying Canada's current social welfare system

have their origins in a series of British parliamentary acts collectively called
the English Poor Laws, the first of which was passed in 1601. Although
the poor laws were meant to deal with poverty in England, they influenced
how the British colonies viewed and treated the poor. Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick enacted poor laws in 1763 and 1786, respectively. In those areas,
the colonial governments (or parishes) assumed a public responsibility for
social welfare by collecting taxes to assist destitute settlers. Newfoundland and
Prince Edward Island never endorsed poor law practices to any real extent;
rather, they encouraged their poor to rely on family, friends, and charities.
Since work was plentiful in Upper Canada (now Ontario), that colony rejected
the notion of government intervention to help the poor, including poor law
legislation (Guest, 2012).
While the adoption of poor law practices varied across colonial settle-
ments, many parishes developed their systems of public relief according to
poor law principles. Those principles include the following:
• Public relief should be residual. Only after all private sources of help
(friends, family, neighbours, and charities) were exhausted did people
have the right to seek help from the government.
• Public relief should be categorical. Governments categorized people
in need as being either "deserving" or "undeserving" of public assis-
tance. The deserving poor (or "impotent poor") included elderly or
sick adults, those with disabilities, orphaned children, and others
who could not support themselves through paid employment. The
undeserving poor included able-bodied adults who could not find
work, as well as vagrants or beggars who were capable of, yet
unwilling, to work.
• Public relief should be conditional. Recipients of public relief were
expected to compensate society for any benefits they received. For
example, poverty-stricken parents were given public relief on the
condition that they not abandon their children.
• Public relief amounts should be calculated according to the principle
of less eligibility. To discourage people from seeking or becoming
dependent on government, benefits were to be minimal and less
than the wage of the lowest-paid workers in a settlement (Rice &:
Prince, 2000).

NEL
68 • CHAPTER 3

When doling out public relief (an early form of social assistance or wel-
fare), parish officials gave either outdoor or indoor relief, depending on
whether the person lived at home or in an institution. People who lived at
home, were, incapable of working, and were deserving of assistance, received
outdoor relief, which consisted of cash and other direct assistance. But that
relief was typically sporadic and meagre. Historical documents reveal that
many deserving seniors had to resort to begging to supplement what little
relief they received from local government (Canadian Museum of Civilization
Corporation [CMCC], 2008).
The parish officials provided indoor relief in institutions, such as
workhouses and poorhouses. The workhouses (or houses of industry)
were for able-bodied, unemployed adults to learn good work habits and
pay for their keep through labour. Exhibit 3.2 profiles Ontario's houses of
industry and refuge. The parishes established separate poorhouses to confine
various groups of poor people, such as elderly people and orphaned chil-
dren. However, to keep poor law taxes down, parish authorities sometimes
herded all poor people into the same facility; thus, poorhouses became
catchall institutions for anyone who was destitute (Guest, 1980). In general,
poorhouses and workhouses were unappealing even to the most desperate
individuals. Dennis Guest (20 12) notes that, in the larger towns, the reputation
of these establishments "was so fearsome that only those facing starvation
would seek such help."
The parishes dealt with poverty and other social problems in their
own unique ways. In some of the smaller towns, poorhouses or work-
houses were too expensive to build or maintain. As an alternative,
settlement officials (such as those in New Brunswick) auctioned off the
poor to work for local families. Some of the larger settlements built a variety
of institutions to manage certain "problem" populations; for example, the
populated areas had orphanages and what were then called insane asylums,
and asylums for the care of immigrant women and children who had
become widows or orphans during the voyage from Europe (Guest, 1997;
Taylor, 1969).
Despite the laws that enabled colonial governments to provide some
relief to the needy, a residual approach to social welfare predominated,
and parish officials offered benefits only in cases of extreme emergency.
In English settlements, the Protestant work ethic legitimated this approach
and reinforced the notion that work was preferable to public assistance.
Governments expected families to care for their own members and, in the
eighteenth century, some governments began imposing fines on those who
failed to do so (Morel, 2002).

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 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 69

EXHIBIT 3.2
HOUSES OF INDUSTRY AND REFUGE IN ONTARIO

The House of Industry and Refuge in Berlin (later Kitchener), Ontario, opened in 1869.

Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, counties in Ontario followed the British

lead and established institutions for the poor and needy. Municipal law regulated
these institutions, which they called Houses of Industry and Refuge. Officers of the
law had the authority to commit individuals to the institutions, where they were
"diligently employed" either indoors or on adjoining farmlands.
In 1868, Norfolk County became the first county in Ontario to establish a
house of refuge for the "elderly, orphaned, indigent and lunatic." Provincial legisla-
tion soon followed that required all Ontario counties to establish similar institutions.
The Toronto Home for Incurables was one such institution.
New ideas about poverty and the treatment of poor people, and the financial
security provided by Mothers' Allowances (1920), Old Age Pensions (1927),
and Family Allowances (1944) acts, caused the demand for large institutions to
dwindle. Many of the houses of refuge and industry were either demolished or sold
and converted into other operations.

Sources: Hardin, E. (2004). Regional History: Peace & Prosperity: Waterloo County 1853-1972. Retrieved from
www.region.waterloo.on.ca/web/region.nsf/0/63C468981ACA86E385256E0500504073?0penDocument; and
Cottonwood Mansion Preservation Foundation. (April 22, 2008). Newsletter, p. 4. From http://linetap.com/
cottonwoodmansion/May -08. pdf.

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70 • CHAPTER 3

CONFEDERATION

The passage of the British North America (BNA) Act in 1867 united New
Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Ontario, and Quebec into the Dominion of Canada
and divided legislative responsibilities between the federal and regional
governments. The provinces accepted responsibility for "hospitals, asylums,
charities and eleemosynary [alms-giving] institutions," which, for the most
part, summed up the extent of social programs in populated areas. Since
governments generally considered social welfare to be a private and local
matter, many provinces in central and eastern Canada delegated their social
welfare functions to municipal governments (Guest, 2012). The BNA Act
gave the federal government a minor role in the health and welfare of
Canadians and did little to increase the amount of federal revenue flowing
to social welfare causes.

The Early Phase (Colonial Times to Confederation)

1. Canada's pioneers took a predominantly residual approach to social welfare.

Putting yourself in the shoes of a person living in this early period, give rea-
sons why a residual approach may have seemed to be appropriate (and even
helpful) for the times.
2. Identify the possible pros and cons of making public relief residual, condi-
tional, categorical, and according to the principle of less eligibility.

2 THE TRANSITIONAL PHASE

(CONFEDERATION TO
SECOND WORLD WAR)
The transitional phase was characterized by Canadians' rapidly changing
social welfare needs. Industrialization was drawing many rural dwellers into
urban centres and, at the same time, the traditional, family-based economy
(especially family farming) was giving way to an economy based on wage
labour. As a result of these changes, family roles shifted: men became the
primary wage earners, while women and children became their dependants.
If the head of the household fell ill, was injured at work, lost his job, or
died, the entire family's financial security was jeopardized (Bellemare, 1993).
Urbanization and related problems, such as poverty, crime, and social frag-
mentation, threatened the stability of growing cities. Despite these pressing

NEL
 H IS T ORICAL F OUN DA T IO N S • 71

social problems, governments staunchly defended residualism and continued

to restrict assistance to the poor or those at immediate risk of becoming
poor (Guest, 1997). By the end of the transitional phase, however, Canadian
governments had assumed more responsibility for social welfare provision,
a move that signalled the beginning of a philosophical shift from private
troubles to collective responsibility (Meinhard & Foster, 2002).

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND CHANGING AlTITUDES

Industrialization and its associated problems prompted an increase in social

consciousness and a feeling of mutual responsibility for fellow human beings.
As they learned about the underlying causes of social problems, Canadians
began questioning the prevailing belief that poverty and other social ills were
the result of individual shortcomings. A number of social movements such
as those related to labour reform, child welfare, and women's rights took
firm root during this period. Social reformers (or activists) called attention
to the inability of families, charities, churches, and local governments to
adequately meet the needs of a modem industrial society. Those reformers
also pressured governments to take a more active role in the social and
economic lives of citizens (Bellemare, 1993). During this period, a growing
interest in social democracy and the rise of such political parties as the
Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) advanced the notion of social
citizenship that is, a right to minimum levels of health and well-being and
equitable access to services. Some of the highlights of the major social move-
ments of this era are reviewed below.

The Labour Movement and Workers' Compensation

Industrialization required labourers in the mining, fishing, construction, and
manufacturing sectors to put in long hours for low pay, often in unpleasant
or dangerous conditions. Mounting dissatisfaction among workers resulted in
sporadic protests and the formation of unions as a means to demand higher
standards of living, income security programs, and better wages with paid
overtime. By the 1870s, trade unions were gaining collective bargaining power
and becoming a powerful political force (Camiol, 1990).
During the early years of industrialization, primitive and dangerous
machines caused frequent work-related accidents and injuries. Neither
workers nor employers had financial protection when accidents occurred.
For instance, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a worker

NEL
72 • CHAPTER 3

could sue an employer over a workplace injury. If the company lost, the court
made it pay the injured worker. If the damages awarded were considerable,
the company was often forced to declare bankruptcy and shut down, which
hardly benefited the injured worker (McGilly, 1998).
Many trade unions drew public attention to the increasing number of
industrial accidents and the shortcomings of the compensation system, and
they pressured governments to improve the situation for workers. Although
Quebec had a form of workers' compensation by 1908, Canada's first compre-
hensive and compulsory plan was the Ontario Workmen's Compensation Act
of 1914. Under this act, all major Ontario employers contributed to the
compensation fund; in the event of a work-related accident, a worker could
apply for compensation from the fund. The Ontario act was Canada's first
social insurance program and became known across North America as one
of the most advanced pieces of legislation for its time. The act also started a
national workers' compensation movement; by 1920, every province except
Prince Edward Island had similar legislation (Guest, 1997).

Improving Conditions for Women and Children

As the pace of industrialization accelerated, families grew more economically
insecure. Dependent women and children often had to care for themselves
if a male breadwinner failed, for whatever reason, to provide for his family.
Divorce was becoming more common, and many women who needed to
work had to leave their children unattended. These types of events and
conditions triggered a change in attitude toward women, children, and the
role of government in family life, and added fuel to the fire of social change
(Strong-Boag, 1979).

The Child Welfare Movement

Canada's child welfare movement gained momentum in the late nineteenth
century when john joseph Kelso, a reporter for the Toronto Globe, wrote a
series of articles about the neglect and abuse of children in Toronto. These
articles spurred a public outcry that led to the passage of the 1888 Act for the
Protection and Reformation of Neglected Children in Ontario. Later, Ontario's
legislature passed the 1893 Act for the Prevention of Cruelty to and Better
Protection of Children. Considered the first comprehensive piece of legislation
in North America to protect children, the new act placed Canada at the fore-
front of child welfare legislation. The act promoted nonprofit children's aid
societies in Ontario and the placement of neglected, abused, and dependent
children in foster homes rather than institutions. Appointed superintendents

NEL
 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 73

monitored the foster homes to ensure an adequate level of care for the children
(Guest, 1997). Ontario's act also prompted other jurisdictions across Canada
to introduce and enforce child welfare legislation.

The First Wave of the Women's Rights Movement

During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the women's rights
movement focused primarily on improving social and economic conditions
for women and children. At that time, society took a woman's issues seriously
only if she raised them within a religious context. Christie and Gauvreau
(1996, p. 108) observe: "Under the impress of Christian thought, even the
most 'radical social teachings,' which in any other venue would have been per-
ceived as a threat to the social order, were deemed legitimate forms of social
amelioration because they were conducted within the respectable avenues
of church reform." Women's church associations led to the establishment
of national organizations, such as the Young Women's Christian Association
(YWCA) and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union.
Women also advocated for extended legal and political rights, such as
the right to vote and to run for political office. Although women were under-
represented in political parties, they exerted considerable influence on social
change through pressure groups, such as the National Council of Women of
Canada (see Exhibit 3.3). By the 1920s, women's groups and early feminists
like Emily Murphy and Nellie McClung were making headway in a number of
social causes, such as mother's pensions, the minimum wage, prison reform,
and medical care for women and children (Christie & Gauvreau, 1996).

THE FIRST WORLD WAR, PENSIONS, AND ALLOWANCES

The First World War reminded Canadians of the vulnerability of the family
unit. The considerable loss of life on the battlefields led to concerns about
the growing number of fatherless families. At the same time, a high infant-
mortality rate made it difficult for families to replenish "the stock of healthy
males" (Moscovitch & Drover, 1987, p. 24).
The federal government established a variety of charities to aid Canadian
soldiers overseas and to provide relief to soldiers' families. A more orga-
nized system of relief was established when the government introduced two
schemes for veterans' pensions: the Soldier Settlement, which provided
unemployed soldiers with financial assistance and a parcel of farm land; and
the Employment Service of Canada, which helped veterans to find jobs. The
federal government also made financial assistance available to the families of

NEL
74 • CHAPTER 3

soldiers who had been lost or killed in combat. These systems marked a new
direction in social policy, as government accepted greater responsibility for
social welfare needs (Struthers, 1983).
The war's social and political impact stimulated an interest in legislated
income security for mothers and their children. In Canada, the traditional

EXHIBIT 3.3
THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN OF CANADA

The National Council of Women of Canada (NCWC) was founded in 1893, during
a time when women were beginning to organize themselves for community action.
Many women, looking beyond the charitable societies, garden clubs, cultural clubs,
and missionary societies to which they belonged, saw the need for societal reform,
better education for women, and women's suffrage (the right to vote). These women
realized that they would be much more effective if they spoke with a united voice.
Members of the NCWC can be proud of many achievements, including the
following:
• In the late nineteenth century, the N CWC focused on improving the conditions
for female prisoners, female factory workers, and female immigrants. Through its
efforts, for example, the NCWC helped to bring about the appointment of female
prison officers.
• The NCWC was instrumental in the federal government's enactment of the Act
to Confer the Electoral Franchise upon Women in 1918, legislation that gave
Caucasian Canadian women the right to vote in federal elections.
• The Persons Case was taken to Canada's highest court of appeal, and resulted in
the 1929 declaration that women were indeed "persons" and therefore eligible to
be appointed to the Senate of Canada. Three of the five women involved in this
famous case were active participants in the NCWC.
• The NCWC has played an active role in promoting child welfare, including the
prevention of child abuse, the education of children, the provision of quality child
care, and the formation of Children's Aid Societies in Ontario.
• The NCWC has consulted with governments on a variety of work-related issues.
These efforts have contributed to legislation aimed at improving women's working
conditions, pay equity, and access to health insurance and pension plans.
As one of Canada's oldest women's organizations, the NCWC continues to work
toward its vision of "a vibrant, pro-active, credible Council of Women reflecting
the diversity of society, encouraging informed political decision making and public
attitudes for the well being of society, through research, education, consultation
and cooperation."

Sources: National Council of Women of Canada. (2002). History, achievements, and about us. Retrieved from http://
www.ncwc.ca/aboutUs_history.html, http://www.ncwc.ca/aboutUs_achievements.html, and http://www.ncwc.ca/
aboutUs.html.

NEL
 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 75

practice of placing abandoned or poor children in institutions or foster homes

was giving way to a more enlightened approach, under which children were
kept in the home whenever possible. This change meant that mothers required
additional support to raise healthy children. In 1916, the Government of
Manitoba passed the first mothers' allowance act in Canada. This provided
a small but certain income to all women with dependants and established
the government's role as the provider of income security and protector of
minimum social standards. Soon after Manitoba took the lead, mothers' allow-
ances were established in Saskatchewan (1917), Alberta (1919), and Ontario
and British Columbia (1920) (Guest, 1997, 2012).

INCOME SECURITY FOR ELDERLY CANADIANS

During the early twentieth century, many Canadians expressed concerns about
the ability of the elderly to provide for themselves and about the capacity of
poor families to care for their aging parents. Many older Canadians applied
for public relief, but it was not until several provinces complained about the
rising costs of relief that the federal government seriously considered an
old-age pension scheme (McGilly, 1998).
The Old Age Pensions Act of 1927 established pensions as a right for all
seniors, the first federal long-term commitment to social welfare. At that time,
the pension was highly restrictive; to collect pension benefits, Canadians had
to be seventy or older a remarkably high age requirement compared with that
in other advanced countries. Moreover, the means test for assessing eligibility
was strict and humiliating; clearly, policymakers were reluctant to abandon
their poor law attitudes (Guest, 2012).

RISING UNEMPLOYMENT IN THE "DIRTY THIRTIES"

Various factors triggered the Great Depression in Canada, including the 1929
stock market crash in the United States and Europe's slow postwar economic
recovery. Severe economic problems in these countries drastically reduced the
demand for Canada's primary products. This hurt Canada's entire economy,
which relied heavily on the exporting of raw materials and semi-processed
goods. Unemployment rates soared from 3 percent in 1929 to 27 percent in
1933, especially among unskilled labourers and workers in the export industries
(Hom, 1984).
High unemployment created a number of social and health problems.
For example, by the time the Depression ended in 1939, almost one-third of

NEL
76 • CHAP TER 3

Canadians were too poor to buy adequate amounts of nutritious food. On top of
this, slum conditions had developed in the larger cities. In 1934, the lieutenant-
governor's Committee on Housing Conditions in Toronto reported that "there
are thousands of families living in houses which are unsanitary, verminous and
grossly overcrowded" (Cassidy, 1943, pp. 57-58). Similar concerns were raised
in Montreal, Vancouver, Winnipeg, and other Canadian cities.
Unlike the United States and Britain, Canada was unprepared for the
widespread needs created by the Depression. With no unemployment insur-
ance system, those who lost their jobs sought help wherever they could find
it. Private charitable organizations, such as the Canadian Welfare Council
and the Federation of jewish Philanthropies, launched various fundraising
campaigns to help the unemployed, but their efforts had little impact on the
problem of mass unemployment and widespread need (Bellamy, 1965).
Many provinces assigned the municipalities to provide some form of
public relief to the poor and unemployed. Two forms of relief were available;
direct relief consisted of cash, vouchers, or tangible goods like food, fuel,
and clothing; indirect relief was provided through government-funded work
projects intended to get the unemployed back to work (these public work
projects were nevertheless poorly planned and expensive). The number of
Canadians depending on public relief continued to grow, reaching 1.5 million
people in 1933 and 2 million in 1934 (Horn, 1984). Many municipal govern-
ments soon found it impossible to cover the growing costs of public relief and
other social services. The economic strain was particularly hard on the poorer
municipal governments, which struggled to meet their financial obligations
and maintain the public's confidence (McGilly, 1998).
As the economic depression wore on, the federal government became
concerned about the growing number of unemployed, transient, and home-
less able-bodied men. To quell the simmering threat of social anarchy and
widespread revolt, the government set up work camps in remote regions of
the country where these men could work building railway lines, clearing
forests, or constructing bridges. By many accounts, these camps resembled
nineteenth-century workhouses (McGilly, 1998).
While government struggled with the financial strain of relief programs,
tension continued to rise among the unemployed. Before long, vast numbers
of unemployed men organized protests against the government and the
unemployment crisis. The On to Ottawa Trek of 1935 was possibly the largest
and most famous protest of the Depression years. About 4000 men from work
camps across the country boarded trains and headed to Ottawa to protest
unemployment, poor wages, and unacceptable conditions in the work camps
(Carniol, 2005). Exhibit 3.4 profiles that famous trek.

NEL
 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 77

EXHIBIT 3.4
ON TO OTTAWA

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tl
.......
u
0
V)
..........
~
u
-~

8
.......
(/)

::r::
~t:l
0
0
.......

Boarding the trains for Ottawa, 1935.

During the Great Depression (1929-1939), thousands of young, unemployed,

single men found employment in the work camps set up in British Columbia.
However, by April 1935, they were fed up with labouring six-and-a-half days a
week for twenty cents a day. The workers abandoned the camps and congregated
in Vancouver, where they went on strike for two months. During that time, the
men tried to achieve union wages but were unsuccessful. They decided to take
their case to Ottawa; this journey became known as the On to Ottawa Trek.
Leaving Vancouver on June 3, the workers "rode the rods" (on and in railway
freight cars) as far as Regina, where they were stopped by the RCMP. On July 1,
the police broke the strike and arrested the strike leaders.
In a federal election a few months later, the Liberals defeated Prime Minister R. B.
"Iron Heel" Bennett's Conservative government and abolished the work camps.

Source: On to Ottawa Historical Society. (2002). On to Ottawa Trek. Retrieved October 19, 2008, from http://
www.ontoottawa.ca/indexl.html. Used by permission.
NEL
78 • CHAPTER 3

UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE
Although the provinces were responsible for the costs of public relief, the
federal government began sharing those costs during the Great Depression.
With its broad taxation powers and greater capacity to borrow, the federal
government had richer sources of revenue and the ability to equalize economic
conditions across the provinces, some of which neared bankruptcy (McGilly,
1998). The federal involvement in public relief was intended to be tempo-
rary. Nonetheless, by the time the cost-sharing program ended in 1941, the
federal government had assumed 40 percent of the total costs of public relief
(Bellamy, 1965).
By the end of the Great Depression, unemployment rates were so high
that Canadians could no longer attribute joblessness to a personal failure of
individuals. As Armine Yalnizyan (1994, p. 31) points out: "The shiver of
universal risk had swept over everyone, and people started demanding protec-
tions by pooling that risk across society, and not just at the traditional levels
of municipalities and provinces." Canadians began to place greater pressure
on governments to provide a minimum of assistance with respect to income,
nutrition, health, housing, and education.
Although the Second World War had created jobs, government officials
worried that unemployment would be a problem with the mass reintegration
of soldiers at war's end. To minimize the threat, Prime Minister Mackenzie
King introduced a comprehensive unemployment insurance scheme. Since
unemployment was a provincial responsibility, King had to seek a constitu-
tional amendment from the British government; Britain granted that request
and, in 1940, Canada passed the Unemployment Insurance Act. Except for
veterans' pensions during the First World War, unemployment insurance
was Canada's first large-scale income security program. During the plan's first
year, almost 4. 6 million Canadians including dependants benefited from
unemployment insurance (Guest, 1997).

The Transitional Phase (Confederation to Second World War)

1. This phase is marked by social unrest, social movements, and citizens

demanding more from government in terms of quality of life and social well-
being. Compare that era with today, in terms of how you see citizens trying
to make their voices heard and government's response to public demands.
2. Many of the public programs introduced during this phase were focused on
improving the income security of Canadians. Identify the main income secu-
rity programs developed during this era. What historical events warranted the
establishment of these programs?

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 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 79

3 THE INTERVENTIONIST PHASE

(SECOND WORLD WAR TO MID-1970s)
From the beginning of the Second World War until the mid-1970s, Canadians
urged governments to respond to "modern problems" by intervening during
hard economic times and raising living standards through an extensive system
of public programs. New social attitudes also prompted a growing interest in
social equality, human rights, social citizenship, and the social stability that
a welfare state promised. This era of strong economic growth, high employ-
ment, and rising government revenues allowed governments to spend more
on social programs and to assume much of the responsibility that private
charities had long held. During this period, Canada established a range of
universal social and healthcare programs designed to protect its citizens from
the insecurities of an industrial economy and to help them to participate in
modem society (Banting, 1987). In other words, governments developed pro-
grams to ensure a certain level of social security. The building of a publicly
sanctioned system of support represented a shift from a residual to a more
institutional approach to well-being and established government as "the
predominant force of social welfare" (Meinhard &: Foster, 2002, p. 3).

THE MARSH REPORT ON SOCIAL SECURITY

The end of the Second World War marked an economic turning point for
Canada. The social and economic damage incurred by the Great Depression
made it clear that capitalism alone could not meet everyone's needs. Politicians
generally agreed that only through ongoing state intervention in the economy
could all Canadians enjoy the benefits of capitalism. Without that intervention,
politicians believed, "inequality would deepen and instability would result"
(Broadbent, 2001, p. 6). To determine what interventions were needed, the
federal government set up several committees to assess the postwar needs of
Canadians.
The committees produced a flurry of reports outlining potential postwar
programs. Perhaps the best known among the documents concerned with
social policy was the Report on Social Security for Canada (commonly known as
the Marsh Report). Released in 1943, the Marsh Report was influenced by, and
contained many principles from, the famous Beveridge Report that came out
of Great Britain in 1942. Leonard Marsh, a prominent social researcher and
professor, outlined a comprehensive social security plan for postwar Canada.
According to Marsh, this plan was long overdue, considering the progress that
had already been made in other countries (see Exhibit 3.5).
NEL
80 • CHAPTER 3

EXHIBIT 3.5
MARSH SAYS CANADA'S SOCIAL SERVICES LAG

Winnipeg, May 16 ( CP) Dr. Leonard Marsh, of Ottawa, research advisor

of the advisory committee on reconstruction, in an interview today named
Great Britain, New Zealand and Russia as the countries with the most com-
plete social legislation.
Dr. Marsh, author of the Marsh Report on Social Security, said Russia
had the most comprehensive training and educational services of any
country today.
"As far as English-speaking countries are concerned, Canada seems to
be lagging behind. We lack health insurance, widows' and orphans' pensions,
and sickness benefits. Our one redeeming quality is our excellent unemploy-
ment insurance."
A delegate to the Canadian Conference on Social Work here, Dr. Marsh
emphasized the need for a national health insurance scheme and children's
allowances.

Source: "Marsh Says Canada's Social Services Lag," Victoria Daily Colonist, 17 May 1944, 7. Reprinted by
kind permission of The Canadian Press.

The Marsh Report underscored the notion that economic and social risks
were part of modem industrial life and that governments could minimize
those risks through publicly supported benefits from cradle to grave (Maioni,
2004). Central to Marsh's vision of social security for Canadians was full
employment at a living wage, supplemented by employment skills training
and job placement services. Marsh proposed that social insurance programs
could replace earnings lost because of unemployment, retirement, accident,
maternity, disability, illness, or death and therefore minimize employment
risks. Social assistance would serve as a program of last resort for the small
segment of the population who were in need, unable to work, and had no
income. Marsh (1975) believed that three main programs could meet social
security and human welfare needs: (1) children's allowances to help with the
additional costs of raising a child, (2) national health insurance to provide
health services, and (3) a contributory old-age pension scheme.
A primary principle underpinning Marsh's social security proposal was
the social minimum, which Marsh (1950, p. 35) defined as "the realization
that in a civilized society, there is a certain minimum of conditions without
which health, decency, happiness, and a 'chance in life' are impossible."

NEL
 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 81

According to Marsh, social security programs were the means to establish a

social minimum.
Historian Michael Bliss (1975, p. ix) hailed the Marsh Report as the "most
important single document in the history of the development of the welfare
state in Canada." However, despite its apparent significance, Marsh's plan for
a comprehensive and coordinated social security system only got as far as
being reviewed by the Parliamentary Committee on Social Security in 1943.
Some members of that committee feared that the economy could not support
Marsh's plan; others maintained that poverty was the responsibility of indi-
viduals and families, not government. Committee members also criticized the
plan's recommendations for a greater federal role in providing social security to
Canadians, a role that the provinces were constitutionally entitled to. Marsh's
report was therefore never tabled in the House of Commons. Even so, the
document provided the structural framework for many of Canada's future
health and social welfare programs (CMCC, 2002; Guest, 1997).

FAMILY ALLOWANCES ACT OF 1944

According to Marsh, the purpose of family allowance legislation was to ensure

a minimum income level for families and, in so doing, reduce poverty, espe-
cially among large families living on low incomes. The supporters of family
allowances also saw the plan as a solution to the growing problems of poor
nutrition and the high rates of infant mortality revealed by Depression-era
and wartime studies.
Even though its enactment required a constitutional amendment, the
Family Allowances Act passed in 1944. Noted for being Canada's first universal
social welfare program, this federally administered allowance went to all
Canadian families with dependants under sixteen. In its first year of operation,
the program cost taxpayers about $250 million, which was until then the most
spent on any social program in Canada (Blake, 2009).

SOLIDIFYING CANADA'S RETIREMENT INCOME SYSTEM

The Old Age Pensions Act of 1927 had been criticized for many years because
of its stigmatizing means test and inadequate benefits. In 1951, that act was
replaced by two new pension plans: Old Age Security (OAS), which provided
universal benefits and was fully funded and administered by the federal
government, and Old Age Assistance, a means-tested scheme that was

NEL
82 • CHAPTER 3

cost-shared by the provincial and federal governments and administered by

the provinces (Guest, 1997).
In 1965, the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) and its counterpart, the Quebec
Pension Plan (QPP), were introduced. These plans provided a first line of
defence for paid workers and their families who suffered a loss of income
because of retirement, disability, or death; the plans were especially important
to workers without employer-sponsored pension schemes. The CPP and QPP
shared some similarities: for example, both had comparable eligibility criteria
and benefit levels, and both were compulsory social insurance schemes that
required all workers between eighteen and seventy to contribute as long as
they were working. Initially, the CPP/QPP were available to 92 percent of the
paid labour force.
Although the CPP/QPP have many unique features, their historical
significance lies in the fact that they were the first income security programs
to be subject to indexation in other words, benefits increase automati-
cally as the cost of living rises. Before the CPP/QPP, Parliament had to
authorize any increases in benefits for federal income security programs
(such as Old Age Security).
The introduction of Old Age Security, Old Age Assistance, and the
CPP/QPP underscored the federal government's newfound responsibility
for the security of elderly Canadians. These plans also took the retirement
income system a step closer to ensuring a social minimum for seniors
(Oderkirk, 1996).

CANADA ASSISTANCE PLAN OF 1966

Before 1966, the funding arrangement for provincial and territorial social
welfare programs was highly problematic. For one thing, the federal funds
to the provinces and territories were categorical that is, the funds could be
used only for specific purposes. Old Age Assistance, for example, was limited
to people aged 65 to 69; Blind Persons' Allowances were restricted to those
deemed legally blind; and only people who had total or permanent disabilities
were eligible for Disabled Persons' Allowances. Many people in need, such
as abused women, did not fit into any specific category or meet a program's
criteria and therefore lacked adequate support. john Osborne (1986), a policy
adviser to the federal government, suggests that governments used "tight and
inflexible" eligibility criteria for many programs to assure Canadians that
benefits would go only to truly needy and "deserving" people. However, many
equally needy people were denied help if they did not meet the eligibility

NEL
 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 83

criteria. To prevent people from falling through the cracks of the system, the
federal government introduced the Canada Assistance Plan (CAP) in 1966.
Under CAP, the provinces and territories could design and administer
their own social welfare programs as long as they met certain national standards.
Meanwhile, the federal government paid half the costs. Social assistance
recipients received financial aid to meet basic living needs, including food,
clothing, and shelter; in some cases, assistance was also available for trans-
portation, child care, and uninsured health needs, such as dental and eye
care. Also under CAP was a wide range of social services (originally called
welfare services), which included protection services for children, rehabilitation
programs for people with disabilities, home support for seniors, and employ-
ment programs. Ideally, welfare services would not only reduce the negative
effects of poverty, child neglect, and dependence on social assistance but
also eradicate the causes of those problems (Human Resources Development
Canada [HRDC], 1994b).
The introduction of CAP resulted in an increase in federal funding to the
provinces and territories; that funding allowed each jurisdiction to expand,
integrate, and improve its own social welfare programs. Thus, CAP was instru-
mental in the development of Canada's social safety net and the assurance of
a minimum standard of living for low-income groups, regardless of why they
needed help (HRDC, 1994b).

POVERTY AND THE NOTION OF GUARANTEED INCOME

Several events during the early 1960s motivated Prime Minister Lester B.
Pearson to introduce a plan to eliminate poverty in Canada. These events
included an increasing awareness of poverty, the American government's
declaration of a war on poverty in the United States, and the development
of new methods for measuring poverty. The prime minister's announcement
paved the way for several studies on poverty. One study, by the Economic
Council of Canada (1968, p. 1), concluded
• ••• •••• •• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••

Poverty in Canada is real. Its numbers are not in the

thousands, but the millions. There is more of it than
our society can tolerate, more than the economy can
afford, and far more than existing measures and efforts
can cope with. Its persistence, at a time when the bulk
of Canadians enjoy one of the highest standards of living
in the world, is a disgrace.
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

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84 • CHAPTER 3

Also in 1968, the Senate Committee on Poverty was appointed to look

at the extent of poverty in Canada and to recommend policy changes. Two
findings of the inquiry were of particular concern to the committee: the high
number of children who were growing up in poverty and the approximately
two million working poor, defined as people who maintain regular employ-
ment but remain poor. The committee's report called attention to poverty as
a growing social problem, provided insight into the causes of poverty, and
suggested the establishment of a social minimum.
Policy experts agreed that to establish a social minimum, the entire
income security system would have to be overhauled; this would involve
scrapping a number of existing poverty-oriented programs and introducing a
federally funded and administered guaranteed annual income (GAl). A GAl
suggests that all citizens have the right to a minimum income as the result of
either paid work or government subsidies. Under a federal GAl scheme, the
government would assure Canadians a minimum income based on marital
status, number of children, financial resources, age, and geographic location
(Guest, 1997).
The Canadian government flirted with the idea of a GAl, but a nationwide
plan never materialized. However, several provinces implemented variations
of a GAl for seniors who were already receiving the federally funded Old
Age Security and Guaranteed Income Supplement. For example, in 1974,
Ontario introduced the Guaranteed Annual Income System (GAINS) to ensure
a basic income for residents 65 and older whose annual income fell below
a certain threshold.

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: SHAKING ESTABLISHED

FOUNDATIONS

The counterculture of the 1960s and 1970s significantly challenged the status
quo in Canada and other Western countries. Among the most prominent
social movements at the time were the second wave of the women's movement,
the environmental movement, the gay rights movement, and the peace move-
ment. Although concerned with changing conservative public policies and
practices, these social movements were perhaps most intent on changing
those social values that ultimately oppressed, demoralized, or marginalized
people (Howlett, 1992; Smith, 2004).
Among the many social movements of the time, the women's libera-
tion (or feminist) movement was especially effective in influencing social
policy. Declaring, "the personal is political," women politicized a variety of

NEL
 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 85

issues, such as family violence, that were traditionally regarded as private

matters rather than public issues (Smith, 2004 ). Two primary objectives
of the women's movement were (1) to achieve social justice for women
in all areas of human endeavour, including the media, law, education,
religion, and science; and (2) to break down established patriarchal power
structures that oppressed and controlled women (Armitage, 2003; Eichler &
Lavigne, 20 12).
The Royal Commission on the Status of Women (RCSW), federally
appointed in 1967, was one of the driving forces behind Canada's women's
movement. Not only did the commission establish an agenda of issues and
strategies for improving conditions for women, but it also identified govern-
ment as the most suitable system for addressing equality and equity concerns.
The RCSW's efforts led to the establishment of several groups devoted to
improving women's conditions in Canada, including the Canadian Advisory
Council on the Status of Women.
By the early 1970s, social activism had found its way into provincial
politics. Colourful political figures some of whom would become provin-
cial premiers asserted new ideas and reforms to social welfare policies and
programs. Those social trailblazers included British Columbia's premier, Dave
Barrett, a staunch supporter of welfare state ideals, and Premier Allan Blakeney
of Saskatchewan, who improved a wide range of health and social programs
during his eleven years in office.

THE EARLY 1970s: A TIME FOR REVIEW

By the 1970s, Canada's growing economy encouraged a public endorsement

of social programs, particularly those that would reduce poverty. At the same
time, Canadians expressed concern over the rising costs of social welfare
programs. These and other developments sparked a renewed interest in
reviewing Canada's income security programs.

The Income Security Review of 1970

In 1970, the federal government published Income Security for Canadians,
which outlined a strategy to retarget income-security benefits so that low-
income Canadians could receive a greater share of available resources (Canada,
Department of National Health and Welfare, 1970). The report also called for
the elimination of universality as it applied to Family Allowances and 0 ld Age
Security. This proposal drew a mixed reaction in the House of Commons.

NEL
86 • CHAPTER 3

Owing to the lengthy debates on the proposed reforms and an impending

federal election in 1972, the federal government decided to postpone its
proposed revisions to income security programs.

The Social Security Review (1973-197 6)

In 19 7 3, the federal government under Prime Minister Trudeau (see Exhibit 3. 6)
launched a joint federal/provincial/territorial review of Canada's social welfare
system. A few months later, the federal government issued its report, Working

EXHIBIT 3.6

As prime minister of Canada (1968-1979, 1980-1984), Pierre Elliott Trudeau was

committed to creating a more humane, caring, and ']ust society" a society free of
poverty and one in which all Canadians could enjoy equal opportunity.

NEL
 H IS T ORICAL F OUN DA T IO N S • 87

Paper on Social Security in Canada (Lalonde, 1973), which outlined some of the
broad policy areas to consider when planning for a more effective social welfare
system. By this time, however, globalization and a revolution in information
technology were reshaping the way that people lived and worked. Machines
were rapidly replacing workers, and the emerging service industry and com-
puter fields were demanding skills that many workers lacked. As Canada strug-
gled to adjust to a new economic order, unemployment and inflation rates
skyrocketed, and a general economic decline severely strained government
revenues.
By the end of 1975, the federal and regional governments either cancelled
or severely cut back many reforms initiated by the social security review in
an attempt to control public spending. Despite these curtailments, the review
paved the way for income security programs at the provincial and federal
levels; these programs included Saskatchewan's Family Income Plan (1974),
the federal Refundable Child Tax Credit (1978), and Manitoba's Income
Support Program (1980). In addition, the review prompted the federal gov-
ernment to triple Family Allowances benefits (from an average of $7.21 to $20
a month per child) and to index those benefits to the consumer price index.

Shifting of the Tide

In a climate of rising inflation and unemployment rates, Canadians focused
on the costs of the social welfare system. Many Canadians were also criticizing
social welfare programs for being of poor quality and for doing little to solve
social problems. Furthermore, people had concerns about the growing number
of Canadians relying on social assistance (Hecla, 1981; Rice &: Prince, 2000).
In the years following the social security review, Canada's social wel-
fare system underwent considerable downsizing as governments reduced,
eliminated, or froze funding for many programs and services. Any ambi-
tion that Canada may have had in becoming a full-fledged welfare state
vanished. By the mid-1970s, at the peak of social welfare development,
Canada had a network of programs that provided partial income security
to working people and more extensive support to non-working Canadians,
such as seniors and children (Ross, 1987). Despite this limited protection,
the social welfare system had managed to redistribute resources so that no
Canadian had to do without and, in so doing, created a more equitable
nation. Social democrat Edward Broadbent (200 1) believes that the redis-
tribution of resources not only increased the freedom of Canadians to the
highest level ever but also eased the nation's internal conflict to the lowest
level in a century.

NEL
88 • CHA PTER 3

The Interventionist Phase (Second World War to Mid-1970s)

1. Many modern-day social welfare programs were established during this era.
Why do you think the decades from the end of the Second World War to
the mid-1970s were particularly receptive to greater government responsi-
bility for social welfare? (Consider the political, social, economic, and cultural
events of the time, and their possible influence on the development of social
welfare programs.)
2. The 1960s and 1970s were a particularly important time for social movements
to advance social democratic views. How might have these groups influenced
the expansion of Canada's social welfare system?

SUMMARY

Introduction
Canada's social welfare system has evolved over several decades in
response to public demand, politics, and government priorities. A residual
approach dominated early social welfare provision until after the Great
Depression, when Canadians recognized a social role for government.

1 The Early Phase (Colonial Times to Confederation)

French and British immigrants had their own methods of caring for the
poor, the sick, and the needy. The Roman Catholic Church and secular
charities helped the early French settlers. In the British settlements, the
Protestant work ethic and the English Poor Laws guided the provision of
public relief. Although the British North America Act assigned responsi-
bility for social welfare to the provinces, they had little interest in or need
for a social welfare system.

2 The Transitional Phase (Confederation to Second World War)

Urbanization and its related problems threatened the stability of growing
Canadian cities. Industrialization sparked labour reform and workers'
compensation legislation. Conditions for women, children, and seniors
improved as a result of mothers' allowances, child welfare legislation,
and old-age pensions. The introduction of veterans' pensions indicated
a greater government intervention in social welfare matters. During the
Great Depression, severe economic and social problems, along with inef-
fective public programs, spurred the federal government to introduce
unemployment insurance in 1940, Canada's first large-scale income security
program.

NEL
 HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS • 89

3 The Interventionist Phase (Second World War to Mid-1970s)

By the end of the Second World War, Canadians wanted a higher standard
of living. The Marsh Report outlined a comprehensive social security plan,
and promoted the concepts of a social m inimum and family allowances.
Income security for seniors improved with the passage of various pension
plans. During the 1960s, an expansion of social welfare programs became
possible under CAP, and the war on poverty brought a renewed interest
in a guaranteed annual income. The rise of social movements signalled
a greater acceptance of collective responsibility. By the early 1970s,
Canadians were concerned about the economy and the growing costs of
social welfare. The federal government tried to review those programs, but
politics and economic problems were greater priorities. Any notion of
Canada becoming a full-fledged welfare state was discarded.

KEY TERMS
For definitions of the key terms, consu lt the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
charities, p. 64 outdoor relief, p. 68 means test, p. 7 5
Protestant work ethic, indoor rel ief, p. 68 direct rel ief, p. 7 6
p.66 workhouses, p. 68 indirect relief, p. 7 6
English Poor Laws, poorhouses, p. 68 social security, p. 79
p. 67 so cia I movements, social minimum, p. 80
public relief, p. 67 p. 71 indexation, p. 82
categorical, p. 67 social citizenship, working poor, p. 84
principle of less p. 71 guaranteed annual
el igibility, p. 67 social insurance, p. 72 income, p. 84

NEL
 • •
oc1a e are 1n t
• •
o a 1zat1on ra

OBJECTIVES
The globalization era is characterized by a new economic order, welfare
state retrenchment, the rise of neoliberalism, and a general uncertainty
for the direction of social welfare in Canada. This chapter will

• introduce the economic challenges faced by Canadians in the 1970s

• examine the neoliberal approach to socia l welfare during the Mulroney and
Chretien years

• discuss the dynamics of welfare state retrenchment and reinvestment in the

1990s and early 2000s

• explore the Conservative approach to social welfare

• take stock of current social conditions and trends in socia l welfare

INTRODUCTION
• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• • •• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• • •• •••• •••

The social welfare structure so laboriously and painstak-

ingly erected in Canada over the past forty years has
clearly outlived its usefulness. The social scientists who
have studied it, the bureaucrats who have administered
it, and the poor who have experienced it are of one mind
that in to days swiftly changing world the [social] welfare
system is a hopeless failure. The matter is not even con-
troversial. But what is to take its place? (Special Senate
Committee on Poverty, 1971, p. vii)
• • •••• ••• ••• •••• • •• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• • ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• • •• •••• ••• •••• ••• •

90 NEL
 SOCIA L WE LFARE I N TH E GLOBALIZA T IO N ERA • 91

Economists sometimes refer to the period from 1945 (the end of the Second
World War) to the early 1970s as the "golden era" of capitalism. During this
period, most Canadians had well-paying jobs, and many workers belonged
to strong unions, which pushed for job security and workplace benefits.
At the same time, governments assumed responsibility for the welfare of
those who could not fully meet their needs. Canadians generally supported
the notion of income redistribution, especially if it meant preventing a
repeat of conditions in the Great Depression, including large-scale poverty,
unemployment, and social unrest. Thus, governments used their powers to
distribute both income and opportunities more equally across the population.
British economist john Maynard Keynes (see Exhibit 4.1) influenced the

EXHIBIT 4.1

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British economist john Maynard Keynes (1883-1946) believed that giving money to
citizens through income security programs, tax breaks, and other government initia-
tives encourages spending, which in turn, stimulates the economy.

NEL
92 • CHAP TER 4

use of redistributive mechanisms, such as income security programs and a

progressive tax system. Keynes believed that if government directed more
money to low-income earners, then they would be more likely to spend
money, which would, in turn, help to stimulate the economy Keynesian eco-
nomics worked well for Canada during the economic boom after the Second
World War, when most people saw steady growth in their income, and
government was flush with tax revenues.
Canada's economy along with that of other advanced nations began
to slow in the early 1970s. As the economy worsened, unemployment,
inflation, and interest rates inched their way upward, and government revenues
and household incomes started a downward slide. At first, Western nations
believed that the economic downturn was temporary, so rather than raise
taxes or cut public programs, they chose to borrow money Reduced government
revenues, plus interest payments on the borrowed money, made it increas-
ingly difficult for governments to balance their annual budgets. As a result,
countries began incurring yearly budget deficits (spending exceeded their
income); over the years, those deficits accumulated, creating a huge public
debt (the total sum of all unpaid deficits). Eventually, the Western world real-
ized that the economic decline that began in the 1970s was not temporary;
rather, it was part of a long-term trend associated with globalization and a
shift from an industrial to a postindustrial era. (See Appendix B for a primer
on globalization.)
The globalization era of capitalism began in the mid-1970s and continues
today. This period supports a new form of conservatism called neoliberalism
and a rejection of Keynesian economics in favour of monetarism, an eco-
nomic philosophy that calls for debt reduction, reduced public spending,
and minimal government intervention in the market. Neoliberals believe that
monetarism can solve the economic problems created by a burgeoning public
debt, and eventually restore the economy. In Canada, governments continue
to shift their priorities away from social development to putting their respec-
tive fiscal houses in order; this has resulted in drastic cuts in public spending,
relaxed regulations governing business, and the devolution of many public
programs and responsibilities to the private sector. Neoliberals expect these
and other measures to free the market from all political and social restraints
and, in so doing, allow capitalism to work the way it was intended.
What began as a gradual reduction in social expenditures in the 1970s
transformed into a steady erosion of social programs in the 1980s, and esca-
lated into a dismantling of Canada's social welfare system from the 1990s
on. Thus, welfare state retrenchment has characterized the course of social
welfare in Canada for almost four decades. Chapter 3looked at the building of

NEL
 SOCIA L WE LFARE I N TH E GLOBALIZA T IO N ERA • 93

the social welfare system from colonial times to the mid-1970s. This chapter
continues that historical review by chronicling the main events of the global-
ization era a period that reflects what Rice and Prince (2000, p. 84) aptly
refer to as a "crisis of the welfare state."

1 A NEOLIBERAL APPROACH
TO SOCIAL WELFARE
Since the early 1980s, the federal and regional governments have taken a
more neoliberal approach to social welfare provision. This neoliberal trend
has not been unique to Canada: other advanced countries, such as the United
States and Britain, have also adopted a less generous and more business-
oriented approach to meeting social welfare needs. This section explores
some of the effects of neoliberalism on social well-being in Canada from
1984 to 1995.

PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVES AND THE

END OF UNIVERSALISM

When Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservatives (PCs) formed a

federal government in 1984, Canada was still recovering from the global
recession of 1981 to 1983. Unemployment was widespread, inflation was
soaring, and the federal deficit exceeded $32 billion. After years of deficit
spending under the Trudeau government, Canadians were hoping that the
PCs would reverse the rise in public debt and annual deficits, and restore
the economy.

Cuts to Programs
In 1985, the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development
Prospects for Canada (commonly known as the Macdonald Commission)
criticized Canada's income security system for being ineffective and unsus-
tainable and for creating disincentives to work. The commission made several
recommendations for change, including the introduction of a guaranteed
annual income (GAl) scheme to strengthen the income security system.
The PC government nevertheless dismissed the notion of a GAl and either
scrapped or reduced social welfare programs, resulting in a weakening of the
income security system.

NEL
94 • CHAPTER 4

A significant change came in 1989, when the PCs introduced the concept
of clawbacks, and put an end to universal social welfare programs. Those
most affected were seniors with high annual incomes, who had to repay part
or all of their Old Age Security benefits, and high-income-earning families
who had to pay back a portion of their family allowances cheques. In 1993,
the federal government scrapped family allowances altogether and replaced
it with the Child Tax Benefit, which was restricted to low- and moderate-
income families.
The PCs targeted other well-established programs as well. In 1990, the
federal government stopped financing Unemployment Insurance (UI), leaving
it up to employers and workers to fund UI through their own contributions.
Other UI amendments resulted in more restrictive eligibility criteria, short-
ened benefit periods, and harsher penalties for those who quit their jobs.
One year later, an act of Parliament (Bill C-69) put a "cap" on the Canada
Assistance Plan (CAP) by requiring the wealthiest provinces (at that time
Alberta, Ontario, and British Columbia) to pay for any CAP programs whose
costs increased by 5 percent or more. This change served as a disincentive to
provinces to develop social welfare programs beyond a certain level.
When the economic recession hit Canada in the early 1990s, the PCs
decided that rising unemployment, high inflation, and skyrocketing deficits
could be partially contained by further cuts to what they saw as a costly and
overgenerous social welfare system.

Legacy of the Progressive Conservatives

Throughout their years in power (1984-1993), the PCs steadily chipped away
at the social safety net. However, the PCs were careful not to slash social
expenditures too blatantly; instead, they adopted what Grattan Gray (1990,
p. 17) describes as "social policy by stealth," whereby social programs were
cut incrementally in fact, almost invisibly through clawbacks, reduced
transfers to the provinces, and other cost-saving measures. Because individual
cuts were hard to identify, it was difficult to track the changes in social
program funding from year to year.
Although the PCs reduced many long-established social welfare pro-
grams, they also contributed to the development of others; for example, they
enriched the refundable Child Tax Credit and Spouses' Allowance, increased
assistance to people with disabilities, and launched the Family Violence
Initiative. Battle and Torjman (2001, p. 22) observe that despite these advances,
the drastic changes made by the PCs to Canada's social welfare system "built
a momentum that prepared the way for even more radical changes by the

NEL
 SOCIA L WE LFARE I N TH E GLOBALIZA T IO N ERA • 95

Liberals in the 1990s and into the new century. The Conservatives proved that
the universalist welfare state was no longer a 'sacred trust,' if it ever had been."

A NEW LIBERAL DIRECTION

The Liberals won the federal election in 1993 and returned to power with a
history of generally supporting welfare state principles. Indeed, former
Liberal governments had introduced some of Canada's key social policies,
including the Old Age Pension (in 1927), Unemployment Insurance (in 1940),
and CAP (in 1966). In 1993, however, the Liberals recognized the need for
new strategies to confront the challenges of a much different economic and
political climate from when they last held office in the early 1980s. For one
thing, Canadians were beginning to feel the effects of globalization, including
the disappearance of permanent, full-time positions with benefits, and a rise
in the number of low-paying, part-time, and temporary positions.

Taking a Business Approach

Although Liberal politicians had traditionally been social liberals who supported
social program spending and Keynesian economics, the Liberals under jean
Chretien promoted themselves as business Liberals. These rebranded Liberals
still strived toward traditional Liberal goals, such as the pursuit of individual
freedom and self-development; however, their primary goal was to create a fis-
cally responsible government and a strong market economy that would pro-
vide social security in the form of good jobs (Human Resources Development
Canada [HRDC], 1994c). As a first step toward achieving its financial goals, the
new federal government set out to reduce the federal deficit (which stood at
over $40 billion in 1993), and to curb a growing national debt (which by
1993 had reached about $510 billion) (see Exhibit 4.2).

The 1995 Budget

Following an extensive review of all federal programs and services, the federal
government introduced the 1995 budget, which set out a plan for downsizing
its departments and cutting spending to programs and services. The plan
included a reduction of $7 billion over two years in transfer payments to the
provinces for health, postsecondary education, and social welfare. In addition
to direct spending cuts, the federal government began to decentralize many
of its operations. Decentralization involves one level of government transfer-

NEL
96 • CHAP TER 4

THE NATIONAL DEFICIT

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ring or devolving some or all of its functions, decision-making authority, and

assets to a lower level of government or to the private sector. By transferring
a portion of or the entire program or function, the federal government also
transfers many related costs.
Many Canadians expressed concern over the potentially negative impact
of the government's plan on social programs and people's well-being. The
National Council of Welfare (NCW, 1995, p. 1), for example, maintained
that the proposed changes "marked a giant step backward in Canadian social
policy. Followed through to its most likely conclusion, it would dismantle
a nation-wide system of welfare and social services that took a generation
to build." The federal government defended the proposed austerity mea-
sures as necessary steps towards Canada's economic recovery and to ensuring
that important social programs, such as healthcare and pensions, would be
sustainable for future generations. Finance Minister Paul Martin the archi-
tect of the 1995 budget summed up his position by stating that "there are
times in the progress of a people when fundamental challenges must be faced,

NEL
 SOCIA L WE LFARE I N TH E GLOBALIZA T IO N ERA • 97

fundamental choices made a new course charted. For Canada, this is one of
those times" (Canada, Department of Finance, 1995, preface).

A Neoliberal Approach to Social Welfare

1. Based on what you know about globalization and political ideologies, explain
why Canadian governments might have seen no other choice but to severely
restrain public spending during the 1980s and 1990s.
2. Both the Progressive Conservatives (1984-1993) and the Liberals (1993-2006)
managed the country's affairs by using neoliberal strategies. One strategy was
to reduce funding to government programs. Identify other neoliberal strategies
used by these governments. (Note: neoliberalism is also discussed in Chapter
1 and Appendix B.)

2 FROM RETRENCHMENT TO REINVESTMENT

Much evidence suggests that Canada's poor economic performance from the
1970s to late 1990s was more to blame for the fiscal crisis than was social
spending. Social programs nevertheless bore the brunt of fiscal restraint
during Canada's deficit-fighting years (from 1995 to 1998). Both the federal
and regional governments rationalized their drastic cuts as being necessary to
eliminating deficits and getting their fiscal houses in order. However, some
critics blamed governments for exploiting the fiscal crisis to achieve their
largely neoliberal objectives, including dismantling Canada's so-called "overly
generous social welfare system" (McQuaig, 1995, p. 9).
This section reviews the social welfare reforms of the deficit-fighting
years, the impact of those reforms, and the efforts by some governments to
eventually reinvest in social welfare programs.

FEDERAL REFORMS

The 1995 budget identified Canada's labour market as a major target of reform.
Government and the business community had long argued that, to lower
unemployment, the labour market had to become more flexible that is, free
of any laws, regulations, or programs that interfered with work, productivity,
and economic activity (Canadian Auto Workers, 2007). At the federal level,
dramatic reforms significantly altered the Unemployment Insurance program
and the Canada Assistance Plan.

NEL
98 • CHAPTER 4

EXHIBIT 4.3
PERCENTAGE OF UNEMPLOYED CANADIANS ELIGIBLE
FOR EI BENEFITS, 1986 TO 2009

90~------------------------------------------------------~

80 -t---

70
60
Q)

N
c
5o
Q)

e 40
Q)
CL

30
20
10
0
CD 1'- co en 0 ,.-- N (V) l.() CD 1'- co en 0 ,.-- N (V) l.() CD 1'- co en
co co co co en en en en en"
"""' en en en en en 0 0 0 0 0
"""' 0 0 0 0 0
en en en en en en en en en en en en en en 0 0 0 0 0 " 0 0 0 0 0
,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- ,.-- N N N N N N N N N N

Year

Source: "EI and Individuals," from http://www.hrsdc.gc.ca/eng/employment/eilreports/eimar_2010/Chapter5_l_l.

shtml. Human Resources and Skills Development Canada, 2010. Reproduced with the permission of the Minister
of Public Works and Government Services Canada, 2013.

Changes to Unemployment Insurance

One of the main criticisms of the Unemployment Insurance (UI) system
was that it provided overly generous benefits, which offered little incen-
tive for recipients to get back to work. Another problem was the soaring
costs of the UI program, which had doubled from $8 billion in 1982 to
almost $16 billion in 1995 (HRDC, 1995). To address these problems, the
federal government under the Liberals scrapped the UI system in 1996 and
introduced the Employment Insurance (EI) Act. (The name change reflects the
emphasis on employment.) The EI Act tightened the criteria for determining
eligibility and shortened the period during which workers could draw benefits.
All of this led to a sharp drop in the proportion of unemployed Canadians
eligible for EI benefits (see Exhibit 4. 3).

Out with CAP, In with the CHST

For many years, CAP had been the vehicle by which the federal government
transferred funds to the provinces and territories for social welfare programs.
However, in an effort to cut direct program costs, the federal government
eliminated CAP in 1996 and combined all transfers for health, postsecondary

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 99

education, and social welfare into one funding arrangement called the Canada
Health and Social Transfer (CHST). 1
Under CAP, the federal government had paid half the costs of social
welfare programs, whatever those costs were. In contrast, the CHST allowed
the federal government to give the regional governments an equal amount of
federal dollars on a per capita basis, without considering the actual program costs.
For provinces and territories that had built extensive or costly programs, the
shift to the CHST meant they had substantially less money to maintain those
programs. Exhibit 4.4 illustrates the funding changes for social welfare, health,
and postsecondary education programs from 1993 to 2001.
The CHST also set up a competition for funds among the three main
provincial and territorial social programs: healthcare, postsecondary educa-
tion, and social welfare. Under the CHST, the regional governments received
a lump sum or block fund, which they could divide among the social pro-
grams in whatever way they saw fit. Most provinces and territories responded
to their funding shortfall by reducing their social welfare and postsecondary
education budgets in order to enrich the more popular health-care programs.
This move severely undermined the capacity of social welfare programs to
meet human needs.
Although CAP had required the provinces and territories to adhere to
certain national standards for social assistance, the CHST eliminated all but
one of those standards. 2 Thus, the CHST gave the provinces and territories
free rein to set their own eligibility criteria and benefit rates for social welfare
programs. The regional governments generally welcomed the elimination of
CAP's national standards: they had long wanted more autonomy in social
programming, and the conditional nature of CAP was contrary to their consti-
tutional right to deliver those programs.
Some social analysts saw the loss of CAP as a sign that Canada had given
up on the notion of the federal government providing leadership and cohesion
to the social welfare system. The new trend was toward provincialized social
policy and the creation of thirteen independent social welfare systems. In the
absence of CAP's standards, there was no longer any pan-Canadian protection
against poverty; for instance, the varying provincial and territorial eligibility
criteria for social assistance meant that a person could be eligible for welfare in
1In 2003-2004, the federal government split the CHST into two separate funding streams: the Canada
Health Transfer (CHT) to support healthcare and the Canada Social Transfer (CST) to finance postsec-
ondary education and social welfare programs. As with the CHST, the CST left it up to the regional
governments to decide how to divide the funds between postsecondary education and social welfare
programs.
2The one national standard that remained under the CHST was the residency requirement, which forbids
welfare authorities to deny social assistance to anyone on the basis of how long the person has lived in a
province or territory.

NEL
1 00 • CHAPTER 4

EXHIBIT 4.4
CHANGES IN FEDERAL TRANSFERS, 1993 TO 2001

Canada Assistance Plan and

Established Programs Financing Canada Health and Social Transfer
20

18

16

14

12

.g 10
-
0
U)
c::
DCash
0 8 121 Tax transfers
co

0 I I I I I I I

"<::t L() (0 I'- ex:> 0'> 0 ,.......

0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0 0
0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0 0
,....... ,....... ,....... ,....... ,....... ,.......
........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ~ ~
(V) "<::t L() (0 I'- ex:> 0'> 0
0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0
0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0'> 0
,....... ,....... ,....... ,....... ,....... ,....... ,....... N

Source: Adapted from Department of Finance Canada, Budget 2000: Budget Plan, February 28, 2000, Table 6.2.
Retrieved from http://www.fin.gc.ca/budget00/bp/bpch6_ l-eng.asp. Reproduced with the permission of the
Minister of Public Works and Government Services, 2013.

one province but not in another. Moreover, without CAP's requirements, the
federal government could no longer withhold transfer payments to govern-
ments that adopted inferior standards (Ross, 1995).
The shift from CAP to the CHST meant a significant loss of support for
disadvantaged Canadians. Exhibit 4.5 details the impact on women of the
shift to the CHST.

REFORMS AT THE REGIONAL LEVEL

Although social welfare reform had been an ongoing process at the regional
level, the dramatic changes of the mid-l990s presented an entirely new set

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 101

FROM CAP TO THE CHST: WHAT IT MEANS

FOR WOMEN

In 19961 the Government of Canada eliminated the Canada Assistance Plan and
replaced it with the Canada Health and Social Transfer. This shift resulted in

• severe funding cuts to social welfare programs and services

• the elimination of most national service standards

which led to

• lower benefit rates for social assistance

• the cancellation of or a reduction in homecarel eldercarel and childcare services
• diminished health and disability supports
• fewer services and supports related to family violence and mental health
• reduced access to employment and other opportunities that foster self-sufficiency
• less accessibility to affordable housing! nutritious food! transportation! and other
necessities
• fragmented! inferior! and more poorly coordinated social programs and services

What do these program changes mean for

women who are already struggling to women with disabilities?
make ends meet?
• having little choice but to continue living • being left with their basic daily needs unmet
with an abusive partner! risking further (because of cuts in homecare and
physical and sexual abuse homemaking services)
• going hungry and having their children go • being left alone for long periods of time! a
hungry particular concern for those on life support
• experiencing mental and physical health systems
problems • waiting a long time for help in the case of a
• feeling forced to liel cheat! commit crime! fall or other incident
or prostitute themselves to support • caring for their children on their own
themselves and their families • relying on their children for help
• becoming homeless • raising money for assistive aids and their
repair (such as wheelchairs)

Sources: M. Morris et al. (2007, August). Integrating the voices of low-income women into policy dis-
cussions on the Canada Social Transfer. Retrieved November 22, 2008, from Canadian Research Institute
for the Advancement of Women, www.criaw-icref.ca; and S. Masuda. (1998, March). The impact of block
funding on women with disabilities. Retrieved from http://publications.gc.ca.

of challenges. Many provinces and territories found themselves struggling to

deal with
• their own deficits and rising debt
• the impact of the federal government's cap on CAP in 1991

NEL
1 02 • CHAPTER 4

• the dramatic reductions in transfer payments under the new CHST

• the federal government's decision to offload the responsibility for, and
costs related to, many social welfare programs
These issues forced the regional governments to take a hard look at
their programs and budgets, and to determine how they could manage to
meet a growing need for social programs with significantly fewer resources.
Like the federal government, the provinces and territories decided to devolve
many of their program responsibilities and costs to the private sector or to
lower (in this case, municipal) governments, albeit with reduced funding.
Certain mandated programs, such as social assistance, became prime targets
for extensive reform.

Social Assistance under Attack

Although social assistance programs were singled out for many reasons, the
attack was fuelled by neoliberal beliefs that welfare trapped people in long-
term dependence on government; welfare was therefore seen as a problem, not
a solution, for needy Canadians (Greenwood, 2005). Since the CHST allowed
the provinces and territories to develop most of their own standards for social
assistance, the regions could take whatever steps they deemed necessary to
control their social spending. The phrase "race to the bottom" refers to the
successive cuts most jurisdictions made to their social assistance programs:
one province slashed its welfare benefits to motivate welfare recipients to seek
more generous benefits elsewhere; this put pressure on other provinces to
cut their own welfare benefit rates to discourage an influx of welfare seekers
(LeRoy & Clemens, 2003). Reductions to welfare benefits continued through
the 1990s; by 2002, rates were so low that anyone relying solely on social
assistance could expect to live in poverty
Fiscal pressures prompted some provinces to restrict welfare eligibility
in an attempt to contain the costs of social assistance. For instance, in 1996,
British Columbia started refusing welfare to anyone under the age of 25,
preferring instead to offer a means-tested living allowance to young adults
who participated in employment programs. Later, in 2002, BC became the
first province in Canada to announce its plan to put a time limit on welfare
eligibility, a move that would prevent employable recipients from collecting
welfare for more than 24 out of every 60 months. Because of a public outcry,
the BC government cancelled its plan to impose welfare time limits, but it
did manage to implement other rules to restrict welfare eligibility, including
the requirement that welfare applicants had to have two years of financial
independence before they could collect welfare (Wallace & Richards, 2008).

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 103

EXHIBIT 4.6
FALLING NUMBERS OF PEOPLE ON WELFARE:
1995 TO 2000

ALBERTA 113200 64800 -43

ONTARIO 1344600 802000 -40

YUKON 2100 1400 -33

PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND 12400 8400 -32

BRITISH COLUMBIA 374300 262400 -30

NOVA SCOTIA 104000 73700 -29

MANITOBA 85200 63300 -26

0UEBEC 802200 618900 -23

SASKATCHEWAN 82200 63800 -22

NEWFOUNDLAND AND lABRADOR 71300 59400 -17

NEW BRUNSWICK 67400 56300 -16

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES AND NUNAVUT 12000 10700 -11

-
Source: National Council of Welfare Reports: Welfare Incomes 2005, http://publications.gc.ca/collections/
Collection/SD25-2-2005E.pdf, National Council of Welfare 2006. Reproduced with the permission of the Minister
of Public Works and Government Services Canada, 2013.

The various strategies used by the provinces proved to be successful in

reducing the number of people on welfare. However, not all provinces tracked
the p eople who left welfare to know what happened to them. Moreover,
studies have indicated that, while many people who left welfare eventually
found work, they did not find work that paid well enough to lift them or their
families out of poverty (Canadian CED Network, 2003). See Exhibit 4.6 for an
illustration of the falling numbers of welfare recipients between 1995 and 2000.

FROM PASSIVE TO ACTIVE PROGRAMS

By the mid-l990s, governments had decided that social assistance (SA) and
Employment Insurance (EI) not only fostered dependency on the state but
also were ineffective in terms of moving people off public assistance into the
workforce. The ineffectiveness of SA and EI was largely attributed to their
passive labour market policies, which supported giving unconditional benefits

NEL
1 04 • CHAPTER 4

to jobless Canadians and generally leaving it up to employable recipients to

find their way into or back into the workforce. Beginning in the mid-1990s,
Canadian governments introduced active labour market policies to SA and
EI by requiring beneficiaries of those programs to work, volunteer, retrain,
or otherwise engage in work-related activity in exchange for benefits. The
underlying assumption of active policies is that if workers had more training
or work experience, they would be able to find good jobs.

Welfare-to-Work Programs
Canada's adoption of active policies allowed the provinces and territories
to require welfare recipients to work or train in exchange for benefits.
Governments touted these work programs as a way to foster self-sufficiency;
reinforce the intrinsic values of work, discipline, and productivity; and help
people gain the confidence and skills they needed to compete and succeed in
the workforce. According to this school of thought, any job regardless of pay
or conditions was better than government assistance and had the potential
to lift people out of poverty (Social Research and Demonstration Corporation,
2005). Beginning in 1996 with Ontario, government-sponsored welfare-to-
work programs (or "workfare") sprang up across Canada, all aimed at getting
employable welfare recipients off SA and into jobs.

Activating the Unemployed

The federal Liberal government began to invest in active employment programs
to not only get unemployed Canadians quickly back to work but also to
ensure they had the skills they needed to work in a rapidly changing labour
market. Those investments included
• job creation programs, targeted wage subsidies, skills development,
and self-employment opportunities
• employment assistance programs, which offer job search workshops,
employment counselling, or work experience opportunities
• various federal initiatives such as the Opportunities Fund for
Persons with Disabilities, and the Youth Employment Strategy to
help groups facing specific barriers in the labour market
Beginning in 1996, the federal government entered into a variety of
labour market agreements with the provinces and territories to give the regional
governments more control over their employment development programs.
Those agreements enabled each province and territory to develop its own local

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 105

and regional labour markets, remove barriers to employment, make training

more accessible, and create job opportunities for unemployed workers.

BALANCED BUDGETS

By 2000, Canada had reached many of its economic goals: not only had the
federal Liberal government delivered its third consecutive balanced budget,
but strong economic growth had also created 1.5 million (mostly full time)
jobs over four years. The national unemployment rate had fallen below
7 percent (its lowest level in 24 years), and, for the third straight year, Canada
was leading the Group of Seven (G7) countries in job creation (Canada,
Department of Finance, 2000). There was every indication that Canada's fiscal
prudence in the 1990s had paid off.
The regional governments also had good news. The combined provincial
and territorial deficit in 2001-2002 was a more "manageable" $22 billion,
down from almost $59 billion in 1993-1994. Some provinces, including
Saskatchewan and Alberta, had been operating on balanced budgets since
1994-1995 (Canada, Department of Finance, 2003).

THE SOCIAL DEFICIT

By 2003, the restructuring of the social welfare system had undermined

Canada's ability to ensure the well-being of vulnerable citizens. In their zeal
to eradicate deficits, not only had Canadian governments slashed funding to
programs for low-income groups, but most national standards for social assis-
tance had vanished, enabling the provinces and territories to refuse welfare to
people in need. Cuts to social welfare programs had marginalized large segments
of the population, and denied the already poor and disadvantaged any chance
of participating in society.
Although the fiscal crisis appeared to be over, many Canadians were
asking whether the economic victory was worth the social cost. According to
the National Anti-Poverty Organization (2003), the country's economic and
fiscal success had failed to provide a reasonable standard of living, let alone
prosperity, for almost five million Canadians. Statistics reflect the hardship
and unmet human potential otherwise known as a social deficit experienced
by Canadians during the 1990s:
• From 1990 to 2000, the number of Canadians living in poverty rose
from 4.39 million to 4.72 million (or 16.2 percent of Canadians).

NEL
1 06 • CHAPTER 4

• In 1999, 18. 7 percent of children ( 1.1 million) lived in poverty,

compared with 15.2 percent in 1989.
• Between 1989 and 2000, the number of food bank visits doubled
(NCW, 2003; National Anti-Poverty Organization, 2003).
Canada's drastic social spending cuts were noticed by the international
community. In 1998, a submission to the United Nations (UN) by the Charter
Committee on Poverty Issues reprimanded Canada for its rising poverty rates,
especially among children, lone-parent families, and Aboriginal peoples, and
for the growing number of food banks and homeless people. Between 1993
and 2003, Canada fell from first to eighth place on the UN's list of the most
desirable places to live in the world.

BUDGET SURPLUSES

In the mid -1990s, the federal government promised that, once it restored
fiscal balance, it would eventually reinvest in high-priority programs. That
day came in 1998, when the federal government began directing money into
programs that had been neglected during the deficit-fighting years. Between
1999 and 2005, federal program expenditures grew steadily from $162 billion
to $210 billion (Office of the Auditor General of Canada, 2006).
The Liberal government's 2005 budget committed more than $75 billion
over ten years to "strengthen and secure Canada's social foundations." The
government earmarked significant investments for early learning and child
care, seniors' programs, Aboriginal communities, and tax relief for people with
disabilities. The promise of increased funding met favour with the regional
governments, especially since some of them were still struggling with deficits.
Before it could implement many of these plans, the Liberal government lost
the 2006 federal election to the Conservative Party of Canada.

I I <1 N S
From Retrenchment to Reinvestment

1. Why might the provinces and territories positively view the elimination of
national standards for social assistance?
2. In the 1990s, politicians regularly lowered social assistance benefit rates to
discourage people from choosing welfare over work. Do you believe that was
the right thing to do? Give reasons for your answer.
3. Did the social welfare reforms from 1995 to 2006 reflect a residual, institu-
tional, or social investment approach to social welfare? Give evidence to sup-
port your answer.

NEL
 SOCIAL WEL FARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 107

3 A CONSERVATIVE APPROACH TO
SOCIAL WELFARE
The Conservative government under Prime Minister Stephen Harper encour-
ages self-reliance and frequently reminds Canadians that government is not the
solver of social problems. In 2012, Human Resources and Skills Development
Canada announced, "Social and economic challenges, such as homelessness,
youth crime, chronic poverty, skills shortages, and persistent unemployment,
continue to exist in Canada despite the various initiatives all levels of govern-
ment, community organizations and foundations have taken to address
them. New thinking, new methods, new partnerships and new approaches are
needed if we are to continue to make progress" (Human Resources and Skills
Development Canada, 2013a, italics added). Although many of those "new"
ways have yet to be fully explored, developments in recent years suggest a
unique approach to social welfare. This section takes a critical look at some
of those developments.

LOWER TAXES

Conservative governments generally hold a negative view of heavy taxation

and blame high taxes for discouraging foreign investment and reducing the
country's ability to compete for business in the global market. According to
conservative thought, high taxes also represent a "burden," or a form of "punish-
ment" against hard-working Canadians. Soon after taking office in 2006, the
Conservative government declared that taxes in Canada were too high. To
lighten the tax burden on Canadians, the Conservatives set out to reduce all
taxes (including personal taxes, consumption taxes, and corporate taxes) by
$220 billion between 2006 and 2014. 3 This plan would bring federal tax
revenue to its lowest level in fifty years and give corporations some of the
biggest tax breaks anywhere in the Western world (Canada, Department of
Finance, 2009; Conservative Party of Canada, 2012).
Many social and economic analysts argue that taxes in Canada are not too
high and are in fact relatively low when compared with those of the Nordic
countries. Studies suggest that, contrary to popular belief, high taxation does
not automatically inhibit economic progress, nor do low taxes naturally attract
foreign investment. Lower taxes nevertheless reduce government revenues and
the capacity of governments to fund health, social welfare, and educational

3These tax cuts followed on the heels of the former Liberal governments regime, which reduced taxes by
$152 billion between 1997 and 2004.

NEL
1 08 • CHAPTER 4

programs. Having less money to work with can be an advantage for govern-
ments focused on reducing public spending. The term "starving the beast" refers
to a strategy used by neoliberal governments to cut off the source of funding (in
this case, tax revenue) for "undesirable" (usually social) programs. With less
funding, programs will likely struggle to meet their objectives. Government
can then declare those programs as ineffective and justifiably cancel them.
Many people who value social progress take exception to the Conservatives'
penchant for tax reduction. According to social policy expert Marvyn Novick
(2007, p. 7), "If communities of inclusion and opportunity are what Canadians
want, then we have to be willing to create a better balance between money
in our pockets and money we pool together for what we value in common."
Brooks and Hwang (2006, p. 7) caution against Canada's falling taxation rates
by noting, "Tax cuts are disastrous for the well-being of a nation's citizens."

FISCALIZATION

In general, conservative governments do not support the practice of taking tax

money from working Canadians and then using those public funds to create
programs and services. Rather, conservatives prefer to achieve social goals
through fiscalization, which lowers the amount of tax owed by low-income
Canadians. While the social welfare system has traditionally based eligibility
for benefits on need or disadvantage, fiscalization uses a person's tax return to
assess whether he or she is deserving of benefits. By 2013, an average family
of four received more than $3 100 in tax savings as a direct result of the federal
government's tax cuts and tax benefits (Canada, 2013).
Fiscalization has its advantages and disadvantages. Proponents of fiscaliza-
tion maintain that the use of the tax system is an effective and efficient way to
identify and aid low-income earners. Fiscalization also rewards labour market
participation since tax benefits are only possible if taxable income is earned.
The practice also avoids stigmatizing the poor, since recipients receive benefits
privately through the tax system (Brodie&: Bakker, 2007).
One potential problem with fiscalization is that tax benefit recipients might
not always use the benefit in the way that government intended; for example,
the Canada Child Tax Benefit aims to improve conditions for Canada's poorest
children, but there is no way of knowing whether parents use the benefit to
help their children. Moreover, on the surface, tax relief schemes may sound
generous when they really offer little help to the poorest of Canadians. About
one-third of Canadians who file tax forms earn so little they do not pay taxes
and therefore do not benefit from tax relief schemes (see Exhibit 4. 7).

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE I N THE GL OBA LIZA T IO N ERA • 109

EXHIBIT 4.7
•
•• 0
•
••
• •
•• ••
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Many Canadians who visit homeless shelters pay little or no tax and therefore do not
benefit from tax credits or deductions.

Some so-called social benefits may actually penalize low-income families.

The Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB), for example, pays $100 per month
for each child under the age of six. Not only are those payments taxable, but
they can also push a family into a higher tax bracket. For many low-income
families, being in a higher tax bracket means losing their eligibility for other
tax breaks. Social policy analysts Battle, Torjman, and Mendelson (2006, p. l)
found that the UCCB's tax structure allows many middle-income families
to keep a greater proportion of the benefit than lower-income families do,
making the UCCB "deeply flawed . . . , paying net payments that are unfair
and irrational."

PROVINCIALIZATION

Throughout Canada's history, the federal government has used its spending
power to intervene in social welfare matters such as unemployment and
poverty-related issues that are constitutionally the responsibility of the

NEL
11 0 • CHAPTER 4

provinces. Some social analysts have a positive view of federal intervention,

suggesting that such involvement has contributed to nation building, a sense
of national unity, and a general feeling of citizenship. Others have criticized
the increasingly blurry lines separating federal and regional powers for creating
a highly confusing, uncoordinated, and fragmented social welfare system.
Shortly after winning the 2006 election, Prime Minister Harper
declared a "renewed respect" for the constitutional division of powers
between federal and regional levels of government. In practice, that
"respect" means putting an end to the federal government's involvement
in matters such as social welfare that are constitutionally the responsi-
bility of the provinces and territories. The federal government's decision to
pull out of regional affairs put an end to the long-running conflict between
the two levels of government over social welfare issues; it also quashed any
hope of the federal government taking a leadership role in national initia-
tives related to child care, homelessness, or poverty.
It is unclear how the provinces and territories will fund social welfare
programs in the future, now that the federal government has relinquished
its political grip on the regional governments. The legislation governing the
funding of social welfare programs expires in 2014. Although the provinces
and territories seek a renewal of federal financial support under the CST, the
extent of that support is yet to be determined; however, the Conservatives will
likely limit federal spending in social welfare and other matters that fall within
provincial jurisdiction.

PRIVATIZATION

In recent decades, Canadians have witnessed a dramatic reduction in govern-

ment's role as the provider or funder of social welfare programs. At the same
time, governments have found innovative ways to engage the private sector
in meeting social welfare needs. For example, various levels of government in
Canada
• have devolved service delivery responsibilities to charities and nonprofit
organizations, and now require those agencies to seek part of their
revenue from non-government sources
• have contracted with profit-making organizations to deliver employment
support services
• offer tax incentives to private-sector housing developers to build or
modify affordable rental units for low-income earners

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 111

• give tax credits to employers to create child-care spaces in the workplace

• have introduced more generous tax breaks to encourage individuals
and corporations to donate to charitable causes
Canadian governments continue to seek innovative ways to offload
social welfare matters to the private sector. In 2 0 ll, Diane Finley, the
federal minister for Human Resources and Skills Development travelled
to England to learn about that country's "Big Society" experiment. Under the
Big Society, governments are shifting social welfare responsibilities to local
authorities and citizens and calling on volunteers and the private sector to
provide the human and financial resources needed for programs and services.
According to Finley, Canada is ready to test some of the Big Society's ideas:
"It's time for us to unleash individual initiative so that those who are motivated
can help others, and those who need help are given the opportunity to take
more responsibility for themselves" (Canada, 2012a). As a first step, Finley
launched a "Call for Concepts for Social Finance" in late 2012 and invited
individuals and organizations from across Canada to submit their ideas on
how communities might use private funds to achieve social welfare goals.
The federal government plans to use those ideas to reshape social policy
in Canada.

THE 2008-2009 ECONOMIC RECESSION

In 2008, Canada along with other advanced nations slid into the worst
global economic recession since the Great Depression. Contrary to neoliberal
values, the Harper government bowed to public and international pressure and
applied Keynesian principles to kick-start a rapidly deteriorating economy. In
january 2009, the federal government introduced its Economic Action Plan,
a multibillion dollar economic stimulus package consisting of tax cuts and a
wide range of publically funded "make work" projects. The plan targeted most
of the available benefits to middle-class Canadians, which the federal govern-
ment heavily relied on to continue working and paying income tax. Although
the action plan focused largely on job-creating infrastructure projects, it also
directed modest provisions to unemployed and low-income Canadians. In
creating jobs and putting cash in the pockets of Canadians, the government
hoped that people would spend, rather than save, their money, and subsequently
stimulate the sluggish economy.
The recession took a financial toll on governments at all levels. At the
federal level, the combination of high unemployment and falling government

NEL
112 • CHAPTER 4

revenues (largely due to shrinking tax revenues) prompted the government to cut
low-priority programs and return to deficit spending. At the regional level, all
provinces and territories experienced some degree of economic slowdown.
The number of unemployed workers on EI rose sharply in late 2008 and
continued to climb well into 2009, especially in Ontario, British Columbia,
Alberta, Saskatchewan, Nunavut, and Yukon. (The chart in Exhibit 4.8 illus-
trates the upward trend in unemployment during this period.) Municipal
governments struggled with a fiscal squeeze related to higher unemployment,
lower government revenues, and an increasing demand for social welfare
programs; that demand nevertheless outpaced the capacity of municipalities
to respond effectively (Federation of Canadian Municipalities, 2010).
Canada's economic recession raised concerns for the many nonprofit
organizations that provided social services, such as emergency shelters,
food banks, and outreach for low-income seniors. These organizations
experienced an economic squeeze of their own because of cutbacks in govern-
ment funding and declines in charitable donations ("Financial Crisis
Creating," 2008).

EXHIBIT 4.8
CANADA'S UNEMPLOYMENT RATE, 2007 TO 2012

9.0
/1
/
8.5
v'\
8.0 '" \A
v

7.5
\/ ~ A

~
\..........

Cl)
V' /\
~ 7.0
c:
Cl)
~
8: 6.5

I 'V
6.0 " I

5.5

5.0

0.0 I I I II I I I II I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1111 111 1111 I I I I I I I I I I I I I

Dec-Jan Jan Jan Jan Jan Dec

2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Source: Statistics Canada. (2013). Labour Force Survey, December 2012. The Daily, Friday, January 4,
2013, Chart 2: Unemployment rate. Retrieved from http://www.statcan.gc.ca/daily-quotidien/130104/
dq 1301 04a-eng. pdf.

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 113

I I <1 N,___,S~-----
A Conservative Approach to Social Welfare
1. The Conservatives planned to reduce federal taxes by $220 billion between
2006 and 2014. What are the pros and cons of lower taxes?
2. There is much debate on the merits of using the tax system to meet people's
social welfare needs. Identify the potential advantages and disadvantages of
such an approach.
3. The Conservatives under Prime Minister Stephen Harper believe that the
provinces and territories should manage most social welfare matters. Explain
why the Conservatives might take this position.

4 TAKING STOCK
Studies show that while some Canadians are benefiting from neoliberal
policies, many others are falling behind socially and economically. Two trends
in Canada are particularly disturbing: (1) a declining quality of life and
(2) increasing income inequality.

DECLINING QUALITY OF LIFE

The term "quality of life" relates to how satisfied (or dissatisfied) a person is
with his or her living conditions. A number of reports suggest that the quality
of life for Canadians is generally on the decline. For example, the Canadian
Index of Wellbeing (CIW) shows that over the seventeen years from 1994 to
2010, Canada's gross domestic product (GDP) grew by almost 29 percent,
while living standards improved by less than 6 percent. (Exhibit 4.9 illustrates
the divergent paths of GDP and living standards.) The CIW also finds that
although poverty and unemployment rates have decreased since 1994, the
quality of the jobs has also deteriorated; for example, many full-time jobs
have disappeared and been replaced by unstable, low-paying, temporary or
part-time positions with few benefits. Another finding of the CIW was that
housing affordability in Canada has significantly declined (Canadian Index of
Wellbeing, 2011).
In its Report Card on Canada, the Conference Board of Canada (20 13a,
2013b) compares the quality of life in Canada with that of other advanced
countries. Overall, Canada ranks seventh out of seventeen countries in terms
of its social performance. However, Canada gets low marks for its relatively
high levels of child poverty and gender inequity. In terms of its poverty rate

NEL
114 • CHAPTER 4

FALLING LIVING STANDARDS

140.0 - - . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
GOP
---- Living standards

II
- -""
' ' '\
I \
~ 120.0 ~------------:;:::::::::::;~------,-y-----~,1
1

c ,.., / \
I ' --
-~ I ------ \
m I '
co I
-5 110.0 +---------~/L---------------------1
Q) /
0 /
.s
c /
/
~ /
......
~ 100.0 -+---9~-..:::_----------------------1

90.0 + - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1

80.0
l.{) c.o 1'- co 0) 0 T""" N (V) l.{) c.o 1'- co c:::n 0
c:::n"
"""' 0) c:::n 0) c:::n 0) 0 0 0 0 """'
0 " 0 0 0 0 0 T"""
c:::n 0) c:::n 0) c:::n 0) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
T""" T""" T""" T""" T""" T""" N N N N N N N N N N N

Year

Source: Author-generated graph; data from Canadian Index of Wellbeing. (2012). Standardised data
tables from the Canadian Index of Wellbeing: Composite index: National report 2012, CIW and GDP
1994 to 2010 Standardised Data tables. Retrieved from https://uwaterloo.ca.

among working-age adults, Canada ranks as the third-worst country. Not

only is this form of poverty a waste of opportunity and human resources, but
it is also likely to inhibit Canada's ability to sustain economic growth in the
coming years (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
[OECD], 2005).

INCOME INEQUALITY

Although Canada has become a wealthier country in the last two decades, it has
also seen a steady rise in income inequality that is, an increasingly uneven
distribution of income across the population. In 2012, the richest l percent of

NEL
 SOCIAL WEL FARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 115

Canadians received 14 percent of all available income, while 99 percent of the

population had to share the remaining 86 percent of total wealth (Broadbent
Institute, 2012a). The Occupy Movement has popularized the slogan "We are
the 99 percent," to draw the world's attention to the fact that the very rich
have a much greater share of the worlds wealth (see Exhibit 4.10).
Rising income inequality is a problem in most advanced countries;
however, in its Report Card on Canada, the Conference Board of Canada
(20 13c) ranks Canada's level of income inequality the twelve worst out of
seventeen countries. The main drivers of income inequality in this country
include an increased number of low-paying, part-time and temporary jobs;
changes in policies and tax breaks that favour the rich; and a reduced level
of income redistribution through tax and benefit systems to low-income
Canadians (OECD, 2011)
Income inequality has serious implications for the economic and social
well-being of a nation. When a large segment of the population has relatively

EXHIBIT 4.10

..
•
•

•
•I
•
• ,
.. .. THE
•
i • ..
..
,
I '
• •
• •

Occupy Movement protesters use the slogan "We are the 99 percent" to refer to
the income inequality between the wealthiest 1 percent of the population and
everyone else.

NEL
116 • CHAPTER 4

little disposable income, they stop buying goods and services, which can
lead to business closures, job layoffs, unemployment, and underemployment.
When people are not working or paying taxes, the country's economic growth
slows, and governments have less money to fund important social programs.
Erosion in social pro grams can lead to social instability and higher inci-
dences of mental illness, violence, and other social problems (Wilkinson &
Pickett, 2010). Research suggests that income inequality can also transfer from
generation to generation: children from poor families grow up to be poor
adults, and children from rich families grow up to be rich (Corak, 2013).
Some regions in Canada are more unequal than others are. A report by the
Ontario Common Front found that Ontarians are currently experiencing the
greatest income inequality in Canada; in that province, the gap between the
rich and poor has reached a proportion not seen since the Great Depression
(Mehra, 2012).
To date, Canadian governments have been generally indifferent to the
rise in income inequality. A number of social advocates, academics, and others
are nevertheless taking steps to raise the profile of income inequality issues.
For instance, the left-leaning Broadbent Institute has released a report on
the growing income gap, with the intent to stimulate debate among political
leaders on this important topic (Broadbent Institute, 2012b).

Taking Stock

1. According to various reports, economic progress has not improved the quality
of life for many Canadians. Why do you think this is so?
2. Canada has become a more unequal society in recent decades. What should
governments or the private sector do (if anything) to equalize income and
opportunities for all Canadians?

SUMMARY

Introduction

As the economy slowed during the early 1970s, the federal and regional
governments began to borrow money rather than cut programs or raise
taxes. As a result, governments incurred annual budget deficits and ran

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE IN THE GLOBALIZATION ERA • 117

up huge public debts. Realizing that deficit spending was unsustainable,

governments drastically cut public spending in an attempt to balance their
budgets.

1 A Neoliberal Approach to Social Welfare

The Progressive Conservatives overhauled Old Age Security,

Unemployment Insurance, CAP, and Family Allowances; many other
funding cuts were gradual and subtle. A new Liberal government in 1993
recommended strategies to confront the challenges of a new global
economy. In 1995, the Liberals announced major spending cuts, rational-
izing that if Canadians cut back then, they could make social programs
sustainable in the future.

2 From Retrenchment to Reinvestment

To reduce expenses, the federal government replaced Ul with a new El

Act and replaced CAP with the CHST. The CHST was less generous than
CAP but gave the provinces and territories more discretion in how they
designed and delivered social welfare programs. To deal with fewer funds,
the regional governments slashed SA benefit rates and devolved many
programs to municipalities and the private sector. Governments shifted SA
and El programming from a passive to an active model, requiring recipients
to work or train in exchange for benefits. Although balanced budgets and
economic growth in the 2000s led to an economic boom, Canada had to
deal with a serious social deficit.

3 A Conservative Approach to Social Welfare

Since 2006, the Conservatives have reduced tax revenues and cut social
programs. Fiscalization is a preferred method of distributing social wel-
fare benefits, but this system does little to help Canadians who pay little
or no tax. Social welfare responsibilities are increasingly provincialized,
and the Conservative government continues to seek new ways to privatize
social welfare programs and services. The 2008-2009 recession forced the
federal government to return to deficit budgets and adopt Keynesian
principles to stimulate the economy.

4 Taking Stock

Although the incomes of some disadvantaged groups have improved over

the last few decades, many Canadians continue to struggle to meet basic
needs. Studies show that Canada's quality of life is on the decline, despite
economic growth. Income inequality is a particularly worrisome problem
in Canada; however, political leaders have been slow to address inequality
•
1ssues.

NEL
118 • CHAPTER 4

KEY
For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
progressive tax system, welfare state passive labour market
p.92 retrenchment, p. 92 policies, p. 103
Keynesian economics, clawbacks, p. 94 active labour market
p.92 decentralization, p. 95 policies, p. 104
budget deficits, p. 92 austerity measures, welfare-to-work
public debt, p. 92 p.96 programs, p. 104
globalization, p. 92 block fund, p. 99 social deficit, p. 1OS
neoliberalism, p. 92 provincialized social fiscalization, p. 108
monetarism, p. 92 policy, p. 99 income inequality, p. 114

NEL
 I-

<(
a..

Service Sectors

Social Agencies

Service Providers

Planned Change in Micro, Mezzo, and Macro

Systems
 •
erv1ce ectors

OBJECTIVES
Three service sectors are responsible for delivering social welfare programs
to Canadians. This chapter will

• introduce the notion of a mixed economy of welfare

• review the main characteristics of the public, commercial, and voluntary

sectors in a social welfare context

• examine the alternative service delivery model and its implications

• describe the expanded service delivery role of the voluntary sector

• consider the social economy as an emerging fourth service sector

INTRODUCTION
• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••

There is now an increasingly common awareness

that a healthy Canada depends on the best possible
collaboration between all three sectors of society.
We need all sectors to be vibrant, strong and effective:
[t] o share their views; [t]o be more and more involved
in contributing to the decision-making processes; [t]o
address the major challenges facing all Canadians
and that can help to ensure that Canada's values are
reflected in world affairs. (Mel Cappe, Former Clerk of
the Privy Council, February 6, 2002)
• •• • •• • •• •• • • • •• •••• •• • ••• •• •• • •• • •• •• •• •• • • • •• • •• • •• • •• • ••• • •• •• •• ••• • •• •••• • •• •

NEL 121
122 • CHAPTER 5

From the Second World War to the mid-1970s, Canadians generally supported
liberal governments that provided a balance between the interests of indi-
viduals and the interests of society Qenson, 2004). To strike that balance,
these governments assumed a certain level of responsibility for the delivery
of social welfare programs. Canadian governments have nevertheless been
reluctant to monopolize the delivery of those programs, preferring instead
that businesses and nonprofit organizations play a primary role in that
respect. What has evolved in Canada, then, is a variety of service delivery
systems or what Rice and Prince (2000) refer to as a mixed economy
of welfare. The mixed economy reflects a loosely defined division of labour
between the public and private sectors. The private sector can be further
broken down into the commercial and voluntary sectors. Thus, the mixed
economy really has three broad service sectors: the public sector, the
commercial sector, and the voluntary sector. All three systems focus on
the enhancement of well-being but are organized, funded, and managed
in their own distinct ways.
The Liberal Party of Canada (1997) dubbed the public, commercial, and
voluntary sectors the "three pillars" of Canadian society and economy because of
their many valuable contributions to Canada's development. However, a fourth
sector called the social economy is emerging as a legitimate service provider
in Canada's social welfare system. The Government of Canada defines the social
economy as a community-based (or grassroots) sector that is entrepreneurial
and yet nonprofit in nature. With strong ties to the voluntary sector, the social
economy aims to strengthen communities through entrepreneurial activities
and, at the same time, improve conditions for disadvantaged groups (Human
Resources and Social Development Canada [HRSDC], 2005). See Exhibit 5.1 for
a graphic illustration of the four service sectors and their distinguishing features.
Although many people might view the service sectors as discrete entities,
considerable overlap exists between them. Katherine Scott (2003a, p. 8)
describes the boundaries of the sectors as '"fuzzy' if not downright porous."
These boundaries lack clear definition for the following main reasons:
• Government and private sector agencies often work together on, or
share the costs of, joint projects.
• The activities, functions, and roles of private and public organizations
are often similar, making it difficult to discern which sector does what.
• While governments tend to participate at some level in the provi-
sion of social welfare whether through regulation, planning, or
funding they are constantly adjusting their degree of involvement
in service delivery, which affects the scope of programs delivered by
the private sector.

NEL
 SERVICE SECTORS • 123

EXHIBIT 5.1
CANADA'S SERVICE SECTORS, AGENCIES, AND PROGRAMS

"R\VATE SECTOR
COMMERCIAL
businesses,
companies, corporations,
private enterprises

private counselling,
private childcare,
private addiction treatment
0.....,
ca
PJ
::::J
-n N
PJ PJ
-· ..-+
..-+ -·
::::TO::::J
I ::::J 0
cren::::J
PJ - I
en::::Jca
co 0 0
Cl...::::J<
0 "'0
....., co
....., .....,
cao::::J
PJ ~ 3
::::J ..-+
~
N. o....., ..-+
service recipients PJ
..-+ ca m
-· Q,) -
0 ::::J
::::J - ·
en N
e0- ·
::::J
-en
social assistance,
Old Age Security pensions,
child protection services

federal, provincial, territorial, and

municipal/local governments
and local authorities

GOVERNMEttt
PUBLIC SEClOR

Source: Rosalie Chappell

Since the mid-l990s, the boundaries of the service sectors have been
undergoing significant realignment, creating what Hrab (2004, p. 3) refers
to as "a new era with respect to the delivery of public services." This chapter
explores the impact of that realignment on social welfare organizations in
Canada and on their capacity to serve. First, however, is a brief introduction to
the public, commercial, and voluntary sectors within a social welfare context.
(The social economy is discussed later in the chapter.)

NEL
124 • CHAPTER 5

1 SERVICE SECTORS: PUBLIC, COMMERCIAL,

AND VOLUNTARY DOMAINS
Although each service sector has its own goals and functions, they all play an
important role in social provision. The public sector includes the federal, provin-
cial and territorial, and municipal governments, which use tax or other public
revenues to develop, monitor, administer, and deliver programs and services.
Companies in the commercial sector are profit motivated and sell services to
consumers for full market price. Also called the charitable, independent, or
third sector, the voluntary sector includes non-governmental agencies and orga-
nizations that fulfill a social purpose and deliver programs on a nonprofit basis.

THE PUBLIC SECTOR

Over the decades, Canadians have come to expect governments to protect

them from poverty, unemployment, disability, illness, and other risks inherent
in modem society. Indeed, in Canada's postwar era, many Canadians came
to view government as having the resources and knowledge to cure society's
ills. Today's broad range of social welfare programs is government's attempt
to meet the public's social security needs.
Constitutionally, the responsibility for social welfare lies with the pro-
vincial and territorial governments. However, over time, social welfare has
become a shared responsibility among the federal, provincial and territorial,
and municipal levels of government. Income security programs and social
services are referred to as public programs because they "belong" to the
public: that is, the public pays for these programs mainly through taxes,
and the public expects elected government officials to be accountable for
how those programs are developed, managed, and delivered. Government
controls most aspects of income security programs, from policy develop-
ment to implementation. Although many social services today are delivered
by organizations in the private sector, certain social services are fully controlled
by government and delivered directly by government workers (or civil servants).
The following section provides examples of social welfare services delivered
at each level of government.

Federal Government
Among the few social services that the federal level of government directly
delivers are mental health services for identified "client groups," including

NEL
 SERVICE SECTORS • 125

First Nations and Inuit peoples, federal offenders, the Canadian forces, veterans,
members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, recent immigrants and
refugees, and federal public service employees. In addition, the federal govern-
ment directly delivers several national income security programs, including
Old Age Security, the Canada Pension Plan, and the Canada Child Tax Benefit.
Although many departments at the federal level deliver programs related to
social welfare, Human Resources and Skills Development Canada is consid-
ered the main social welfare department.

Provincial and Territorial Governments

Regional governments directly deliver mandated (as opposed to discretionary)
social welfare programs that need to be delivered in a consistent manner across
communities or that require a certain level of enforcement (August, 2006).
Mandated services include social assistance; each provincial and territorial
government has its own social assistance program in which government
workers deliver the bulk of services. Many regional governments also directly
deliver child welfare, adult protection, and mental health services. Most
regional governments have ministries devoted to the delivery or funding of
social services, such as Nova Scotia's Department of Community Services and
Saskatchewan's Ministry of Social Services. In some jurisdictions such as the
Northwest Territories the ministry of social services provides the funding,
structure, and leadership to social services, while leaving the delivery of services
to local social service authorities.

Municipal Government
Canada has never had an established pattern for the delivery of social welfare
services at the municipal (or local) level. However, since the 1970s, provin-
cial and territorial governments have been devolving more responsibilities
to municipalities. Today, many municipalities directly deliver programs that
relate to, for example, social housing, social assistance, child care, or com-
munity development. In many cases, those programs are a segment of a larger
provincial or territorial program; for instance, the City of Toronto delivers
a significant portion of Ontario's social assistance and employment services
programs.
Reports show that many cities are struggling to meet their growing
responsibilities and provide adequate social services with their limited
resources. Specific challenges in cities across Canada relate to poverty, rising
numbers of working poor families, growing income inequality, and high
unemployment (Federation of Canadian Municipalities, 2010).

NEL
126 • CHAPTER 5

THE COMMERCIAL SECTOR

The concept of social welfare implies a collective, public responsibility for

social well-being and is therefore associated with government intervention
that is not profit motivated. Thus, the commercial sector is not considered
part of the social welfare system. Businesses nevertheless offer a wide range
of services aimed at enhancing personal well-being. These services include
private child care, addiction treatment, and personal counselling, all of which
are available for a fee.
Commercial services can be paid for in various ways. In many cases, a
business may charge the consumer a flat rate for services rendered. Other
businesses may offer their services according to a sliding fee scale and adjust
the fee according to the client's financial means; this practice is most common
when government subsidizes the costs of services for low-income clients. (See
Exhibit 5.2 for an example of a company that allows government subsidies to
cover the costs of child-care services.) People who pay out of pocket for
services for example, at a private addiction treatment centre may be reim-
bursed for service costs if they are covered under an extended health insurance
program or other compensatory program, such as workers' compensation.

EXHIBIT 5.2
COMPANY PROFILE: EDLEUN GROUP INC.

Edleun is the leading provider of high quality, community-based early learning

and child-care centres in Canada. The centres offer early education and child-care
services to children ages six weeks to thirteen years. Edleun is committed to pre-
paring children for the next step in their education and life, offering families and
employers access to, and choice of quality in, early childhood education programs.
Edleun is publicly traded on the Toronto Stock Exchange (TSX-V:EDU). The
company's objectives include the acquisition and subsequent improvement of
existing child-care centres and the development of new state-of-the-art early learning
and child-care centres in under-served Canadian communities.
The company currently has fifty operating centres in Alberta, British Columbia,
and Ontario, and is in the process of acquiring, developing, or redeveloping three
additional centres. In all, Edleun will be able to provide approximately 5400
licensed child-care spaces.

Source: Excerpted and adapted from Edleun Group. (2012, November 5). Growth in Ontario continues with acquisition
of Ottawa Montessori centres [News release]. Retrieved from http://www.edleungroup.com/upload/file/Growth_in_
Ontario_ with_Acquisition_ Ottawa_Montessori. pdf.

NEL
 SERVICE SECTORS • 12 7

It has never been easier for businesses to sell helping services to Canadian
markets, thanks to an expansion of government-issued licences and privatiza-
tion policies that encourage free enterprise. Private helping services are also
legitimated by a growing number of Canadians who welcome the innovative
ideas associated with business, can afford to purchase services (or are insured
for such services), and do not want government involved in their personal
affairs. Moreover, the many trade agreements, such as NAFTA, struck between
Canada and its international neighbours make it relatively easy for private
enterprises to cross borders and offer specialized services for a profit.
More and more businesses are leaning toward corporate social respon-
sibility, a concept whereby a company engages in activities that are important
not only for the good of the company but also for the good of society. Donating
a portion of company profits to a children's charity, for example, may not only
benefit children in need but also attract shareholders and customers, boost
staff morale, raise the company's image, and ultimately increase profits.

THE VOLUNTARY SECTOR

The voluntary sector comprises a broad spectrum of organizations, otherwise

known as voluntary agencies, charitable or nonprofit societies, or non-
governmental organizations (NGOs). These organizations are highly diverse,
covering the spectrum in sizes, causes, and activities. While many voluntary
organizations support such areas as sports or the arts, 12 percent of all voluntary
organizations focus on meeting human need through the provision of social
services (Imagine Canada, 2006). Among these voluntary social agencies are
relatively small, community-based groups, such as family service societies (see
Exhibit 5.3), and large, national organizations, such as the National Action
Committee on the Status of Women. Despite their diversity, most voluntary
social agencies are
• organized (they have some internal organizational structure)
• non-governmental (they are structurally separate from government
institutions)
• nonprofit (they use any profits to improve the agency, not to benefit
the agency owners or directors)
• self-governing (they are independent from other institutions and regulate
their own operations)
• volunteer friendly (they involve volunteers to some degree in agency
activities or management) (Saunders, 2004)

NEL
128 • CHAPTER 5

EXHIBIT 5.3

• Catholic Family Services ••

TT'tt Catholic Family Se

._.. ""5
~
p...
~
s::::
.......
.......
......
(/)
.......
1-<
~

------------------------------------------~----~~----~ @

Catholic Family Services is one of the many voluntary social agencies across Canada
that aims to meet human need through the provision of social services.

More than 19 000 voluntary social agencies exist in Canada, and they
employ almost 130 000 people. In addition to paid staff, almost two million
Canadians (mostly women) volunteer their time for these agencies (Imagine
Canada, 2006).
In general, voluntary social agencies perform three main functions:
1. They do good works, which may be understood in terms of delivering
tangibles, such as food, clothing, or shelter, or intangibles, like
counselling or support services to families with children.
2. They advocate by, for instance, educating the public about an issue or
a social problem, or lobbying for change in laws or policies to improve
the living conditions of a particular client group.
3. They mediate, often by bringing together individuals or groups in a
community to find solutions or compromises to common problems
(Evans &: Shields, 2 006).

NEL
 SERVICE SECTORS • 129

In many respects, voluntary social agencies complement the work

performed by government: while government responds to national or regional
concerns, such as child poverty and homelessness, agencies in the volun-
tary sector apply their knowledge and expertise at the community level
(Voluntary Sector Steering Group, 2002). In 1999, the Government of Canada
formally recognized the voluntary sector as playing "an increasingly critical
and complex role in helping to achieve the goals important to Canadians and
ensure a high quality of life. It has become a vital third pillar in Canadian
society, working alongside the public and [commercial] . . . sectors to make
Canada a more humane, caring and prosperous nation" (Privy Council Office,
1999' p. 1).
Most voluntary social agencies rely on diverse funding sources. However,
government provides the bulk of funding (about 66 percent of all agency
revenue), with most of those funds coming from a provincial or territorial
government. The second-largest source of income (about 20 percent) is
agency-generated earnings derived from, for example, bake sales or raffles
(Hall et al., 2005).

Service Sectors: Public, Commercial, and Voluntary Domains

1. Identify the social welfare or "helping" programs in your community. In which

service sector (public, commercial, or voluntary) does each program best fit?
What criteria did you use to categorize each program?
2. What might be the pros and cons of the public, commercial, and volun-
tary sectors, in terms of how each might manage or deliver social welfare
programs?

2 NEW DIRECTIONS IN SERVICE DELIVERY

By the 1980s, government departments had evolved into large, bureaucratic
systems that were criticized for being expensive, wasteful, rigid, remote,
impersonal, and unresponsive to the public's needs (see Exhibit 5.4).
Governments were also blamed for failing to control their spending and
balance their budgets. In the 1990s, it became clear that most governments
could not effectively address the social and economic problems (such as mas-
sive job losses) created by globalization and the shift from a manufacturing
to a knowledge-based economy (Richmond &: Shields, 2003). Neoliberals
saw these and other developments as proof that traditional government
approaches in general, and Keynesian economics in particular, were no

NEL
130 • CHAPTER 5

GOVERNMENT ASSISTANCE
---

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longer effective. Neoliberals argued that monetarism with its emphasis on

controlled public spending, low taxes, and smaller yet more efficient govern-
ment systems was a more suitable approach in a global economy (Shields,
2003). For neoliberals, smaller governments delivering fewer programs made
sense.
Fewer social welfare programs, however, was not what Canadians wanted
in the 1990s. The demand for social services, in fact, increased because of an
aging population, changing family structure and roles, growing poverty and
homelessness, and widespread unemployment (Cooper & Bartlett, 2008).
Canadian governments found themselves in a dilemma: How could they meet
the social welfare needs of Canadians while at the same time reduce public
spending and taxes? To address this problem, the federal government began
looking into new methods of governance and the innovative ways that ser-
vices might be delivered. The federal government concluded that it had to
"reinvent" its roles and shift from a "rowing" to a "steering" capacity: govern-
ment rows when it delivers public programs directly and steers when it sets
policy and oversees the services that a non-government organization delivers
(Hrab, 2004).

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 SERVICE SECTORS • 131

ALTERNATIVE SERVICE DELIVERY

To shift to a steering capacity, the federal government had to convince

private sector agencies of the benefits of assuming more service delivery
responsibilities. The government promoted the notion of collaborative
governance as an effective way to address what Rittel and Webber (1973)
refer to as "wicked problems" that is, complex social problems that are best
solved by multiple actors across all service sectors. Through collaboration,
agencies could pool their resources, share expertise and knowledge, and
work toward common goals. To foster collaboration and provide guidance in
the transition, the federal government chose an alternative service delivery
(ASD) framework.
Although the ASD was not a new framework, the federal government
began to apply the ASD's business-oriented principles more extensively in the
1990s. The ASD provides direction on such things as how to reduce the size
and costs of government programs, reorganize government departments and
agencies, coordinate efforts within a government or among different levels
of government, and form effective working relationships with private sector
organizations to meet service delivery objectives (Treasury Board of Canada
Secretariat, 2002). Before long, the ASD caught on at the provincial and
territorial and municipal levels of government.
ASD includes a wide variety of strategies; however, the main strategy
used by Canadian governments to deliver social programs is contracting-out.
In a social welfare context, a government agency pays a non-government
individual or organization to provide specific services for a limited period
while remaining accountable for the quality of service delivery. As a rule,
Canadian governments continue to deliver income security programs while
leaving it up to contracted non-government agencies to deliver the bulk of
social services.
The value of competition is central to the notion of contracting-out.
Competition is an integral part of government's business model and is seen
as a way to keep the costs of services down, keep service quality up, and
generally make service delivery more efficient (Antony et al., 2007). Thus, any
individual or organization in the private sector wanting to deliver a service
that uses public funds must compete for those funds. The competitive
bidding process typically begins with a government agency inviting members
of the private sector to submit a proposal that outlines the applicant's plan for
meeting service delivery requirements. The government agency then evaluates
the proposals to determine which contractor might deliver the best quality of
service for the lowest cost.

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132 • CHAPTER 5

The introduction of ASD in general and contracting-out in particular is

significant for the delivery of Canadian social services in three main ways:
1. It represents a shift in government's priorities from an emphasis on
equity to a focus on efficiency in the delivery of public services and
distribution of resources (Evans, Richmond, & Shields, 2005).
2. It reflects government's preference for a business (or market) model
over a welfare state model (Ilcan & Basok, 2004).
3. It promotes the privatization or "marketization" of social welfare pro-
grams, and a shift from a public to a private responsibility for social
well-being.

PRIVATIZATION: ISSUES AND CONCERNS

Since the 1990s, when governments were eagerly pursuing ASD strategies,
Canadians have voiced their concerns about the offloading of public programs
onto the private sector. Many of those concerns relate to the potential impact
of privatization on Canada's cherished social programs. The fear is that pri-
vate organizations generally have lower service standards than government
(White, 2003). Issues have also been raised about accountability and which
sector the public or voluntary will answer to the public for the delivery of
services. By nature, private organizations are free agents, operating at arm's length
from government and without any electoral responsibility or accountability.
The issue here is that while government can be made accountable to the
public for its expenditures and practices, private operations may not be to the
same extent (Ilcan & Basok, 2004).
Canadians have also raised concerns about the privatization of social
welfare if it means that businesses (as opposed to nonprofit organizations)
are able to compete for and win social service contracts. As Sauber (1983,
p. 26) points out, the idea of large companies using public funds to profit
from people's problems runs counter to the core values of the welfare state,
such as compassion and "the alleviation of human suffering." Another issue
revolves around the goals of for-profit operations: business pursues profit, not
the public good. As long as the service makes a profit, the company will pro-
vide it; however, once a better rate of return is found elsewhere, the owners
will likely drop the program and move, leaving communities without needed
services (Quarter, 1992). There is also the worry that businesses may fall
short when serving the most vulnerable and marginalized members of society.
According to Israt Ahmed (2006, p. 19), "When for-profit corporate entities
win a contract, the tendency is for them to seek out the easiest-to-serve clients

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 SERVICE SECTORS • 133

for quick and favourable results, and ignore the most vulnerable or hard-to-
serve clients, who require more staff time and face greater challenges."
Corporate-owned child-care services in Canada have been at the centre
of controversy in recent years. Exhibit 5.5 reflects a common sentiment
toward this type of profit-making service.
When the federal government replaced the Canada Assistance Plan with
the Canada Health and Social Transfer in the mid-1990s, it gave the provinces
and territories more flexibility in the delivery of social services. More flexibility
meant having the option of contracting out social service programs in part or
in whole. Until recently, businesses have not been that attracted to government
contracts to deliver social services, since those contracts rarely offered much
potential for profit making. Governments are now changing policies and leg-
islation to encourage businesses to become more involved in social service
delivery. For example, some regional governments are offering lucrative contracts
to large (often non-Canadian) corporations. This happened in Ontario from
2005 to 2007, when the government contracted the American-based WCG

EXHIBIT 5.5
CHILDREN AREN'T WIDGETS

The expansion of big box, commercial daycare centres in British Columbia is not a
good thing. Children aren't widgets. Their care should not be entrusted to a corporate
entity. I mean, would you trust your three-year-old to WalMart?
Private daycare operator Edleun recently announced it was taking over five
daycare centers in BC, including three in the Lower Mainland. The focus of a
corporation is to deliver a return to its shareholders, which has no place in our
child -care system.
The only way private daycare centers make a profit is by charging higher fees,
paying staff less, and by gambling on real estate. None of these prospects is good
for working families. Average families probably can't afford private daycare and
certainly not if you have more than one child.
We need an alternate vision: a publicly funded, accessible, community-based
early childcare system. And we need it yesterday. We needed it five years ago.
This type of care brings out the best in children, is affordable for BC families, and
encourages the development of a skilled and committed workforce.
We are being let down. Big box daycare is not a solution. BC families deserve
better.

Source: Walker, D. (2011). Children aren't widgets. Retrieved from B.C. Government and Service Employees' Union
website: http://m.bcgeu.ca/children_are_not_widgets_110811 ?device=mobile.

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134 • CHAPTER 5

International to run jobsNow, a pilot project aimed at helping welfare

recipients move off welfare into permanent jobs (Goss Gilroy, 2008).
Despite the commercialization of certain social services, Canadians have
expressed more confidence in voluntary organizations than in businesses to
deliver social services. Studies conducted over the years suggest that Canadians
perceive the voluntary sector
• as meeting special needs that governments do not offer or businesses
fail to satisfy and therefore filling service gaps in communities
(Evans & Shields, 2006)
• being more trustworthy than government and less opportunistic than
business (Hrab, 2 004)
• being dedicated to their communities, understanding local needs, and
personalizing the provision of services more than government
• being less bureaucratic and more flexible and responsive to local
needs than either government or large businesses (Eakin, 2007)
Traditionally, it has been the voluntary sector not commercial enterprise-
that has predominated in the provision of social welfare programs in Canada.
That honour is largely due to the unique role that voluntary agencies play
in Canadian community life. As the federal government points out, "By its
very nature and particularly because of its connection to communities, the
voluntary sector brings a special perspective and considerable value to its
activities" (Voluntary Sector Initiative, 2002, p. 6). Although profit-making
organizations are making inroads into the delivery of certain social services,
the public and voluntary sectors are likely to continue delivering the bulk of
those services. The values and motivations underlying public and nonprofit
social services are more suitable than those of business for meeting the com-
plex needs of individuals and families. Moreover, the inherent competitive
nature of business is incompatible with the degree of interagency cooperation
needed to serve clients effectively (Dean, 20 ll).

New Directions in Service Delivery

1. What is your opinion about government's decision to steer, not row, the
delivery of social services? Do you think that government should be more or
less involved in the direct delivery of social services? Give reasons for your
answers.
2. What are your personal concerns (if any) about the privatization of social
services? In what ways might privatization benefit social service provision in
Canada?

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 SERVICE SECTORS • 135

3 FORGING A NEW PUBLIC-VOLUNTARY

RELATIONSHIP
In the early 1990s, Canadian governments devolved an unprecedented
number of social service programs to the voluntary sector; those programs
included foster care, women's shelters, substance abuse treatment, homeless
and emergency shelters, employment assistance programs, and emergency
food programs. The heavier workload came with considerably fewer govern-
ment dollars than in the past; as a result, the struggle to meet the diverse
expectations of funders, clients, and communities strained the capacity of
many voluntary agencies.
In 199 5, members of various national organizations and coalitions
formed the Voluntary Sector Roundtable to lobby the federal govern-
ment to improve the voluntary sector's capacity to deliver services and to
strengthen the federal-voluntary working relationship. The federal government
responded favourably by supporting the creation of three major initia-
tives: the Panel on Accountability and Governance in the Voluntary Sector
(1997-1998), the Working Together: A Government of Canada/Voluntary
Sector joint Initiative (1999), and the Voluntary Sector Initiative (VSI)
(2000-2005). These initiatives generated a great deal of research, reports,
guidelines, and new projects, including the development of an Accord
Between the Government of Canada and the Voluntary Sector and the Code
of Good Practice on Policy Dialogue. The federal government also gave
extra funding to the provinces and territories to help them strengthen
the capacity of their voluntary sectors to serve communities. In 2002,
for example, funding from the VSI supported the launch of the Manitoba
Voluntary Sector Initiative and the Premier's Voluntary Sector Initiative in
Saskatchewan.
A number of research studies under the VSI found that, despite govern-
ment support, conditions in voluntary social agencies were deteriorating. One
report by Eakin and Richmond (2004, p. 265) concluded, "By every measure,
in every study, community-based service providers are faring poorly. They
have serious financing problems, reduced organizational capacity, and staff
and volunteer recruitment and retention problems. They struggle to meet
reporting requirements, juggle short-term contracts, and improvise essential
services in the face of the continual decline of necessary resources." While
front-line workers, managers, and volunteers tried to deal with these adverse
conditions, the demand for social services kept growing.
Some analysts argue that not only has government's new business
approach degraded the public-voluntary relationship, but it has actually

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136 • CHAPTER 5

EXHIBIT 5.6
THE TRANSFORMATION OF VOLUNTARY
SOCIAL AGENCIES

~ •1UJ~Jil:.1aJ ;:: • [1{1.:..11, '-!.tt : ~~It I:;=: \j(•Jl(lfun~\Kf' ~ •Itfffi/1(ei=t~ Cttl~

W: ;::1 ~ •J u(!) h'J LU ~lr'l~[•l'•''

focus primarily on the organization and its focus primarily on the needs of the market
clients

be largely accountable to service users be largely accountable to the taxpayer

(clients) (through government)

be autonomous and independent collaborate (and even merge) with other

agencies to share resources

receive most of their funding from diversify their funding sources or match
government government contributions with non-
government funding

rely on government to provide core funding be satisfied with project-based funding from
government

expect government grants compete for government contracts

fundraise for special projects fundraise to survive

run programs on long-term and stable run programs on short-term and unpredictable
government funding government funding

freely adapt their programs to meet client deliver programs according to government
and community needs specifications

fill gaps in government services replace government as primary service provider

freely advocate on behalf of clients and limit advocacy according to strict government
society rules

strive to achieve philanthropic goals strive to become more businesslike,

entrepreneurial, and market oriented
...._

Source: Rosalie Chappell

transformed voluntary social agencies (see Exhibit 5.6). The following section
identifies some of these transformations and their effect on the capacity of vol-
untary social agencies to serve.

NEW FUNDING MECHANISMS

In the past, Canadian governments primarily gave grants to voluntary agen-

cies. Agencies could apply these lump sums to any aspect of their operations,

NEL
 SERVICE SECTORS • 13 7

without having to account for how they spent the money. Voluntary agencies
generally appreciated the flexibility of grants, since the money could be used
for ongoing expenses, such as rent, utilities, and retaining staff, or for what-
ever priority the agency had at any given time.
Neoliberal governments generally consider grants a form of "govern-
ment charity," that opposes the competitive spirit of a business approach
(Brock, Brook, Elliott, & LaForest, 2003, p. 21). Beginning in the early 1990s,
Canadian governments began to phase out the regular use of grants in favour
of contracts; that meant a shift away from core funding to project-based
funding.
• Core funding is money that an agency can apply to its core activities,
such as administration (for instance, bookkeeping and reception),
operational costs (including rent and building maintenance), agency
promotion, and ongoing programs.
• Project funding is money earmarked for a specific project or program.
It is often short term, lasting only as long as the initiative, and cannot
be used to cover costs that are not directly related to the initiative
(Calgary Chamber of Voluntary Organizations, 2006).
Since grants were typically long term and stable, voluntary agencies were
able to build infrastructures that could support ongoing activities in the
community. The shift to project funding has changed all that. For one thing,
the short-term nature of project funding has forced some agencies to con-
stantly develop and disassemble programs. Project funding has also proven
to be unpredictable; for example, government funders are notoriously slow
to approve or reject contracts and can subsequently delay program startup
until funding is confirmed (Eakin & Richmond, 2004; Evans, Richmond, &
Shields, 2005). Project funding does not always cover the full costs of service
delivery, either. In her study of community service organizations in Ontario,
Eakin (2007) found that agencies delivered an average of $1 .14 worth of
service for every $1 of government funding.
Project-based funding usually comes with funding conditions. One
condition requires contracted agencies to diversify their funding sources,
that is, to seek funding not just from government but from private sources
as well. In some cases, government will fund a project only if the recipient
agency can match the government's contribution with funding from a pri-
vate source. The new funding requirements have forced voluntary agencies
to become more creative in raising funds. For example, some agencies have
stepped up their fundraising events, such as bake sales, rummage sales, raf-
fles, and bingos. Other agencies have turned to corporations for donations

NEL
138 • CHAPTER 5

or to private foundations for financial backing. In some cases, voluntary

agencies have introduced user fees; this practice is nevertheless contro-
versial because it bases a client's access to goods and services on an ability
to pay rather than on need, which runs counter to welfare state principles
Qiwani, 2000).
Unfortunately, voluntary social agencies have not been very successful
at raising funds from non-government sources. In fact, only 1 percent of
voluntary agency funding in Canada comes from corporate donations and
only 3 percent from individual donations (Hall et al., 2005). Economic slow-
downs can add additional strain on already cash-strapped organizations.
According to one survey, 48 percent of charitable organizations had trouble
fulfilling their mandates during the 2008-2009 economic downturn; at the
same time, 45 percent of charities experienced an increased demand for
their products or services. To cope with the effects of the slowing economy,
many of those organizations had to take such actions as reducing spending
on training and staff development and relying more on volunteers (Lasby &
Barr, 2 0 10).
In 2010, the Government of Canada (2010) announced that it would
"look to innovative charities and forward -thinking private sector companies
to partner on new approaches to many social challenges." One of those "new
approaches" is social financing a method of money management that relies
on the private rather than the public sector to fund social welfare programs
and other "public benefit" initiatives. For example, one strategy may be to
create a public-private partnership called a social impact bond in this case,
an investor (or business) would provide the upfront money, the nonprofit
organization would deliver the service, and, if they met specific agreed-on
goals, then the government would pay a bonus to the investor. The federal
government is currently testing the feasibility of social impact bonds through
various pilot projects.

ADMINISTRATIVE OVERLOAD

To ease the public's concerns over privatization, the federal and regional
governments have kept a tight grip on how contracted agencies spend public
funds. For the most part, government control is exercised through contracts
that specify how funding should be spent, how the service is to be deliv-
ered and monitored, what the service results and performance requirements
should be, and how agencies are expected to report on progress and outcomes.
Contracted agencies are also obliged to participate in regular government

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 SERVICE SECTORS • 139

audits and program evaluations to demonstrate that they are using public
funds properly and efficiently. These types of demands by government
funders have drastically altered the nature of activities in voluntary agen-
cies, which, in the past, focused more on service delivery than on tasks
related to accountability, funding, or administration (Evans, Richmond, &:
Shields, 2005).
Many voluntary social agencies have found that administrative staff work-
loads are increasing because of the disproportionate amount of time devoted
to finding, securing, and maintaining funds. Completing applications for
government contracts is especially time-consuming, since it often requires
agency staff to write long and detailed proposals, outlining how they would
deliver the service on behalf of government (see Exhibit 5. 7). Obtaining
private funds to match government contributions can be another onerous
task, increasing the existing administrative burden (Scott, 2003a).

EXHIBIT 5.7
ADMINISTRATIVE OVERLOAD

In many contracted social agencies, the administrators are overloaded with paperwork
related to government contracts, funding, and accountability.

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140 • CHAPTER 5

In addition to funding-related tasks, voluntary agencies are required

to complete detailed accountability reports; these reports are particularly
time-consuming for agencies with multiple funders, since every funder
has its own reporting system, forms, timelines, and audits (Scott, 2003b).
A study of community service agencies found that many senior managers
had to drop important responsibilities, such as staff development and program
management, to free up time to meet the varied reporting demands of
funders (Eakin, 2007).

ADVOCACY "CHILL"

Traditionally, an important role of voluntary social agencies has been advocacy.

The type of advocacy an agency performs depends largely on the presenting
issue and the organization's purpose. Many agencies advocate on behalf of
individual clients when, for example, the individual has been denied service
or been discriminated against. Other agencies advocate on behalf of society
in general, raising public awareness of conditions that foster injustice and
inequality. Regardless of the form of advocacy taken, all advocacy efforts have
the potential to enhance social welfare to some degree.
Following the Second World War, it was common for Canadian
governments to fund the advocacy efforts of a wide range of voluntary orga-
nizations that represented minority groups; this public support, write Evans
and Shields (2006, p. 13), helped to foster social inclusion and broaden
"the democratic experience." Over the years, government has withdrawn
much of its support for advocacy and has stopped funding many advocacy
groups. In 2002, the federal government introduced the "10 percent rule"
under the Income Tax Act to prohibit registered charities from devoting any
more than 10 percent of their resources to advocacy. In addition, registered
charities were told to refrain from engaging in certain "political activities,"
such as supporting (or opposing) a political party or a candidate running
for public office.
The new rules around advocacy and political activity have made it difficult
for some voluntary agencies to fulfill their advocacy role. These rules have
also increased anxiety among voluntary sector staff and volunteers. Reports
suggest that some organizations are afraid of inadvertently devoting more than
10 percent of their resources to advocacy and subsequently contravening the
Income Tax Act; others fear that their advocacy activities may be construed by
government as "political activities" or as criticism of the government. In any

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 SERVICE SECTORS • 141

case, they are concerned that advocacy activities may somehow jeopardize
their government funding or charitable status. Voluntary agencies are dealing
with these fears in various ways: some are choosing not to advocate on any
issue, while others err on the side of caution and speak out less than they are
legally entitled to (Rektor, 2002). The general reluctance by voluntary agen-
cies to negotiate on behalf of their clients has created what Katherine Scott
(2003b, p. 117) refers to as "advocacy chill." Regrettably, these barriers to
advocacy dull the political sword that voluntary agencies have long wielded
when representing vulnerable groups and pushing for political and social
change (Richmond&: Shields, 2003).
In its 2012 budget, the federal government raised concerns that some
charities may be exceeding the allowable limit of political activity and that
charities in general are not as transparent as they should be in terms of how
they use taxpayer's money or public donations. To correct the situation, the
federal government tightened the advocacy rules even further by requiring
charitable and government-funded nonprofit organizations to give more
details on their political activities. The federal government also proposed
changes to the Income Tax Act to impose stricter sanctions such as fines
and loss of charitable status on charities that exceed their limits on political
activities (Canada, 2012b).

LOSS OF AUTONOMY AND IDENTITY

A number of social researchers write about the transformation in the character

of voluntary agencies; for the most part, that transformation is attributed to
the new public-voluntary relationship and the pressure on agencies to become
more businesslike. Evans, Richmond, and Shields (2005, p. 93) believe that
the emphasis on business practices and entrepreneurism may be pushing
voluntary agencies away from their original philanthropic goals toward a "new
market-based managerialism" in which agencies are "servants to contracts
controlled by state funders." To survive financially, voluntary agencies may
find themselves catering more to the needs of the market than the people
they are supposed to serve. The move to a more businesslike or "bottom
line" approach may ultimately create more efficient service delivery; however,
as jiwani (2000) points out, efficiency is no guarantee of empathy, a caring
approach, or a high-quality service.
Another threat to agency autonomy and identity relates to agency
mission. Voluntary social agencies are often referred to as "mission-based

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142 • CHAPTER 5

organizations," because they are motivated by a certain social cause.

However, since the new contracting system came into effect, many nonprofit
organizations have struggled to fulfill their missions. With government
cutbacks and the shift to contract funding, some agencies find themselves
competing not only for fewer government contracts but also for contracts that
narrowly define the services the agency can offer. Those contract conditions
may not be compatible with an agency's mission; consequently, agencies
run the risk of drifting away from their original mission in the pursuit of
badly needed funds (Eakin & Richmond, 2004). The sacrifice of an agency's
mission for government dollars can create a number of potential problems,
such as increased stress among staff and the loss of the agency's autonomy.
Agencies that lose sight of their mission may not only lose touch with local
needs but also sacrifice their legitimacy and credibility in the community
(Scott, 2003a).
Governments and voluntary organizations formed their working relation-
ship in the spirit of a "collaborative partnership," which implies an equal
sharing of decision-making, risk, responsibility, and resources (Evans & Shields,
2006). Critics of public-voluntary agreements suggest that while government
appears content to share some things, it is unwilling to share decision-making
power. The more government takes control over voluntary agencies through
such mechanisms as contract funding and strict accountability procedures-
the less autonomous those agencies may be. It is commonly believed that as the
voluntary sector replaces government as a primary provider of social welfare
programs, the voluntary sector will morph into a "shadow state" with no real
identity of its own.

Forging a New Public-Voluntary Relationship

1. Pretend that you have been hired as a consultant to review the problems
facing the voluntary sector and to consider how the voluntary-public relation-
ship might be strengthened. What would you recommend to improve the
relationship? What might voluntary agencies do to improve things? What
changes should government make?
2. Identify the potential pros and cons of the shift to contract funding for
(a) government, (b) voluntary social agencies, and (c) service users (clients).
What might be the pros and cons of social financing for (a) government,
(b) voluntary social agencies, and (c) profit-making groups?
3. Traditionally, voluntary agencies have been free to operate as they see fit and
advocate on behalf of clients. However, the federal government has recently
taken steps to curb that freedom. What is your opinion on this topic? To what
degree should government control the activities of funded agencies?

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 SERVICE SECTORS • 143

4 THE SOCIAL ECONOMY

Although the social economy has traditionally served a vital role in Quebec's
social and economic arenas, it was not until the Throne Speech of 2004 that
the social economy appeared on the federal policy agenda. Since then, the
social economy has been growing steadily across Canada. Little consensus
exists on the definition of social economy or what constitutes this alternative
service sector. However, in their study of the social economy in Canada, Smith
and McKitrick (2010) found some agreement on the underlying principles of
the social economy. In short, this sector
• puts people before profits
• encourages citizen participation, collective responsibility, and a
democratic decision-making process
• seeks to empower individuals and communities, and encourage self-
sufficiency
• fosters innovative approaches to solving social and economic problems
This section takes a brief look at the relationship between the social
economy and the voluntary sector, and describes the various types of social
economy enterprises in Canada.

RELATIONSHIP TO THE VOLUNTARY SECTOR

Some theorists see the social economy and the voluntary sector as the same,
mainly because these two sectors share many of the same values and principles.
However, these two sectors tend to differ in terms of the degree to which
they rely on the market economy. Using this criterion as a distinguishing
feature, voluntary social agencies that depend largely on government for their
income would not be part of the social economy. In contrast, voluntary
social agencies that generate some or all of their income from the sale of
goods or services, and do so to achieve their social and economic goals,
would have a place under the social economy banner. As time goes on,
Canadians can expect that more voluntary social agencies will reposition
themselves within the social economy, especially as governments continue to
cut funding to the voluntary sector. Moreover, as governments require con-
tracted agencies to seek non-governmental sources of income and to achieve
the social goals that government once did, voluntary social agencies are likely
to take a more entrepreneurial approach (B.C.-Alberta Social Economy
Research Alliance, n.d.).

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144 • CHAPTER 5

SOCIAL ECONOMY ENTERPRISES

Organizations in the social economy are generically called social economy

enterprises (SEEs). SEEs operate like businesses and use market-oriented
strategies to generate their own revenue, usually through the sale of goods
or services. Although this economic activity is important, the central mis-
sion of SEEs is the achievement of a social or public goal, such as reducing
poverty or ending violence against women. It is common for SEEs to recruit
a combination of volunteers and paid staff (who are often former recipi-
ents of service). Organizations that make profits from their operation either
invest them back into the organization or use them to meet other identified
social needs in the community (HRSDC, 2005). Among the wide variety
of SEEs are market-based associations, such as housing cooperatives and the
YWCA; these associations generate the bulk of their income from member-
ship fees and community donations. Civil society organizations also qualify
as SEEs; these organizations include nonprofit mutual-benefit organiza-
tions (such as church-based retirement homes) and volunteer organizations
(such as Habitat for Humanity), which generate income from their own
operations and do not rely on government funding (Mook, Quarter, &
Richmond, 2007).
Most SEEs devise innovative ways to use their resources. A SEE food
program, for example, might receive food donations from local supermarkets,
use that food to make meals, and then sell those meals at a low cost to people
in need (Policy Research Initiative, 2005). Some SEEs run second-hand stores
to fund their social service programs; others manage housing and consumer
cooperatives. Many types of entrepreneurial possibilities exist. Exhibit 5.8
profiles the Women in Need Society, a SEE in Calgary that finds innovative
ways to raise money, provide employment to people in the community, and
help women in low-income situations.
The federal government envisions SEEs as playing a prominent role in
the future provision of social welfare services. To encourage existing voluntary
social agencies to become SEEs, the federal government is taking steps to
change the tax rules so that charities can raise money through side businesses
without losing their charitable status. The provinces and territories are also
supporting the development of SEEs; for example, in 2012, the Government
of Nova Scotia promised to remove all barriers to social enterprise in provincial
policies and legislation. As time goes on especially in view of shrinking
government funds and a shift to social financing Canadians can expect
more voluntary social agencies to reposition themselves within the social
economy.

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 S ERV ICE SEC TORS • 145

AGENCY PROFILE: WOMEN IN NEED SOCIETY (WINS)

The Women in Need Society (WINS) is a charitable, nonprofit, Calgary-based organization.

Since 1992, WINS has helped women gain the resources, knowledge, skills, and
confidence they need for self-sufficiency and to support their families. WINS' services
WINS ~~
women in need society
focus primarily on women with low-income, including
• women coming in or out of shelters;
• single mothers and their children;
Family Resource Centres
• women in transition;
• recent immigrants; WINS operates five Family Resource
• the working poor; and Centres (FRCs) which are located in
• those on income assistance. subsidized housing complexes.

Free Goods Referral The FRCs help low-income families

How Does connect with community resources,
This program is for women coming out of crisis
WINS Help? including the local food bank and
situations or in transition.
low-cost recreation activities. The
After consultation, WINS provides a voucher that
FRCs also offer programs for children
entitles the client to access goods from any one
and youth, and adult lifeskills
of the four WINS Thrift Stores at no cost.
workshops (for example, budgeting,
stress management, and healthy
eating on a budget).

Programs include:
WINS Thrift Stores
WINS four stores: • The Girl Talk program, which
• provide entry-level employment opportunities for those with little allows pre-teen girls to discuss
or no employment skills, those returning to the workforce, and topics important to them in a
those needing Canadian work experience; positive, respectful environment.
• sell donated clothing and household goods at affordable prices; and • Regular social events such as
• generate revenue to partially support WINS' community programs. monthly potlucks, which help
women and families experiencing
social isolation.
• Compassionate listening, which
provides a safe, supportive place
for women and their families to
come to.

Source: Excerpted and adapted from Women in Need Society (WINS). (2012). Website, Retrieved from
http :1/www. womeninneed. net.

The Social Economy

1. In what ways is the social economy similar to the public, commercial, and
voluntary sectors? What makes the social economy distinctly different from
the other three sectors?
2. The federal government envisions social economy enterprises as having a
prominent role in the future provision of social welfare services. What is your

NEL
146 • CHAPTER 5

opinion on this? Do you believe that these enterprises would provide quality
services to populations at risk?
3. Do you think that voluntary social agencies should become SEEs? Why or
why not? What might be the advantages or disadvantages of becoming
SEEs?

SUMMARY

Introduction
The public, commercial, and voluntary sectors make up Canada's mixed
economy of welfare. Considerable overlap exists between the service
sectors, making it difficult to see which sector is responsible for the various
aspects of service delivery. In recent years, the boundaries between the
sectors have been shifting to create new ways to deliver services. A fourth
service sector the social economy is emerging as a viable service
provider.

1 Service Sectors: Public, Commercial, and Voluntary Domains

Each level of government delivers its own mix of programs and services.
The federal government is responsible for certain client groups and for
pan-Canadian programs; regional governments are likely to deliver man-
dated social services; and the municipalities tend to deliver components of
larger provincial programs. The commercial sector is not part of the social
welfare system; this sector sells private helping services for a fee. The
voluntary sector delivers the bulk of social services; in general, agencies in
this sector do good works, advocate, and mediate.
II II

2 New Directions in Service Delivery

During the 1980s, public criticism and the rise of neoliberalism fostered
efforts to shrink the size and power of government. To meet the demand
for services, governments devolved many service-delivery responsibilities
to the private sector; the alternative service delivery framework provided
options for new working relationships. Contracting-out to the private
sector has become the main strategy for delivering social services. Overall,
Canadians prefer voluntary agencies rather than businesses to deliver
social services.

3 Forging a New Public-Voluntary Relationship

Government's new business approach has transformed voluntary social
agencies in various ways. Financial instability has increased, and the federal
government is currently pursuing social financing as a funding strategy.
Many voluntary agencies are experiencing administrative overload, have

NEL
 SERVICE SECTORS • 14 7

been stifled in their advocacy role, and risk losing their identity. Although
governments and voluntary organizations formed their new relationship
in a spirit of collaboration, governments tend to retain decision-making
power and restrict the autonomy of voluntary agencies.

4 The Social Economy

The social economy is a rapidly growing service sector in Canada. Social

economy enterprises are entrepreneurial yet nonprofit in nature, are run
like businesses, draw from a variety of funding sources, and rely on both
paid staff and volunteers. The Government of Canada envisions social
economy enterprises as having an increasingly prominent role in the
delivery of social services.

KEY
For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
mixed economy of corporate social privatization, p. 132
welfare, p. 122 responsibility, accountability, p. 132
private sector, p. 122 p. 127 core funding, p. 137
public sector, p. 122 voluntary social project funding,
commercial sector, agencies, p. 127 p. 137
p. 122 collaborative social financing, p. 138
voluntary sector, p. 122 governance, p. 131 social impact bond,
social economy, p. 122 alternative service p. 138
public programs, p. 124 delivery, p. 131 advocacy, p. 140
mandated services, contracting-out, social economy
p. 125 p. 131 enterprises, p. 144

NEL
 • •
OCia enc1es

OBJECTIVES
Social agencies are responsible for delivering a wide range of social
welfare resources to people in need. This chapter will

• introduce the concept of social agency and the main characteristics of social
•
agenc1es

• describe community-based residentia l and non-residentia l organizations,

and the community system of care

• explore the internal structures and functions of social agencies in terms of

strategic and operational frameworks

• examine the primary features of organic organizational structures

INTRODUCTION
• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •

Organisations are of two kinds, those which aim

at getting something done, and those which aim at
preventing something from being done. (Bertrand
Russell, British philosopher and advocate for social
reform, 1952, p. 51)
• •• ••• ••• ••• •••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• •

Social agencies are formally structured organizations that fulfill a variety of

functions: they provide goods, services, and financial assistance to people
in need; engage local community members in local projects; and mobilize
resources to address community problems Qaco &: Pierce, 2005). All social
agencies operate on a nonprofit basis in either the public or the voluntary

148 NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 149

sector. Public social agencies are government departments and divisions,

and include social assistance offices and, in most jurisdictions, child protection
units. Voluntary social agencies are nonprofit social service organizations in
the private sector; examples include family service bureaus, immigrant settle-
ment agencies, and women's shelters. These agencies may be either sectarian
(religious) or secular (non-religious).
Although social agencies vary in their tasks, administration, organizational
structure, goals, and mandate, most agencies share the following basic functions
(with examples):
• service delivery (assessing client needs and providing goods or services
to clients)
• administration (guiding agency activities by developing and revising
policies and procedures)
• funding (securing funding and following budgets)
• accountability (ensuring the quality of service and evaluating the
effectiveness of programs)
• recruitment (hiring and supervising staff and volunteers)
• public relations (fostering and maintaining positive relationships with
the community)
The way an agency carries out its responsibilities depends largely on
whom it serves, what it intends to accomplish, and how its programs are
designed. An agency's activities are usually targeted toward a certain popula-
tion, such as families with children or people with disabilities. Those activities
are planned with a specific goal; for example, a program that teaches parents
how to discipline their child by using nonviolent methods (the activity) aims to
prevent child abuse (the goal).
The identified needs of people living in a community usually determine
the types of goods or services a social agency delivers (see Exhibit 6 .l). An
area that has a high rate of teen moms, for instance, is likely to need child-care
or young parent programs, preferably located near the high school. How well
an agency meets local needs depends on several external factors, including
community and political support and funding availability. Moreover, the
effectiveness of programs and services is often a function of various internal
factors, such as the setting in which services are delivered, the agency's strategic
and operational plans, and the agency's organizational structure. This chapter
looks at some of these factors.

NEL
150 • CHAPTER 6

EXHIBIT 6.1

Soup kitchens and other emergency food programs are designed to meet the specific
needs of a community.

1 COMMUNITY-BASED SOCIAL AGENCIES

Most social agencies in Canada plan and deliver their programs according to
a community-based model. Agencies that adopt this type of model try to
respond to changing community needs and be flexible when matching services
to people's needs and preferences. Community-based agencies also focus on
clients' strengths rather than their limitations. Clients are encouraged to make
decisions about their own well-being and to foster positive relationships with
family, friends, and other support systems. It is common for community-based
agencies to offer a comprehensive range of services from a variety of service
providers and, if feasible, to provide outreach services to reach a broader seg-
ment of the community. A great deal of local support and collaboration often
goes into developing community-based services, which tend to be integrated
with other local organizations and groups. Features of the community-based
model are found in public, commercial, and voluntary agencies, and in both
residential and non-residential settings (Standing Senate Committee on Social
Affairs, Science and Technology, 2006a).

NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 151

RESIDENTIAL CENTRES

The majority of residential centres provide living quarters, meals, and other
services for people who require round -the-clock care. Depending on local
needs and resources, every community will have various types of residential
centres, which may include
• long-term-care facilities or nursing homes for seniors
• shelters for homeless or transient people
• assessment or treatment centres for children or youth with emotional
or behavioural disorders
• group homes for people with developmental delays
• rehabilitation centres for children and youth with physical disabilities
• care centres for people with psychiatric disabilities
• inpatient addiction treatment centres
• transition houses for abused women and their children
Provincial and territorial governments fund, license, or approve more
than 4600 residential centres across Canada. More than 24 7 000 Canadians
live in residential centres; the majority of those residents are elderly persons
or people with a mental health disorder (Statistics Canada, 20lla).
Although residential centres are sometimes called "institutions," they
are nothing like the poorhouses, workhouses, or insane asylums of the
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (see Exhibit 6.2). Those institutions
placed more importance on rules and procedures than on residents' needs,
and residents were usually discouraged from accessing alternative services if
they disagreed with what the institution had to offer. In contrast, modem res-
idential centres try to integrate the principles of community-based practice
into their services and help their residents retain ties to supports and other
resources in the community. Moreover, the residential centres of today try to
avoid appearing institutional. Many centres, for example, locate themselves
in residential neighbourhoods and strive to make the building, residents'
rooms, and gathering places (such as dining rooms) as natural and homey
as possible.
Obviously, not everyone who is in need or experiences a problem requires
residential care. This type of service is most appropriate when a professional
needs to complete a psychiatric or other type of assessment in a more structured
environment than a client's home. People who exhibit violent or inappropriate
behaviour, or need supervision or stabilization beyond what family or a
non-residential service provider can give, may also be suited to residential care.

NEL
152 • CHAPTER 6

EXHIBIT 6.2

1
,.r
c
~
!-<
,..0
.......
,....J
u
.......
,........,
,..0
;::s
p....
0
......
1=1
0
!-<
0
f--4
@
......
....c::
0.0
.......
!-<
;>...
p..
0
u

What were then called lunatic asylums, such as this one in Toronto in 1867, were
some of Canada's first residential centres.

Residential services are also appropriate for those who need specialized
treatment, such as intensive drug rehabilitation. Whatever the reason for
the placement, individuals living in residential settings must have regularly
scheduled reviews to adjust the level of care as needed and to ensure that
the services are meeting the client's needs and goals (Conceptual Framework
Subcommittee of the Residential Services Advisory Committee, 2002).
Many concerns have been raised about the current and future use of
residential services in Canada, particularly when it comes to the care of seniors.
Because the population is both growing and aging, the demand for residential
services is increasing. To manage that demand, many residential-care facilities are
finding ways to ration their services; for instance, some long-term-care centres
create longer wait lists or limit their admission criteria to exclude people with
complex care needs who require more resources. These restrictions may mean
that people who need residential care do not get it when they need it or must
move to another community to find it.

NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 153

A growing body of evidence suggests that the demand for residential care
would lessen if better systems of home- and community-care services were
available; those services include meal programs (such as Meals on Wheels),
homemaking services, in-home personal care, occupational therapy, and care-
giver support (Williams et al., 2009). Other strategies many of which
promote the principle of aging in place aim to reduce unnecessary admissions
to residential care. For example, a variety of innovative housing adaptations
and options allow elderly persons to live at home longer and either delay or
avoid institutionalization.

NON-RESIDENTIAL CENTRES

Non-residential centres normally provide services on a drop-in, appoint-

ment, or outreach basis. These centres cater to those who can look after many
of their own needs, who require only short-term help, and who do not pose a
threat to themselves or to the rest of society. It is common to find a continuum
of services in non-residential centres; this is the case with multiservice cen-
tres. These one-stop centres offer people a variety of social services under
one roof. It is common for multiservice centres to offer services to a variety of
populations, such as people with disabilities, victims of abuse, or immigrants.
On the other hand, many multiservice centres restrict their services to a particular
population (such as women) or age group (such as teens).
One Toronto study suggests that social agencies that are actively
expanding their range of services and becoming multiservice centres may be
doing so in response to a greater demand for services and more complex needs
among their clientele. It is also possible that, by stretching their mandates and
offering a wider range of services, agencies will tap into a greater number of
funding sources (Toronto Community and Neighbourhood Services, 2004).
Non-residential centres try to deliver their services in a flexible and
user-friendly manner and provide options in the ways people can participate.
Drop-in centres, for example, usually offer loosely scheduled programs that
people can access at any time during service hours. Telephone services offer
support and anonymity and in the case of crisis lines are available around
the clock. Agencies provide outreach services in environments outside the office
setting; services such as home support and street outreach enable front-line
workers to connect with people who may be reluctant or physically unable
to seek services in a formal setting. A growing number of agencies offer online
support via the Internet; those in need of help or information can connect
with professional or peer counsellors through chat rooms, discussion forums,
email, and proprietary systems, such as Skype.

NEL
154 • CHAPTER 6

COMMUNITY SYSTEM OF CARE

In general, residential and non-residential centres differ in the range and inten-
sity of services they offer, and in the ways they deliver those services; that said,
neither type is inherently more effective than the other. Each type of centre
has something to offer the community and, working in tandem, these centres
can form a solid base of community support and care. The term community
system of care refers to the mix of public and private services in a community

EXHIBIT 6.3
COMMUNITY SYSTEM OF CARE FOR CHILDREN
AND YOUTH

Service

Nonresidential
Services
(a range of
community-based
and specialized
services are
brought to the child
or youth where he
or she lives)

Biological or Group
adoptive home
family home
CHILD/
YOUTH
Placement Placement

Family care Living on

home Residential their own
(foster care) Services
(child or youth
moves to a
residential setting
for service that
cannot be provided
where he or
she lives)

Service

Source: Conceptual Framework Subcommittee of the Residential Services Advisory Committee Qanuary
2000). Working with Community to Support Children, Youth and Families: Page 9. Copyright© Province of
British Columbia. All rights reserved. Reprinted with permission of the Province of British Columbia.
www.ipp.gov.bc.ca.

NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 155

that, when offered in a coordinated and integrated fashion, is responsive to the

varying levels and changing needs of specific populations (Board of Trustees
of Michigan State University, 2000). Exhibit 6.3 offers a conceptualization of
a community system of care for children and youth; this system includes both
residential and non-residential services, as well as informal support systems,
such as families and self-help groups. The arrows in the exhibit indicate the
route the child or youth might take from one type of service to another to
meet his or her needs or circumstances at any given time.

I 111 N S
Community-Based Social Agencies

1. Identify the potential advantages and disadvantages of services provided in

(a) residential centres and (b) non-residential centres. How might communities
combine or integrate both types of services to benefit clients?
2. Many Canadians are concerned that there will not be enough residential cen-
tres available for a growing number of old people. What types of strategies or
resources might reduce the need for residential care among older Canadians?

2 AGENCY SYSTEMS: INTERNAL STRUCTURES

AND FUNCTIONS
Before a social agency can deliver services, it must develop a solid internal
structure on which to base its work. Strategic and operational frameworks
provide this structure. A strategic framework identifies the agency's priorities
and how the agency intends to achieve its goals, mission, and vision. In
contrast, an agency's operational framework is a practical plan for two main
levels of internal activities: direct services involve face-to-face interactions
between front -line workers and clients, and indirect services are conducted
off the front line and include administration, program planning and evalua-
tion, and the development of policies and procedures. This section explores
some of the components of strategic and operational frameworks and their
implications for service delivery.

A STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK

To develop a sound strategic framework, a social agency must have a good

understanding of the community in which it functions, realize its potential for
sustainability, and clarify its direction as a service provider.

NEL
156 • CHAPTER 6

Understanding Community Conditions and Needs

Many social agencies conduct an environmental scan to learn about local
social and economic conditions that may influence the community's needs.
For example, a study of a community's demographics, welfare and crime rates,
educational opportunities, housing affordability, economic outlooks, and life
cycles may reveal characteristics and patterns that can help in the develop-
ment of programs and services.
A community needs assessment is one tool that social agencies may use
to gather information and paint a picture of local needs. Various sources may
provide that information, including direct observation, interviews, and focus
groups; documents, such as community profiles or census data can also be
useful. Members of the community and professionals who work in health and
social service agencies are often excellent sources of information on perceived
community needs.
Through community needs assessments, social agencies may be able
to clarify the social, emotional, physiological, and other needs of a specific
population and the type of program that might benefit that group. A com-
munity needs assessment might also identify the resources required to run
a program. Some social agencies rely on community needs assessments to
determine whether the target population will likely use a proposed pro-
gram. For example, an assessment may reveal that local elderly people are
in need of companionship and emotional support and would use a peer-
counselling program run by trained volunteers.
Many social agencies are able to accurately assess a community's
needs and offer services that are well used by local residents. The offering
of services, however, does not guarantee their use. Exhibit 6.4 points out
potential barriers to men who may need help, but are reluctant to seek it.
Whenever possible, social agencies should try to mitigate barriers to help-
seeking when planning new programs.

Assessing an Agency's Sustainability

When developing a strategic framework, a social agency must determine its
own sustainability in other words, its ability to meet local needs over the
long term. To be sustainable, an agency must
• have adequate opportunities to do its work
• be able to attract and retain competent staff
• obtain sufficient funding and other resources

NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCIES • 157

BARRIERS TO MEN WHO ARE SEEKING HELP

Examples of Barriers
• society's expectations of men ("Be a man!")
• stigma attached to "neediness"
• men's mistrust of professionals
• men's perception of what it means to "be a man"

How will I
Only wimps explain my
ask for help. problem?

0 0
0 0
0 0

I should try
harder to solve They won't
my own understand
problems. me. ,..___.,

~
u
0
.....
CJ) Dysfunctional
!-<
(\.)
.....
..... Coping Mechanisms
;::s
....c:
;g • avoiding problems through work,
.......
......-<
.....
CJ)
sex, alcohol, and other drugs
0
• hiding behind the "male mask"
(Q)
("I am strong and in control.")
• having suicidal thoughts

Source: Author-generated diagram using content from Hoy, S. (2012). Beyond men behaving badly:
Meta-ethnography of men's perspectives on psychological distress and help seeking. International journal
of Men's Health, 11 (3), 202 -226. doi: 10.3149/jmh.ll03.202.

• demonstrate its achievements to attract future funding

• gain support from the community (Shapiro, 2003)
One way to assess an agency's potential sustainability is through a SWOT
analysis that is, an in-depth look at an agency's internal strengths and weak-
nesses, and its external opportunities and threats. As an example, an agency
may have well-trained staff (strength), lack a good communication system
(weakness), enjoy good relations with other organizations in the community
(opportunity), and struggle with budget restrictions and high staff turnover
(threat). A SWOT analysis can help an agency take advantage of the strengths
and opportunities, and minimize the weaknesses and threats.

NEL
158 • CHAPTER 6

Establishing the Agency's Direction

A strategic framework typically describes what the agency hopes to achieve
and how. Most social agencies develop a vision statement that articulates the
agency's image of an ideal community. For example, Winnipeg's Fort Garry
Women's Resource Centre (2012) envisions "a community where women and
children are safe, healthy, valued and empowered."
While an agency's vision gives it something to strive for, its mission clari-
fies what it intends to achieve. Every social agency has a mission statement
that describes what the organization does, and to whom the programs are
targeted. Family Services of Greater Vancouver (2013), for instance, has the
following mission: "We work to inspire and support those in our community
who need help to reach their full potential: children are nurtured, youth find
optimism, adults feel empowered, and parents make choices that build strong
families. "
An agency goal states in realistic terms what the organization plans to
do in the long-term to achieve its vision and mission. For example, if the
agency's mission is to alleviate homelessness, the overall goal might be to
provide housing options for homeless people in the community. Well-written
goals are compatible with the organization's vision and mission, and are
consistent with information from the environmental scan. Goals must also
be appropriate to community needs, provide a clear direction and scope for
the agency's programs, and be relevant over the long term (Treasury Board of
Canada Secretariat, 2008).
Underlying an agency's vision, mission, and goals is a set of values or
acceptable standards that govern an agency's conduct with those it serves.
When articulated, value statements reflect the social agency's core ide-
ology. For example, the Family Services of Greater Vancouver (2013) has
a clearly defined set of values: quality in programs and services, respect
for all individuals, belief in the possibility that people can overcome their
challenges, recognition of and response to diversity in the community, and
accountability for responsibly managing resources. Organizational values are
reflected in every aspect of an agency's operations, including its programs
and administration.

AN OPERATIONAL FRAMEWORK: DIRECT SERVICES

An operational framework outlines the types of services that an agency

will deliver. Most social agencies offer direct services that are preventive in
nature that is, they try either to prevent the emergence of human problems

NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 159

or to lessen the negative effects of problems once they have arisen. Typically,
agency services operate at one or more of the following three levels:
• Primary prevention activities aim to prevent the development of
personal and social problems by educating people, providing informa-
tion, or promoting certain practices. They are usually targeted at large
segments of healthy populations to maintain or enhance well-being.
Alcohol and drug education for preteens is a well-known primary
prevention initiative.
• Secondary prevention activities (also called "early intervention")
address problems in the early stages of development before they have
become serious or chronic. This level of prevention involves controlling
or changing the conditions that are creating the problem. Respite
services, for example, can help family caregivers to reduce stress
related to caregiving and subsequently prevent burnout.
• Tertiary prevention activities (also called "treatment") aim to
reduce the negative effects of problems such as disability and
dependence that have become chronic or complex. Social welfare
programs in this category include child protection services, family
therapy, and residential care for youth with emotional disorders.
Some tertiary prevention programs are mandatory and sanctioned
by law; for example, if a child protection worker suspects that child
abuse or neglect has occurred in the home, that worker has the legal
authority to intervene in a family's affairs.
Tertiary prevention has long been the focus of direct services. In recent
years, however, social programmers have shown a greater interest in primary
prevention because it is easier, less expensive, and more humane than treating
problems after they develop. Furthermore, program evaluators tend to have
difficulties identifying and measuring the direct benefits of treatment, whereas
a growing number of studies point to the effectiveness of primary prevention
programs. Such findings as these have prompted many Canadian munici-
palities to funnel their resources into building healthy communities. By being
proactive and responsive to local needs, municipalities hope to curb crime,
homelessness, and other social problems before they occur.

AN OPERATIONAL FRAMEWORK: INDIRECT SERVICES

An operational framework also outlines the types of indirect services that will help
an agency deliver its direct services. Indirect services include administration,

NEL
160 • CHAPTER 6

program planning, program evaluation, and the setting of policies and pro-
cedures. In this section, we look at each of these aspects and their relation to
client services

Administration
An agency's administration is primarily concerned with the exercise of
authority and decision making. Two main levels of the organization perform
administrative duties: the governance level and the management level.
The governance level of an agency is responsible and accountable for both
the organization and the work it does in the community. In the voluntary sector,
a board of directors or trustees usually governs social agencies (see Exhibit 6.5).
In the public sector, governance is the responsibility of a first minister (such as
the federal minister of human resources and skills development) and his or her
senior staff. Among other things, the governance level of administration must
carve out a niche in the community for the agency, develop a positive public
image, and ensure that the agency is accountable to its staff, volunteers, funders,
locals, and other stakeholders who have an interest in the agency's activities and
achievements.
At the management level, agency managers and supervisors perform such
duties as obtaining and allocating resources, designing programs, and recruiting
staff. A primary activity at this level is finding effective ways to achieve the
agency's goals. This usually involves providing training and professional devel-
opment opportunities for staff and monitoring the effectiveness of programs.
Management is also responsible for ensuring that programs are responsive to
the changing needs of the community (Institute on Governance, 20 ll).
In theory, the governance and management levels in voluntary agen-
cies are separate entities, requiring different types of knowledge and skills.
In reality, it is common for the roles and responsibilities of the two levels to
overlap to achieve mutual goals. The degree of overlap depends on the
agency's particular type of organizational structure. For example, some volun-
tary agencies with a collective model of organization encourage their members
to participate in a wide range of activities related to the running of the organi-
zation. This type of organization might have a working board of directors that
requires its members to perform day-to-day duties (such as answering phones
or sorting files) in addition to their governing responsibilities (such as setting
policy). The Institute on Governance (2008) cautions against letting the lines
between levels become too blurred or confused: "The real danger is not the
mixing of these roles, but unclear definition of responsibilities and lost lines
of accountability."

NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 161

EXHIBIT 6.5

1=1
0
.......
......
~
1-<
0
0..
1-<
0
u

.......
1-<
(\)
......
.......
0..
,_,
;::l

0\
0
0
N
@

Most voluntary agencies are governed by a volunteer board of directors or trustees

that is accountable to various stakeholders and the local community.

Program Planning
Program planning involves deciding how the agency will design, run, and
deliver its programs to clients. Various program-planning models are available
to social agencies, each with a different focus and set of procedures. However,
a generic program-planning process involves six key steps:
l. Determine how people in the planning process will work together,
make decisions, and move through the planning stages.
2. Confirm whether the program development plan should be carried
out and, if so, in what manner.

NEL
1 62 • CHAPTER 6

3. Set goals and objectives, and define the target population.

4. Design program strategies and activities.
5. Identify indicators of success that is, signs that the program is
achieving its objectives.
6. Review the viability of the proposed program and determine whether
it can be easily evaluated.
These steps do not always progress in chronological order. As new infor-
mation comes in and fresh challenges arise, the activities for one step may
have to be undertaken earlier or later in the process.
To assess the feasibility of a program plan before making a long-term
investment, some agencies run new programs on a pilot basis. During this
trial period, an agency can monitor a program's expenditures and activities to
ensure that the program is achieving its goals and objectives. Program developers
can modify any shortcomings in the program during this pilot phase.

Program Evaluation
Social agencies use various tools to evaluate their programs and services.
Program evaluation can be understood "as the process in which services and
programs are examined to determine whether they are needed and used, how
well they are run, whether they meet their stated objectives, and whether they
are worth the costs" (McDonald, 2009, p. 418). Although various types of
program evaluations are available, most social welfare programs today undergo
an outcome evaluation, which focuses on the impact or results of a program.
More specifically, outcome evaluations seek to identify how a program has
changed participants in terms of behaviours, attitudes, skills or knowledge.
For example, in 2009, an outcome evaluation of British Columbia's settlement
programs found that immigrant participants had improved their English skills,
formed connections to people and services in their host community, and had a
better understanding of Canadian systems and customs (Ference Weicker &
Company, 2009).
Program funders like outcome evaluations since they are likely to tell
them whether their dollars are producing expected results. In a national survey
of the evaluation practices of Canada's voluntary sector, 89 percent of funders
that required program evaluation in funded agencies wanted information
about client outcomes (Hall, Phillips, Meillat, & Pickering, 2003). Outcomes
are not only important to funders but can also be useful to agencies: knowing
how (or iD programs benefit clients is critical for improving existing programs or
developing new ones. In the case of voluntary agencies, the ability to demonstrate

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 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 163

positive outcomes may lend credibility and increase an agency's chances of

continued funding.
Evaluating programs is not always an easy task. One challenge for many
voluntary agencies is that outcome evaluation is an expensive, complicated,
and time-consuming process that requires expertise that is not always
available in-house (Hall, Andrukow, et al., 2003). In addition, evaluators
often have a difficult time proving that the enhanced well-being of program
participants is the result of the program and not some other influence in
participants' lives. This is a particular challenge when evaluating large-scale,
ongoing government programs, such as child protection and seniors' pensions.
To report on the public good of these universal programs, government
agencies must use randomized control trials or other non-traditional evalua-
tion models.

Policies and Procedures

All social agencies whether large government bureaucracies or small volun-
tary agencies operate according to fixed rules, otherwise known as policies
and procedures. Typically, an agency has policies that outline how it intends
to reach its long- and short-term goals. Procedures naturally flow from policy
and describe the activities and resources that will be applied to meet policy
requirements (Huebner, 1999).
Social agencies that provide direct client services usually have policies
and procedures that outline the structure and process of programs and how
clients are expected to enter, participate in, and exit from programs. Agency
staff often refer to the rules that govern the stages of programs as intake,
participation, and termination policies.
• An intake policy outlines the criteria a person has to meet to enter
a program. A program, for example, may require participants to be
within a certain age range or have an income below a specified limit.
• A participation policy clarifies what a participant has to do to continue
in a program. For instance, participants may be required to attend
regularly or follow specific rules of conduct.
• A termination policy identifies when a program participant can expect
to leave a program. Agency staff may use various markers to indicate
the end of service, including a point in time or when the participant
has reached a goal.
Program policies and procedures fulfill a number of functions: they can
help agency staff organize their work; they can prevent chaos and confusion;

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164 • CHAPTER 6

and they can ensure that, with the limited resources available, only people
who qualify for services use them. Despite their usefulness, agency policies
and procedures can create a number of challenges for clients and workers
alike. In extreme cases, the rules and regulations governing so-called helping
services can contribute to tragic outcomes (see Exhibit 6.6).

Case Study: Intake Screening Process, Ontario Works

"User-friendly" is hardly the term most people would use to describe the
policies and procedures of Canada's social assistance programs. A number
of studies have examined welfare systems and their impact on service users;
overall, researchers have concluded that the complex rules and requirements of
those systems can cause considerable anxiety and stress for clients, and even
discourage people who are in legitimate need from seeking help. The intake
screening process for Ontario's social assistance program called Ontario
Works is no exception.

Backgrounder: Ontario Works

In response to concerns about rising caseloads and the costs of social assis-
tance, the Government of Ontario overhauled its social assistance system
in 1997; the result was Ontario Works and a new service delivery model
(SDM). The SDM promised to improve the methods used to verify people's
eligibility for welfare by screening out ineligible applicants sooner in the
intake process. The government expected this approach to save money for
taxpayers and to direct welfare resources more quickly to people who quali-
fied for benefits.

A Two-Step Application Process

The SDM requires people applying for welfare to participate in a two-step
application process.
Step one is a preliminary telephone assessment. Welfare applicants
are required to phone one of the province's intake screening units; during
that call, applicants are given information about social assistance and
application procedures, and are asked about their employment and financial
situation.
Step two is a face-to-face verification interview. Applicants who pass the
initial telephone assessment are referred to a local Ontario Works office for
the in-person interview and further processing. During this stage, a caseworker

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 SOCIAL AGENCIES • 165

verifies an applicant's eligibility for welfare; this process may involve multiple
appointments, participation in an employment information session, and the
completion and signing of forms. Applicants are required to provide a variety
of documents to verify their financial circumstances, including pay stubs,

EXHIBIT 6.6
WHEN RULES MATTER MORE THAN PEOPLE:
THE CASE OF KIMBERLY ROGERS

In April 2001, Kimberly Rogers was convicted of welfare fraud for col-
lecting both social assistance and student loans while attending community
college in Ontario. The penalty for the fraud conviction was severe:
• a six-month sentence of house arrest (allowing her to leave her apartment
for a maximum of three hours a week);
• a requirement to repay over $13 000 in welfare benefits to Ontario Works;
• eighteen months probation;
• loss of the right to have part of her student loan forgiven; and
• suspension of welfare benefits for three months.
Rogers was pregnant at the time of her conviction and, without welfare,
had no source of income to pay for rent, food, and other basics.
In May 2001, Rogers launched a case under Canada's Charter of Rights
and Freedoms, challenging Ontario's right to suspend her welfare benefits.
Specifically, Rogers argued that
• cutting her off welfare (leaving her with no income) violated the Charter's
guarantees to life, liberty and security of the person;
• disqualifying her from welfare benefits after already punishing her with
house arrest constituted "cruel and unusual punishment;" and
• depriving a pregnant and disabled woman from welfare benefits violated
the Charter's guarantee of equality.
The Ontario Superior Court of Justice temporarily reinstated Rogers'
welfare benefits; however, those benefits totalled just $468 a month an
inadequate income to cover the necessities of life. Just weeks after the
court's ruling, Kimberly Rogers eight months pregnant and confined to
her apartment under house arrest died in her apartment.
Following an inquest into Rogers' death, the Coroner's Jury recom-
mended several changes to the policies and procedures governing welfare
provision under Ontario Works.

Source: Keck, jennifer (2002). Remembering Kimberly Rogers, Perception, Vol. 25, #3/4, Winter/Spring,
http://www.ccsd.calperception/2534/kimberly.htm.

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166 • CHAPTER 6

income tax slips, bank records, student loan assessments, rent receipts, and
divorce papers (Herd, Mitchell, &: Lightman, 2005).

Program Reviews

Various studies and reviews have identified a wide range of problems with
Ontario Works' intake screening policies and procedures. For example, in
her 2004 report to Ontario's minister of community and social services, Deb
Matthews (2004) found that front-line workers had to apply approximately
800 rules and regulations before the SDM system could determine an appli-
cant's eligibility. Those administrative requirements demanded about 80 per-
cent of the worker's time with the client, leaving little time to address the
client's needs.
In another study of Ontario Works systems, Herd, Mitchell, and Lightman
(2005) found the following:
• The telephone assessment process posed potential barriers to wel-
fare, especially for those who did not have a telephone, or had weak
English skills, a physical or mental disability, or little education.
• The system's emphasis on paperwork and documentation had the
potential to discourage people in legitimate need from applying or
cause them to drop out before the application could be completed.
As part of its 2008 Poverty Reduction Strategy, the Ontario govern-
ment appointed a commission to conduct a comprehensive review of its
social assistance program, including its intake screening process. In their
final report, Commissioners Lankin and Sheikh (2012, p. 20) recommended
several changes to Ontario's social assistance program; one recommenda-
tion was to eliminate "at least half of the rules and directives in the existing
system."

Agency Systems: Internal Structures and Functions

1. If a community needs assessment were being conducted in your community

and you were asked to give your opinion on what new services might be
needed, how would you respond? What makes you think your community
needs those particular services?
2. List some of the social services or income security programs in your com-
munity. Which level of prevention (primary, secondary, or tertiary) does each
service or program provide? What do you think each program is trying to
prevent?

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 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 167

3. Complex policies and procedures govern many social welfare programs

(including social assistance) and can frustrate clients or discourage them from
seeking help. Why might some social agencies be reluctant to eliminate or
simplify these complex rules?

3 ORGANIC MODELS OF ORGANIZATION

For much of the twentieth century, the bureaucratic model of organization
was praised for its reliability and predictability. People came to know bureau-
cracies as "well-oiled machines" that were characterized by
• specialization (clear divisions of labour)
• formalization (work roles defined by set job descriptions)
• departmentalization (activities grouped according to function)
• a clear chain of command (directives flowing vertically from upper
management to front line)
• centralization (decision making concentrated at a single point in the
organization)
• a pyramidal, hierarchical structure (a relatively small group of upper
managers at the top of the organization, one or more levels of manage-
ment in the middle, and several front -line workers at the lower level)
All organizations are bureaucratic to some extent. However, governments,
hospitals, public school systems, universities, and many large corporations are
common examples of large bureaucracies.
Support for the bureaucratic model began to wane in the late 1970s, when a
faltering economy made it difficult for governments to cover their high operating
costs. People began to see big bureaucracies as being too slow, inflexible, and
inefficient, and having too many complex procedures, otherwise known as
"bureaucratic red tape. " Canadians also criticized government bureaucracies
for their service silos that is, the various ministries and departments, all
working in isolation from one another, with their own mandates, resources,
objectives, and little regard for consumers' needs (Morley, 2005).
By the 1990s, large organizations were struggling with expanding
workloads and trying to meet the rapidly changing needs of service users,
funders, and governing bodies. The time was ripe for new structures spe-
cifically, organic models of organization that allowed workers to respond
quickly to change. The term "organic" implies that organizations are like
living organisms, capable of adapting to an ever-changing environment.

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168 • CHAPTER 6

Although many variations of organic models exist, most emphasize "flat"

hierarchical structures, flexibility, diversity, innovation, and cooperative
ways of working; the following section reviews these features.

HIERARCHICAL STRUCTURES

Large bureaucracies tend to have tall, pyramid-shaped organizational

structures with several vertical layers or departments. Those with the most
decision -making powers in the organization are at the top of the hierarchy;
that individual or group oversees and sets policies for the agency's general
operations. Below the top level are various levels of subordinates. Middle
management makes up one or more tiers; at this level, the executives,
department heads, supervisors, and other middle managers are responsible
for the various departments and for the day-to-day operations of programs
and services. At the lowest level of the hierarchy are the front-line workers and
support staff, who carry out the program activities, tasks, and services. Each
department in an organization tends to have a narrow range of control that
is, a small number of subordinates per manager.
Governments are notorious for their tall hierarchical structures. In
contrast, voluntary social agencies tend to have relatively flat hierarchical
structures, with fewer layers of middle management. Exhibit 6. 7 gives a
comparative view of these two types of organizational structures.
During the 1980s and 1990s, Canadian governments tried to reduce
the costs of the public service by reducing middle management, amalgam-
ating departments, and otherwise flattening the hierarchy. With a reduction in
the number of supervisors, governments expected their front-line workers
to develop more general skills, take on more varied tasks, and assume a
broader range of responsibilities At the same time, governments assigned
the remaining managers larger numbers of staff to supervise.
Flatter organizational structures have advantages and disadvantages.
With few or no levels of middle management, there may be opportunities for
a greater degree of contact, communication, and even shared decision making
between front-line workers and upper management. Moreover, managers in
flat organizations can usually approve changes more quickly because decisions
do not have to travel through so many departments. One possible disadvan-
tage is the difficulty in recruiting workers who are skilled in several areas of
expertise. Furthermore, a small number of managers may find it difficult to
supervise a relatively large group of staff.

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 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 169

EXHIBIT 6.7
EXAMPLES OF TALL AND FLAT HIERARCHIES

Tall Hierarchy

Government
minister

Deputy
minister

I I

Department ' Department

manager manager
I I
I I I I
'/

( Supervisor ) ( Supervisor ) Supervisor ( Supervisor )

1- Worker Worker Worker Worker

1- Worker Worker Worker Worker

..... Worker Worker Worker Worker

Flat Hierarchy

Board of directors '

./

Executive director

Supervisor ( Supervisor )

Worker Worker Worker Worker Worker Worker Worker Worker

Source: Rosalie Chappell

FLEXIBILITY

Flexibility is central to a social agency's ability to adapt to changes in

funding, workload, or community needs. Organic organizations are well
suited to change because of their relatively informal and decentralized

NEL
1 70 • CHAPTER 6

structures. These types of organizations tend to recruit workers who have

broad or generic skill sets and can perform a wide variety of duties. Staff
is usually expected to multitask, multiskill, and wear multiple hats (for
example, counsellors may double as supervisors). A team with a diverse skill
base is particularly useful in agencies that carry several service contracts or
have a broad client base. Even workers whose duties lie on the front line
are likely to need a wide range of helping skills, including counselling,
teaching, mediation, group work, and crisis intervention (Hiscott, 2002).
The demand for flexibility may increase job satisfaction by encouraging
workers to upgrade their skills and participate in varied decision-making
processes. On the other hand, the push for flexibility might create more
job stress "by increasing workloads, intensifying the work pace, producing
conflicting demands and multiplying workers' responsibilities" (Kashefi,
2009, pp. 810-811).
While agencies have to be flexible to the demands of the work envi-
ronment, they also have to be willing to respond to the needs of workers.
Because of shifts in government policy and funding arrangements, many
social agencies now operate on short-term contracts and cannot offer
workers more than temporary, part-time, or contract positions. As a result,
many people in the social welfare field have to take on several different jobs
or contracts or work for more than one employer to earn a decent income.
Other workers may not want full-time permanent employment and seek
only temporary work. In either case, organizations must be open to nego-
tiating creative schedules and work conditions that meet the needs of both
staff and employers.
Flexible social agencies tend to recognize the importance of a healthy
work-life balance that is, a balance between personal, family, and work
responsibilities and try to help staff achieve a balance. There are poten-
tial benefits of a work-life balance for both employers and employees,
including improved staff morale, decreased stress and burnout, increased
productivity, and fewer sick days. Exhibit 6.8 outlines some of the employment
policies, programs, and practices that a flexible and family-friendly organi-
zation might offer.

DIVERSITY

One of the effects of globalization and other socioeconomic changes taking

place is increasing diversity in the workforce. Workplace diversity refers to
the varied characteristics of workers with regard to ethnicity, age, gender,
values, ability, physical appearance, skill and experience, economic status,

NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCIES • 1 71

STRIKING A WORK-LIFE BALANCE

FLEX THE PLACE

• telecommuting (work from
hamel satellite office! or
remote location)

FLEX THE TIME

FLEX THE JOB
• alternative work schedule
• job redesign (change
(varied workday start and
certain aspects of the
end times)
job to achieve a
• compressed workweek
balanced set of
(work full-time hours in
responsibi Iities)
fewer than five days)
• job sharing (two people
• reduced hours (part-time
share the hours!
work at employeeIs
responsibilities! salary!
request)
and benefits of a job
• phased-in retirement
normally held by one
(gradual reduction in hours
full-time worker)
before retirement)

FLEX THE BENEFITS

• leaves of absence Gob-protected time off from work~ such as pregnancy leave! sick leave! and
professional development leave)
• dependant care (support for workers with dependants! such as on-site childcare and emergency eldercare
services)
• employee assistance programs (counselling for a worke(s personal issues! including substance abuse
and marital problems)
• well ness programs (assistance to help workers maintain health and well-being! such as quit-smoking
programs! workplace safety l and on-site gyms)

Source: Author-generated graphic. Information derived from Alberta Human Resources and
Employment. (2004). Better balance, better business. Retrieved from http://alis.alberta.calpdfl
cshop/betterbalance. pdf.

and sexual orientation. Diversity in age is one of the most obvious dynamics in
social agencies and other organizations. In today's workplace, it is common to
find four generations the Second World War generation, the baby boomers,
and Generations X andY working together in programs and services, with
their distinct expectations, attitudes, and work ethics.
While some people may view diversity as a source of conflict, most
organizations recognize its potential benefits. A diverse team in a social
agency, for instance, is likely to be representative of a local community;

NEL
1 72 • CHAPTER 6

subsequently, people in need may find it easier to approach an agency where

all the staff don't look, act, or think the same way (Bredin Institute, 2006).
Moreover, an ethnically diverse staff can assist in the development of culturally
appropriate programs and services for their equally diverse client base. At the
management level, a diverse board of directors is likely to view issues and
problems from various perspectives and draw from a broad range of possible
solutions.
Studies suggest that, despite the potential advantages of diversity in
the workplace and the increasing diversity of Canadian communities, many
voluntary agencies are far from diverse. For example, one study found that,
with the exception of organizations that provided immigrant services, volun-
tary and nonprofit organizations did not reflect the ethnic diversity of their
communities, especially in health and social service agencies in large cities
(HR Council for the Voluntary and Non-profit Sector, 2008). Another study
looked at the diversity of boards of directors in the Greater Tor onto Area
(GTA) and found that although visible minorities represent 40 percent of
the GTA's population, less than 16 percent of the total board positions in
nonprofit agencies are filled by members of visible minorities. On a more
promising note, the majority (78 percent) of those agencies have at least one
visible minority board member (Fredette, 2012).

INNOVATION

A rapidly changing society requires innovative strategies for dealing with

those changes. In a social welfare context, social innovation refers to
the development and implementation of new ideas and strategies to solve
pressing social problems. Innovation is particularly important to the delivery
of social welfare programs. Social agencies are forever seeking more creative
and effective ways to help people and to connect people with the resources
that they need.
Innovative ideas at the agency level are often referred to as best practices-
simply put, these are strategies or approaches that people perceive as working
well and would recommend to others. Best practices are sometimes identi-
fied during program evaluations, but often they are discovered by trial and
error. Each level of a social agency is likely to have its own collection of
best practices; for example, front-line workers might have preferred methods
of assessing client needs; supervisors might use proven team-building tech-
niques; and boards of directors might rely on fundraising strategies that have
worked in the past.

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 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 1 73

COOPERATION

Since the late 1970s, organizations have been de-emphasizing masculine

values that encourage competition and an authoritarian way of working, and
emphasizing feminine values, such as power sharing, group consensus, and a
democratic approach to decision making. Cooperative working relationships
can occur within a social agency (intra-agency) and among social agencies
(inter-agency).

Cooperation within Organizations

Intra-agency cooperation focuses on empowering workers and the people
who use services, and on fostering an environment of inclusion and participa-
tion in the workplace. For voluntary social agencies, intra-agency cooperation
means the inclusion of stakeholders in various aspects of the organization's
operations. For example, an agency's planning or advisory committee might
invite staff to participate in meetings, and former clients might serve on a
board of directors.
In recent years, Canadian governments have promoted the notion that
pervasive and complex social problems are best addressed when people unite,
identify and interpret the issues, share their expertise and views, and work
together toward solutions (Canada, 2004a). Thus, for governments, intra-
agency cooperation means breaking down hierarchical structures, integrating
various ministries and departments, and eliminating service silos. The main
objective of these efforts is to allow information and resources to flow more
easily across departmental boundaries and, in the process, streamline services
for people who use them.

Cooperation among Organizations

Inter-agency cooperation involves two or more organizations working
together. A collective approach to community initiatives often involves a
pooling of money and other resources, making team efforts more efficient
than individual ones. Inter-agency cooperation may also foster coordination,
leading to, for example, simplified client referral systems, shared locations,
improved communication and information sharing, and integrated service
delivery (Thomas & Skage, 1998). Increasingly, inter-agency cooperation is a
key factor in community-based projects across Canada.
While cooperative efforts have their advantages, they can also be challenging.
For instance, it takes time to establish good working relationships and to

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174 • CHAPTER 6

LEVELS OF MUTUAL RELATIONSHIPS

NETWORKING • To foster dialogue • Non-hierarchical • Low-key leadership

(E.G., NEWFOUNDLAND and a common • Informal or flexible • Minimal decision
AND lABRADOR understanding links among making
HOUSING AND • To provide a members • Little conflict
HOM ELESSN ESS clearinghouse for • Loosely defined • Informal
NETWORK)
information roles communication
• To create a base of • Community action
support is primary link
among members

ALLIANCE • To match needs and • Core group acts as • Facilitative leaders

(E.G., NATIONAL coordinate activities communication hub • Complex decision
CHILDREN'S ALLIANCE) • To limit the • Semiformal links making
duplication of • Roles somewhat • Little conflict
•
serv1ces defined • Formal
• To ensure tasks are • Members act in communication
completed advisory capacity within core group
• Group raises funds

PARTNERSHIP • To share resources • Clearly defined • Autonomous

(E.G., CANADA-NOVA to address common roles leadership
•
SCOTIA AFFORDABLE 1ssues • Formal links among • Focus on issue
HOUSING AGREEMENT) • To pool resources members • Group decision
to create something • Group generates making among
new new resources and core members
a joint budget • Frequent and clear
communication

COALITION • To share ideas • Roles, time, and • Shared leadership

(E.G., COALITION • To draw resources commitment are • Formal and group
A GAl NST FAMILY from existing systems defined decision making
VIOLENCE IN • To commit to • Formal links • Frequent and
NORTHWEST projects for a • Group generates prioritized
TERRITORIES)
minimum period new resources and communication
a joint budget

COLLABORATION • To achieve a shared • Formal roles, time • Strong leadership

• •
(E.G., AN ACCORD VISIOn commitment, and • Consensus model
BETWEEN THE • To build an evaluation of decision making
GOVERNMENT OF interdependent • Formal links among • High level of trust
CANADA AND THE system to address members and productivity
VOLUNTARY SECTOR)
issues and • Written work • Well-developed
opportunities assignments communication
systems
-
Source: Adapted from Hogue, T. (1994). Community Based Collaboration: Community Wellness Multiplied. Retrieved
from University of Vermont, http://www.uvm.edu/extension/community/nnco/collab/wellness.html.

NEL
 SOCIAL AGENCI ES • 1 75

make decisions through consensus time that is often in short supply in the
helping fields. Moreover, inter-agency work often requires well-developed
organizational and coordination skills skills that not all workers bring to
the job (Community Social Planning Council of Toronto and Family Service
Association of Toronto, 2006).
A variety of terms such as strategic alliances, collaborations, and
partnerships describe types of inter-agency relationships; each type has a
slightly different purpose, structure, and process, as outlined in Exhibit 6.9.

Organic Models of Organization

1. Identify a social agency in your community that has a tall organizational struc-
ture and one that has a flat structure. How might the organizational structure
of each agency affect the way it serves the public?
2 Many social agencies are striving to become more flexible, diverse, innova-
tive, and cooperative. Identify how these agency characteristics might benefit
(a) people living in poverty and (b) persons with disabilities.
3. Although the trend is toward greater intra- and inter-agency cooperation, not
all workers are comfortable working as part of a team. What characteristics
should a social worker (or other professional helper) have to succeed in a
cooperative-oriented environment?

SUMMARY

Introduction

Social agencies include voluntary agencies and government departments.

The way an agency carries out its functions and activities depends on
whom it serves, what it intends to accomplish, and how its programs are
designed. Local needs tend to determine the type of goods or services an
agency offers.

1 Community-Based Social Agencies

Most residential and non-residential organizations deliver services

according to a community-based model. Residential centres provide
round-the-clock care, while non-residential centres offer services on a
drop-in, appointment, or outreach basis. Many non-residential centres
(such as multiservice centres) offer a continuum of service. A community
system of care, when well coordinated, can respond to the varied and
changing needs of clients.

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1 76 • CHAPTER 6

2 Agency Systems: Internal Structures and Functions

Social agencies need a solid internal structure on which to base their work.
An understanding of the community forms the basis of a strategic frame-
work, which clarifies an agency's direction through vision, mission, goals,
and value statements. An operational framework provides a plan for the
provision of direct services (primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention)
and indirect services (administration, program planning, and program eval-
uation). Policies and procedures can help agencies organize their work;
however, those rules are not always conducive to meeting the needs of
clients or staff.

3 Organic Models of Organization

Organic organizational models provide an alternative to the bureaucratic
model. Organic models are known for their adaptability to changes in the
environment, their emphasis on flat hierarchical structures, and their pro-
motion of flexibility, diversity, innovation, and cooperative ways of working.

KEY TERMS
For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
social agencies, p. 148 indirect services, program planning,
public social agencies, p. 155 p. 161
p. 149 environmental scan, program evaluation,
voluntary social p. 156 p. 162
agencies, p. 149 community needs outcome evaluation,
community-based assessment, p. 156 p. 162
model, p. 150 target population, policies and procedures,
residential centres, p. 156 p. 163
p. 151 SWOT analysis, p. 157 bureaucratic model of
aging in place, p. 153 vision statement, p. 158 organization, p. 167
non-residential centres, mission statement, service silos, p. 167
p. 153 p. 158 organic models of
multiservice centres, agency goal, p. 158 organization, p. 167
p. 153 value statements, flat hierarchical
community system of p. 158 structures, p. 168
care, p. 154 primary prevention, diversity, p. 170
strategic framework, p. 159 social innovation, p. 172
p. 155 secondary prevention, best practices, p. 172
operational framework, p. 159 intra-agency
p. 155 tertiary prevention, cooperation, p. 173
direct services, p. 159 inter-agency
p. 155 administration, p. 160 cooperation, p. 173

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 • •
erv1ce rOVI ers

OBJECTIVES
Professional and non-professional helpers share the responsibility for
social welfare provision. This chapter will

• introduce the role of professional and non-professional helpers in a social

welfare context

• explore aspects of the social work profession and the role and responsibilities
of social service workers

• consider the contributions of volunteers in social agencies

• discuss the role of peer helpers in social provision

• examine selected issues and challenges facing unpaid caregivers

INTRODUCTION
• • • • •••• •• • •• • • • • • •• • ••• ••• • • • • •• •••• • • • • •• • • • ••• • • • • • • • • •• • • • • •• • • •• •• • • ••• ••• • •

At the center of the universe is a loving heart that

continues to beat and that wants the best for every
person. Anything we can do to help foster the intellect
and spirit and emotional growth of our fellow human
beings, that is our job. Those of us who have this
particular vision must continue against all odds. Life
is for service. (Fred Rogers, host of TV's Mister Rogers'
Neighborhood, 2001)
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

NEL 177
1 78 • CHAPTER 7

Before the expansion of the social welfare system, volunteers provided the
bulk of help to people in need. In fact, volunteers established some of Canada's
first social welfare institutions, including orphanages and homes for the aged.
During the 1950s and 1960s, the growth of the welfare state encouraged the
establishment of formal programs and services and the hiring of professional
helpers, such as social workers and psychologists. By the 1970s, formally
trained helpers had largely displaced volunteers "who, by implication, could
not provide adequate service" (Chappell, 1999). This view of volunteers
began to change in the 1980s when governments started cutting back on
social welfare spending. Governments assumed that volunteers would fill any
service gaps that resulted from the cuts and that families would take more
responsibility for the care of their members Qiwani, 2000).
Today, professional helpers are still in demand; however, non-professionals
provide a considerable share of support to people in need. Thus, social welfare
provision has become the responsibility of two broad helper groups:
• Professional helpers are paid to provide services and bring a recognized
knowledge base, training, and relevant experience to the helping
process. Social workers, social service workers, and other professional
helpers use planned, systematic, measurable, and otherwise scientific
methods and processes when working with clients. Often, practice is
guided by a code of ethics specific to a profession.
• Non-professional helpers include lay helpers, volunteers, self-help
groups, family caregivers, peer counsellors, friends, and other
informal helpers, all of whom help others without expecting a
payment in return. Although many non-professional helpers have
received training in basic helping techniques, this group is recognized
for its use of natural helping skills.
A mix of professional and non-professional help can offer a wide range
of service options. For example, a parent in conflict with a teen may seek
assistance from a social worker, attend a self-help group for parents, and
learn about other community resources through a volunteer information
line. At first glance, different types of helpers seem to naturally complement
each other. Historically, however, tension has existed between professional
and non-professional groups. Some of that tension relates to the issue of
expertise. Professional helpers, for instance, may see themselves as experts
with more credible and scientific solutions to human problems. At the same
time, unpaid helpers may consider themselves experts because of their own
struggles in life and having "been there. " In recent years, as the demand for
help has increased, and government funding to social services has decreased,
professional and non-professional helpers have shown a greater willingness

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 1 79

EXHIBIT 7.1
LINKS AMONG PROFESSIONAL AND
NON-PROFESSIONAL HELPERS

Client System
• individual
• couple
• family

Asks Asks for

for help* help

Gives Gives
help help

Professional Helpers Non-Professional Helpers

Non-Social welfare Social welfare
• clergy • social workers • self-help groups • family caregivers
• police • social service • agency volunteers • friends
• teachers workers Referrals • peer counsellors • neighbours
• physicians • family support • lay helpers • coworkers
workers

*In some instances, such as child protection cases, the client may not ask for help so much as agree to participate in service.

Source: Rosalie Chappell

to put their differences aside and work more closely together on behalf of
people in need.
Professionals, volunteers, peer helpers, and unpaid caregivers might
work together at various points. One point of contact is care team meetings,
which agency workers often form to coordinate services for clients who have a
variety of needs or receive service from multiple agencies in the community. It
is common for clients to invite a volunteer (such as a sponsor from a twelve-step
self-help program), a family member, or a friend to care team meetings for
moral support or practical assistance (such as help with language translation).
Exhibit 7.1 illustrates possible linkages, points of contact, and the give and
take between professional and non-professional helping systems.

1 PROFESSIONAL HELPERS
Of the professional helpers, social workers are the most closely associated
with the social welfare system. Social service workers also play an important

NEL
180 • CHAPTER 7

role in service delivery. This section looks at the contributions of these occu-
pational groups to social welfare, and explores the issues, rewards, and chal-
lenges of working in the helping field.

SOCIAL WORKERS

During the nineteenth century, social workers began taking a compassionate

and empathic approach to the problem of poverty, as opposed to the punitive
approach associated with the poor laws. Through social reform movements,
social workers educated the public about poverty and its related problems,
and lobbied for legislation to improve living standards for people in need.
Social workers also worked directly with people who were disadvantaged,
providing material aid and counselling that aimed not only to meet their basic
physical needs but also to empower them. These efforts established a long-
standing association between social workers and the social welfare system.
Social workers practise alongside a wide range of other occupational groups,
including psychologists, child-care workers, and guidance counsellors; how-
ever, social workers make up the largest single occupational group in Canada's
social welfare system and have considerable input into the development and
delivery of income security programs and social services.
Social workers are employed in many different settings, including hospi-
tals, voluntary agencies, religious organizations, employee assistance offices,
Aboriginal band councils, and private practice. More than three-quarters of
social workers in Canada work in healthcare and social service agencies. Certain
trends such as an aging population and a growing need for child protection
services are likely to increase the future demand for social workers (Service
Canada, 2012a).

Social Work Values and Knowledge

The social work profession is based on altruistic, humanitarian, and egalitarian
ideals, all of which shape its philosophy and its service goals and interventions.
Underlying social work's philosophy are a number of core values, including
respect for persons, social justice, and service to humanity. A fundamental
belief in confidentiality, integrity, and competence guides professional practice
(Canadian Association of Social Workers [CASW], 2005).
Social work's theoretical knowledge base is the product of activities
within the social work profession and in other disciplines. Knowledge pro-
duced within the profession draws from the shared experience of workers,
individual professional experiences, and applied research. Knowledge is also

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 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 181

derived from other such disciplines as psychology, psychiatry, education, and

public health, and from many academic fields, including sociology, philos-
ophy, economics, and law. This "cross-pollination" of various fields gives social
work a highly interdisciplinary knowledge base Qohnson, McClelland, &:
Austin, 2000).

Social Work Practice

Social work's scope of practice defines the types of activities that a quali-
fied social worker may practise. The relationship between individuals and
their environment, otherwise known as person-in-environment, is central
to social work's domain of practice. According to the person-in-environment
perspective, external factors in a person's life, such as family and formal
organizations, can either help or hinder individual well-being (CASW, 2008).
To work from a person-in-environment perspective, social workers must learn
about (l) a client's personal level of functioning; (2) how that functioning may
be affected by external forces, such as work or the economy; and (3) how a
client interacts with her or his environment (McMahon, 1994). This approach
acknowledges the complexity of interactions between people and the world
around them, and recognizes that people both shape and are shaped by their
environment (International Federation of Social Workers, 2012a). In 2008,
the CASW published its national scope of practice statement to promote a
better understanding of social work practice.
The person-in-environment perspective requires social workers to take a
multilevel approach to practice. At the micro level, social workers aim to help
individuals, families, and small groups enhance their social well-being; this goal
may be achieved through a variety of methods, including one-to-one, family,
or group counselling (see Exhibit 7.2). At the mezzo level, social workers seek
to improve conditions within and among social welfare organizations; this
approach may involve engaging in activities to strengthen inter-agency rela-
tions or advocating for new programs. The macro level of practice addresses
broader social problems and political issues and may require social workers to
advocate for change in social legislation or policy What social workers actually
do at each level depends largely on the setting in which they work and on
what they are trying to achieve. Most social work activities, however, require
some degree of skill in assessment, intervention, and evaluation.

Social Work Education

In most provinces and territories, a minimum of a bachelor of social work
(B.S.W.) degree is required for entry into the social work profession.

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182 • CHAPTER 7

EXHIBIT 7.2

0
,.......;
...0
1-c
(\)
..........
..........
.......
...!:o::
s 0
u•
0
......
0
...c:p...
...!:o::
u
0
......
V)
.......

At the micro level, many social workers work one on one with their clients.

People who have completed a B.S.W. may continue their education to

obtain a graduate degree (master of social work) or a postgraduate degree
(doctor of social work or Ph.D.). It is normally at the graduate and post-
graduate education levels that students specialize in a particular field of
practice. Since 1967, the Canadian Association for Social Work Education
has worked to advance the quality and relevance of social work training
in Canada.
Ideally, the context in which practice takes place shapes the struc-
ture and content of social work education. In reality, social work programs
struggle to keep up with rapid changes in political, economic, and social
environments, and the ongoing restructuring of service delivery systems.
One challenge involves keeping social work courses and programs relevant
to changing human needs and problems. In particular, social workers must
learn how to
• address client needs that are becoming increasingly complex as a
result of persistent poverty and chronic unemployment
• meet rising demands for services in a climate of shrinking social
welfare resources

NEL
 SERV ICE PROVIDERS • 183

• provide effective service in an environment in which social problems,

such as family violence and substance abuse, are becoming more
•
pervasive
• take the kind of social action that can change current political and
economic systems (Rondeau, 2001)
An ongoing challenge for educators is to raise social work students'
awareness of the diverse social issues and problems in Canadian society. In
her review of social work literature, Anne Westhues (2005) found that issues
related to gender and, to a lesser extent, racism, have received the most cov-
erage during the last twenty years. More recently, the topics of sexual orienta-
tion, Aboriginal issues, and the experiences of older adults have been gaining
more attention in social work classrooms.
In response to an increasingly culturally diverse society, social work
education programs are becoming more reflective of the communities that
the graduates will serve. For instance, these programs are making progress in
attracting more visible-minority and Aboriginal social workers to the profes-
sion. Furthermore, changes to the education and accreditation policies of the
Canadian Association for Social Work Education, and to the CASW's code of
ethics, aim to strengthen social work students' skills in working with a cultur-
ally and racially diverse clientele (Yan &: Chan, 20 l 0).

Regulation of Social Work

The practice of social work is regulated at various levels. Each province and ter-
ritory has a professional association to govern social work practice; the associa-
tions in nine of those provinces and the territories form a federation under the
Canadian Association of Social Workers (CASW). The CASW plays a leadership
role in advancing the social work profession in Canada and sets national standards
and guidelines for social work practice. These standards include a social work code
of ethics, which guides professional conduct and practice (CASW, 2005).
In addition to professional associations, Ontario, Quebec, British
Columbia, and Alberta each have a college of social work; other provinces
are in the process of establishing colleges as well. (In this context, colleges are
governing bodies, not educational institutions.) While social work associations
and colleges share many of the same values and principles, each regulatory
body has its own mission: professional associations tend to represent the inter-
ests of the social work profession, while colleges aim to protect the public
from unqualified or incompetent practitioners.
Legislation and regulation in each province and territory define the limits
of what social workers can and cannot do. These limitations are articulated in

NEL
184 • CHAPTER 7

various sources, such as social work acts, scope of practice statements, and
documents that specify the qualifications (such as educational achievement)
that social workers must have to practise the profession. Depending on the
jurisdiction, social workers who join a regulatory body in their region become
registered, certified, or licensed; the public expects these social workers to
practise in accordance with the standards set by their profession and to be
accountable to their clients, their profession, and society. Legislation in each
jurisdiction protects the use of the titles "social worker" and "registered social
worker"; only those who meet certain professional standards can use these
designations.

Professional Identity
Social work is similar to other helping professions (such as nursing and
policing) in that it possesses a code of ethics, it has the means to regulate and
enforce standards of behaviour among its members, and it has developed a
theoretical body oflmowledge that guides practice (Cross, 1985). (See Exhibit 7.3
for some of the commonalities and distinctions between social work and two
other helping professions.)
For much of the twentieth century, social work distinguished itself from
other helping professions by "a distinct set of professional skills, based on an
identified knowledge base, provided through formal education, and refined
through years of practice with others in the profession" (Stephenson, Rondeau,
Michaud, & Fiddler, 2000, p. 5). Since the early 1980s, however, it has become
more difficult to discern what is or is not social work. Changes in social and
economic policies largely enforced by neoliberal governments have contrib-
uted to social work's loss of professional identity. Those policies have affected
the definition of social work in a variety of ways, including the following:
• To save money, primary healthcare centres, such as hospitals, have
grouped workers from various disciplines under generic titles,
such as "healthcare professionals." In these types of settings, social
workers may be supervised by non-social-workers who may not
recognize or encourage the use of social work skills (Fildes &
Cooper, 2003).
• In an attempt to keep costs down and meet service demands, social
agencies are hiring greater numbers of helpers with fewer credentials
or with little or no social work training. Although non -social-workers
may meet the demands of the job, their predominance can weaken
social work's presence in the social welfare field.

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 SERV ICE PROVIDERS • 185

A COMPARISON OF THREE HELPING PROFESSIONS

PRIMARY Focus Interactions between Individual thoughts, Thought processes and

OF HELP people and their feelings, and brain functioning
social environment behaviour

GENERAL A IM To help people develop To help people To help people prevent

OF PRACTICE and use personal and understand, explain, or manage menta l
community resources and change their illness or behavioural
to solve problems behaviour disorders

ASSESSMENT/ Psychosocial Diagnostic tests Medical exam; Diagnostic

D IAGNOSTIC history-taking; (10, personality, and Statistical Manual
TOOLS client interviews; etc.); interviews; of Mental Disorders;
observation observation interviews; observation

EXAMPLES OF Individual counselling; Individual counselling; Psychotropic medication;

PRACTICE marita l/family therapy; marita l/family biological treatments;
METHODS group work; advocacy; therapy; group work; psychotherapy
community practice consultation

EXAMPLES OF Clinica l (counselling); Clinica l; counselling; Child and adolescent;

SPECIALIZATIONS child welfare; developmental; geriatric; forensic;
gerontology; school; school; forensic; liaison; addictions
family services sports

EDUCATION B.S.W., M.S.W., D.S.W., B.A. or B.Sc., M.A., Medical degree plus
LEVELS Ph.D. Ph.D. minimum five years
psychiatric training

PROFESSIONAL Canadian Association Canadian Psychologica l Canadian Psychiatric

ASSOCIATIONS of Social Workers; Association; Association; Royal
AND REGULATORY college of social Association of College of Physicians
BODIES workers (in some Canadian Psychology and Surgeons of
provinces) Regulatory Canada
Organizations

Source: Rosalie Chappell

Social work's identity has been redefined over the past few years in part
because of the regulation of restricted practice activities that is, practices
that only certain occupational groups or designated professionals within those
groups can carry out. Provincial legislation sets out the restricted practices for
social workers. For example, under Ontario's Psychotherapy Act, only social
workers with certain qualifications and membership in the Ontario College of
Social Workers and Social Service Workers can legally practise psychotherapy
in that province.

NEL
186 • CHAPTER 7

SOCIAL SERVICE WORKERS

The expansion of the social welfare system in the 1950s and 1960s led to an
increased demand for service providers and, subsequently, to the development
of college-level social work programs. Today, over sixty certificate or diploma
programs across Canada offer basic social work training; these college-level pro-
grams combine classroom work with practical experience and tend to tailor
their curriculums to the needs of the job market (Lecomte, 2005). Typically,
students train as generalist social workers and learn basic social work methods,
values, and ethics. Graduates of these programs are most commonly known
as social service workers or human service workers, but other titles such
as community support worker or family support worker may apply. Since
people in this group have a lower level of social work education than a bache-
lor's degree, they are sometimes referred to as paraprofessionals (Stephenson,
Rondeau, Michaud, & Fiddler, 2000).
Many of the same types of agencies that employ social workers also hire
social service workers. Healthcare organizations and social assistance offices pro-
vide the majority of social service workers (about 70 percent) with employment.
Supervisors assign these workers a variety of duties, including
• preparing intake reports
• referring clients to community resources
• providing crisis intervention
• leading client groups, such as life skills workshops
• coordinating and supervising volunteers
• participating in the admission of clients to appropriate programs
(Human Resources and Skills Development Canada, 2012b)
Although social service workers perform similar tasks as social workers,
they tend to have fewer responsibilities and less discretionary power. It is
common for a social service worker to serve as a caseworker under the super-
vision of a social worker.
Industry sources suggest that certain trends will drive the need for
social service workers; those trends include the community integration of
people with disabilities, the increasing rates of social problems (such as child
poverty), and the retirement of older workers in social welfare occupations.
An expansion of social services for First Nations peoples is also opening up
new job prospects for social service workers, especially in the areas of out-
reach and community development (British Columbia, Work Futures, 20 11).
There is no uniform regulation of social service workers in Canada.
Alberta and Ontario are the only provinces that have a regulatory process to

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 187

oversee social service practice. The Ontario College of Social Workers and
Social Service Workers (OCSWSSW) has developed various documents to
guide social service practice; one of those documents is a scope of practice for

EXHIBIT 7.4
SCOPE OF PRACTICE FOR SOCIAL SERVICE WORK

The scope of practice of the profession of social service work means the assess-
ment, treatment and evaluation of individual, interpersonal and societal problems
through the use of social service work knowledge, skills, interventions and strategies,
to assist individuals, dyads, families, groups, organizations and communities to
achieve optimum social functioning and includes, without limiting the generality
of the foregoing, the following:
SSWl The provision of assessment, treatment and evaluation services within a relation-
ship between a social service worker and a client;
SSW2 The provision of supervision and/or consultation to a social service worker
or social service work student or other supervisee;
SSW3 The provision of social support to individuals and/or groups including
relationship-building, life skills instruction, employment support, tangible
support including food and financial assistance, and information and referral
0

services;
SSW4 The provision of educational services to social service worker students;
SSWS The development, promotion, management, administration, delivery and
evaluation of human service programs, including that done in collaboration with
other professionals;
SSW6 The provision of services in organizing and/or mobilizing community
members and/or other professionals in the promotion of social change;
SSW7 The provision of contractual consultation services to other social service
workers, or professionals; or organizations;
SSWS The development, promotion, implementation and evaluation of social
policies aimed at improving social conditions and equality;
SSW9 The conduct of research regarding the practice of social service work, as
defined in paragraphs (1) to (8) above; and
SSWlO Any other activities approved by the College.
The Principles and Interpretations set out in the Standards of Practice Handbook
are to be applied in the context of the scope of practice of each profession.

Source: From Ontario College of Social Workers and Social Service Workers. (2008). Code of ethics and standards
of practice handbook, 2nd ed., p. 8. Retrieved from http://www.ocswssw.org/docs/codeofethicsstandardsofpractice.
pdf. Used with permission.

NEL
188 • CHAPTER 7

social service workers who are members of the OCSWSSW (see Exhibit 7.4
for a summary of that scope of practice).

REWARDS AND CHALLENGES FOR PROFESSIONAL AND

PARAPROFESSIONAL HELPERS

Some Canadian studies have found that social workers and social service
workers generally experience work overload, job insecurity, lower pay and
fewer benefits than other occupations; stress and burnout, work-life con-
flict, and a general dissatisfaction with work are also common complaints
(CASW, 2004; Evans, Richmond,&: Shields, 2005). Other studies emphasize
the rewards of social work and related service. For example, many people
enter the social welfare field because they are committed to a cause, and they
see social service as an important and meaningful endeavour; these workers
report being generally satisfied with their jobs (Saunders, 2004). Others are
attracted to the field because of the flexible work schedules, a culture that
promotes teamwork, and a highly dynamic work environment that provides
stimulating challenges and opportunities (Ahmed, 2006).
Some analysts question whether the rewards of social service are
enough to compensate for low wages and poor working conditions or
to keep qualified helpers committed to the field over the long term. Ron
Saunders (2004, p. 48) predicts a looming crisis within the social welfare
field: The "dissatisfaction with earnings in the non-profit sector rises with
age, suggesting that employees in the sector eventually reach a point where
the gap between the intrinsic rewards of working in the sector (fulfilling
a valued mission) and the extrinsic rewards (pay, job security) becomes a
problem for them. Since the paid workforce in the sector is older, on average,
than that of the for-profit sector, this issue may become more acute in the
coming years." Reports suggest that social agencies, especially in the volun-
tary sector, are having a harder time retaining staff. A migration of qualified
workers out of social service to higher-paying jobs in other fields such as
Alberta's booming oil and gas sector is already under way ("Social Service
Staff," 2007).
A Labour Force Study of paid employment in Canada's voluntary
and nonprofit organizations suggests that a new generation of workers
may be attracted to the social welfare field because of its challenging and
rewarding work. On the other hand, the field's overemphasis on paperwork
and other administrative duties may not appeal to many young people
(Human Resources Council for the Voluntary&: Non-Profit Sector, 2008).

NEL
 SERV ICE PROVIDERS • 189

In any case, growing numbers of social workers and social service workers
are completing their training and seeking work in social and health ser-
vices. There are also indications that some provinces and territories are
increasing funding to social services and thereby creating new positions.
Those funding increases are in response to various developments, such as
a need to fulfill service obligations under provincial and territorial pov-
erty-reduction plans, and mounting public pressure to address persistent
social problems with concrete interventions (Service Canada, 20 12a).

Professional Helpers
1. Social work educators face the challenge of trying to keep social work courses
relevant to the changing political, economic, and cultural climate. What can
educators do to ensure that students are well prepared to enter the social
work field? What can students do to ensure that they are getting the best
training available?
2. As a profession, social work has been experiencing an "identity crisis." Do you
think that social workers should have a clearly defined role and title or simply
blend into the larger (and more generic) group of "healthcare professionals"?
Give reasons for your answer.
3. If applicable, identify what attracts you to a career in the social welfare field.
How do you think you can make a difference in this field?

2 AGENCY VOLUNTEERS
Approximately 12 percent of Canadian adults donate their time to social
agencies, primarily in the voluntary sector. These agency volunteers
may perform any number of duties, including fundraising; mentoring,
teaching, or giving information; delivering or serving food; driving people
to appointments and community activities; and supporting people in distress
(Vezina & Crompton, 2012).
The integration of volunteers in social agencies is becoming more
common in Canada. Professionals and volunteers work side by side in
many types of organizations and on behalf of various groups, including
recent immigrants, children and families, and victims of crime. In these
days of government cutbacks and growing demand for services, many social
agencies have become so reliant on volunteers that they could not survive
without them (see Exhibit 7. 5).

NEL
190 • CHAPTER 7

EXHIBIT 7.5

The financial survival of many food banks and other social agencies depends heavily
on volunteer labour.

BENEFITS OF VOLUNTEERING

Among other things, social agency volunteers are valued for their interest in
and concern for others, their innate understanding of the human condition, and
their use of natural helping skills. To provide support to agency clients, vol-
unteers are likely to use facilitating skills (such as listening, encouraging, and
empathizing) and perform tasks (such as giving advice and information, and
shopping for food and other basics) (Stahl &: Hill, 2008).
A study by Patterson, Memmott, Brennan, and Germain (1992) found
that the most helpful volunteers are the ones who provide humour, exchange
personal experiences, share material resources, reach out to others, and
follow up after problems are resolved. Helpful people are also those who
assist others to clarify needs and problem solve, and who provide sugges-
tions and information. In their study of a parent support group, Parrott,
Buchanan, and Williams (2006) found that at-risk parents appreciate that
volunteers are more flexible than professional helpers who, for the most part,

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 191

are available only during regular office hours and have more restrictions on
the type of help they can give.
Social service agencies generally recognize volunteers for the wide range
of benefits they bring to the organization. For example, because volunteers
choose to serve an agency for no material gain, they lend credibility to the
agency Volunteers also bring vitality to their work, as well as knowledge, focus,
objectivity, and specialized skills. Agencies often rely on volunteers for their
objective views on agency operations and for their constructive feedback and
ideas on how to improve existing programs or procedures (Muegge &: Ross,
1996). Specific volunteer groups can benefit organizations in different ways. For
example, immigrant volunteers are recognized for increasing diversity, sharing
new perspectives, and expanding the range of linguistic and other skills within
organizations (Volunteer Canada, 201 0). As well as bringing enthusiasm, fresh
ideas, and creativity to organizations, youth volunteers are valued for making
services more accessible to younger populations (Community Sector Council
Newfoundland and Labrador, 2010).

MANDATORY VOLUNTEERS

Volunteer Canada (2006a, p. 22) defines volunteering as "the offering of time,

energy and skills of one's own free will" (italics added). Thus, forcing someone
to volunteer runs contrary to the definition and spirit of volunteering. Since
the late 1990s, however, it has become more common for people to volunteer
because they are required to. These mandatory volunteers known in some
circles as voluntolds account for 7 percent of Canadian volunteers. Mandatory
volunteers may include high school students who must volunteer in order to
graduate and people sentenced by the courts to complete community service
(Vezina&: Crompton, 2012).
Many organizations promote the potential benefits of mandatory com-
munity service. Government social assistance programs, for example, see
volunteering as a way for social assistance recipients "to contribute to
their communities, learn basic work and life skills, gain experience and
make contacts for future employment" (District of Nipissing Social Services
Administration Board, 2012). Opponents of mandatory volunteering sug-
gest that forced volunteerism may pose problems for sponsoring agencies.
By trying to accommodate mandatory volunteers, voluntary agencies may
use up precious resources that could go to supporting volunteers who really
want to be there. Agency supervisors may also need to devote extra time to
reporting on the participant's progress to probation officers, welfare workers,

NEL
192 • CHAPTER 7

or other authorities. Agencies that accept young offenders in commu-

nity service placements may have to address issues related to the safety
and security of their clients and staff. Moreover, agency staff may find
it particularly challenging to work with mandatory volunteers who are
less willing or motivated to serve than are regular volunteers (Volunteer
Canada, 2006b).

GOVERNMENT SUPPORT OF VOLUNTEERISM

Since 1977, the Government of Canada has promoted volunteerism through

Volunteer Canada. It was nevertheless the United Nations' proclamation of the
International Year of Volunteers in 2001 that made government recognize the
invaluable role that volunteers play in society.
In 2002, the Government of Canada introduced the Canada
Volunteerism Initiative (CVI) to promote the participation of Canadians in
society. Under this initiative, federal funding supported the establishment
of volunteer centres across the country, the promotion of volunteerism,
and the development of how-to documents to help voluntary agencies
learn the science of managing volunteers. Evaluation reports suggest that
the strategies developed under the CVI were highly successful in terms
of helping organizations recruit, manage, and recognize volunteers more
effectively (Volunteer Canada, 2008).
For governments, volunteerism has a tremendous economic value:
estimates show that the approximately two billion hours of volunteer work
annually performed by Canadians is the equivalent of over one million
full-time jobs (Statistics Canada, 2012a). Governments are increasingly
seeing volunteers as possible solutions to the rising demand for and costs
of social welfare provision.
Clearly, organizations that use volunteers require some level of
funding to recruit, train, supervise, and adequately recognize volunteers;
since 2002, much of that funding had been available through the CVI.
However, in 2006, the newly elected federal government cancelled the CVI
(and the $9.7 million going to that program) on the basis that the initia-
tive did not "meet the priorities of the federal government or Canadians"
(Treasury Board of Canada Secretariat, 2006). The government's move surprised
many Canadians, especially since governments usually want nonprofit
organizations to cut costs by using more volunteers. To compensate for
the federal government's withdrawal of funding, many provinces and the
territories stepped in to support voluntary agencies and volunteerism. The

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 193

Government of Nova Scotia (2006), for example, appointed a minister of

volunteerism and, in so doing, made a commitment to work with the voluntary
sector to increase the number of volunteers needed to ensure the quality
of nonprofit service.

BARRIERS TO VOLUNTEERISM

Despite provincial and territorial support of volunteerism, Canadians

face a number of barriers to volunteering. In the 2010 Canada Survey of
Giving, Volunteering and Participating (Vezina&: Crompton, 2012), most
respondents cited a lack of time as the main reason for not volunteering,
and more than half of respondents said they were unable to make a long-term
commitment to volunteering. A study by Volunteer Canada (2010) found
that, even when volunteers were committed to their cause, they had less
than ideal volunteer experiences. Some of those volunteers reported a
frustration with agency politics and disorganization, while others felt that
they were not making a difference or believed that their skills were under-
used. Researchers in the study suggested that voluntary agencies could do
more to improve their volunteer recruitment and retention practices. For
example, agencies might make a greater effort to learn about volunteers'
motivations and interests and the types of experiences they are seeking.
In addition, agencies could try to be more flexible and accommodating
to the schedules and time restraints of volunteers; be more sensitive to
volunteers' needs in terms of age, culture, ability, language, and gender;
and be more willing to tailor volunteer experiences to match the interests
of participants.
Canadian studies on volunteering show that smaller numbers of vol-
unteers are doing a greater portion of the work; specifically, 25 percent
of all volunteers contribute 77 percent of all volunteer hours (Vezina &:
Crompton, 2012). Those who donate the bulk of volunteer hours are at
a high risk of burnout women are particularly vulnerable because they
tend to be already overextended yet feel obligated to contribute even more
(Mailloux, Horak, &: Godin, 2002). Social agencies may find themselves
in a bind: they need volunteers to meet increasing service demands and
yet are reluctant to overwork existing volunteers. A possible solution is to
limit the range of services that volunteers provide; this prospect is nev-
ertheless an undesirable one for those social agencies struggling to meet
community needs.

NEL
194 • CHAPTER 7

Agency Volunteers
1. Do you think that it is a good idea for social agencies to use volunteers in
the provision of service? What are the potential pros and cons of relying on
volunteer labour from the perspective of (a) clients and (b) social agency staff?
2. In your opinion, what are the top three things that a nonprofit organization
should do to show its volunteers that they are valued and needed?
3. In what situations (if any) might a client benefit more from the services
provided by a volunteer than those provided by a professional helper? Give
reasons for your answer.

3 PEER HELPERS
While peer support normally takes place between friends on an informal,
ad-hoc basis, this type of help can also develop into more organized and
structured arrangements. Such is the case with self-help groups and peer
counselling. In these situations, people form relationships with others who
share a common concern or experience for the purpose of providing mutual
support, information, or physical assistance.

THE ROLE OF PEER SUPPORT

Research suggests a strong link between peer support and improvements in

well-being, including physical health benefits, reduced reliance on hospital
and mental health services, and improved quality of life (Peters, 2010).
By connecting with peers, people can also make more friends and therefore
reduce feelings of isolation or loneliness. Peer support programs for adults-
such as those for parents of children with disabilities can help participants
feel better able to accept and cope with the challenges they face (British Columbia
Schizophrenia Society, 2005). Children and adolescents might benefit from
peer helping in terms of learning effective problem-solving skills or dealing
with peer pressure or bullying. Peer support might also be an option for
youth needing to make tough decisions around drugs, sex, and other high-
risk behaviours.
Those receiving help are not the only ones that benefit. Through the
process of sharing knowledge, skills, and resources with others, peer helpers
can become empowered to solve their own problems. In turn, personal
empowerment is likely to foster physical and mental energy, personal

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 195

understanding, and motivation. Another benefit relates to the helper therapy

principle. According to self-help expert Frank Riessman, a person who is
simultaneously a helper and a recipient of help "acquires the enhanced self-
esteem and feeling of worth that comes with being important to others. The
experiential knowledge, gained from coping with a common problem, is
valued, just as credentials and technical expertise are valued in a professional
helping situation" (cited in Pape, 1990, p. 5).
The first peer support service in Canada was the Mental Patients Society,
established in Vancouver in 1971. Since then, the peer support, self-help,
and paraprofessional movements have promoted the many benefits of peer-
delivered services. Today, peer support is an important adjunct to professional
health services, especially in light of an aging population and an overburdened
healthcare system. Shrinking social welfare budgets are making it more difficult
for professional helpers to meet service demands; as a result, professionals are
enlisting the help of peer-based programs to help their clients meet their social
and emotional needs. Certain social trends such as an overall increase in
family instability and a growing number of people seeking helping services-
are also driving the demand for peer support.
Peer intervention programs exist in many settings, such as schools,
hospitals, workplaces, and community centres. Although many peer-based
programs function with little or no government funding, this situation is grad-
ually changing as governments recognize the economic, health, and social
benefits of peer intervention. Quebec, Ontario, New Brunswick, and British
Columbia are ahead of other Canadian jurisdictions when it comes to devel-
oping and funding peer programs (Peters, 2010).

SELF-HELP GROUPS

Self-help groups are non-professional networks of individuals with a common

experience or concern. These groups typically meet to pool resources, exchange
information, and provide mutual support to its members. Participants in self-
help groups connect on the basis "that all members are equal all are experts
on their own lives, no one knows more than anyone else and no one has
all the answers" (Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science and
Technology, 2006a, p. 234). In general, self-help groups are voluntary
and any help given is free of charge. These groups are essentially egalitarian
and do not include professionals in the helping process. Although self-help
groups have much in common with other types of groups, they are unique in
many ways; Exhibit 7.6 compares self-help, peer support, and therapy groups.

NEL
196 • CHAPTER 7

MAKING DISTINCTIONS: SELF-HELP, PEER SUPPORT,

AND THERAPY GROUPS

li':: ~} 1.:-lU ~~lii• a~

:c-1 ~i.elUJ~
PRIMARY GOAL Personal change Personal change Personal change through
through helper-therapy through information evidence-based
principle and support therapeutic models and
strategies

GROUP MODEL Peer participatory Peer participatory Professional expert

GROUP PROCESS Identification and Identification and Interactions with members

interactions w ith peers interactions with peers and therapist

GROUP Personal storytelling, Discussion, skill-building Discussion or other form of

ACTIVITIES listening to others, exercises, information self-expression (such as
giving emotional and exchange dance or art)
practical support

OUTCOMES OF Encouragement, New skills, Improved communication

GROUP sense of belonging, understanding, and behavioural
empowerment, comfort, ability to functioning, trust,
recovery cope personal insight

MEMBERSHIP Open to new members Often closed groups; Closed group; members
(sometimes restricted members must meet must meet eligibility
on basis of gender) eligibility criteria criteria
I
LEADERSHIP No leader, or leader Professional or trained Professional leader, usually
shares same issue as volunteer, usually has trained in a d iscipline
group members first-hand experience (such as psychotherapy)
with the group's issue

MEETING Meetings are structured Meetings may or may Structure depends on

STRUCTURE and task oriented not be structured therapist's therapeutic
approach

MEETING PLACE Donated space (e.g., Social agency or private Social agency, institution, or
room in church); agency; Internet private agency
Internet

COST OF Free (possible donation Free, subsidized by Free, subsidized by agency,

MEMBERSHIP to cover cost of agency, or minimal fee or fee-for-service
refreshments, etc.)

SIZE OF GROUP Flexible (limited only by Depends on purpose of Usually small (about 6 to 8
physical space) group and needs of participants)
members
--
Source: Self-Help Resource Association of B.C. (2004) . Self-help mutual aid and professionals: A practical alliance,
p. 2. Self-Help/Mutual Aid Workshop Series Manuals: Vancouver.

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 197

A self-help group exists for practically every human issue imaginable,

including bereavement, disability, parenting, and relationships. Self-help
groups are particularly powerful sources of support for persons with a mental
health disorder or an addiction. Depending on its purpose, a self-help group
may focus on problem solving (such as Al-Anon), self-development (for
example, Parents Supporting Parents Society in Nova Scotia), or consciousness
raising (including Senior Power of Regina).
At one time, the only way that members of self-help groups could
connect with each other was in person. However, in the Internet era,
more and more people are able to participate in cyber self-help groups.
Online groups have many advantages over face-to-face groups; for instance,
members do not have to arrange for meeting space, transportation, or
child care; also, schedules for group meetings are flexible. Online self-
help groups are especially appealing to people who are concerned about
anonymity or who live in rural or isolated areas where groups are limited
or non-existent. There are a number of possible online venues for self-help
groups, including newsgroups, email discussion groups, chat rooms, and
discussion forums.

PEER COUNSELLORS

Peer counsellors are volunteers who use natural helping skills and basic
counselling skills to help others deal with challenges in their personal or
professional lives. Depending on the situation, peer counsellors can be helpful
in a number of ways, including helping others develop self-esteem and
confidence, learn effective coping strategies, and deal with difficult feelings,
such as anxiety, grief, and anger. Perhaps most importantly, peer counsellors
offer what a friend might normally provide: a listening ear, understanding,
and encouragement (Hunte, 2009).
It is critical that peer counsellors can identify with those they are
trying to help. Typically, peer counsellors have similar backgrounds, or
have experienced similar challenges, as those they are trying to help. For
example, the Ontario Provincial Police's employee assistance program offers
peer counselling to "employees and their families to discuss emotional
issues with someone they trust and who can understand their struggles,
particularly as they are shaped by the policing profession" (OPP Human
Resources Bureau, 2006). A wide range of organizations such as those
for families, seniors, and people with disabilities rely on peer counsellors
to provide various types of support to their clientele.

NEL
198 • CHAPTER 7

Like other types of helpers, peer counsellors have a well-defined role in

the helping process. For example, it would be reasonable for peer counsellors to
offer suggestions, point out the potential consequences of actions, or share
their own experiences with those they are assisting. On the other hand, it
would be inappropriate for these non-professional counsellors to give advice
or make decisions for someone else. Moreover, peer counsellors do not pro-
vide therapy or replace professional helpers; however, they can be instru-
mental in referring people to social workers, psychologists, or other certified
professional if more intensive counselling is needed (Carr, 1996).
All peer counsellors receive some level of formal training. Ideally, a
qualified adult instructor with experience in peer counselling facilitates the
training sessions. Successful training sessions are usually based on a reliable
curriculum, offer a balance of counselling theory and experiential learning,
and encourage and engage participants in the learning process. It is important that
the training meet the needs of the sponsoring organization and the commu-
nity, and that relevant groups, organizations, and caregivers in the community
legitimate the training program. In addition to training, peer counsellors should
receive ongoing supervision and regular opportunities to upgrade their skills
(Carr, 1996).

Peer Helpers
1. List some of the peer support groups or programs in your community. For
each group or program, identify its target population and its main function.
How might the participants of these groups or programs benefit from peer
interactions? Do you think that professional helpers could produce those
same benefits? Why or why not?
2. Some provincial and territorial governments are starting to show a greater
interest in supporting peer support programs. What are some of the possible
reasons for this interest? (Consider some of the social, economic, political,
and cultural changes taking place in Canada.)

4 UNPAID CAREGIVERS
As governments cut back on social welfare funding informal support sys-
tems find themselves assuming a greater responsibility for the care of
dependent adult children, aging parents, and others who cannot care for
themselves. Unpaid caregivers who may be a spouse, relative, friend, or
neighbour provide 70 to 80 percent of necessary care to older Canadians

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 199

and those with a chronic illness or disability. Caregivers provide a wide range of
assistance, including helping with the tasks of daily living, giving emotional
or social support, and providing personal care; that care may take place in a
private home or an institution. Most caregivers are women (see Exhibit 7. 7).
It is also women who tend to perform the most intensive caregiving tasks,
such as cooking, cleaning, bathing, and dressing (Special Senate Committee
on Aging, 2009).
People may become caregivers at any point in their lifespan. However,
many caregivers belong to what is known as the sandwich generation a
group of middle-aged adults who care for both dependent children and older
relatives. According to one Canadian study, one in five (2.3 million) members
of the sandwich generation juggle the dual responsibilities of caregiving and
paid work (Research on Aging, Policies, and Practice, 20 11).

EXHIBIT 7.7

Caring for aging relatives, friends, and neighbours is a growing trend in Canada.
Women are more likely than men to be primary caregivers.

NEL
200 • CHAPTER 7

THE PERSONAL IMPACT OF FAMILY CAREGIVING

Most caregivers recognize the benefits of helping; however, nearly 20 000

unpaid caregivers (16 percent) report distress related to their caregiving role
(Canadian Institute for Health Information, 2010). The term caregiver strain
refers to the potential negative emotional, physical, financial, or other negative
consequence of caring for another person for an extended period. According
to Robert Dobie of the National Advisory Council of Aging, caregiver strain
not only can affect those who give care but also those who receive it:
• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• •••

The added responsibility of informal caregiving can

lead to physical and mental exhaustion and have a
detrimental effect on the health of caregivers. Lack of
formal supports can lead to burn out, causing caregivers
to withdraw from caregiving. This, in tum, can lead to
higher rates of institutionalization for seniors [who need
care]." (Robert Dobie, cited in Special Senate Committee
on Aging, 2009, p. 118)
• • ••• • • • • • • • • ••• • • • • •• • •• • • • • • • •• • • • • •• •• • • • • • • • •• • •• • • • • •• • ••• • • • •• •• • •• • • • • • • • •

Caregiver strain can manifest itself in a variety of ways. In one Canadian

study on caring for seniors, researchers found that both genders of caregivers
experienced employment difficulties related to caregiving responsibilities.
However, the female caregivers in the study were affected the most: 30 percent
missed at least a full day of work a week; more than 6 percent took early
retirement, quit, or lost their job because of caregiving responsibilities; and
another 5 percent turned down a job offer or promotion to care for a friend
or family member (Research on Aging, Policies, and Practice, 2011). Another
Canadian study found that, although middle-aged and older caregivers reaped
many rewards from caregiving, they also experienced difficulties in several life
areas (see Exhibit 7 .8).

SERVICES FOR CAREGIVERS

For unpaid caregivers to care effectively for someone over the long term, they
must also care for themselves. Many caregivers turn to informal sources of
help. For instance, caregivers might rely on children to help with household
chores, a spouse to share employment responsibilities, or neighbours to provide
social support to the one requiring care. About one in ten caregivers seek help
from a health or social welfare program (Cranswick &: Dosman, 2008).

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 201

THE IMPACTS OF CAREGIVING

MOST POSITIVE ASPECT

Personal satisfaction
-

Enjoy providing assistance

-

Feel closer to care recipient

-

Feel needed
-

Other I
-

No positive aspects

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Percentage of respondents

MOST NEGATIVE ASPECT

Emotionally demanding
-
Not enough time for self/family
-
Creates stress
-
Fatigue
-
Affects family/other relationships
-
Interferes with work
-
1-
Conflicts with social life 1-
-
Financial burden
-
Other
-

Did not experience difficulties

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50
Percentage of respondents

Source: Author-generated chart, information retrieved from Turner, A., & Findlay, L. (2012). Informal caregiving
for seniors. Health Reports 23(3), table 3, p. 4. Retrieved from Statistics Canada website: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/
pub/82-003-x/2012003/article/11694/tblltbl3-eng.htm.

NEL
202 • CHAPTER 7

Many health and social service organizations offer a range of programs

and services to support the work that unpaid caregivers do. For example,
the provincially funded Vancouver Coastal Health (2012) sponsors the
following:
• education programs (to help caregivers define and adjust to the
emotional and practical demands of caregiving)
• support groups (to give caregivers a chance to share experiences,
provide mutual support, find solutions to common problems, and
exchange information about community resources)
• telephone support (to provide peer counselling to caregivers)
• information and referral services (to help caregivers access community
programs or find information on specific illnesses or disabilities)
• caregiver forums (to provide an opportunity for caregivers to come
together, to meet and network, and to advance their skills and lmowledge
on caregiving issues)
Respite services are a particularly important resource for unpaid caregivers.
These services give caregivers a break from the demands of caregiving by
leaving the care recipient in the temporary care of someone else. Various
types of respite care are available in Canada, including day programs for
elderly people, summer camps for children with special needs, and the
assignment of home support workers to help with housework, meal prepa-
ration, and other household tasks. While respite care has many potential
benefits for caregivers, the Canadian Health care Association (20 12) points
out that respite can also be beneficial to care recipients. For example, by
spending time with a different caregiver or in a new environment, care
recipients may have an opportunity to meet a range of therapeutic needs or
to develop life, social, or recreational skills.

GOVERNMENT SUPPORT OF CAREGIVERS

By the end of the 1990s, it was clear that, despite various supports in place
for caregivers, Canada's system of community care with its overreliance
on informal caregiving was unsustainable. A number of reports identified
the need for a more organized, coordinated, and comprehensive caregiving
strategy one that would involve various levels of government, the private sector,
families, and community groups, and that would meet the caregiving needs of
a growing number of old people. From time to time, a federal government

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 203

has considered a national, comprehensive system of care; however, economic,

political, or other events have always interfered with those plans.
In 2006, the Special Senate Committee on Aging set out to review
government programs and services for seniors. Three years later, the com-
mittee reached a dismal conclusion: "The current supports for caregivers
are insufficient, and Canadians are forced to choose between keeping their
jobs and caring for the ones they love" (Special Senate Committee on Aging,
2009, p. 8). The federal government responded to the committee's criticism
by introducing the Family Caregiver Tax Credit to lighten the financial load
of working individuals caring for an infirm, dependent relative. Canadians
were quick to point out the shortcomings of the tax credit specifically, the
tax credit offers little financial compensation (less than a dollar a day), and,
because it favours high-income-earning caregivers, the majority of unpaid
caregivers are not eligible for the credit (Goar, 2011).
Clearly, unpaid caregivers play a valuable role in the lives of
Canadians. In terms of economic value, informal caregivers provide the
equivalent of $26 billion of eldercare services a year (Hollander, Liu, &
Chappell, 2009). According to the Victorian Order of Nurses (20 11, p. 6),
"without the unpaid labour that [informal caregivers] provide, the health
care system would be unable to cope with the increasing demands for
care." Those demands show no sign of letting up for unpaid caregivers.
In 2002, more than 19 percent (almost 2.3 million) of Canadians aged 45
or older spent unpaid time caring for a relative, friend, or neighbour with
a chronic health problem or physical disability; by 2007, that percentage
had reached almost 29 percent (3 .8 million) (Research on Aging, Policies,
and Practice, 2010). Forecasters expect that over the next thirty years, as
the baby boomers age, the demand for professional and unpaid caregivers
will double. In the future, a greater number of younger adults will be
taking care of older relatives (Keefe, 20 11).

I I <1 N s
Unpaid Caregivers
1. Envision the type of care you would like to receive when you are elderly. What
role, if any, would you want your family, friends, or other informal supports to
play in your caregiving scheme?
2. Unpaid caregivers are at a high risk of health, economic, and other problems.
How might unpaid caregivers minimize the risks of long-term caregiving?
3. Many experts believe that government has a role to play in the care of elderly
or otherwise dependent adults. Do you agree with this? If so, what should
government do to ensure the proper care of dependent adults?

NEL
2 04 • CHAPTER 7

SUMMARY

Introduction
Over the years, professional and non-professional helpers have come to
share the responsibility for social welfare provision. Sometimes, the various
types of helpers work together, as in the case of care teams.

1 Professional Helpers
Social work is the predominant occupation in the social welfare field. Social
work practice focuses on the person-in-environment, takes a multilevel
approach to practice, and bases practice on humanitarian ideals, a set of
core values and beliefs, and an interdisciplinary knowledge base. Schools
of social work offer training at the undergraduate, graduate, and post-
graduate levels, and try to keep their curriculums relevant to changing
human needs. Leg islation and regulation define the social work profession.
Social service workers perform basic social work duties and are subject to
regulation in some provinces. There are both benefits and challenges to
working in the social welfare f ield.

Agency Volunteers
2 About 12 percent of adults volunteer in social agencies, where they use
their natural helping skills with clients and benefit the agencies in various
ways. Mandatory volunteers are required to perform community service;
there are pros and cons of this type of volunteering. Many governments
recognize the economic value of volunteering and promote volunteerism
in their jurisdictions. A declining number of volunteers, and the risk of
volunteer burnout, are among the issues facing agencies that rely on vol-
unteers.

3 Peer Helpers
Peer support can be given informally or through structured situations.
Research confirms a link between peer support and many aspects of well-
being. Self-help groups exist for a variety of needs or issues; members
of these groups may connect in person or online and focus on problem
solving, self-development, or consciousness raising. After completing a
structured peer-counselling program, peer counsellors use basic counsel-
ling and natural helping skills to assist those with similar backgrounds or
issues as they have; these counsellors are non-professional helpers who
provide help on a volunteer basis.

4 Unpaid Caregivers
Government cutbacks, an aging population, and other factors are
increasing the demand for unpaid caregivers. Most caregivers recognize
the benefits of helping; a small percentage experience caregiver stra in.

NEL
 SERVICE PROVIDERS • 205

Caregivers receive help from family and friends, and may be eligible for tax
breaks from government; many health and social welfare programs offer
support services (such as respite services) to caregivers. Unpaid caregivers
play a valuable economic and social role in Canadian society; this role will
continue to grow as the baby boomers age.

KEY
For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
professional helpers, person-in-environment, natural helping skills,
p. 178 p. 181 p. 190
non-professional helpers, multilevel approach to mandatory volunteers,
p. 178 practice, p. 181 p. 191
care team, p. 179 professions, p. 184 peer support, p. 194
social workers, restricted practice self-help groups, p. 195
p. 180 activities, p. 185 peer counsellors, p. 197
social work, p. 180 social service workers, unpaid caregivers,
interdisciplinary p. 186 p. 198
knowledge base, paraprofessionals, sandwich generation,
p. 181 p. 186 p. 199
scope of practice, agency volunteers, caregiver strain, p. 200
p. 181 p. 189 respite services, p. 202

NEL
 o . _ _ _ _ __ _ C 1:1 A ~ I E_____

•
anne an e 1n
•
1cro, ezzo, an
aero stems

OBJECTIVES
Every social welfare initiative involves some degree of planned change.
This chapter will

• introduce the p lanned change process

• explore the strategies used to promote change in individua ls, fami lies, and
small groups (micro level of society)

• consider change strategies within organizations (mezzo level of society)

• examine three models of community change (macro level of society)

INTRODUCTION
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Change is inevitable in a progressive country. Change

is constant. (Benjamin Disraeli, British Prime Minister,
October 29, 1867)
• • •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• •

In the social welfare field, it is common to find front-line workers, clients,

policymakers, and others either responding to, or creating, change. Change
can be either spontaneous or planned. Spontaneous change can occur quickly
and is often unpredictable; such is the case when people face an unexpected
death in the family or must flee from a natural disaster. It is also common for

206 NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 207

spontaneous change to take place slowly over a long period for instance,
when a community's economic base shifts over several decades. Unlike
spontaneous change, planned change is predictable, controllable, and carried
out with a conscious intent.
In a social welfare context, planned change applies a scientific method
with a specific set of procedures to modify a situation, condition, or state of
being so that people can meet their needs more effectively. For the planned
change process to be successful, five elements must exist. First, there must be
a target of change that is, a person, an organization, a system, or some other
entity that is slated for change. Second, planned change requires a change
agent, who is a person or team that is responsible for carrying out the plan.
A third element the method of change comprises specific interventions,
strategies, or approaches, and a clear plan of action for creating the change.
Fourth, planned change involves a beneficiary of change, an identifiable
individual or group who is expected to benefit from the change effort.
Many social welfare policies and programs identify the most vulnerable members
of society such as children living in poverty or seniors living alone as the
intended beneficiaries of change efforts. 1 Fifth, change agents must identify
the setting in which the planned change effort will take place; this context of
change may be found at the micro, mezzo, or macro levels of society.
• At the micro level, social welfare programs target individuals, families,
and small groups to help them develop their capacity for self-sufficiency.
• At the mezzo level, organizations take steps to change themselves to
increase their capacity for serving clients more effectively.
• At the macro level, change is directed at large segments of the
population (such as communities) so they may have a greater capacity
for meeting local needs.
The word capacity is emphasized above to highlight the importance
of this concept in the planned change process. There is a general consensus
in the social welfare field that well-being is largely a function of a system's
capacity or capability to perform certain roles (such as the role of parent) or
produce something worthwhile (such as a sufficient income). Thus, a primary aim
of the planned change process is to help individuals, families, small groups,
organizations, or communities build capacity by developing skills, building
knowledge, making social connections, and creating or accessing opportunities
and resources (Frank & Smith, 1999).
1 Itis common for the target and beneficiary of change to be the same. For example, job readiness
programs for youth target young people by helping them develop job search skills; those youth are also
likely to benefit in terms of future employment. Some programs target one group to benefit another. For
instance, in family violence initiatives, the target may be men who abuse women; although these men may
benefit from the program, the main beneficiary is women.

NEL
208 • CHAPTER 8

EXHIBIT 8.1
ELEMENTS OF PLANNED CHANGE

I~ [~~· •Jll:l'
,... : L, 'J =~A~A e) Ill: 1: L, ~~ ~ { •J 11 : ~'... : L,

EXAMPLES OF Small groups, Social agencies, Social values and

TARGETS OF CHANGE individuals, families places of worship, attitudes, political
workplaces, systems, community,
businesses, schools economy, laws and
legislation

EXAMPLES OF Individual counselling, Staff training, team Community

METHODS OF family services, social building, structural development,
CHANGE group work social work social planning,
social action

EXAMPLES OF Social workers, social Management, workers Grassroots

AGENTS OF CHANGE service workers and staff, steering organizations, social
committees activists, community
developers, social
p lanners

EXAMPLES OF Individuals, families Service users, service Community, general

BENEFICIARIES OF providers, community society
CHANGE

Source: Rosalie Chappell

Exhibit 8.1 illustrates the main elements of planned change at the three
levels of society, and gives examples of possible targets and beneficiaries of
change, change agents, and methods of change at each level.

1 CHANGE AT THE MICRO LEVEL:

INDIVIDUALS, FAMILIES, AND
SMALL GROUPS
Social welfare programs that focus on micro-level change aim to help individuals,
families, or small groups obtain the basic necessities for proper human develop-
ment, social functioning, and self-sufficiency. One advantage of such programs
is that they target relatively small systems, which makes it more likely that
identified needs will be met. A disadvantage of such a narrow focus is that
even after a person's needs are met, the social or environmental conditions
that created those needs may remain. For example, a food bank may provide
visitors with food, but food banks can hardly be expected to change a society
that allows its members to go hungry. In this case, the environment needs to

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 209

include certain elements such as new legislation that raises minimum wage
or welfare rates to enable people to purchase food. Despite their limitations,
programs that attempt to change micro-level systems are necessary, and they
are the main focus of many social agencies.

PROGRAMS FOR INDIVIDUALS

Most social agencies that offer client services have programs for individuals.
Examples include mental health counselling, employment services, and settle-
ment programs for recent immigrants. These programs and services are justified
by the belief that communities suffer as does society as a whole when
individual needs are not met. Social workers and other professional helpers
also recognize that providing services on a one-on-one basis is an effective way
to help people change their behaviour, learn new coping strategies, and either
change or adapt to their environment (Fischer, 1978).
Each individual who seeks help from a social agency has a unique set of
needs, issues, and concerns. That said, most requests for service by individuals
relate to one or more of the following areas:
• Interpersonal conflict involves disagreement between two or more
people who recognize that a problem exists. Examples include marital
discord and parent-teen conflict.
• Dissatisfaction in social relations refers to a lack or an excess of some-
thing that a person perceives as being damaging to a relationship.
Examples include loss of sexual desire in a marriage and spending too
much time surfing the Internet.
• Problems with formal organizations relates to a discrepancy between the
desires of an individual and the actions of an organization. Examples
include getting arrested and getting fired.
• Role performance difficulties have to do with trouble fulfilling a particular
social role. Examples include a parent's neglect of a child and a student
failing courses.
• Decision problems reflect uncertainty around taking a particular course
of action. Examples include deciding to leave a spouse and choosing
a new career.
• Reactive emotional distress refers to challenges in dealing with difficult
feelings. Examples include coping with grief and loss and learning to
manage anger.

NEL
21 0 • CHAPTER 8

• Inadequate resources indicate a lack of a minimum standard of food,

shelter, and other necessities. Examples include living in poverty and
homelessness (Epstein, 1980).
Programs that are designed for individuals are rooted in the social
casework approach, which evolved in the late nineteenth century as an
outgrowth of the organized charity movement. That movement recognized
the shortcomings of providing haphazard and inconsistent help to the poor
and called for a more coordinated approach to helping. Originally, "friendly
visitors" used the casework method; these individuals were volunteer social
workers who visited the poor and provided friendship and support rather
than financial relief. After the First World War, a growing body of research
paved the way for more professional, systematic, and scientific approaches to
change. It was no longer enough for social workers to simply mean well; they
were required to have formal training in the social sciences, to draw from
recognized bodies of practice models when helping others, and to conduct a
thorough and systematic exploration of the individual's social environment
by using formal interviewing skills and assessment procedures Qohnson,
McClelland, & Austin, 2000).
Depending on their particular discipline, service providers in the
social welfare field may draw from a variety of casework models to help
individuals achieve their goals. The recent popularity of brief therapies is
compatible with a rapidly changing political and economic environment
that values efficiency and results. Brief therapies are solution-focused,
which means that they try to help clients achieve their goals rather
than address the underlying causes of their problems. Unlike psycho-
analysis and other traditional therapies, brief therapies prefer client goals
that are specific, measurable, and short term. Moreover, brief therapies
encourage clients to build on their strengths rather than dwell on their
personal deficits.

FAMILY SERVICES

The family is the basic unit of social organization and plays an indispensable
role in the economic, physical, and emotional lives of individuals and society.
Canadian governments recognize the autonomy and privacy of families; thus,
with the exception of child protection laws (and adult protection laws in some
provinces), governments are reluctant to intervene in the private realm of the
family. Governments nevertheless provide a wide range of support to help
families carry out their basic roles and functions.

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 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 211

Modem-day family needs and challenges are diverse and often complex.
However, most families approach social agencies in the wake of one or more
of the following events:
• an addition to the family, be it through marriage, remarriage, birth,
adoption, fostering, an adult child moving back home, or an elderly
relative being taken in
• the separation or loss of a family member through divorce, marital
separation, death (including suicide), incarceration, institutionalization,
or a child leaving home
• dysfunctional behaviour, such as addiction, delinquency, domestic
violence, or child abuse
• a change in status or role, which can be the result of job loss, retirement,
children growing up and leaving home, a mid-life crisis, or other
transition 0 anzen & Harris, 1997)
In the 1920s and 1930s, family casework emerged as a scientific
approach to helping families. The "science" included a thorough assessment
(or investigation) of a family's problems and a detailed plan for how the
family would go about adjusting to their social environment (Scott, 2004).
When providing services, early family caseworkers chose interventions that
were likely "to reinforce and strengthen the endangered family, by drawing
in the community's resources, not only in material relief, but in character
and spiritual strength as well" (McGill University, 1931). Family services
quickly gained acceptance as a form of support from which all families not
just those living in poverty might benefit from time to time.
Today, a number of non-residential programs are available to support and
strengthen families. These programs each take their own unique approach to
helping and are provided by practitioners from various disciplines, including
social work and psychology. Below are some of the types of family services
offered in Canada:
• Family support and resource programs generally focus on helping families
access resources and learn problem-solving skills so that members
can fulfill their respective social roles, such as parent or provider.
Examples include the Nobody's Perfect Parenting Program, Family
Place, and Families in Transition.
• Family therapy aims to restructure family dynamics and communication
patterns or to alter dysfunctional behaviour patterns. There are many
models of family therapy, including structural, systemic, strategic,
solution-focused, and narrative (see Exhibit 8.2).

NEL
212 • CHAPTER 8

• Family preservation provides an alternative to removing at-risk

children from the home. Intensive interventions take place in the
family home or another setting familiar to the family and aim to
improve family functioning, especially in terms of caring for children.
Facilitators tailor interventions to the needs of the family and may
include anger management, communication skills training, and
household management.
• Family reunification helps separated families reunite. There are var-
ious reunification programs, depending on the circumstances sur-
rounding the separation. Some programs focus on helping a child
or youth transition from foster care back into the family. Other
programs help immigrants or refugees reunite with a spouse or
children living overseas, or help legal offenders reunite with family
following incarceration.
• Family group conferencing (also known as family group decision making)
usually takes place in a child protection context. The process involves

EXHIBIT 8.2

Family therapy often includes all members of a family and provides a safe, supportive,
and non-judgmental environment for individuals to address their issues.

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 213

the family, its closest supports, and a professional facilitator, who

collaborate on developing a plan to meet the safety and well-being
needs of the child.
Not all families seek services voluntarily. In the case of child protection
matters, for example, families can be compelled to accept services or risk
having their children legally apprehended and placed in alternative care.

SOCIAL GROUP WORK

Some social agencies provide group programs as a more affordable and less
time-consuming alternative to individual services. In addition to these practical
advantages, social group work can often help clients meet certain goals more
effectively than one-on-one sessions. For example, the face-to-face interactions
inherent in small groups can increase the emotional maturity of members.
Some people find that relationships formed within the group can complement
outside relationships. Group experience can also help members try out new
relationship skills in a relatively safe and controlled environment, and receive
feedback from fellow members before applying those skills in the real world
(Coyle, 1959). Social groups typically have three to ten members who share
common goals, needs, or lifestyles. These groups include the following:
• socialization groups (such as anger management groups for adolescent
boys)
• peer support groups (such as parent groups that focus on parent-teen
interactions)
• personal growth groups (such as marriage enrichment groups)
• educational skill-enhancement groups (such as life skills groups for
people with severe disabilities)
• therapy groups (such as those focused on issues related to schizo-
phrenia, manic depression, or other psychiatric disorders)
Group facilitators play an important role in the functioning and success
of social groups. Facilitators must be able to attend to a wide range of emotional,
physical, learning, and social needs that arise during group sessions. In terms
of preparedness, facilitators must have expertise related to group processes
and dynamics, and a solid understanding of the stages of group development.
Effective facilitators will also have training in group facilitation, leadership,
and dealing with client resistance.

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214 • CHAPTER 8

It is common for clients to attend a group in conjunction with individual

counselling: groups can offer opportunities to address interpersonal dif-
ficulties, while one-to-one counselling sessions may provide an appropriate
venue for exploring personal issues.

THE ROLE OF SOCIAL WORKERS

IN MICRO-LEVEL CHANGE

Social casework, family casework, and social group work are three approaches
that social workers use to encourage empowerment in their clients that is,
to help people "identify and use their own problem solving skills in order
to improve their life situations" (Canadian Association of Social Workers
[CASW], 2008, p. 4). Choosing which approach to apply depends on a
variety of factors, including the presenting need or problem, and the social
worker's role in the planned change process. Although the approach taken
may vary, social workers usually follow certain generic steps when working
with micro systems:
l. Identify the need for change.
2. Establish a working relationship.
3. Clarify (assess) the client's needs or concerns.
4. Set goals for change, and identify indicators of success.
5. Develop an action plan, which specifies who will do what, when,
where, and how.
6. Implement the plan.
7. Monitor the effectiveness of the plan, and modify strategies as neces-
sary to achieve the goal.
8. Evaluate the intervention to determine its effectiveness.
9. Terminate the working relationship.
The planned change process does not always evolve in a linear fashion;
as client needs or goals arise, steps may be repeated or deferred. Similarly, at
some point in the helping process, it may seem reasonable to shift direction,
which may mean modifying, or even reworking, the plan. In any case, the
planned change process must be a cooperative team effort, with the change
agent and client working together toward a goal and each fulfilling her or his
role in the various stages of change.

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 PLA NNE D CHA N GE IN MICRO, MEZZO, A N D MACRO SYS TE MS • 215

Change at the Micro Level: Individuals, Families, and Small Groups

1. By its very nature, the planned change process is manipulative because it
systematically moves individuals, families, or groups toward a different way of
being or behaving. Do you think that this type of manipulation is acceptable
or not? Give reasons for your answer.
2. Identify the organizations in your community that offer services for individ-
uals, families, or groups. Based on what you know about your community's
needs, are there any gaps in these services? For example, if a large number
of teen moms live in your area, are there adequate programs to meet their
needs?

2 CHANGE AT THE MEZZO LEVEL:

ORGANIZATIONS
Most social agencies run smoothly, and when problems or issues arise, they
make the necessary adjustments and move on. Some situations may nevertheless
threaten the stability or even survival of the organization; to deal with these
situations, the organization may need to undergo a significant restructuring of
one or more aspects of its operation. Major changes that occur within social
agencies take place at the mezzo level of society and are generically referred
to as organizational change.

IDENTIFYING THE NEED FOR CHANGE

Organizational change begins with someone recognizing the signs that some-
thing in the agency is not working as well as it could. Any stakeholder may
call attention to an agency's "symptoms" and initiate a call for change. Clients
are a rich source of insight into the strengths and weaknesses of an agency's
services; social agencies often obtain this information through client satisfaction
questionnaires. Stakeholders external to an agency may also notice when
something in the organization needs improvement. Funders, for example,
may detect inefficiencies in an agency's financial reporting system; similarly,
professionals in the community may find that an agency's intake or referral
system is not as streamlined as it should be. Management is likely to notice
when the agency's resources are not used the way they were intended. An
agency's staff tend to speak out on issues directly affecting clients, such as
program facilities that are too noisy or do not offer adequate space. In any

NEL
216 • CHAPTER 8

case, for social agencies to remain viable and relevant, they must be willing to
seek out, listen to, and respond to stakeholders' feedback.

PREPARING FOR CHANGE

For organizational change to succeed, front-line workers, administrators,

supervisors, board members, and other stakeholders must prepare for the
changes to come. Preparing for change involves developing a vision of success,
building knowledge about the agency, and committing to change.

Developing a Vision
In addition to identifying what needs to change, it is important to clarify the
organization's vision of success that is, what the result of change will look or
feel like (Ontario Healthy Communities Coalition [OHCC], 2004). According
to Genither Dujon (2010, p. 46), "Visions are the ultimate goal that people
rally around and that inspire them to be successful. They represent the future;
they reflect the highest standard of what is being strived for, and what is not
yet accomplished." For some organizations, that vision may involve becoming
more gender equitable or family friendly; other organizations may envision
themselves as being more inclusive or culturally diverse (see Exhibit 8.3).
Whatever vision the agency creates for itself will eventually need to be translated
into concrete goals. Goals that are SMART specific, measurable, attainable,
realistic, and time-lined are likely to provide clear markers of success.

Building Knowledge
An important step in the preparatory stage of change is building knowledge
about the agency's own organization to clarify what is working (and should
be kept) and what is not working (and needs to change). This process
often involves an assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of an agency's
major systems, including its strategic and operational plans, financial perfor-
mance and costs, policies and procedures, human resource management, and
programming (Rogers &: Fang, 2000). A wide range of tools and strategies,
such as program evaluations and internal audits, can give an agency this type
of information. Many organizations find it helpful to apply a certain "lens"
when scrutinizing their operations. For example, an agency that wants to
become more inclusive might use an inclusion lens (discussed in Chapter 2).
Preparing for organizational change requires a sound knowledge of not
only the workplace but also of the environment in which the organization

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 217

AGENCY PROFILE: ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGE AT THE

CHILDREN'S AID SOCIETY OF HAMILTON

In 2001, the Children's Aid Society of Hamilton (CAS) embarked on an Anti-Racism

Multicultural Organizational Change Initiative to respond more effectively to the
ethnic, racial, religious, and cultural diversity of the Hamilton, Ontario, area. The
initiative aimed to identify and remove barriers to CAS services and to enhance the
quality of those services.
Before developing a change plan, the CAS surveyed more than seven hundred
staff, volunteers, and other agency stakeholders, and conducted a community
needs assessment. The findings from those surveys formed the basis of a change
plan. Five areas of CAS were targeted for change: data collection and information
systems; human resources; training; services and programs; and communications
and community linkages. An action plan was developed for each area.
Over the next few years, the CAS achieved several goals. For example, the CAS
• provided cultural competency and anti-racism training to staff, managers, and
foster parents
• shared the Implementation Plan and lessons learned about the change process
with other organizations
• introduced outreach strategies to build bridges with community members and to
educate the community about child protection legislation and CAS programs
• approved a Diversity and Inclusion Policy to guide board members, managers,
supervisors, and agency staff in the creation of a workplace that is free from
discrimination, prejudice, racism, and harassment
The CAS acknowledges that the anti-racism organizational change is a learning
process that takes time, commitment, patience, dedication, and long-term vision.
The process also requires ongoing support from agency staff and the community.

Source: Excerpted and adapted from the Children's Aid Society of Hamilton. (2008). Anti-racism organizational
change initiative and (2011) Human Resources Policies and Procedures Manual: Diversity and inclusion policy,
http://www. hamiltoncas. com/images/_PDFs/Diversity% 20Policy. pdf.

functions. Before restructuring, an agency will want to know whether its

changes are likely to reflect the community it serves. An agency can obtain
this information through an environmental scan, community needs assessment,
or other data collection tool.

Committing to Change
For organizational change to be successful, the individuals at all levels of the
organization such as the board, management, staff, and volunteers must
NEL
218 • CHAPTER 8

commit to the change. Successful change also requires change agents who can
guide the organization and its members through the process. These change
agents should have credibility in the organization and be able to make sound
decisions, effectively problem solve, and appropriately plan the change process.
The change agents who are often agency managers may form a steering
committee to plan and implement the change process. Ideally, a steering
committee is representative of the entire agency and therefore includes a mix
of staff, volunteers, and managers. The committee may also include other
stakeholders, such as service users and local residents (OHCC, 2004).
One of the first tasks of the steering committee is to develop an action plan,
which serves as a guide to the organizational change process. A good action plan
reflects the vision of change and the change goals, and describes specific steps
and activities of the change process. The plan also identifies who is responsible
for which task, the expected completion date of each task, and what resources
(such as money and equipment) are needed to successfully carry out the plan.

IMPLEMENTING CHANGE

Changes in the external environment often serve as catalysts to organizational

change. Social agencies are particularly sensitive to funding cuts, changes
in government policies, competition from other agencies, and demographic
shifts in the community; to survive these types of changes, social agencies
may need to make significant adjustments in their internal operations. Once
an agency establishes the need for organizational change, the change process
must occur simultaneously at two levels. At the individual level, staff, volun-
teers, and others in the agency learn new skills, attitudes, and behaviours;
at the systemic level, various operational systems are improved. Each level of
change requires help from the other: for individuals to change, the system
must provide a supportive environment; for a system to change, the staff and
others must be willing to embrace the agency's new policies, procedures, and
practices (Brewster, Buckley, Cox, & Griep, 2002).

Individual Change
Training is a key strategy for facilitating individual change (see Exhibit 8.4). A
variety of training kits exist in Canada to increase awareness, improve skills,
or change behaviour in the workplace. For example, the Prince Edward Island
Public Service Commission has developed a training series for public ser-
vice managers and employees to increase their awareness of diversity in the

NEL
 PLA NNE D CHA N GE IN MICRO, MEZZO, A N D MACRO SYS TE MS • 219

EXHIBIT 8.4

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Staff training is a key component of organizational change

workplace. Similarly, the Manitoba Civil Service Commission uses a number

of training modules to help government workers understand workplace dis-
crimination and harassment, and to suggest what they can do to develop a
healthy work environment.
All training packages vary, depending on their content, design, length
of training, size of group, and other factors. However, an effective training
program will have the following elements:
• a thorough needs assessment, to ensure that training is relevant to the
needs, abilities, and expectations of the participants
• clear goals and objectives, to guide the training and to articulate what the
training aims to achieve
• training information, which describes the rationale for training, the
training schedule, the content and methods of training sessions,
and the expectations of the trainers and management
• an evaluation plan, to measure the outcomes of training and to identify
what is required to improve future training sessions (Brewster, Buckley,
Cox, &: Griep, 2002)

NEL
220 • CHAPTER 8

Training can be a useful way to help staff, volunteers, and others learn
about, adjust to, and eventually accept workplace change; training nevertheless
has its limitations. In addition to training, the change agents must provide a
safe forum for stakeholders to ask questions about the proposed changes and
address any concerns they might have. Change agents should also encourage
workers to discuss their needs, wants, and expectations about the proposed
changes, and to explore the options they have for adapting to the changes
(Block, 1996).
When an organization decides it needs to undergo major change, it is
normal for stakeholders to support the proposed changes on one level and yet
feel some resistance as well. Fuchs (2004) writes: "Change, by nature, intrudes
on people's 'comfort zones,' so many equate it with pain, whether or not they
think it will result in improvements." To prevent or reduce resistance, staff
must be encouraged to engage in, take ownership for, and shape the change
efforts; for example, staff might be asked to design a segment of the change
plan or lead a training session.

Systemic Change
Normally, systemic change involves the modification of an agency's policies,
procedures, and practices. This type of change occurred during the 1990s and
early 2000s when voluntary social agencies underwent significant changes in
response to new funding arrangements with governments (Chapter 5 reviews
these changes). In her study of more than 100 voluntary and nonprofit orga-
nizations across Canada, Katherine Scott (2003b) found that two-thirds of
respondents changed their programs and services, modified or adopted new
methods of program evaluation and accountability reporting, or changed their
organizational structure and processes to pursue new funding opportunities.
Funding shortages led to major restructuring, especially at the program level.
Some agencies had to narrow their eligibility criteria, or shift their priorities,
to serve only those who needed help the most (Reed & Howe, 2000). To
successfully complete these types of structural changes, an agency needs to
have a clear vision of success, a good grasp of what needs to change, and a
staff that is committed, cooperative, and engaged in the change process.

EVALUATING CHANGE

An agency that invests in major organizational change will want to know if

its efforts have paid off in other words, did the agency achieve its goals

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 221

and vision of success? An agency may apply two types of evaluation to

determine the effectiveness of change: (l) formative evaluation usually
occurs during the change process and is mainly concerned with whether
the action plan is working and what, if anything, in the plan needs modi-
fication; and (2) summative evaluation measures the end results of the
change effort.
A formative evaluation involves monitoring the change process and
introducing tests at certain points. Suppose, for example, an agency wants
to improve its reporting procedures, and the staff takes a series of training
sessions to learn the new system. In this case, the trainer might give staff a
questionnaire immediately after each training session to assess how well they
understand the new reporting procedures. Then, a few months after training,
the trainer might conduct a follow-up assessment to determine whether
staffers are applying the new procedures correctly. Finally, staff might be
required to attend an annual refresher course to reinforce the new reporting
system (Canadian International Development Agency, 2006).
Summative evaluation occurs at the end of an initiative and measures
whether the organization has reached its goals. Some organizations find it
useful to assess the results of change by applying qualitative and quantitative
measures. Qualitative measures, such as job satisfaction questionnaires, pro-
vide information about individuals' subjective experiences with the changes.
Quantitative measures focus on aspects that researchers can count or quantify in
some way, such as staff turnover rates or service utilization statistics (OHCC,
2004). Research designs that include both qualitative and quantitative measures
tend to provide a more comprehensive picture of the results.

A SOCIAL WORK APPROACH TO ORGANIZATIONAL

CHANGE

While many casework, group work, or other traditional social work approaches
focus on changing the client, a number of approaches target social agencies
to try to make them more responsive to people's needs. Structural social
work is one among many of the anti-oppressive approaches taken by social
workers to change the organizations that employ them. A proponent of the
structural model, Robert Mullaly (1997) contends that to change a social
agency from within, social workers have to radicalize and democratize the
agency. Radicalizing an agency involves confronting agency policies and proce-
dures that negatively affect clients and working to ensure that clients can
access the full range of available services. Workers in a homeless shelter, for

NEL
222 • CHAPTER 8

example, might speak up against a discriminatory policy that requires the

segregation of residents with HIV. Democratizing the agency involves taking
steps to make the organization less bureaucratic and hierarchical, and more
democratic and inclusive. This process may involve inviting former clients
to serve on the agency's board of directors and share in the organization's
decision-making process. Democratizing might also mean replacing boss-
subordinate relationships with ones that are more equitable; in this case, staff
might consult with instead of report to supervisors.

Change at the Mezzo Level: Organizations

1. What are some of the environmental forces (such as politics or economics)
that might affect a social agency's ability to function properly, and ultimately
create a need for organizational change?
2. The section on training gives an example of how staff might be engaged
in the organization's change process. How else might staff be engaged in,
shape, or take ownership of the change process?

3 CHANGE AT THE MACRO LEVEL:

COMMUNITIES
While social welfare programs and agencies do what they can to help people
meet individual needs, their success often depends upon the functioning of
systems at the macro level of society. Macro systems may be understood as
the largest structures and systems of society, and include communities, a
society's norms and values, a culture's traditions and customs, government
policies and practices, and economic processes. These structures tend to be
complex, well established, and supported by the status quo. Even so, these
structures are not immune to change: Canada has a rich history of challenging
and changing structures to make them more responsive to people's needs
and expectations.

THE NATURE OF COMMUNITY CHANGE

Perhaps more than any other macro system, communities are prime candidates
for change. Rather than focusing on changing individuals, community change
seeks to modify neighbourhoods, social or economic conditions, institutions,

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 223

or another aspect of a community that threatens well-being. One trend in

Canadian communities is to be more inclusive, that is, to value diversity and
the engagement of all citizens, and to eliminate potential physical, attitudinal,
cultural, and other barriers to resources, services, and opportunities. A related
trend focuses on creating age-friendly urban communities that are supportive
and accessible to older people.
The ability of a community to not only survive but also thrive depends
largely on its capacity to prepare for and respond to social and economic
trends. Policymakers expect that, over the next decade, the following trends
will force many Canadian communities to change in significant ways:
• The knowledge-based and global economy will continue to dictate the
types of jobs and industries that a community must offer to remain
viable, and pressure communities to improve access to postsecondary
education, especially for at-risk populations, such as older workers,
high-school dropouts, recent immigrants, and Aboriginal youth.
• As governments continue to practice fiscal restraint, communities will
need to address social and economic problems with fewer resources.
• Demographic changes such as an aging population and a shrinking
workforce will require community health, social welfare, and other
organizations to care for a growing number of old people.
• Canada's growing ethnocultural, religious, and linguistic diversity
will motivate communities to become more inclusive, equitable, and
cohesive.
• A widening income gap between the rich and the poor will mean more
people living in poverty and a greater urgency to address the negative
consequences of persistent poverty.
• With increasing urbanization, rural communities will struggle to
remain viable with fewer human and other resources. At the same time,
rapidly growing urban centres will face several challenges, including
a rise in crime, and the concentration of social problems in disadvan-
taged neighbourhoods (Canada Co-operatives Secretariat, 20 l 0).

MODELS OF COMMUNITY CHANGE

A number of models are available to guide change at the community level.

Many of those models are based on the principles and practices of three classic
approaches to community change: community (or locality) development,

NEL
224 • CHAPTER 8

THREE APPROACHES TO COMMUNITY CHANGE

(~· 'J ,u.•~ ll.n:/

• ::::l I:I L(. I;:.ll J I: ~n.r ;.:- e ~~ ~ [1, Li- rtf.:.' ~ ~ I .., ~C'

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GOALS Self-help; improve Using problem-solving Shifting of power

community living; approach to resolve relationships and
emphasis on process community problems; resources to an
goals emphasis on task oppressed group; basic
goals institutional change;
emphasis on task and
process goals

ASSUMPTIONS Everyone wants Social problems in the The community has a

CONCERNING community living to community can be power structure and
COMMUNITY improve and is willing resolved through the one or more oppressed
to contribute to the efforts of planning groups; social injustice
improvement. experts. is a major problem.

BASIC CHANGE Broad cross-section of Experts using fact Members of oppressed

STRATEGY people involved in gathering and the groups organizing to
identifying and solving problem-solving take action against t he
their problems approach power structure, which
is t he enemy

CHARACTERISTIC Consensus: Consensus or conflict Conflict or contest:

CHANGE TACTICS communication among confrontation, direct
AND TECHNIQUES community groups action, negotiation
and interests; group
discussion

PRACTITIONER Catalyst; facilitator; Expert planner; fact Activist; advocate;

ROLES coordinator; teacher of gatherer; analyst; agitator; broker;
problem-solving skills program developer negotiator; partisan
and implementer

VIEWS ABOUT Members of power Power structure as Power structure as

POWER STRUCTURE structure as employers and external target of
collaborators in a sponsors action, oppressors
common venture to be coerced or
overturned

VIEWS ABOUT Citizens Consumers Victims

CLIENT POPULATION

VIEWS ABOUT Participants in a Consumers or Employers, constituents

CLIENT ROLE problem-solving recipients
process

Source: From Zastrow, Introduction to Social Work and Social Welfare, lOE. © 2010 Wadsworth, a part of Cengage
Learning, Inc. Reproduced by permission. www.cengage.com/permissions.

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 225

social planning, and social action. Exhibit 8.5 compares these three models,
while the following section introduces some of the goals, assumptions,
strategies, and other characteristics of each model.
In the following discussion, community may be a geographic location-
such as a town, city, neighbourhood, or region or a group of people who
support and identify with each other.

Community Development
Community development involves planned change efforts that have a specific
goal, focuses on improving community well-being, and calls on individuals
and groups to work together to address local concerns.

Approaches to Change
While there is no typical strategy to community change, most projects are
likely to target economic functions (such as small business and the workforce)
in conjunction with social functions (such as safety and social supports). In
Canada, various approaches come under the broad umbrella of community
development, including the following:
• Community economic development aims to stimulate local business and
employment while enhancing a community's social and environmental
conditions.
• Community capacity building concentrates on the development of local
skills, resources, and abilities to prepare a community for future
challenges and opportunities.
• Neighbourhood action attempts to revitalize troubled neighbourhoods
and create more positive, safer, and healthier places to live.
During the expansionary years of Canada's welfare state, governments
took over many community development responsibilities and, with a bureau-
cratic top-down approach, decided what communities needed and how they
would meet those needs. As voluntary sector agencies became more prominent,
communities began to favour a bottom-up or grassroots approach, in which
residents identify and articulate their goals, design their own methods of
change, and pool their resources in the problem-solving process (Halseth&:
Booth, 1998).
Today, a more cooperative working relationship exists between
government and communities, leading to the creation of such projects
as Canada's Rural Partnership and Vibrant Communities. As with all

NEL
226 • CHAPTER 8

community development initiatives, these projects aim not to challenge

or reform established social structures but to work with existing struc-
tures to improve community conditions. Much of the focus of that work
is on "building from within" that is, finding ways for communities to
strengthen their local assets, be they workforce skills, businesses, or social
services (Bradford, 2003).

Comprehensive Community Initiatives

As a relatively new form of community development, comprehensive commu-
nity initiatives (CCis) reject the idea that individual, isolated, or unrelated
programs can solve such complex social problems as poverty, homelessness, and
crime. Instead, CCis assume that all problems affecting neighbourhoods are
interrelated and therefore require coordinated and integrated approaches that
simultaneously target the social, economic, educational, health, and environ-
mental aspects of a community. While every CCI is unique in terms of size,
purpose, and process, they are all
• comprehensive (focus on multiple issues and relationships between
organizations and other systems)
• multisectoral (encourage the participation of a wide range of individ-
uals, organizations, and service sectors)
• community based (build on the interests and needs of local residents)
• asset based (identify and build on the community's strengths and
resources)
• long term (recognize that resolving complex social issues can take a
long time)
• collaborative (develop effective multisectoral and multi-partner
working relationships)
• adaptive (recognize and respond to changing circumstances and
opportunities)
• innovative (find new and effective methods of providing services,
taking action, and working together)
• analytical and intentional (develop a "theory of change" that
explains how the initiative is expected to solve the target of change)
(Gardner, 2011)
CCis may address a variety of social problems; however, in Canada,
CCis are usually associated with efforts to reduce poverty (see Exhibit 8.6 for
Calgary's CCI to reduce poverty in that city).

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 22 7

VIBRANT COMMUNITIES: CALGARY'S VISION OF CHANGE

PILLARS
(represent the assets and resources people need to exit poverty)
Full Participation Economic Education and Physical and
Basic Supports
in Society Security Skills Training Mental Health

7 ""- 7 ""- 7 '"'-. 7 ""'-..

APPROACHES
Comprehensive Community
Multisectoral Community
Thinking and Learning and
Collaboration Asset Building
Action Change

""-.. 7 ""'-.?' ""'-.?'

STRATEGIES "" 7

(undertaken by the Vibrant Communities Calgary Steering Committee)

Increase Public
Reduce Policy
Awareness and
and Procedural
Civic
Barriers
Engagement

""'-.. 7 ""'-.. 7
CURRENT INITIATIVES
Living Wage Public Policy Fair Fares Standard Communications
Initiative Initiative Initiative Eligibility Testing Initiative
to increase the to review the to enable low- Initiative to raise public
wages of working Assured Income income Calgarians to develop an awareness of
Calgarians and, in for the Severely to access annual eligibility poverty and the
so doing, improve Handicapped employment, test to make it benefits of
their ability to program, to training, easier for low- reducing poverty
meet their basic ensure an recreational, and income Calgarians and to motivate
needs and adequate income social to access social Calgarians to take
•
participate in and quality of life opportunities by serv1ces action against
society for Albertans with implementing a poverty
disabilities discounted transit
pass

7 ""-.. 7 '"'-. 7 ~7 ""-.. 7

ULTIMATE GOAL
Sustained Poverty Reduction

Source: Adapted from Vibrant Communities Calgary Steering Committee. (2004, December 1). Igniting community
a£tion through collaboration, education, and mutual problem-solving (p. 45, Appendix B). Retrieved from
http ://tamarackcommunity. caldownloads/vdCal_ Community_Plan_dec04. pdf.

NEL
228 • CHAPTER 8

Social Planning
Social planning tackles community change through a rational, formal, and
technical problem-solving procedure led by professional social planners.
Although social planners often seek the opinions of community members
about proposed initiatives, they depend heavily on facts, statistics, and other
objective data to guide community change efforts.

Approach and Evolution

Social planning councils emerged across Canada during the 1950s, 1960s,
and early 1970s in response to rapid economic growth and the expansion
of social programs. These councils performed a variety of community planning
activities, including identifying social issues, needs, and resources, and helping
organizations set up new services. Today, an informal network of nonprofit
social planning organizations exists in Canada, including such groups as the
Social Planning Coalition of the Northwest Territories. In some communities,
local government takes responsibility for social planning. The City ofToronto,
for example, supports social planning initiatives through its Community
Partnership and Investment Program, the Community Safety Secretariat, and
Youth Employment programs.
While social planning activities may vary across communities, they
all focus on enhancing community well-being. A key objective of social
planning initiatives is to improve the general functioning of residents by
meeting a comprehensive set of needs through the provision of goods and
services. This is the case in British Columbia, where the City of Dawson
Creek's Social Plan outlines a strategy for improving a wide range of services
related to children and youth, community development, crime and public
safety, education and skills training, food security, housing and homeless-
ness, and health and addiction (Social Planning and Research Council of
BC, 2008).

ASt~-by-St~Process

The social planning process often begins with a formal community assessment
strategy to identify local social trends, the community's capacity to change
(its strengths), as well as the community's needs, issues, gaps in services, or
risks (its weaknesses). Social planners consider the alternatives for meeting the
identified needs and then set objectives for new programs, services, or facilities.
At this stage, it is common for social planners to educate the community on
issues that affect specific groups or the community's quality of life; planners

NEL
 PLA NNE D CHA N GE IN MICRO, MEZZO, A N D MACRO SYS TE MS • 229

may also take a political role by, for example, submitting research-based
proposals for change to government policymakers or advocating for services
on behalf of disadvantaged members of the community. The next steps involve
developing an action plan and implementing that plan. This stage may involve
helping local residents and organizations to take action through community-
based coalitions, networks, or partnerships. Evaluating the outcomes of
the plan that is, how effective the plan was in meeting its objectives is the
final stage of the process.
The Edmonton Social Planning Council (ESPC) used a version of this
systematic process to address the city's affordable-housing shortage. The
Council held two public forums to assess the impact of rent increases and low
vacancy rates in Edmonton. After reviewing the information generated from
the forums, the Council produced a final report that outlined their recom-
mendations. The Alberta government responded to the report by targeting
funds to help renters find or keep their housing. In 2008, the ESPC launched
a survey (evaluation) to find out if the housing situation had indeed changed
for renters. The survey results showed that many renters continued to have
difficulties finding affordable accommodation; this information prompted
another series of actions to remedy the problem.

Social Action
Social action assumes that the achievement of social justice for disadvan-
taged or oppressed groups is only possible through large-scale organization and
activism. Social activists may choose to either join forces with disadvantaged
groups or act on their behalf in pursuit of a cause. In either case, social action
is a collective effort that attempts to convince those holding power (such as
politicians) to reform unjust policies, practices, or systems.

Approaches and Strategies

Like community development and social planning, social action often
involves the use of campaign strategies such as lobbying, submitting signed
petitions, and collective bargaining to influence the decisions of govern-
ment officials or other powerful organization. However, unlike community
development, social action does not require a consensus for change within
the community; indeed, social action may take place even when a majority
of the community denies that a problem exists. Social action also tends
to emphasize contest and confrontation strategies such as demonstrations,
protest marches, and sit-ins to promote a cause, gain public support, and

NEL
230 • CHAPTER 8

influence change. In contrast, community development and social planning

both emphasize collaborative strategies such as group problem solving,
cooperative working relationships and partnerships to reach community
change goals.
Many contemporary social activists rely on the collective efforts of citizens
to achieve their goals. This grassroots approach is obvious when members
of a community come together because of a common concern and go on to
establish an organization or a group committed to addressing that concern.
The members of these organizations often advocate on their own or another
group's behalf. An example of such an organization is Canada Without
Poverty (CWP). Founded in 1971 under the name of National Anti-Poverty
Organization, CWP works to raise awareness of poverty in Canada and to
influence government policies related to the prevention and elimination of
poverty (Canada Without Poverty, 2012b).

Catalysts and Social Movements

A specific issue often serves as a catalyst for social action. Labour-related
problems, for example, have fuelled many labour strikes in Canada, including
the famous Winnipeg General Strike of 1919, when almost 30 000 workers left
their jobs in protest of poor wages and deplorable work conditions. Aboriginal
peoples' issues regularly spark political protests; some of these protests have
occurred on the annual Aboriginal Day of Action, when Aboriginal peoples
have used various strategies to call attention to poverty and other disadvan-
tages facing Indigenous peoples. Seniors' issues increasingly serve as catalysts
for change; for instance, in 1997, seniors came together to protest the federal
government's proposed changes to prescription drug legislation (see Exhibit
8. 7). Social action has become a legitimate means for citizens to call attention
to circumstances that threaten their well-being and to influence the decisions
of those in power.
In some cases, a series of protests related to a common theme can spark
a social movement. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
a general increase in social consciousness and collective responsibility for
fellow human beings gave rise to a wave of social movements, including the
labour reform, women's rights, and child welfare movements. Later, from the
early 1960s on, Canada and other Western countries witnessed a flurry of
social movements related to the environment, women's and gay rights, and
other issues, that significantly challenged the status quo. More recently, a
string of protests and flash mobs under the Idle No More banner have quickly
exploded into a nationwide social movement aimed at educating the public on

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 231

EXHIBIT 8.7

NO CLAW BACK
OR\
ON PENSIONS

Bill C-91:
tnnnorn1y rnr dru
t n111pan1c. . ...

About 150 senior citizens took social action in 1997 when they marched on Parliament
Hill to protest against the Federal Drug Patent Bill a piece of legislation that would
substantially drive up the cost of prescription drugs. The federal government was
pressured to amend the bill.

Aboriginal peoples' issues and revitalizing Indigenous peoples through aware-

ness and empowerment (Meekis, 2013).
One of the most publicized international social movements has been
the Occupy movement. Initiated in 20 l l by the Canadian activist group
Adbusters, the Occupy Movement caught on around the globe, motivating
thousands of people to voice their anger at corporate greed, government
cutbacks, and social, political, and income inequality. Such social move-
ments as this one not only have the potential to shape social values and
attitudes toward social problems but can also pressure governments to bow
to public demands.

NEL
232 • CHAPTER 8

COMMUNITY PRACTICE

By virtue of their training and knowledge base, social workers can make effec-
tive community organizers (CASW, 1998). For example, they tend to have
good listening and communication skills, understand how systems work, and
be comfortable working with both individuals and groups. Social workers
who engage in community practice do so with the "belief that people acting
together have a great capacity to improve their own circumstances, as they
have first-hand knowledge of the situation and what needs to happen to
change things for the better" (Hall, 2007). The process of community prac-
tice involves organizing citizens around certain issues or unmet needs, devel-
oping strategies for change, and providing relevant information to community
groups to assist the change process.
Depending on the type of community organization they work with, social
workers fulfill various roles:
• Community development. As brokers, social workers help individuals
and groups connect with needed programs and services in the commu-
nity. Since a focus of community development is problem solving,
social workers may also act as enablers by teaching community
members effective problem-solving skills.
• Social planning. In a social planning capacity, social workers may
develop action plans, collect and analyze data on local issues and
concerns, and share research findings with social planning councils,
government departments, and others. Social workers may also be
instrumental in connecting with, generating interest among, and
motivating local groups to participate in the planning process.
• Social action. Until the professionalization of social work in the
early twentieth century, all social workers were social activists:
"Whether through visits to the poor and homeless, demonstra-
tions in the streets, or surveys to expose shocking conditions, the
first social workers were crusaders whose full-time occupation
was social action" (Thursz, 1977, p. 1274). Today's social workers
may assume the role of activist who seeks change in social or
political power structures to improve conditions for a disadvan-
taged group. Social workers may also act as advocates, speaking or
acting on behalf of clients to achieve certain goals, or as initiators,
calling attention to problems or injustices that need correction
(Zastrow, 2010).

NEL
 PLANNED CHANGE IN MICRO, MEZZO, AND MACRO SYSTEMS • 233

Change at the Macro Level: Communities

1. Have you ever lived in a community in which community development, social
planning, or social action took place? If so, describe the sequence of events,
the types of actions people took to create change, and the outcomes of that
change process. In your opinion, what have been the positive and negative
impacts of the change?
2. Which of the three community change approaches (or strategies from one
or more approaches) might be most effective for reducing poverty? Give
reasons for your answer.

SUMMARY

Introduction
Planned change refers to a scientific method of changing conditions so that
people can meet their needs. Central to the planned change process is a
target of change, one or more change agents, a method of change, and
an identified beneficiary of change. In terms of context, planned change
can take place at the micro, mezzo, or macro levels of society. Capacity
building is a key element of planned change.

1 Change at the Micro Level: Individuals, Families, and Small Groups

Micro-level change focuses on helping individuals, families, or small groups.
Social casework models (such as brief therapies) aim to help individuals.
Family services are available to support and strengthen the family unit. In
some instances, social group work may be more effective than one-on-one
sessions. A social worker's choice of approach to empowerment depends
on such factors as the presenting need or problem.

2 Change at the Mezzo Level: Organizations

Organizational change begins with recognizing the need for change. To
change, agencies must have a vision of success, prepare for change by
learning about the organization and the community, and be committed
to change. Change agents, and a steering committee, can guide the
organization through the change process. The actual change occurs at an
individual level and a systemic level. Formative and summative evalu-
ations determine the effectiveness of change. Structural social work is
an approach taken by social workers to improve the organizations that
employ them.

NEL
234 • CHAPTER 8

3 Change at the Macro Level: Communities

Many Canadian communities are facing conditions that will force significant
change. Most community change reflects the principles and practices of
community development, social planning, and social action. Community
development focuses on working with existing structures to improve com-
munity conditions; social planning seeks community change through a
rational, formal procedure led by professional planners; and social action
aims to shift the power structures in society that oppress certain groups.
Community practice is a field of social work that involves organizing citizens,
developing strategies for change, and providing information to community
groups.

KF'l TERMS
For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
planned change process, empowerment, p . 214 anti-oppressive
p . 207 organizational change, approaches, p . 221
micro level (of society), p. 215 community
p . 207 systemic change, p. 220 development, p. 225
mezzo level (of society), formative evaluation, grassroots approach,
p . 207 p. 221 p . 225
macro level (of society), summative evaluation, comprehensive
p . 207 p. 221 community initiatives,
capacity, p. 207 qualitative measures, p . 226
social casework, p. 210 p. 221 social planning, p. 228
brief therapies, p. 210 quantitative measures, social action, p. 229
family casework, p . 211 p. 221 political protests, p. 230
social group work, structural social work, community practice,
p . 213 p. 221 p . 232

NEL
 I-

<(
a...

The Social Welfare of Canadians Living in Poverty

The Social Welfare of Children and Their Families

Social Welfare and Older Canadians

The Social Welfare of Aboriginal Canadians

The Social Welfare of Recent Immigrants

Social Welfare and People with Disabilities

 •
OCia are o
• • • •
ana 1ans I Yin 1n
ove

OBJECTIVES

Poverty, unemployment, and their associated challenges inhibit the

well-being of individuals, families, and society as a whole. This chapter
will
• introduce the concept of poverty

• explore definitions and measurements of poverty, and identify at-risk

groups

• discuss the effects of poverty

• examine the programmatic and systemic approaches to poverty

• summarize a social work approach to working with low-income and

marginalized groups

INTRODUCTION
• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••

Poverty is to be without sufficient money, but it is also

to have little hope for better things. It is a feeling that
one is unable to control one's destiny, that one is
powerless in a society that respects power. The poor
have very limited access to means of making known
their situation and their needs. To be poor is to feel
apathy, alienation from society, entrapment, hopelessness

NEL 237
238 • CHAPTER 9

and to believe that whatever you do will not turn

out successfully (Royal Commission on the Status of
Women of Canada, 1977, p. 311)
• • • • • • • • • • • • • ••• • • • • • • • • • • • •• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• • • •• • •• • • • • • • • • •• • • • • • • • •• • • • •• • • • •

Canada is often praised for its healthy and stable economy, and for having one
of the world's highest per capita levels of economic productivity. Despite this,
the nation's wealth fails to trickle down to all Canadians, many of whom can
barely make ends meet. Poverty affects more than just unemployed people;
indeed, a growing number of Canadians work full time yet do not earn enough
to support themselves and their families. A disturbingly high number of
individuals many of them with children visit food banks daily and rely on
the good will of charities for clothing, shelter, and other basics.
Canadian governments spend billions of dollars annually to enhance
the financial security of citizens. Those funds reach individuals and families
through various means, including tax credits, cash transfers (including social
assistance and 0 ld Age Security), and government-subsidized social services,
such as child care. Although these programs provide some level of economic
security, many Canadians continue to fall into poverty, while others already
living in poverty see little hope of ever climbing out. A troubling and persis-
tent aspect of poverty is the rate of child poverty: while Canada has always had
both the financial means and the social knowledge to eradicate child poverty,
it has failed to do so. 1 On a positive note, many provincial and territorial
governments are beginning to recognize poverty reduction as a necessary
condition for social stability and economic well-being. By 2012, all but two
regional governments had made a long-term commitment to reducing poverty
in their jurisdictions.
It is difficult to give due consideration to the complexities of poverty in
one chapter. Thus, this chapter serves as a primer on basic poverty-related
concepts, issues, and interventions in Canada.

1 POVERTY IN CANADA
To prevent or reduce poverty, we must first understand what poverty is
(or what it looks like) and how it affects people. This section looks at
definitions of poverty, measurements of low income and other dimensions of
poverty, and the populations at risk of poverty in Canada.

1 In 2012, UNICEF ranked Canada as having the twenty-fourth-worst child poverty rate among thirty-five
industrialized countries (UNICEF, 2012).

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 239

WHAT IS POVERTY?

Poverty has no single official or universally accepted definition; every country

has a different view of poverty and, even within the same country, people's
views of poverty change over time. In Canada, various definitions exist. Most
definitions relate poverty to a certain level of income or financial security;
in this case, poverty may be framed as "a subsistence standard of living with
an income that is not sufficient to purchase the bare necessities" (Michaud,
Cotton,&: Bishop, 2004, p. 6).
Over time, poverty definitions have become multidimensional, relating
poverty not only to a certain level of income but also to the experience of
being poor or deprived. For example, many people equate poverty with social
exclusion that is, poverty exists when a person is unable, or is denied the
opportunity, to fully engage in the economic, cultural, social, and political
realms of society, or meet society's expectations in terms of roles, relation-
ships, and participation (Townsend, 1993). Other definitions emphasize the
powerlessness of being poor, being voiceless and dependent on others for
resources. This chapter uses the term poverty in reference to low income and
its associated conditions and challenges.

MEASUREMENTS OF POVERTY

Economists, social workers, and other professional groups are likely to

define poverty in statistical terms. To calculate which Canadians are living
in low income, the Government of Canada uses three statistical measuring
devices: the low-income measure (LIM), the market basket measure (MBM),
and the low-income cut-offs (LICOs). Both the LIM and LICOs provide a
relative measure of poverty by estimating which Canadians are worse off than
others. In contrast, the MBM defines poverty in absolute terms by esti-
mating whether a person's income is adequate to purchase basic goods and
services (Collin, 2008). International studies have shown that using a variety
of low-income measures, and assessing both the relative and absolute levels
of poverty, can provide a comprehensive snapshot of poverty. Below is a brief
description of the three measuring devices; note that the term family refers
to one or more persons.

Low-Income Measure (LIM)

The LIM estimates the proportion of a selected geographic area that has sub-
stantially less income than that in the rest of the area. Low-income families are

NEL
2 40 • CHAPTER 9

defined as those whose incomes are less than half the median family income in
the area (income is adjusted according to family size). The LIM is often used
at the international level to compare family income between countries.

Market Basket Measure (MBM)

The MBM estimates the costs of necessities, such as food, shelter, and
transportation, and then compares those costs with a family's disposable
income. Low-income households are those with a lower level of income than
what is needed to purchase a specified basket of goods and services. Often
used in conjunction with the LICOs and the LIM, the MBM is useful for
identifying regional variations in the cost of living and people's purchasing
power across Canada.

Low-Income Cut-Offs (LICOs)

The LICOs identify a minimum level of income required for a family to
purchase food, shelter, and other basics; that minimum varies with the
family's size and place of residence. Exhibit 9.1 illustrates the 35 low-income
cut-offs or thresholds in Canada. According to the LICOs, a family that spends
20 percent or more of its after-tax income than the average household on basic
goods and services is living with low income. The government adjusts the
LI COs periodically to reflect changes in the economy, the types of things
people consider basic necessities, and the amount of money required to enjoy
a reasonable standard of living in Canada.
The LICOs have become the most widely used measures of poverty in
Canada. Although the Government of Canada originally designed the LICOs
to measure low income, as opposed to poverty, many analysts refer to them
collectively as Canada's "poverty line. "

Other Dimensions of Poverty

One of the functions of the LICOs is to report on the percentage of Canadians
living with low income, otherwise known as the poverty rate. According to
the after-tax LICOs, 9.4 percent of Canadians (or three million people) lived
in poverty in 2010; this is a dramatic decrease since 1996, when the rate
reached more than 15 percent (Human Resources and Skills Development
Canada [HRSDC], 20 12c).
While poverty rates are useful for reporting on how many Canadians live
in low-income, they offer little information on how poor people are, or how long

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 241

LOW-INCOME CUT-OFFS (LICOS), AFTER TAX, 2011

tau~~
~h'L l.!.'f~It [lf l~ It]~~~ ~. t [t t t l't(e) tlt (tlt t l't(•J ~1t t] tltlt] •1~~
~~ • I
..
~~ ~ r.\ I ~ 'J -F-• t (t •• Vi) Vi,~ ~~~~~ l~i-~1=

1 12 629 14 454 16 124 16 328 19 307

2 15 371 17 592 19 625 19 872 23 498

3 19 141 21 905 24 437 24 745 29 260

4 23 879 27 329 30 487 30 871 36 504

5 27 192 31 120 34 717 35 154 41 567

6 30 156 34 513 38 502 38 986 46 099

7 33 121 37 906 42 286 42 819 50 631

Source: Adapted from Statistics Canada. (2012, November). Low income lines, 2010- 2011 (table 1).
Retrieved from http://www.statcan.gc.calpub/75f0002m/2012002/tblltbl01-eng.htm.

they remain poor. Thus, the LICOs are also used to measure the depth and
persistence of poverty.
• The depth of poverty refers to how far a person's income dips below
the poverty line; for instance, in 2010, low-income families needed,
on average, to earn an additional 50 percent of their income to rise
above the poverty line (Statistics Canada, 2012b).
• The persistence of poverty refers to the percentage of people living
in low-income every year over a six-year period. From 2005 to
2010, more than 17 percent of low-income Canadians were poor for
at least one year; 4 percent lived in poverty for at least four of the
six years; and 1.5 percent were poor for most of the six-year period
(HRSDC, 2012d).

POPULATIONS AT RISK OF POVERTY

Anyone can fall into poverty; however, certain people are more likely to expe-
rience poverty than others are. In 2010, the groups experiencing the highest
rates of poverty in Canada were
• single adults ages 45 to 65 (one in three lived in poverty)
• people with disabilities (more than one in five lived in poverty)

NEL
242 • CHAPTER 9

• lone-parent families (one in five lived in poverty, the majority of

which were headed by females)
• immigrants who arrived in Canada after 2000 (one in six lived in
poverty)
• Aboriginal people living off-reserve (one in six lived in poverty)
(HRSDC, 2012c)

Risk Factors
Risk factors of poverty are conditions or circumstances that make some
social groups more susceptible to poverty than others. Geographic location is
one risk factor: a person living in British Columbia, for instance, has a greater
chance of living in poverty than someone living in Alberta. Age makes a
difference: younger people are more likely than senior citizens to live in
poverty. Similarly, members of visible minorities are at a higher risk of poverty
than Caucasians.

Women
The term feminization of poverty calls attention to the fact that women are
more likely than men to be poor, regardless of the woman's age, family status,
ethnicity, or other characteristic (Mayo, 2010). Those at a particularly high
risk of poverty include women who are Aboriginal, have a disability, belong to
a visible minority group, or are single parents or unattached seniors. Statistics
show that the poverty rates among women are gradually falling: in 1976,
15 percent of Canadian women were poor, but by 2008, that rate had dropped
to 10 percent. Poverty rates among lone mothers fell from 54 percent in 1976
to 21 percent in 2009 (Williams, 2010).
While the falling poverty rates among women are encouraging, a number
of public policies and social norms continue to put women at a distinct dis-
advantage in society. For example, women provide the bulk of housework,
child care, and, in many cases, eldercare; while those activities are valuable
to the well-being of families and the functioning of society they largely go
unpaid. Women are also at a disadvantage in the workplace. Among women
who work, one in four holds a temporary or part-time position (Ferrao, 2010).
Many of these workers do not qualify for Employment Insurance or employer
benefits, such as medical or dental insurance. Most employed women (more
than 60 percent) earn minimum wage, and fewer than half contribute to an
employer pension plan (Statistics Canada, 2010b; Williams, 2010). Although
a postsecondary education can open the door to better-paying jobs, women

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 243

with a university education who work full time earn 30 percent less than their
male coworkers doing similar work (Statistics Canada, 201 Oc).

Seniors
Thanks to improvements in the Old Age Security pension and other govern-
ment benefits, seniors have seen a dramatic decrease in their rate of poverty over
the years. According to the LICOs, the poverty rate for seniors has steadily
fallen in the last four decades (see Exhibit 9 .2). However, when using the LIM,
there appears to be a significant increase in senior's poverty, (from more than
7 percent in 2000 to 12 percent in 2010). These findings suggest that while
seniors' incomes have generally increased, they have not increased enough to
cover the costs of basic goods and services. This is especially true for seniors
living in large urban centres, such as Toronto, Vancouver, and Montreal (Vital
Signs, 2013a).
The economic recession from 2007 to 2009 was especially hard on
low-income seniors. According to the MBM, twice as many seniors had trouble

POVERTY RATES BY AGE GROUP, 1976-2009

40% ~--~==================~--------------------~
- Seniors 65+
- Children less than 18 years
---- Adu Its 18-64 years
30%

20%

0% +-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 2009
*Using after-tax LICOs Year

Source: National Council of Welfare Reports: The Dollars and Sense of Solving Poverty, http://publications.
gc.calcollections/collection_20lllcnb-ncw/HS54-2-2011-eng.pdf. National Council of Welfare, 2011.
Reproduced with the permission of the Minister of Public Works and Government Services
Canada, 2013.

NEL
2 44 • CHAPTER 9

buying essential goods and services during the recession than in previous
years. Statisticians conclude that economic downturns are more likely to
create financial hardship for low-income seniors living on fixed incomes,-
most of whom are women than for other age groups (HRSDC, 2012c).

Children
In 1989, Canada decided to eliminate child poverty by the year 2000.
Although child poverty rates did fall from a high of 16 percent in the mid-1980s
to 13 percent in the mid-1990s, those rates have been climbing ever since
(Conference Board of Canada, 2013d). According to the LICOs, more than
14 percent of Canadian children lived in poverty in 2010. Some provinces
have rates much higher than the national average, including Prince Edward
Island (22 percent) and Manitoba (21 percent).
The type of family a child lives in raises the chances of experiencing
poverty; for example, living in a lone-parent, female-led family raises the risk,
as does living in a visible minority family (Campaign 2000, 2011). Aboriginal
children are particularly vulnerable to poverty; for instance, half of all status
First Nations children are poor (Macdonald &: Wilson, 2013). Exhibit 9.3

POVERTY RATES FOR CHILDREN: SELECTED GROUPS,

0-14 YEARS, 1996-2006

70 ~----------------------------------------------------~

1996 2001 2006

60 ~----------------------------------------------------~

50 I--

(].)

$ 40 1--
c
(].)
2
8: 30 I--

20 I--

10 I--

Recent immigrants All immigrants Aboriginal identity Racialized groups With disability All children

Source: Family Service Toronto. (2012). Needed: An action plan to eradicate child and family poverty in Canada (chart 7,
p. 11). Retrieved from http :1/www.campaign2000.ca/reportCards/nationaVC2000ReportCardN ov2012. pdf.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 245

compares the poverty rates among selected groups of children, based on sta-
tistics from 1996, 2001, and 2006.
Children are poor because their parents are poor. Parents living in poverty
tend to be young and unemployed, with little formal education, and, in some
cases, are grappling with physical or mental health problems. Many parents
work full time but do not earn enough to support their families adequately.
More than 30 percent of children living in poverty have a parent who works
full time (Campaign 2000, 2010).
A growing number of children live in middle-class families that have high
levels of personal debt and few savings. Two-parent families owe $1.70 for
every dollar earned; lone-parent families have the highest debt load, owing
$2.27 for every dollar they earn (Statistics Canada, 2012c). While these
families may not currently live in poverty, they may be on the brink of falling
into poverty should they experience a sudden job loss, the death of a family
breadwinner, or other unexpected change in financial status. Parents in
manufacturing and service jobs are particularly vulnerable to job loss during
economic restructuring or downturns.

Poverty in Canada
1. What are the advantages of Canada using three measures of poverty
(the LIM, the MBM, and the LICOs) rather than relying on just one measure?
2. Many definitions of poverty exist. How would you define poverty? What
signs, symptoms, or indicators provide evidence that poverty exists in your
community?
3. Certain groups are at a higher risk of poverty than others. What social,
economic, or other factors might make those groups vulnerable to
poverty?

2 THE EFFECTS OF POVERTY

Following the Second World War, Canada created a social welfare system to
prevent large segments of the population from falling into extreme poverty.
However, in recent decades, Canadian governments have steadily chipped
away at the social welfare system to the point that many people in need do
not have a basic level of support. Thus, poverty has become a more visible
social problem in this country. Food insecurity and homelessness are two of
the most obvious signs of poverty.

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246 • CHAPTER 9

FOOD INSECURITY

At one time, the notion that anyone in Canada might go hungry was beyond
comprehension. But in the 1980s, with the emergence of food banks and chil-
dren's meal programs in schools, food insecurity became recognized as a social
problem. The term food insecurity refers to "the inability to obtain sufficient,
nutritious, personally acceptable food through normal food channels or the uncer-
tainty that one will be able to do so" (Davis & Tarasuk, 1994, p. 51). A variety of
factors may contribute to food insecurity, but most often it is associated with
low income and the unaffordability of a healthy diet (National Food Security
Assembly, 2006). According to the Canadian Community Health Survey,
almost 8 percent of households (or 956 000 people) are food insecure (Statistics
Canada, 2010a).
One yardstick for measuring food insecurity is the number of people
using emergency food programs, of which food banks are the most common
type. Edmonton opened the country's first food bank in 1981 as a temporary
response to the hardships created by the economic recession at the time. Since
then, the demand for food banks has steadily grown; by 2012, more than
450 food banks across Canada were serving almost 900 000 people. More
than half of Canadians relying on food banks are welfare recipients, and
almost four in ten people helped by food banks are children (see Exhibit 9. 4)
(Food Banks Canada, 2012).

HOMELESSNESS

Canadians have witnessed a dramatic rise in the cost of housing in recent

years. As a result, many people cannot afford acceptable housing that is,
housing that is adequate (in good repair), suitable (uncrowded), and afford-
able (costs less than 30 percent of a household's before-tax income). Families
living in housing that does not meet these criteria are said to be in core
housing need a reality for about 1.5 million Canadian households (Canada
Mortgage and Housing Corporation [CMHC], 2013).
Rising rents especially in large urban centres are making it increas-
ingly difficult for low-income Canadians to afford decent housing. According
to one Canadian study, four out of ten renter households spend more than
30 percent of their income on shelter and have little money left to purchase
other basics, such as food and clothing (Vital Signs, 2013b). This situation is
known as shelter poverty because the household is left in poverty once the rent
is paid (Hulchanski, 2005). In addition to high rents, fewer rental units are
available; for example, in Regina and Winnipeg, only l percent of apartments
were vacant in 2010 (Federation of Canadian Municipalities, 2012).
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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 247

An unacceptable number of visitors to Canada's food banks are children.

The unavailability of acceptable housing contributes to the problem of

homelessness (see Exhibit 9. 5). In Canada, a person is homeless if he or she is
• unsheltered (has no home and sleeps in the street or other place not
intended for human habitation)
• emergency sheltered (has temporary accommodation, provided by the
emergency shelter system, such as homeless shelters and shelters for
abused women and their children)
• provisionally sheltered (has temporary shelter in an institution, immi-
grant reception centre, hostel, friend's house, or other time-limited
housing arrangement)
• at-risk of homelessness (has permanent yet unaffordable, unsafe, or
otherwise unstable housing that is at risk of being lost) (Canadian
Homelessness Research Network, 2012)*
For some Canadians, homelessness is temporary and relatively brief,
as is the case when people must evacuate their homes because of a flood

*Canadian Homelessness Research Network. (2012). Canadian definition ofhomelessness. Retrieved from
the Homeless Hub, http :1/www. homelesshub. ca/ResourceFiles/CHRNhomelessdefinition-1 pager. pdf.

NEL
2 48 • CHAPTER 9

EXHIBIT 9.5

---~·

•
---
- - •
~

.- u
•
0
......
Vl
1-<
(j)
......
......
~
,.... ....c::
V)
•
- 1:::
....c::
-•• 0
~
s::
0
1-<
~
-<
@

Homelessness is becoming an increasingly visible social problem in Canada.

or fire. For others, homelessness may be cyclical (interspersed with short-term

shelter) or chronic (long term or repeated over time) (Echenberg & jensen,
2008). Estimates suggest that approximately 80 000 Canadians are homeless
on any given day; this figure includes the "visible" homeless (people who use
emergency shelters) and the "hidden" homeless (people who are provisionally
sheltered or do not access any emergency shelters). More than 4 7 percent of
homeless people are single men aged 25 to 55, and another 20 percent are
youth aged 16 to 24. Many of these individuals have a mental illness, an addic-
tion, or a disability, and a large proportion of them are of Aboriginal descent.
A growing number of homeless Canadians are families with children, most
often headed by a single mom (Gaetz, Donaldson, Richter, & Gulliver, 2013).

THE CYCLE OF POVERTY

Poverty-related problems such as neighbourhood decay, an eroding sense

of community, and crime impact the quality of life for everyone, not just
those who are poor. As a concept, the cycle of poverty is a useful tool for

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 249

EXHIBIT 9.6
THE CYCLE OF POVERTY

DIFFICULTIES MEETING BASIC NEEDS

Poor housing Poor food

Poor Inadequate
neighbourhoods nutrition
Related health risks Related health risks
•
Geographic • asthma/repiratory • anem1a Poor pre-
isolation problems • weight loss or obesity
• viral and bacterial infection • susceptibility to natal care
Inadequate • chronic colds and flu environmental toxins
early learning • epidemics Low
opportunities weight
Poor health Weaken
state

DIFFICULTIES FUNCTIONING

Child development problems

Psychological problems
• cognitive delays • stress
• poor social skills • irritability
• physical health problems • risk of mental health disorders
• depression
Problems in school • low self-esteem
• poor school readiness
• underachievement
• grade failure or repetition Interpersonal/ family
Work-related
•low expectation to attend problems
university problems • parent-child conflict
• discrimination in • inadequate parental care
workplace • marital discord
High-risk • poor access to childcare
behaviours • more sick days
• delinquency Domestic violence/
• teen pregnancy child abuse
• substance abuse

SOCIAL EXCLUSION
•limited access to goods and services
• exclusion from social and economic
opportunities

Source: Rosalie Chappell

understanding poverty's negative effects on individuals and families, and on

society as a whole. Exhibit 9.6 highlights some of the factors and events that
can trap people in a vicious circle of poverty.
At the top of the chart in Exhibit 9. 6 are two main features of poverty:
poor housing and poor food. Each feature has its own health risks.

NEL
250 • CHAPTER 9

• The negative consequences of inferior housing conditions on physical health

are well documented; for example, one Canadian study found that, among
1200 people living in poor housing conditions, 33 percent had arthritis,
30 percent had hepatitis B or C, and 23 percent had asthma (Research
Alliance for Canadian Homelessness, Housing and Health, 2010).

• People who live in poverty often lack the means to buy fresh, nutri-
tious, or adequate amounts of food. A growing body of scientific
research confirms the relationship between poor nutrition and health
problems. Those problems include inadequate prenatal and post-
natal care, low birth weight, obesity, diabetes, and anemia.
The middle section of Exhibit 9. 6 highlights the potential effects that inad-
equate housing and food, and their related health problems, can have on human
functioning. For children, difficulties in functioning may manifest themselves as
delays in cognitive, social, and physical development, which in tum may lead to
learning problems and involvement in high-risk behaviours. Adults may have
trouble meeting the demands of postsecondary education or training programs,
or be unable to find or keep a job. Poverty conditions are also associated with
psychological problems, such as stress and mental illness; these factors, in turn,
may create interpersonal or family conflicts, including family violence.
Difficulties in personal functioning and the fulfillment of important
responsibilities and social roles be it in school, work, or other life areas-
may lead to social exclusion. People who are not socially included are typically
denied their rights and often have difficulties accessing opportunities in the
community, such as basic services and employment. In turn, social exclusion
puts people at an even greater risk of poverty and related problems.
The disadvantages of persistent poverty often repeat themselves, some-
times over several generations. Eventually, the health, social, and other problems
created by poverty can compound and converge to create even greater hardship
and deprivation. Thus, poverty can become both the cause and the effect of social
ills. The upward arrow in Exhibit 9.6 suggests the circular nature of poverty.
One of the most concerning aspects of poverty is its potentially negative effect
on children. Growing up poor usually means living in inadequate housing in
rundown or unsafe neighbourhoods with limited access to recreation centres,
libraries, and other community resources. Material deprivation can have a nega-
tive effect on a child's development; studies show that children living in poverty
are at a higher risk of physical health problems, emotional and behavioural disor-
ders, and learning disabilities when compared with their wealthier peers (Lipman
& Offord, 1994). The harmful effects of growing up in poverty can carry into
adulthood and compromise a person's ability to get a proper education, find and
hold down a job, earn a sufficient income, and be an active member of society.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 251

THE ECONOMIC COSTS OF POVERTY

Society as a whole bears the costs of poverty. In its study on poverty in Canada,
the National Council of Welfare (20 11) identified three types of economic
costs created by poverty:
• Direct costs are from poverty-related income security programs (such
as social assistance and low-income tax benefits) and social services
(such as subsidized child care and homeless shelters).
• Indirect costs include those related to the overuse of expensive services
(such as hospital emergency wards, remedial education, and police
services) by low-income groups.
• Societal costs are from lost opportunities for disadvantaged children,
decreased work productivity, and lower levels of community engage-
ment among adults.
In terms of actual dollars, one study estimates that poverty consumes
about $13 billion a year in federal and provincial or territorial income
tax revenue (Laurie, 2008). Child poverty has a particularly high economic
cost; in Ontario, for example, child poverty costs up to $6 billion annually
(Ivanova, 2011). Whichever way researchers crunch the numbers, the result
is the same: Canadians pay far too much for poverty in terms of diminished
social and economic participation and well-being. By all accounts, poverty is
unsustainable.

The Effects of Poverty

1. Poverty has immediate and long-term consequences for children. What are
some of those consequences, and how might they affect a child's future func-
tioning as an adult?
2. Explain how poverty can be both a cause and an effect of human hardship.

3 ORGANIZED RESPONSES TO POVERTY

Canada has tackled the problem of poverty in a variety of ways, including
improving the economy, creating jobs, and introducing policies and programs
to help adults meet their basic needs. Before making these types of efforts,
policymakers have to identify the root causes of poverty. This section reviews
two predominant theories on the causes of poverty, and examines Canada's
two-pronged approach to poverty reduction.

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252 • CHAPTER 9

UNDERSTANDING THE CAUSES OF POVERTY

Unfortunately, the complex and multidimensional nature of poverty makes

it difficult, if not impossible, for policymakers to agree on underlying causes.
Even when policymakers can agree on the causes of poverty, their views may
shift as new information about the determinants of poverty emerges. Despite
these types of challenges, policymakers tend to agree that poverty is the result
of deficiencies in either people or systems or both:
• Poverty is the result of deficiencies in individuals, families, or other micro
system. Historically, society has blamed poverty on the poor, claiming
that poverty is the result of foolish choices, moral failings, or a lack of
character and ambition. Today's more politically correct policymakers
are likely to refer to an individual's deficiencies in terms of a lack
of skills, opportunities, support, or other factors needed to compete
successfully in the labour market.
• Poverty is the result of flaws in social, political, economic, or other macro
system. The term structural poverty refers to the failure of society
(or government) to meet the social and economic needs of individuals
and families. According to the structural poverty theory, certain entities
in our culture systematically exclude relatively powerless or under-
valued groups in society (for example, visible minorities) from good
jobs, wealth, material resources, and opportunities (Raphael, 2011).
Today, structural poverty is most often associated with globalization,
growing income inequality, and neoliberal policies that favour the rich.

TAKING A TWO-PRONGED APPROACH

Traditionally, social policies and programs have focused on helping individuals

change some aspect of themselves so they become more employable and,
subsequently, more productive members of society. However, in recent years,
policymakers have taken a greater interest in correcting the flaws in larger
systems and, in so doing, eliminating the barriers that prevent disadvantaged
groups from accessing good jobs and fully participating in society. Today,
Canadian governments take a two-pronged approach to poverty issues: (1) they
aim to support individuals through a wide range of programs; and (2) they
employ various systemic interventions to change existing policies or practices,
social attitudes, or other macro system to make them more responsive to
people's needs. Through this mix of interventions, governments attempt to
meet the diverse needs of low-income Canadians (Loewen, 2009).

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 253

The following are examples of the many programs and systemic interventions
aimed at reducing or preventing poverty in Canada.

Social Assistance
Social assistance is the income program of last resort for people who have
exhausted all other avenues of financial support and can prove (through
needs, asset, or income testing) that they are in need. Each province and
territory has its own welfare system and its own criteria for eligibility, benefit
rates, appeal procedures, and monitoring. However, all social assistance
programs provide some level of financial assistance to help individuals and
families purchase food, shelter, and other basics. Additional benefits may also
cover costs related to age, disability, education, employment, or other special
circumstance. Further assistance is available under the National Child Benefit
(NCB) to support children living in families on social assistance. 2
Canadian governments are always looking for ways to motivate people
on welfare to become more self-sufficient. During the 1990s, the provinces
and territories regularly lowered their welfare benefit rates to pressure people
to leave welfare and find a job. Before long, government officials realized that
punishing or blaming the poor for their circumstances drove welfare recipients
not into jobs but more deeply into poverty. Program reviews helped to identify
the specific ways in which welfare systems actually discourage people from
leaving welfare. For instance, many families found that when they left welfare
for a job (especially a job that did not come with benefits), they lost access to
certain subsidized welfare services, as well as medical, dental, and prescription
drug benefits. At the same time, employment brought work-related expenses,
such as transportation, work clothes, child care, and income taxes. Individuals
and families in this situation hit what is called the welfare wall, because they
became financially worse off employed than they were on welfare.
To break down the welfare wall and to ensure that people choose work
over welfare, most provincial governments have reformed their social assis-
tance systems. One reform allows families to receive the NCB tax benefit and
supplement, as well as many welfare benefits and services, even after the
parents leave social assistance for paid employment. Another reform allows
welfare recipients to work and keep some of their earnings and some of their
social assistance. For instance, in Alberta, employable individuals can keep up

2The National Child Benefit offers support to families in two ways: (l) the Canada Child Tax Benefit
(CCTB) is an income-tested monthly payment available to low- and middle-income families with children
under eighteen; and (2) the National Child Benefit Supplement tops up the monthly CCTB payments for
Canada$ lowest-income families with children.

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254 • CHAPTER 9

to $230/month in earnings and 25 percent of any additional earnings, on top

of their regular welfare benefits (Alberta Ministry of Human Services, 20 11).
These earnings exemptions not only increase the amount of money that wel-
fare recipients can live on but also encourage employable individuals to form
a long-term attachment to the labour force.

Employment Insurance
Employment Insurance (EI) is an income security program that offers tempo-
rary financial support to Canadians who have lost their job and are looking
for other work or upgrading their skills. Because it is a contributory insurance
program, people must have paid into the EI program in the past to be eligible
for benefits when unemployed. Many types of benefits are available under
the EI system, including regular benefits (for those who have been laid off
work through no fault of their own) and benefits related to maternity, parental
duties, sickness, compassionate care, and training.
Since the passage of the EI Act in 1996, Canadian governments have
expected EI recipients to engage in some type of work-related activity in
exchange for benefits. Underlying this active labour market policy is the
assumption that if workers had more training or better job search skills, they
would be able to find good jobs. Thus, various intergovernmental agreements
allow insured unemployed workers not only to receive regular EI benefits
but also to tap into financial assistance while attending a training program, or
to access a skills development program (such as a career planning workshop)
to aid in the job search process.
Canadian governments tout EI's training supplements and skills develop-
ment programs as a way to reinforce the intrinsic values of work, discipline,
and productivity, and to help people gain the confidence and skills they need
to compete and succeed in the workforce (Social Research and Demonstration
Corporation, 2005). However, these supports do little to prevent unemployment
or to eliminate the systemic barriers that limit labour force participation among
marginalized groups. Those barriers are beyond the control of individuals and
include the following:
• The structure of Canada's labour market ensures that there are always
more people looking for work than there are jobs, especially jobs
that pay a living wage. Canada's unemployment rate hovers around
7 percent, meaning that at any given time, seven of every 100 adults
are actively looking for work. An ongoing competition for jobs puts
employers in the position of being able to choose who gets work and
allows them to offer less competitive wages and benefits.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 255

• A segment of the workforce is chronically underemployed,

meaning that people are not working as much as they could or want
to, or are overqualified for the job they have. Many Canadians seek
full-time work but can find only part-time or non-standard jobs
(temporary, contract, or seasonal jobs). Underemployed workers
often have to either juggle several part-time jobs or seek financial
help from welfare departments to make ends meet. Recent immi-
grants are among the most underemployed groups in Canada, even
though they are, on average, more educated than Canada-born
workers.
• Minimum wage legislation has not kept up with inflation and the
rising costs of food, rent, and other staples. As a result, many
minimum wage workers do not earn enough to stay out of pov-
erty. Among the working poor3 are young adults, people with a
disability, recent immigrants, and First Nations people living off-
reserve (Collin & ] ensen, 2009). An estimated 400 000 Canadians
are in full-time jobs that pay less than ten dollars an hour (Campaign
2000, 2010).
Government policies and labour laws play an important role in preventing
or eliminating systemic barriers to employment. Canadian governments have
begun to identify and break down those barriers and open up the labour
market to all working-age Canadians. The likely targets for reform are
• employment standards (the minimum provisions of work that protect
workers from exploitation by employers, related to minimum wage
levels, 4 hours of work, and workplace health and safety)
• employment equity (people have equal access to jobs regardless of
race, gender, or other personal attribute as long as they are able and
qualified to do the job)
• pay equity (equal pay for work of equal value in terms of duties,
responsibilities, and qualifications)
• work supports (resources, such as affordable child care or wheel-chair
accessible workplaces, that allow workers to maintain employment
once they get it)

3This definition of working poor includes working-age adults but does not include adult students or young
adults still living with their parents.
4As an example, Ontario has made incremental increases to minimum wages, from $6.85 in 2003, to
$8.75 by 2008, and to $ 10.25 in 2010, giving the province one of the highest minimum wage rates in
Canada.

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256 • CHAPTER 9

• training (ensuring that postsecondary education and job training is

accessible)
• job creation (creating job opportunities for unemployed workers)
(Goss Gilroy, 2004)

Asset Building
Savings, investments, and other financial assets can enable people to start a
business, buy a home, or provide a cushion to soften the blow of job loss or
other interruption of income. In short, financial assets give a person a sense of
control over his or her life and future Qackson, 2004). Unfortunately, many
low-income earners can barely afford to buy the basics, let alone save for the
future. They live hand to mouth, with few reserves for emergencies and little
prospect of ever improving their economic situation. To address this situation,
the federal government has introduced a number of asset-based social
policies such as individual development accounts (IDAs) to help low-
income individuals and families build assets and essentially "save their way
out of poverty" (Social and Enterprise Development Innovations, 2003, p. 1).
Individuals who participate in an IDA program save whatever they
can from their earnings; in tum, the government matches that amount. For
example, in one IDA program in Winnipeg, Manitoba, eligible participants
receive $3 for every $1 they save (SEED Winnipeg, n.d.). Through these types
of government programs, low-income earners can gradually accumulate
savings toward long-term goals. The Canada Learning Bond and projects
under learn$ave are specific types of IDAs designed to help low-income
Canadians pay for postsecondary education.
Traditionally, social assistance programs have required welfare appli-
cants to exhaust all their assets before they could receive benefits. However,
that requirement lessened people's chances of ever becoming self-sufficient.
In recent years, provincial and territorial governments have reformed their
welfare rules around assets. For example, the Government of Ontario (Ontario
Ministry of Community and Social Services, 2013) now allows welfare recipients
to keep up to $5000 (couples can keep up to $7500) in cash or other liquid
assets. Moreover, when calculating the assets of welfare applicants, welfare
workers can now exempt up to $60 000 in savings in a registered retirement
savings plan, a registered education savings plan, or an IDA.
In addition to promoting self-sufficiency, asset -based policies encourage
habits of saving and try to help people gain an understanding of finances.
Increasingly, governments are seeing asset building as a more progressive
solution to poverty than traditional income security programs (such as welfare),
which focus on meeting immediate rather than long-term needs.
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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 257

Housing Security
Although the vast majority of Canadians obtain their housing from the private
housing market, Canadian governments intervene in that market to ensure
that low-income Canadians have equal access to affordable, adequate, and
permanent housing. In recent decades, that intervention has occurred primarily
through bilateral agreements between the federal and provincial or territorial
governments, including the Affordable Housing Initiative (2001-2011) and
the Investment in Affordable Housing (2011-2014).
All government-assisted housing is government-subsidized or rent-
geared-to-income, meaning that a government pays a proportion of rent based
on a tenant's total income. For instance, a senior living in a social housing unit
and relying on Old Age Security and Guaranteed Income Supplement cheques
would pay about 30 percent of their income on rent. There are four main
types of government-assisted housing programs in Canada:
• public or social housing (rental apartments or houses that are built,
owned, and managed by a government housing authority or corporation)
(see Exhibit 9. 7)
• nonprofit housing (rental units that are built and managed by a non-
profit group, such as a church or ethnic association)
• co-operative (or co-op) housing (homes that are owned and managed
by the people living in them)
• rent-supplement units (houses or apartments that are owned and
managed by private landlords) (CMHC, 2012a)*
Since the early 1990s, the federal government has regularly cut funding to
subsidized housing, stopped funding long-term housing projects, and devolved
many of its responsibilities for housing programs to lower levels of government.
At the same time, most provinces and territories have relaxed their rent controls
and subsequently allowed landlords to increase rent at any time, resulting in
dramatic jumps in rent. When individuals and families can no longer afford to
pay the rent, they have few options left but to become "unhoused."
The federally funded Homelessness Partnering Strategy supports the
majority of homeless shelters, most of which offer temporary, short-term, emer-
gency accommodation, as well as clothing, food, and counselling. Although
shelters provide some degree of protection from the elements, they offer little
in terms of long-term solutions to homelessness. Emergency shelters, in par-
ticular, are a poor substitute for proper housing. It is common for the demand

* Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC). All rights reserved. Reproduced with the consent
of CMHC. All other uses of this material are expressly prohibited.

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258 • CHAPTER 9

EXHIBIT 9.7

Canada's oldest and largest social housing project is Regent Park in Toronto, Ontario.
Built in the late 1940s, this housing project covers 28 hectares (69 acres). It is currently
undergoing revitalization.

for shelters to exceed the available beds (especially in winter) and, in some
parts of Canada, shelter staff must tum away homeless people seeking shelter
because of a lack of beds (Crossroads Christian Communications, 2013). The
demand for homeless shelters in Canada continues to grow: in 2006, there
were 859 shelters providing almost 22 000 beds; by 20 ll, there were l 086
shelters with more than 28000 beds (HRSDC, 2013b).
Over the last two decades, ongoing funding cuts, the lifting of rent regu-
lations, and the general deterioration of social housing policies have created
an affordable housing and homelessness crisis in Canada. It will take more
than sporadic, short-term investments in housing programs to resolve this
crisis. Indeed, the solution may lie in correcting the many structural problems
that systematically prevent low-income Canadians from accessing affordable,
permanent housing (Hulchanski, 2005). Those structural flaws include
• chronically low vacancy rates and rising rents, especially in large
urban centres
• a shrinking supply of low cost rental units and rooming houses

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 259

• a decreasing number of new social housing units

• falling incomes among the poor and those at risk of poverty
• landlord discrimination against marginalized groups
• social assistance programs that offer insufficient payment for adequate
housing
• chronic unemployment, underemployment, and low-paying jobs
for a growing number of Canadians (Buckland, jackson, Roberts, &
Smith, 2001).

Food Security
Traditionally, food security initiatives in Canada have been short term or
emergency based, with a primarily local rather than national focus. Those
initiatives include
• the provision of free or subsidized food (for example, school-based
meal programs, food banks, and soup kitchens)
• educational programs to improve food preparation and grocery
shopping skills (for example, community kitchens and targeted nutrition
education programs)
• the promotion of alternative methods of obtaining food (for example,
farmers' markets, community gardens, and food box programs)
(Mcintyre, 2003)
Food banks and related programs are generally inadequate methods
of addressing the growing problem of food insecurity in Canada: they are
not reliable sources of nutritious food, and they rarely have enough food to
meet the demand. These programs also rely heavily on the public to donate
food and on volunteers to manage and distribute food to those in need.
Many food banks are not geographically accessible to everyone who needs
them, and the stigma attached to food banks may stop some people from
using them.
In 1998, the Government of Canada introduced a comprehensive national
Action Plan for Food Security to guide governments, communities, and indi-
viduals in their efforts to improve food security. (Exhibit 9.8 illustrates Canada's
perspective of the essential elements of food security.) Since then, many
communities have introduced measures to improve access to local nutritious
food and to enhance community capacity to address food security issues. Some
communities have adopted a food security charter. Most charters outline a

NEL
260 • CHAPTER 9

CANADIAN PERSPECTIVE ON FOOD SECURITY

ENVIRONMENT AND NATURAL ECONOMIC ENABLING ENVIRONMENT

RESOURCE BASE
Imports
International
Access to Stocks of trade
agricultural food
Labour support
• Employment and/or
availability serv1ces
access to other
Access to income generating
Food Household
productive • resources
production 1ncome
systems resources -----~ Domestic
ACCESS AT ALL TIMES markets
TO AN AVAILABLE AND Social safety
RELIABLE SUPPLY OF nets
ADEQUATE, SAFE, AND
NUTRITIOUS FOOD
SOCIAL ENABLING POLITICAL ENABLING
ENVIRONMENT ENVIRONMENT
FOOD SECURITY
FOR ALL
Education
and Agricultural
training Food care policies and
practices practices
Right to
food
Advocacy
Safety and Health and
Cultural for food
consumer sanitation
attitudes security
information
Nutritional
quality of
food

Source: Adapted and excerpted from Canada. (1998). Canada's action plan for food security. Retrieved
from Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada website: http://www.agr.gc.ca/misb/fsec-secalpdflaction_e.pdf.

community's vision for a sustainable food system and possible strategies to

ensure that food producers and processors make a fair living. Perhaps most
importantly, food charters recommend actions to ensure an ongoing stable
supply of nutritious, sufficient, and ethically produced food for local residents
(Thompson, 2010).
In recognizing that there is power in numbers, some individuals and
organizations have formed food security networks or policy councils. One of
the main activities of these collectives is to influence government policies on
food security issues. To do this, a network or council might use a food security

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 261

lens to assess the impact of existing policies and laws on food security, and
to recommend policy changes at the federal, provincial or territorial, and
municipal levels.

Poverty-Reduction Plans
The term poverty reduction refers to a process that addresses both the
symptoms and the root causes of poverty (Tamarack, 2012). Unlike many
European countries, Canada has no national poverty-reduction plan.
Nevertheless, progress is being made at the provincial and territorial levels.
In 2002, Quebec became the first province to introduce a poverty-reduction
plan, and is the only province to enforce its plan through legislation. Since
Quebec has taken the lead, the other provinces and the territories either have
put poverty-reduction strategies in place or are in the process of doing so.
Although the details of each poverty-reduction plan are unique, all the
provincial plans make poverty a government responsibility and a focal point of
economic development. These plans also provide a balance between helping
employable people find jobs and ensuring that those who cannot work, or
have specific needs, receive adequate financial assistance and other supports.
Moreover, all the current plans are long term, receive ongoing human and
financial resources, and have built-in mechanisms to measure progress, report
to the public, and coordinate efforts among partners (Collin, 2007). Exhibit 9.9
illustrates Newfoundland and Labrador's vision, goals, and strategies to reduce
poverty in that province.
Poverty-reduction plans usually call for a multisectoral response to
poverty. This means that no one sector or group in society be it government,
business, voluntary agencies, or families is expected to resolve poverty on
its own. Rather, every sector and segment of society has a role to play in
poverty reduction. A multisectoral approach also assumes that people working
together have the best chance of alleviating poverty and other complex social
problems (Hay, 2009).
A common feature of poverty-reduction plans in Canada is their compre-
hensive approach. These plans typically support a wide range of programs and
services, including child-care services, healthcare, affordable housing, income
security, education and training, and the development of jobs that pay a living
wage. The degree to which a plan is comprehensive varies across communities
and depends on many factors, including available resources and the level of
community engagement in the plan.
Some communities are choosing to reduce poverty through a com-
prehensive community initiative (CCI). Vibrant Communities is a type

NEL
2 62 • CHAPTER 9

NEWFOUNDLAND AND LABRADOR'S POVERTY

REDUCTION STRATEGY

Newfoundland and Labrador's Poverty Reduction Strategy aims to prevent, reduce, and alleviate poverty.
The strategy's goals and objectives for the 2006-201 0 period were as follows:

Goal1 : Improved access and Goal 2: A stronger social Goal 3: Improved earned incomes
coordination of services to safety net • reduce barriers to work
people with low incomes • provide more support for low-
• help people with disabilities to income workers
• increase the provincial participate fully in society by
government's capacity to take • improve supports for employment
increasing disability supports
an integrated and coordinated skills development, labour force
• improve the justice system for participation, and earnings from
approach vulnerable people
• enhance access to existing employment
• increase the availability of
programs and services for those • give youth an alternative to Income
affordable housing
with low income Support* to better meet their needs
• improve access to basic
• find ways to analyze the • develop and expand employment
necessities for those most
combined impact of programs skills programs for vulnerable
vulnerable to poverty
• work with Aboriginal peoples to groups whose needs are not
• increase Income Support* rates currently being met
improve their quality of life

Goal 5: A better-educated
Goal 4: Increased emphasis on population
early childhood development
• increase high school completion
• strengthen the regulated early rates
learning and childcare system • increase responsiveness of the
• promote healthy child development Kto 12 system
• strengthen early intervention • improve access to post-
services and programs secondary education, literacy,
and adult basic education

VISION
The province is a place where poverty has been eliminated.
This will be a prosperous, diverse province in which all
individuals are valued, can develop to their full potential, and
have access to the supports they need to participate fully in the
social and economic benefits of Newfoundland and Labrador.

*Income Support benefits include basic and non-basic financial supports.

• Basic benefits include family and individual benefits (to assist with such expenses as food, clothing, personal care,
household maintenance, and utilities) and shelter (including rent and mortgage).
• Non-basic benefits include municipal tax payments, eye exams and prescription glasses, medical transportation, private
childcare (related to employment or training), and expenses for burials. The eligibility for non-basic benefits may vary
according to personal circumstances.

Source: Adapted from Newfoundland and Labrador. (2006). Reducing poverty: An action plan for Newfoundland and
Labrador. Retrieved from Department of Advanced Education and Skills website: http://www.aes.gov.nl.calpoverty/
consultations/2008/poverty-reduction-strategy. pdf.
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 T H E SOCI AL WELF ARE OF CAN ADIAN S LIVI N G I N POVE RTY • 263

of CCI that adapts a variety of poverty-reduction strategies to the specific

needs of communities. Despite being unique to each community, all Vibrant
Communities initiatives tend to focus on identifying and building on local
economic and social assets; engaging local residents, government, and the
private sector; and promoting change, learning, and the sharing of experiences
(Loewen, 2009).

I I<> N s
Organized Responses to Poverty
1. Historically, Canada has tried to prevent or reduce poverty by either changing
individuals or reforming some aspect of the social, economic, political, or
other system. Identify the advantages and disadvantages of this two-pronged
approach.
2. How realistic are asset-based social policies for low-income earners? Identify
some of the pros and cons of asset-based policies and programs in the fight
against poverty.
3. Describe the ideal poverty-reduction plan. To what degree, if any, should
government be involved in the plan? What might be the role for the voluntary
or commercial sectors? How might individuals help to reduce poverty?

4 WORKING WITH LOW-INCOME AND

MARGINALIZED GROUPS
Traditionally, social workers have focused on helping people cope with the
effects of poverty and improve their life circumstances. They have also rallied
to many poverty-related causes and advocated on behalf of low-income indi-
viduals and groups. Social workers, more than any other professional group,
have the training and education to help individuals become self-sufficient.
Moreover, social workers assume a professional obligation to advocate for the
most vulnerable members of society and to urge governments to move poverty to
the top of their political agendas (Canadian Association of Social Workers &
National Association of Social Workers, 2008).
Many social workers use an anti-oppressive approach when working
with clients living in poverty. Although there is a variety of anti-oppressive
approaches including structural, feminist, and radical frameworks they all
share similar values and principles. For example, they all value egalitarianism,
social inclusion, and empowerment. These frameworks also assume that an
unequal distribution of power and resources in capitalist societies leads to
social exclusion and poverty among certain social groups. Anti-oppressive

NEL
264 • CHAPTER 9

approaches link individual difficulties such as a lack of income and social

isolation not to individual shortcomings but to structural flaws in larger
systems. Although social workers taking this type of approach help individuals,
they also critically analyze and challenge oppressive rules, procedures, laws, and
institutions that contribute to poverty and other social problems. It is common
for these social workers to participate in social movements designed to change
some aspect of the system and in so doing, help their disadvantaged clients
become empowered (Campbell, 2003).
One of the challenges in working with disadvantaged groups is learning
to appreciate the complexities of living in hardship. jones and colleagues
(2002, p. 3) suggest that some of these hardships may be exacerbated by well-
meaning social workers and other professionals; for example, welfare workers
may feel pressured by employers to move their clients into work or training
and, in so doing, create "a complex juggling of work and domestic responsi-
bilities for those with children." In tum, clients may experience stress, marital
discord, and difficulties in parenting. Through careful observation and active
listening and by maintaining a person-in-environment perspective, practitio-
ners may help families identify, describe, and effectively deal with the various
pressures they feel.

Working with Low-Income and Marginalized Groups

1. In what ways might an anti-oppressive approach be more (or less) effective
than helping individuals, families, and small groups resolve their issues or
problems?
2. Social workers are often required to move their clients toward self-sufficiency
without creating more stress for their clients in the process. How might social
workers successfully achieve both objectives?

SUMMARY

Introduction
Canada has one of the most robust economies in the world, and yet many
citizens do not share in the nation's wealth. Despite government spending
to improve the financial security of citizens, low income remains a problem.
Historically, policymakers have treated poverty as a low priority; however,
in recent years, regional governments and communities have been taking
more aggressive steps to reduce poverty in Canada.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CANADIANS LIVING IN POVERTY • 265

1 Poverty in Canada
Several definitions and measurements of poverty exist, but most relate
poverty to a certain level of income. The federal government uses the
low income measure, market basket measure, and low-income cut-offs to
measure poverty. Populations at the highest risk of poverty include single
adults, people with disabilities, lone-parent families (mostly women), recent
immigrants, and Aboriginal peoples. Canada has unacceptable levels of
child poverty.

2 The Effects of Poverty

Ongoing cuts to social welfare programs and services have made poverty
more visible. Food insecurity is a potential consequence of poverty, as
is evidenced by the emergence of food banks and other emergency
food programs. Housing is becoming more unaffordable; Canadians are
spending a greater proportion of their income on shelter; and homeless-
ness is a growing social problem. Poverty can be both the cause and the
effect of social problems, and trap people in a cycle of poverty. There are
many economic costs of poverty, making poverty unsustainable.

3 Organized Responses to Poverty

Canadian policymakers tend to see poverty as the result of deficiencies in
individuals or flaws in society's macro systems. Canada attempts to reduce
poverty through a variety of programs and systemic interventions. Social
assistance offers cash benefits and social services; welfare systems are
trying to lower the welfare wall by providing incentives to work. El offers
financial assistance, training, and skills development programs; systemic
interventions focus on eliminating barriers to labour market participation.
Governments offer asset-building programs to help people save for the
future; welfare system reforms allow welfare recipients to keep a higher
level of liquid assets. Canada is experiencing an affordable housing and
homelessness crisis, which can be resolved only by correcting structural
problems that prevent low-income Canadians from earning an adequate
income and accessing government-assisted housing. Food banks and other
emergency food programs do little to enhance food security; systemic inter-
ventions aim to improve access to nutritious food and help communities
improve the supply of food. Most provinces and territories have developed
poverty-reduction plans.

4 Working with Low-Income and Marginalized Groups

Traditionally, social workers have focused on helping people cope with
poverty conditions. Many social workers use an anti-oppressive approach
when working with disadvantaged clients. To be effective, practitioners must
try to understand people's experiences of poverty and the complexities of
living in hardship. An important task for social workers is to help welfare
recipients deal effectively with any pressures they might feel when moving
from social assistance to independence.

NEL
266 • CHAPTER 9

KEY
For definitions of the key terms, consu lt the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
poverty, p. 239 core housing need, asset-based social
social exclusion, p. 239 p . 246 policies, p . 256
LICOs, p. 240 shelter poverty, p. 246 individual development
poverty rate, p. 240 homelessness, p. 247 accounts, p . 256
depth of poverty, p . 241 cycle of poverty, p . 248 government-assisted
persistence of poverty, structural poverty, housing, p. 257
p . 241 p . 252 rent-geared-to-income,
risk factors of poverty, social assistance, p. 257
p . 242 p . 253 poverty reduction, p. 261
feminization of poverty, welfare wall, p . 253 comprehensive
p . 242 unemployment rate, community in itiative,
food insecurity, p . 246 p . 254 p. 261
acceptable housing, underemployed, p . 255 anti-oppressive
p . 246 working poor, p . 255 approach, p. 263

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______C 1:1 A P I E I,_~_-~

•
OCia are
•
I ren an

OBJECTIVES
The social welfare of children and their families is central to the well-
being of society. This chapter will
• introduce the roles of parents and the state in the care of children

• describe the developmental needs of children and youth

• consider the influence of parenting style and family type on child development

• discuss the issues and programs related to family violence

• summarize social work approaches to working with families with children

INTRODUCTION
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

The true measure of a nation's standing is how well it

attends to its children their health and safety, their
material security, their education and socialization,
and their sense of being loved, valued, and included
in the families and societies into which they are born.
(UNICEF, 2007, p. l)
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

In proclaiming 1994 the International Year of the Family, the United Nations
was calling attention to the importance of the family in society. Families

NEL 267
268 • CHAPTER 10

are not only essential to individual and social well-being but are also a primary
source of support and stability, and the foundation of communities. Families are
also a fundamental unit of production and consumption, and therefore make
valuable contributions to a country's economy (Bibby, 2004-2005). Families
with children play a particularly important role by supplying the nation's
future adults, workers, and parents. Researcher Katherine Scott (2008, p. l)
reminds us that "what happens to children affects us all. If our children do not
thrive, our societies will not thrive."
Parents are the primary caregivers and are ultimately responsible for their
children's well-being. Canadian governments nevertheless assume a collective
responsibility for the welfare of children. The Government of Canada (2004b,
p. 5) articulates its obligation to children this way: "The role of government
and society with respect to children is to provide the legislative and policy
framework, the institutional and organizational structures, the fiscal and other
supports and services to enable families to ensure their children's healthy
development. However, if families are unable to care for their children, then
governments and society have a responsibility to provide support and ensure
that they are cared for and protected." Universal healthcare, public education,
city recreation programs, and other publically funded programs reflect govern-
ment's commitment to young Canadians and a collective effort to help
children reach their full potential.
Studies confirm that, in general, young Canadians are doing well: most
children are born healthy and live in caring families and supportive communities.
However, many young people grow up in poverty or other disadvantaged
circumstances that threaten their development. For families that need extra
support, a wide range of social welfare programs and services are available.
Many of the federal government's commitments to children and youth are the
result of agreements made at the international level. For instance, in 2002,
Canada made several commitments to young people at the United Nations
General Assembly Special Session on Children and subsequently incorporated
those commitments into a national plan to improve the lives of children
and youth. Exhibit l 0 .l outlines that plan's main goals, related priorities, and
national initiatives.
Despite Canada's official commitment to children, many child advocates
argue that Canadian governments are not doing enough for families raising
children. Part of the problem may be what Omidvar and Richmond (2003)
see as an inconsistent approach to children's needs, especially when other
issues such as budget deficits or terrorism become a higher priority on
government agendas. Canada's lack of attention to children's material needs,
in particular, has been noticed by certain international groups. For example,

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 269

A CANADA FIT FOR CHILDREN

Children have the opportunity to be fully prepared to live a responsible life in a free society, in a
spirit of understanding, peace, dignity, tolerance, equality and solidarity.

To support fami lies To promote healthy lives To protect from harm To promote education
and strengthen and learning
communities

1. Child- and 1. Healthy active 1. Child maltreatment 1. Qua lity learning

fami ly-friendly living 2. Out-of-home care and 2. Arts and cu lture
policies 2. Effective parenting adoption 3. Human rights
2. Early learning and 3. Mental health 3. Violence, bullying education and
child care 4. Immunization and other forms of globa l citizenship
3. Poverty 5. Physica l environment intimidation 4. Canadian cu lture
4. Separation and and prevention of 4. Youth justice and national
• • •
divorce InJUrieS 5. Violent and harmfu l identity
5. Socia l inclusion 6. Sexual/reproductive content in the media 5. Environment
and diversity health 6. Immigrant, refugee learning and
6. Aboriginal children 7. Tobacco, alcohol, and asylum seeking susta inability
7. Inclusion and drug abuse and chi ldren 6. Literacy
support of children addictions 7. Sexual exploitation 7. Trained and
with disabilities 8. Aborigina l children's and trafficking professiona l
8. Poverty and health educators
sustainable 9. Paediatric health 8. Education for all
development care and research children
(international level) 10. Health services in
official language
minority
communities

• Universal Child • Registered Disability • Youth Justice Initiative • Canada Education

Care Benefit Savings Plan • Family Violence Savings Program
• Canada Child • National Mental Health Initiative • Children's Arts Tax
Tax Benefit Strategy • National Clearinghouse Credit
• Employment • Children's Fitness Tax on Family Violence • Special Education
Insurance Credit • Family Violence Program (First
(maternity Prevention Program Nations)
and parental (First Nations)
benefits)

Source: Created with information from Canada. (2004). A Canada fit for children: Canada's plan of action in
response to the May 2002 United Nations Special Session on Children. Retrieved from http://publications.gc.ca/
collections/Collection/SD13-4-2004E. pdf; and Canada. (2012). Website. Retrieved from http://www.canada.gc.ca/
home.html.

NEL
2 70 • CHAPTER 10

in its comparison of child poverty in thirty-five developed countries, UNICEF

placed Canada in the bottom third of the countries studied, behind such
nations as Estonia and Slovakia (Adamson, 2012). When measuring material
well-being, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD, 2009) found that poverty rates among young Canadians are, on
average, higher than in other member countries.
Although many provinces and territories offer considerable support to
children, youth, and families, Quebec is the only jurisdiction in Canada in
fact, in all of North America where a comprehensive family policy and
related programs and services aim to meet the full range of needs of families
with children. Initiatives under Quebec's family policy include programs to
help families balance the obligations of work and family, and financial
support to cover the extra costs of raising children. In 2009, the Government
of Quebec (2009) announced that its generous family policy was beginning to
show positive results in three key areas: a growing birth rate, a higher employ-
ment rate among women, and lower child poverty rates compared with the
rest of Canada.

1 MEETING THE DEVELOPMENTAL NEEDS OF

CHILDREN AND YOUTH
In the early 1990s, policymakers began to look more closely at the demo-
graphic shift that was taking place in Canada. With the large baby boom
generation beginning to retire and the country's low birth rates, Canada
would soon have considerably fewer workers to share the costs of caring
for a comparatively large group of seniors and dependent children. To offset
this demographic shift, policymakers decided to introduce measures aimed at
improving the health and therefore, the potential level of productivity of
future workers.

A FOCUS ON YOUNG CHILDREN

Research confirms that the first five years of a child's life are critical to how
well he or she does in school, copes with life's challenges, and wards off
chronic disease in his or her adult years (Canada, 1999). Thus, to ensure that
future workers are healthy, well functioning, and productive, policymakers
began shifting their attention to the needs of young children (Exhibit 10.2
outlines some of those needs). The result has been the introduction of policies

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 2 71

and programs aimed at helping children get a good start in life, including the
National Children's Agenda and child-care services.

National Children's Agenda

In 1999, Canada launched the National Children's Agenda (NCA), a
comprehensive and long-term plan that articulates a shared vision for
Canadian children. Initiatives under the NCA aim to enhance children's lives

EXHIBIT 10.2
KEY ELEMENTS AND INFLUENCES ON CHILD AND
YOUTH DEVELOPMENT (CITY OF OTTAWA)

Safe and Caring

Environments
Meeting of
• safe, caring places to Fundamental
Needs
interact, play, work, and learn
• clean, healthy environments
• positive learning/work places • nutritious food
• community supports • safe, stable, affordable
• family-friendly workplaces housing
• shared community • sleep
responsibility for • healthcare
children/youth • mental health services
• freedom from
harm/neglect

Opportunities
to Develop
Competencies
Stable and
Nurturing
• positive learning Relationships
•
expenences ..!;::
<J
• social skills development 0

• positive sense of self • caring adult(s) .......

Vl
;.....

• engagement in recreation, • positive peer relationships (\.)

.......
.......
~
leisure, arts, and culture • positive parenting ....c::

• participation in ~ (\.)
....c::
neighbourhood, school, and Vl
(\.)
..!;::
Key community I
.......
• influencing (\.)
,........,
Elements factors
(\.)
;::....
~

~--------------------------------------------------------------~ @
Source: Adapted from The Children & Youth Agenda, City of Ottawa. (2008). Framework for promoting
healthy child and youth development. Retrieved from http://app06.ottawa.calcalendar/ottawalcitycounciV
ocd2008/l l -l2/cpsdACS2008-CPS-DCM-0009%20Doc%20 l. pdf.

NEL
2 72 • CHAPTER 10

by improving physical and emotional health, personal safety and security,

learning, and social engagement and responsibility. (Although Quebec agrees
with the objectives of the NCA, it has opted out of the agreement, choosing
instead to develop its own programs for families with children.)
The NCA supports a number of child-focused research projects. For
example, the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth studies
the influential factors on child development from birth to early adulthood.
The NCA also supports the development of various health and social wel-
fare programs, including the National Child Benefit (NCB), and the Early
Childhood Development (ECD) Initiative:
• The NCB has three objectives: to prevent and reduce child poverty;
to support parents as they move off welfare into the workforce; and to
integrate the child benefits offered by various levels of government
into a single, more efficient system. Under the NCB, low-income
families with children receive monthly financial benefits and access to
community-based programs and services (Canada, 2011). A program
evaluation in 2005 found that the NCB had prevented about 171 100
children from falling into poverty that year (Federal, Provincial, and
Territorial Ministers Responsible for Social Services, 2010).
• The ECD enables the provinces, territories, and First Nations to
develop their own early childhood development programs. ECD
programs aim to help children reach their full potential by ensuring
that they are healthy, safe, prepared for school, and socially engaged
(Human Resources and Social Development Canada, 2007a). Each
jurisdiction determines its own mix of early childhood development
programs, in accordance with the region's identified needs and priorities.

Child-Care Services
Studies have long confirmed the potential of quality child care to enhance
child development; to prepare children for school and adulthood; and to
enable parents, especially those with lower incomes, to go to work or school.
Canadian families rely on various sources to meet their child-care needs,
including private daycare centres, family, and paid sitters. In Canada, pri-
vate, nonprofit organizations provide the bulk of all centre-based child-care
services; however, the number of private, profit-making child-care centres
continues to grow. All centre-based services are required to meet provincial
or territorial regulations.
Many reports suggest that Canada is in the midst of a child-care crisis.
UNICEF, for example, compared the child-care services in twenty-five developed

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 2 73

countries and ranked Canada last for failing to address its child-care needs
adequately (Adamson, 2008). The main problem facing Canadian families is
the lack of child-care spaces in most provinces and territories (see Exhibit 10.3).
Experts expect the demand for child-care spaces to grow in the coming years,
in large part because of a mini baby boom between 2006 and 2011. During
those years, the number of children age four and under jumped 11 percent,
the highest growth rate for this age group since the baby boom years between
1956 and 1961 (Statistics Canada, 2012d).
A number of international organizations including UNICEF and the
OECD have criticized Canada for neglecting to establish a national child-
care plan that would give priority to disadvantaged children. Studies show
that Canadians are generally in favour of a national child-care program;
one national poll found that 66 percent of Canadians support the idea of a

EXHIBIT 10.3
REGULATED CHILD-CARE SPACES IN CANADA FOR
CHILDREN AGES ZERO TO TWELVE

1.rt ~~{~~~nne- l~ •lrt

(~~ lJ. ~·: ., lii·l~ ~ .n. ·~~
~'·'1rt, ~1 =c- [U ru :l.J =•J 1J ln. I: ~ :::l ~ .....
£\ I ~ : [ C' [li [1/.:,......
. l I: t)
(~ ~~~~=~ ~"j;/1'(1{* ctt fl.I~~~ ~ ~ lrE\.~=I
NEWFOUNDLAND AND 6 200 9.6
lABRADOR

PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND 5 084 25.9

NOVA SCOTIA 15 295 13.0

NEW BRUNSWICK 18 785 19.6

0UEBEC 379 386 37.4

ONTARIO 276 410 14.9

MANITOBA 29 382 16.8

SASKATCHEWAN 10 848 7.2

ALBERTA 82 050 14.7

BRITISH COLUMBIA 97 170 17.0

NORTHWEST TERRITORIES 1 785 21.7

NUNAVUT 1 015 11.3

YUKON 1 431 29.5

CANADA 921 841 19.9

Source: Adapted from Public Investments in Early Childhood Education and Care in Canada 2010, http://www
.ecd-elcc.ca!en~ecd!ececdearly_childhood_education-eng.pdf, Human Resources and Skills Development Canada
2012. Reproduced with the permission of the Minister of Public Works and Government Services Canada, 2013.

NEL
2 74 • CHAPTER 10

government-subsidized $10 per day child-care program (University of British

Columbia, 2012a). Nevertheless, the development of a national child-care
program is unlikely under a conservative federal government, which tends to
devolve family-related matters to the regional governments (Amoroso, 2010).
In lieu of a national child-care program, the federal government offers the
Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB) a taxable payment of $1200 per year
for every Canadian child under six. Shortly after the government introduced
the UCCB in 2006, a national poll found that most Canadians preferred a
national child-care system to monthly UCCB cheques (Environics Research
Group, 2006).
Quebec is the only jurisdiction in Canada that has an affordable, widely
accessible, and regulated child-care system. Other provinces are nevertheless
making strides in their support for child care. For example, in their 2012
budgets, Saskatchewan created five hundred more child-care spaces; Alberta
increased child-care subsidies by $21 million; and New Brunswick invested
more than $3 million into creating more child-care spaces and enriching
child-care subsidies.

THE NEEDS OF OLDER CHILDREN AND YOUTH

Although the needs of young children currently dominate policy agendas,

governments recognize that older children also need support. Children in middle
childhood (age six to twelve) face challenges related to entering the school
system, choosing friends, and becoming more independent (Hanvey, 2002).
As children enter adolescence (age thirteen to eighteen), they must deal with
issues related to rapid growth and development while learning the life skills
they will need as adults. Today's youth must also make decisions about drug
and alcohol use, sexual relations, and other activities that have implications for
their health and welfare and may have long-term consequences. This section
looks at two topics related to the needs of older children and youth: mental
health and youth policy.

Mental Health
A young person's state of mental health influences the way he or she will
meet the challenges of growing up. The term mental health refers to a person's
capacity to think, feel, and behave in ways that enhance the quality and
enjoyment of life, and to an ability to effectively deal with life's challenges
(Public Health Agency of Canada, 20 12). Research suggests that, in general,
Canadian youth enjoy positive mental health. However, one in every five young

NEL
 TH E SOCIAL W ELFARE OF CHILDREN A N D TH EIR FAMILIES • 2 75

persons struggles with a mental health disorder. A number of conditions raise

the risk of mental health disorders among children and youth. For example,
young people who live in poverty are three times as likely to suffer from a
mental health disorder as those in affluent families (Lipman & Boyle, 2008).
In recent years, various studies have called attention to the mental health effects
of bullying. According to Freeman, King, and Pickett (20 11), young people
who either bully or are the victims of bullying are at a particularly high risk
of emotional and behavioural problems.
Mental health disorders in young people can manifest in various ways,
including learning disabilities, substance abuse, eating disorders, and atten-
tion deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Many more young people suffer
from milder but significant forms of mental distress (Canadian Paediatric
Society, 2012). Depression and anxiety are the most common mental health
disorders among Canadian youth. A disturbing outcome of mental distress is
suicide, which is the second-leading cause of death among Canadian youth;
First Nations youth are at the greatest risk, with a suicide rate that is five to
seven times as high as that among non-Aboriginal youth (Centre for Suicide
Prevention, 2011; Health Canada, 2006).
If left untreated, mental health disorders can have substantial negative
consequences, such as interfering with a young person's ability to succeed in
school, make friends, and solve problems. As an adult, the individual may
be prone to physical illnesses or find it difficult to work or form meaningful
relationships. Not only can mental health disorders take a personal toll, but
they also represent a loss for society in terms of social participation and future
economic productivity (Kutcher & McLuckie, 2010).
A wide range of programs and services exist in Canada to prevent or
reduce the debilitating effects of mental health disorders among young people.
Non-residential programs include
• preventive and early intervention programs (to increase awareness of
mental health issues, reduce the risk factors associated with mental
disorders, and promote healthy lifestyles and choices)
• assessment services (to diagnose developmental disorders or delays,
learning disabilities, attention deficit disorders, and other functional
difficulties)
• individual and family counselling (to address psychological issues)
• support and educational groups (to give opportunities for young
people to interact with their peers with similar issues and to learn
effective coping strategies)
• creative therapy (to help young people deal with traumatic experiences
through art, play, dance, or other expression)
NEL
2 76 • CHAPTER 10

• crisis intervention (to respond to children and youth in distress or

emergency situations)
Residential programs exist for children and youth who are experiencing
severe emotional, social, or behavioural difficulties. One such program is the
Woodlands Residential Treatment Program in Waterloo, Ontario; this centre
offers a wide range of services for twelve- to sixteen-year-olds, including
emotional management, life skills training, and peer relationship building
(Lutherwood, 2012).
Despite the availability of mental health resources, less than half of all
youth will get the help they need. Barriers to help seeking are largely due
to inadequate provincial and territorial policies; for example, many jurisdic-
tions lack a mental health plan that specifically addresses the needs of young
people. Moreover, mental health programs for youth tend to be fragmented,
uncoordinated, and incomprehensive (Canadian Association of Paediatric
Health Centres, National Infant, Child, and Youth Mental Health Consortium
Advisory, and Provincial Centre of Excellence for Child and Youth Mental
Health at CHEO, 2010). In 2007, in an effort to improve mental health
services for all Canadians, the federal government appointed the Mental
Health Commission of Canada. After extensive consultations with Canadians,
members of the Commission proposed a national child and youth mental
health framework to help governments, organizations, and other institutions
develop effective child- and youth-oriented policies and programs. Exhibit 10.4
illustrates the main components of that framework.

Youth Policy
In declaring 1985 the International Youth Year, and 2010-2011 as the
International Year of Youth, the United Nations affirmed the importance of
youth around the world. The international community recognizes that
a globalized world not only creates new opportunities for youth but also
increases the pressure on youth to prepare for a competitive and rapidly
changing labour market. This new reality has prompted governments around
the world to rethink their perspectives on youth and to develop policies and
programs often with input from youth to give this population adequate
support, guidance, and opportunities (Hay, 2008).
Unlike many countries around the world, Canada lacks a comprehensive
national youth policy. However, many regional governments have a policy
framework to help policymakers and service providers understand and
respond appropriately to the needs of youth. Some municipalities such as
the City of Ottawa also have a youth policy framework in place.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 2 77

EVERGREEN PROJECT FRAMEWORK FOR CHILD AND

YOUTH MENTAL HEALTH

~---------- Values
Dignity, respect, Collaboration,
diversity continuity, community

Human rights
Best available
evidence Access to information,
programs, serv1ces
'

Choice, opportunity,
responsibiIity

Four Strategic Directions with Examples of Possible Initiatives

Intervention and Research and
Promotion Prevention Ongoing Care Evaluation
• mental health • early intervention • best practices and • resources
awareness and anti- strategies to evidence-based available for
stigma campaigns reduce risk factors programs research on child
• distribution of • education on • easy access to and youth mental
information to maternal and programs, use of health
increase mental prenatal care new technologies • all strategies
health literacy • mental health to connect with based on best
• central information screen1 '
ng others available research
centre initiatives • home-like settings • development of
• education for • education for (noninstitutianal) standards of care
'
teachers on child health care • education for • ongomg
and youth mental providers on professionals in evaluation of
health detecting mental diagnosis and promotion,
• evaluation of cost health problems treatment of prevention and
effectiveness of • access to mental mental disorders intervention
promotion health education and • streamlined strategies
strategies training intake, • inclusion of young
assessment, and people, families, and
'
serv1ces communities in
evaluation

Evergreen's values underlie the four strategic directions. Various programs, services, and activities
can fulfill each strategic direction. All together, the components create a framework aimed at
improving child and youth mental health and related programs and services in Canada.

Source: Author-generated diagram, based on content from Kutcher, S. &: McLuckie, A. (2010). Evergreen:
A child and youth mental health framework for Canada. Retrieved from Mental Health Commission of Canada,
http://www. mentalhealthcommission. ca/SiteCollectionDocuments/family/Evergreen_Framework_English_
July2010_final.pdf.

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2 78 • CHAPTER 10

Every youth policy framework has a slightly different focus. For instance,
some policies focus on helping youth develop skills or assets, while other poli-
cies emphasize strategies to help youth become more resilient to change or
stress Qeffrey, 2008). Many youth policies and programs in Canada take a
youth engagement approach, which asserts that youth benefit from participating
in meaningful activities, having a voice in matters that affect them, and sharing
power with adults. This type of approach can enhance the lives of youth in a
variety of ways. For example, as the Centre of Excellence for Youth Engagement
(2012) notes, "Through engagement, youth gain a sense of empowerment as
individuals and make healthy connections with others, which is associated
with reduction of risk behaviours and increased participation in positive
activities." Many youth-engagement programs exist across Canada and each
offers a unique opportunity for youth (see Exhibit 10.5). Some of those pro-
grams are available at HeartWood (2012), a centre for community youth devel-
opment in Nova Scotia; here, youth can develop leadership skills through outdoor
adventures, community service, teamwork, and peer support.

EXHIBIT 10.5

s0
u•
(\.)

Youth-engagement programs that offer wilderness adventures can help youth learn
new skills, interact positively with others, and gain a sense of empowerment.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 2 79

Meeting the Developmental Needs of Children and Youth

1. Although Canada offers programs and services for children and youth,
governments do not always make child and youth development a priority when
it comes to investing money and other resources. Why do you think this is?
2. Based on your observations or experience, what are some of the pressures on
parents today that make it tough to raise healthy and well-adjusted children?
3. Child advocates continue to push for the establishment of a national child-
care program. Do you think that Canadians might benefit from such a pro-
gram, or is the provision of cash (through the Universal Childcare Benefit) a
better way to meet the child-care needs of families? Give reasons for your
answers.

2 PARENTAL AND FAMILY INFLUENCES ON

CHILD DEVELOPMENT
Both parenting style and family type are key influences on the way a child
develops physically, socially, and cognitively. This section considers these two
factors and their effect on child development.

PARENTING STYLE

A parent's style of caregiving can have a profound impact on a child's social,

emotional, intellectual, and moral development. Researchers have found that
severe parenting approaches, such as harsh discipline or over-controlling or
coercive behaviour, can lead to the development of aggressive or antisocial
tendencies in children. Those behaviours, in tum, can put children at a higher
risk of substance abuse, mental health disorders, learning difficulties, and
other problems (Offord Centre for Child Studies, 2012).
Child development experts generally agree that a parenting style
characterized as authoritative that is, an approach that is warm and fair
yet firm is most conducive to healthy developmental growth in children
(Bomstein & Bomstein, 2009) .1 Information is gradually emerging on the
link between parenting styles and socioeconomic status. Contrary to popular
belief, non-positive parenting is not limited to poor families. One Canadian

1 The researchers point out that their findings are based on the parenting practices of Caucasian, middle-
class parents and their children. More research is needed to determine the effectiveness of parenting styles
across a broader range of socioeconomic, racial, and cultural groups.

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280 • CHAPTER 10

study found that while 3 7 percent of at-risk children live in the poorest
families, more than 24 percent are from wealthy families (Willms, 2007).
Most parent support and training programs focus on helping parents
learn the skills, obtain the information, and access the resources they need
to raise happy and healthy children. Among the widely known parenting
programs is Health Canada's Nobody's Perfect Parenting Program, which
provides education and support to parents of preschool children. Another
popular program is COPE (Community Parent Education), which teaches
parents techniques to respond to children who have challenging behav-
iours. Many parent support programs are the result of grassroots efforts;
Parents Together, for example, is a self-help group started by parents in
British Columbia who were experiencing conflict with their teens. Despite
much anecdotal evidence on the positive results of parenting programs, few
programs in Canada have been formally studied or evaluated. Thus, it is
difficult to determine which parenting programs might be the most effective
(Cleveland et al., 2006).

FAMILY TYPE

Some experts suggest that the traditional family headed by married, biological,
and heterosexual parents offer children the most material advantages and the
most stable environment, and therefore provides the best environment for
children (Rosenfeld, 2009). Other experts argue that there is no ideal family
type each family has its own strengths and weaknesses, opportunities, and
challenges. The following is a review of three non-traditional family types: 2
lone-parent families, stepfamilies, and families of divorce.

Lone-Parent Families
Increases in marital separation and out-of-union births are driving up the
proportion of Canadian families headed by a lone parent. In 20 ll, lone-parent
families accounted for almost l 0 percent of all families with children. Female
lone-parent families outnumber male lone-parent families four to one (Milan &
Bohnert, 2012).
The family's income level is a main determinant of a child's experience
in a lone-parent family. In 2009, the median annual household income

2 Same-sex-couple families are another non-traditional family type. While some studies have found that
children of same-sex parents fare no worse than children of straight parents, other studies have cited a
wide range of negative outcomes for children in terms of mental health, academic achievement, and social
relationships. Further research is needed on how this family type might influence child development.

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 TH E SOCIAL W ELFARE OF CHILDREN A N D TH EIR FAMILIES • 281

for lone-parent families in Canada was $36 000, compared with more than
$75 000 for two-parent families (Statistics Canada, 2012e). Among lone-parent
families, young mothers are especially vulnerable to economic challenges.
These women often lack the education, job skills, or financial supports nec-
essary to keep themselves and their families out of poverty (Milan, 2000).
According to Lipman and Boyle (2008), children who live with a lone female
parent tend to experience more mental and physical health problems than
children who live in poor two-parent families.
Even if poverty is not an issue, children living in lone-parent families
are at a higher risk of behavioural and academic problems than their peers
in two-parent families. Children of lone parents, for example, are more likely
to be aggressive or hyperactive, to fail grades, or to drop out of high school.
When older, individuals from lone-parent families are at a greater risk of
teen pregnancy, unemployment, criminal activity, and marital problems
(Ambert, 2006).
Although studies tend to highlight the deficits rather than the assets of
lone-parent families, the majority of children growing up in these families
are healthy (Ross, Roberts,&: Scott, 1998). The differences in child outcomes
in lone- and two-parent families may be a function not so much of family
type as of a cluster of factors such as low income, depression, and lack
of social support that are commonly experienced by lone (mostly female)
parents (Human Resources Development Canada, 1999a). Child and family
experts also remind us that raising a child is simply a greater challenge for
one parent than two. Two parents are able to share the parenting duties,
and children with two parents are more likely to get emotional support and
parental attention when needed. Two parents also have the potential for two
incomes and a pooling of resources, which lessens the chances of poverty
(Ambert, 2006).
The growing number of lone-parent families is creating a demand
for specialized services. For example, the Single Parent Association of
Newfoundland (2012) operates a resource centre where lone parents can
obtain information and referrals specific to lone-parenthood and access
support services, food, and clothing. This organization also receives provincial
government grants to help lone parents on welfare re-enter the workforce
through employment programs.

Families of Divorce
With more relaxed divorce laws and less stigma placed on failed marriages,
divorce has become an acceptable option for people in unhappy marriages.

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2 82 • CHAPTER 10

Since it peaked in 1987, Canada's divorce rate has been falling. Even so, four
out of ten married couples in Canada can expect to divorce within the first
thirty years of marriage (Kelly, 2012). Nearly half of all divorces in Canada
involve dependent children (Statistics Canada, 2005).
In general, children from divorced families show higher levels of antiso-
cial behaviour such as aggression and criminal behaviour than children
from intact families (Statistics Canada, 2005). As adults, children of divorce
tend to have lower rates of education, higher divorce rates, and more con-
flicted relationships Qolivet, 2011).
The effects of divorce on children depend largely on the way in which the
parents handle the break up. Most children do not suffer severe developmental
problems as a result of divorce. However, the loss of emotional support, con-
tact with one or both parents, or financial resources can make divorce harder on
children. Parental conflict related to a relationship breakdown puts children
at the highest risk of adjustment problems, especially if that conflict relates
to such things as custody or child support payments. Children exposed to
chronic parental conflict often experience stress, anxiety, guilt, fear, helpless-
ness, or a general lack of interest in their own well-being.
Various programs aim to help children and their parents cope with the
challenges of separation and divorce. Most of these programs tend to fit within
one or more of the following categories:
• Child-focused programs are typically education or therapy groups that
try to help children understand and cope with divorce.
• Parent-focused programs try to help children by helping their parents
deal with divorce issues.
• Counselling programs provide one-to-one, couples, and family support
to parents and children affected by divorce.
Most group programs for children of divorce are available through
family courts, government, family service agencies in the voluntary sector,
or organizations related to places of worship. The negative effects of divorce
on children are often noticeable in the school setting in terms of academic
problems thus, many schools in Canada have established programs to help
children cope with their parents' divorce.

Stepfamilies
It is common for divorced individuals to bring a child from a previous
union into a new relationship or to have another child with a new partner
(see Exhibit 10.6). These situations create what Statistics Canada defines as a

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 283

EXHIBIT 10.6

Since the 1970s, higher rates of divorce and remarriage have led to an increase in the
number of stepfamilies in Canada.

stepfamily. 3 According to the 2011 census, almost 11 percent of families with

children are stepfamilies (Vezina, 2012).
The beginning stages of forming a stepfamily can be a particularly stressful
time for family members, especially if both parents have one or more children
from a previous union. One challenge for couples may be trying to simultane-
ously bond with each other and a stepchild. Unresolved conflicts between the
divorced parents and their former partners may also complicate stepfamily
life. For many stepfamilies, the greatest challenge is dealing with the conflicts

3Although the literature refers to stepfamilies by other terms (such as blended families, recombined families,
and reconstituted families), subtle differences exist between these family types.

NEL
284 • CHAPTER 10

that arise between its members for instance, between two stepsiblings, or
between a stepparent and stepchild. It is common for marital problems to
stem from conflict with a stepchild or from disagreement on parenting styles
in dealing with that conflict (Preece, 2003). Unfortunately, most stepfamilies
are unable to meet the various challenges they face and rarely survive past five
years (Gosselin as cited in Laucius, 2011).
Children in stepfamilies tend to have more adjustment problems than do
children in stable, intact families, although the reasons for those findings are
not entirely clear (Kerr&: Michalski, 2007). Young adolescents, for example,
tend to have difficulties adjusting to changes in the family structure at a time
when they are trying to form their own self-identity (American Psychological
Association, 2012). Girls who have held important roles and responsibili-
ties in their previous family may find it difficult to give up control to a new
stepparent (Gosselin as cited in Laucius, 2011). Adjustment problems may
relate to insufficient bonding. While most parents and their children are able
to bond early in the child's life, that early childhood bonding experience is
usually lacking in step families, which may partially explain why stepparent-
stepchild relationships tend to be susceptible to stress within the family
(Preece, 2003). Studies show that the best-adjusted children in stepfamilies
have parents that are warm, supportive, and consistent; keep punishment to
a minimum; and get along with each other and their former spouses (Step
Families Canada, 2012).
In response to the unique situation of stepfamilies, a number of social
agencies offer information and support that is specific to stepfamily issues and
needs; for example, the booklet Building Your Stepfamily: A Blueprint for Success
from the BC Council for Families offers tips for how to make stepfamilies
work. A number of voluntary agencies across Canada provide information
and support services specifically for stepfamilies, including the Stepfamily
Foundation of Alberta. Some organizations, such as the University of Ottawa's
Step family Research Laboratory, devote their efforts to learning more about
the needs and challenges facing step families.

__I <> ~5 _____

Parental and Family Influences on Child Development
1. What do you think is the ideal family type (if any) for children? Give reasons
for your answer.
2. Every family type has potential strengths and weaknesses. Identify what you
believe may be the strengths of (a) lone-parent families, (b) stepfamilies, and
(c) divorced families.

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 TH E SOCIAL W ELFARE OF CHILDREN A N D TH EIR FAMILIES • 285

3 FAMILY VIOLENCE
Family violence is a social problem that has far-reaching social, economic,
justice, and health consequences. The Government of Canada defines family
violence as the abuse of power within relationships based on intimacy, trust,
kinship, or dependency. Family violence includes a wide range of behaviours,
including physical assault, emotional abuse, neglect, sexual assault, financial
exploitation, stalking, and witnessing violence within the family Qamieson &
Gomes, 2010). In 2010, about 99 000 Canadians were victims of family
violence (Sinha, 2012).
Every child exposed to family violence will respond differently, depending
on his or her age, the severity and frequency of the conflict, and other factors.
However, family violence tends to create some level of emotional, social,
or behavioural difficulty for most children. Two types of family violence-
spousal abuse and child abuse may be particularly detrimental to a child's
well-being.

SPOUSAL ABUSE

Spouses are the victims in almost half of all family violence acts (Sinha,
2012). Spousal abuse (also called intimate partner abuse) occurs when one
marital, common-law, separated, divorced, or same-sex partner abuses the
other. Six percent of Canadians suffer spousal abuse, which may be phys-
ical (the most common), emotional, financial, or sexual (Statistics Canada,
2011 b). When compared with male victims, female victims of spousal
abuse are more likely to incur physical injuries, require medical attention,
and suffer emotional consequences, such as depression or anxiety attacks
(Mihorean, 2005).
Spousal abuse is a complex social problem with no single, definitive
cause; however, certain factors put some people at a higher risk of abuse than
others. just being a woman increases the risk of spousal abuse because of the
power imbalances between men and women in society; more than eight out
of every ten victims of spousal abuse are female. Age is another risk factor:
younger women (ages twenty-five to thirty-four) are particularly vulnerable
to abuse by their partners (Sinha, 2012). Women who are Aboriginal, poor,
living in a common-law relationship, or in the process of ending a relationship
are also at a higher risk of abuse (Cunningham & Baker, 2007). Women in
some provinces experience a higher incidence of spousal abuse than others
(see Exhibit 10. 7).

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286 • CHAPTER 10

EXHIBIT 10.7
SELF-REPORTED SPOUSAL ABUSE, BY PROVINCE

Newfoundland and Labrador F

Prince Edward Island t-=------'---_____._ ___.___ _____.__ __.___ _____.___, o Female
• Male
Nova Scotia
New Brunswick
Quebec
Ontario
Manitoba
Saskatchewan
Alberta
British Columbia
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Percentage of spousal violence victims

Notes: Includes legally married, common-law, same-sex, separated, and divorced spouses who reported having
experienced spousal violence within the five years preceding the 2009 General Social Survey. Not included are
data for the proportion of males who experienced spousal violence in Newfoundland and Labrador and Prince
Edward Island (data are too small to produce reliable estimates).
Source: Brennan, S. (2011). Self-reported spousal violence 2009 (chart 1. 1, p. 9). In Statistics Canada,
Family violence in Canada (pp. 3-19). Retrieved from http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-224-x/85-224-
x20 l 0000-eng. pdf.

Abuse can potentially create problems in all aspects of an abused per-

son's life; many victims, for example, experience physical or mental health
problems or difficulties working or parenting. One of the greatest concerns
about spousal abuse is its potential to harm children. Studies show that chil-
dren who see or hear violence in the home can experience the same negative
effects as children who are directly abused. Those effects include short-
and long-term emotional, behavioural, and developmental disorders (Royal
Canadian Mounted Police, 2012a). Boys who witness their father's abuse of
a woman are three times as likely as their peers to grow up and abuse their
own partner (AuCoin, 2005). Moreover, girls who witness family violence or
suffer abuse as a child are more likely to grow up to be victims of spousal
abuse (Hart &: jamieson, 2001). Spousal abuse is more visible than it used
to be: in 2009, children witnessed 52 percent of all reported cases of spousal
abuse, up from 43 percent in 2004. Children who are exposed to family vio-
lence typically witness assaults against their mother rather than their father
(Statistics Canada, 20120.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 287

Canada's Family Violence Initiative supports the development and

provision of many services for abused women and their children. 4 Among
these resources, shelters are a primary source of help. Shelters include
• transition houses (short- or moderate-stay housing)
• second-stage housing (longer-term housing in conjunction with
support and referral services)
• emergency shelters (short-term respite)
• safe homes (short-term emergency housing in private homes)
A number of programs exist across Canada to assist children who have
witnessed violence by one parent against the other. For example, the Children
Exposed to Violence in Families Program in Saskatchewan offers support and
information to young people to help them cope with the effects of domestic
violence and to prevent them from becoming victims or perpetrators of
violence in the future.

CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT

Exposure to family violence is the most common form of child abuse;

children may also endure physical, emotional, or sexual abuse (Public Health
Agency of Canada, 2010a). The term, child neglect, refers to a specific type
of abuse in which a caregiver fails to provide appropriate care, supervision, or
protection to a child (see Exhibit 10.8). Some child welfare experts use the
term child maltreatment when referring to child abuse and neglect.
Child welfare statistics (2008 figures) reveal that more than 85 000
Canadian children suffer some form of maltreatment (Public Health Agency
of Canada, 201 Oa). Child welfare experts suggest that the actual number of
child abuse incidences is much higher than the number of reported cases
(Dudding, 2011). While every Canadian has a legal responsibility to report
suspected incidences of child abuse, many incidences do not come to the
attention of the police or other child protection authority. Thus, because of
the hidden nature and underreporting of this type of abuse, it is difficult to
estimate how many children, or the proportion of all children, experience
maltreatment.

4 Studies suggest that men are almost as likely as women to be victims of spousal abuse; however, men
are less likely to report those incidents to police. With out the statistics to confirm the prevalence of male
victimization, governments are reluctant to fund services specifically for male victims.

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288 • CHAPTER 10

EXHIBIT 10.8

Historically, child neglect has been the most common form of child abuse in Canada
and can affect physical, emotional, and cognitive development.

Child maltreatment usually occurs while a child is in the care of

someone he or she trusts and depends on, such as a parent, caregiver, or
teacher. Any child is vulnerable to abuse or neglect to some extent; however,
children at the highest risk are those who have a disability, live in pov-
erty, are Aboriginal, or belong to a racial or ethnic minority family (Canada
Department of justice, 2006). Various signs may indicate that a child may be
suffering abuse or neglect:
• developmental delays in speech, language, motor, or social skills
• regressive behaviours, such as bedwetting or thumb sucking
• difficulties meeting expected standards of growth (a failure to thrive)

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 289

• unusual parent-child interactions, such as a parent showing little

interest in the child or the child taking on the role of parent
• mental health issues, including depression, anxiety, low self-esteem,
and suicidal tendencies
• academic decline
• inappropriate or problem behaviours, including unexplained fears
and aggressive or sexual acting out (MyHealtMlberta, 20 11)
The effects of abuse or neglect on children depends on many factors,
including the severity and frequency of the abuse, the child's age and his or her
ability to cope, and the relationship between the child and the abuser (Victims
of Violence, 2011). For some people, the negative effects of maltreatment
during childhood can have long-term consequences. In adulthood, victims
of abuse are more likely to have health problems, such as asthma or chronic
pain; they are also at a higher risk of addictions, aggressive or criminal behav-
iour, and abuse of their own children (Canadian Resource Centre for Victims
of Crime, 2006). Child maltreatment also has its social and economic costs.
For example, some adult survivors of abuse experience difficulty working,
earning a sufficient income, and participating fully in society. One study esti-
mates that child abuse in Canada costs $15 billion a year for healthcare, social
welfare services, and lost productivity by parents 0 ohnson, 2006).

CHILD PROTECTION SERVICES

Before Confederation, people considered children along with farm animals as

important family assets that were "owned" by the head of the household (usu-
ally the father). However, beginning in the late nineteenth century, society
began to see children less as property and more as individuals in need of
protection. During this period, the state introduced a number of child-saving
policies to protect young people from harm; at the same time, the courts
began to apply the principle of parens patriae in decisions related to chil-
dren. Under parens patriae a Latin term meaning "father of the nation"-
the state can use its authority in special circumstances to override parental
rights and intervene on behalf of a child (Volpe, Cox, Goddard, &: Tilleczek,
1997). Canada's child welfare systems, and the wide range of services designed
to protect children and youth, reflect this country's parens patriae jurisdiction.
This section explores the ways in which Canada aims to protect its young
people from maltreatment; the focus here is on three levels of prevention;
child welfare systems; out-of-home care; and children's rights. Concluding

NEL
290 • CHAPTER 10

this section is a brief look at some of the criticisms and reforms of child wel-
fare services.

Three Levels of Prevention

Canada addresses the problem of child maltreatment at three levels of pre-
vention. Primary prevention activities target the general population in an effort
to prevent the incidence of child abuse or neglect. These initiatives aim to
raise public awareness about child maltreatment, promote healthy living, and
generally prevent the risk factors that may contribute to child mistreatment.
Secondary prevention activities focus on families at risk of child maltreatment,
and try to reduce any negative factors that may result in child abuse or neglect.
Those risk factors include poverty, parental substance abuse or mental health
issues, and the disability of a family member. If child maltreatment has already
occurred, tertiary prevention activities attempt to reduce the negative effects
of the maltreatment, and to prevent further incidences of abuse or neglect
(Shangreaux &: Blackstock, 2004). Exhibit 10.9 provides a graphical illustration
of the three interrelated levels of prevention and gives examples of strategies
or interventions at each level.
Child advocates generally agree that primary prevention strategies
are a wise investment in the future of children and society in general.
Nevertheless, tertiary prevention programs have traditionally dominated the
focus of child protection services. In practice, this has meant that child wel-
fare agencies give priority to families in which a child has suffered neglect
or abuse; meanwhile, families under stress but in which maltreatment has
not yet occurred go without services. This situation has been changing in
recent years as child welfare authorities recognize the value of secondary
prevention programs in reducing the risk of child maltreatment. Today,
many regional governments fund both protective services (when there is
substantiated child maltreatment) and supportive services (when there is no
immediate risk of harm to a child). Family services in the voluntary sector
usually deliver supportive services, which include parenting skills groups,
addiction services, and family support programs (National Aboriginal Health
Organization, 20 ll).

Child Welfare Systems

The Canadian Constitution allows each province and territory to develop its
own child welfare system for abused or neglected children and their families.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES • 291

EXHIBIT 10.9
CHILD MALTREATMENT: THREE LEVELS OF PREVENTION

Primary Prevention

Focus: The general population

Activity Examples
• Public awareness campaigns to increase
understanding of child maltreatment and risk
factors
• Family support programs to help families
access services, resources, and support
• Parent education programs to provide
information on child development and child-
raising Secondary Prevention
Focus: High-risk families

Tertiary Prevention Activity Examples

• Support groups for teen parents in high
Focus: Families in which child school
abuse/neglect has occurred
• Home visiting programs for expecting
and new mothers
Activity Examples
• Respite services for families with
• Out-of-home care such as foster care children with special needs
and kinship care for child victims of abuse
• Home-based intensive family preservation
services to guide and support families
• Parent support groups to help parents
learn positive parenting practices and
attitudes

Source: Author-generated chart, using content from Shangreaux, C., & Blackstock, C. (2004). Staying at
home: Examining the implications of least disruptive measures in First Nations child and family service agencies
(pp. 25-26). Retrieved from First Nations Child and Family Caring Society of Canada website: http://
www.fncfcs.com/sites/default/files/docs/Staying_at_Home.pdf.

As a result, approaches to child protection vary across jurisdictional boundaries

in terms of legislation, investigative procedures, and child welfare services.
• Legislation. Each province and territory has its own definition of child
abuse and neglect, its own ideas about the state's role in family life,
and its own concept of what factors constitute risk to children. There
is also disparity as to the age limit of children who can receive protec-
tion services; for example, British Columbia's age of protection is

NEL
292 • CHAPTER 10

nineteen years and under, whereas in Ontario, the age is sixteen years
and under.
• Investigative procedures. Each province and territory has its own
guidelines as to the types of abuse that child welfare workers must
investigate, the kind of investigative procedures to use, and the
criteria they must apply when deciding whether to remove a child
from the home.
• Services. While each jurisdiction provides similar types of services-
such as the investigation of reported child maltreatment and the
provision of foster care they differ in the way they deliver those
services. For instance, in the territories and most provinces, government
workers deliver child welfare services. In contrast, the Government of
Ontario contracts out the delivery of its child protection services to
fifty-three voluntary agencies called Children's Aid Societies.

Out-of-Home Care
Studies show that children who remain in their own homes tend to fare better
psychologically and academically than children who are placed in alternative
care (Fowler, 2008). Thus, child welfare authorities prefer to keep children in
the home if it is in the child's best interests to do so; in these cases, a family is
likely to receive extra support, such as a referral to addictions counselling or
a parent support program.
In cases of abuse or extreme neglect, child welfare authorities are justified
in removing the child from the home and placing him or her in out-of-home
care. Three placement options are used most by child welfare workers:
• kinship care (a home of someone with whom the child has a relation-
ship, such as grandparents, another relative, or a family friend)
• foster care (an approved family home that provides temporary
care, specialized care for a child or youth with complex needs, or an
environment in which the needs of a child or youth can be properly
assessed)
• residential care (a private or government community-based facility that
is run by professional staff; facilities include group homes, therapeutic
treatment centres, and secure/custody facilities)
Today, most child welfare workers prefer to place children in kinship
and foster care, and rarely use residential care as a placement option (Smith,
Van Wert, Ma, &: Fallon, 2012).

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 TH E SOCIAL W ELFARE OF CHILDREN A N D TH EIR FAMILIES • 293

When a child is placed in out-of-home care, the child welfare worker and
the parent or caregiver develop a temporary care plan based on the needs of
the child and the family circumstances. The plan is a written agreement that
outlines what the parent must do (for example, take a parenting course) to
regain custody of the child. In 2007, approximately 67 000 young Canadians
were living in out-of-home care (Mulcahy & Trocme, 2010).
Aboriginal children are overrepresented in Canada's child welfare system,
and the rate of overrepresentation increases each year. Although Aboriginal
children compose less than 6 percent of all Canadian children, they represent
almost 80 percent of the children in care in some provinces and territories
(Centre of Excellence for Child Welfare, 2011). The Assembly of First Nations
(200 7 a) estimates that one in ten First Nations children can expect to be
involved in the child welfare system, compared with one in two hundred
non-First-Nations children.
Although most children living in out-of-home care will return to their
family within a year of their being placed, reunification with family is not
always a viable option. In these cases, the child welfare agency must consider
other placements for the permanent care of a child or youth (Trocmei et al.,
2009). The term public adoption refers to the process of adopting a child
or youth who is in the care of a provincial or territorial child welfare agency.
There are never enough adoptive families to meet the need. According to the
Adoption Council of Canada (2012), approximately 30 000 Canadian children
and youth in care are waiting for permanent adoptive homes.

Children's Rights and Child Welfare Services

Canada's child welfare systems share similar principles concerning children
and families. For instance, each system respects the autonomy of the family
and the parent's responsibility for raising children, and recognizes the impor-
tance of cultural heritage and the continuity of care for children (Gough,
Shlonsky, & Dudding, 2009). Many of those principles stem from the United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Under the CRC, children
have three main rights:
• the right to protection (from abuse, neglect, and exploitation)
• the right to participation (as full citizens in family, social, and com-
munity life)
• the right to provision (of food, shelter, adequate care, and other
basics) (Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights, 2007)

NEL
2 94 • CHAPTER 10

While all the CRC principles have influenced child-related policies and
programs to some extent, two principles have had a particular influence on
Canada's child welfare legislation. The principle of the right to participation
requires child welfare authorities to consider the age-appropriate views of
children on matters that concern them, including their placement in out-
of-home care. The principle of the best interests of the child requires anyone
making decisions on behalf of a child such as child welfare workers and the
courts to take into account what is best for the child rather than what may
be preferred by parents or the state.
The provinces and territories have made some headway into incorpo-
rating CRC principles into child welfare laws. However, according to the
United Nation's Committee on the Rights of the Child (2012, p. 8), Canada is
not doing enough. For instance, in 2012, the Committee found that Canada
had failed to facilitate "meaningful and empowered child participation" in
issues and processes that affect children. Moreover, the principle of the best
interests of the child is poorly understood in Canada, and has not been inte-
grated or applied across child-related laws, policies, or programs.

Criticisms and Reforms

Historically, Canada's child welfare systems have been criticized for either
intruding into the lives of families too much (the large-scale removal of
Aboriginal children from their homes illustrates this point), or for failing to
intervene promptly enough (resulting in several tragic deaths of children in
care). Critics have also charged child welfare agencies for lacking cultural sen-
sitivity, particularly when serving Aboriginal children; for relying too heavily
on out-of-home placements; and for ignoring social conditions that con-
tribute to child maltreatment, including poverty, isolation, and substandard
housing. In response to these criticisms, child welfare systems have under-
gone considerable reform in recent years. Many of those reforms have come
about through the sharing of best practices in child welfare and the expansion
of research-based institutions, such as Canada's Centre of Excellence for Child
Welfare.

Family Violence
1. It is often difficult for victims of family violence to talk about their abusive
experiences. Identify some of the personal qualities that professional helpers
should have when working with victims of abuse.

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 TH E SOCIAL W ELFARE OF CHILDREN A N D TH EIR FAMILIES • 295

2. Although men are at risk of spousal abuse, society is more likely to cast them
in the role of victimizer rather than victim. What needs to change for society
to respond more effectively to the needs of male victims?
3. Everyone plays a role in protecting children from harm. What are some impor-
tant things a community might do to prevent the incidence of child abuse or
neglect?

4 SOCIAL WORK WITH FAMILIES WITH

CHILDREN
Working with families is an important activity in social welfare programs and
a primary focus for many social workers. There are a number of rewards asso-
ciated with helping families meet their basic needs, effectively problem-solve,
and reach their goals. There are also challenges to working with families;
social workers, for example, have to regularly upgrade their assessment and
intervention skills to help families deal with the rapidly changing social, eco-
nomic, and political environment.
Many social workers take a strengths-based approach to family ser-
vice, in which they help families to identify and build on their strengths as a
means to solving problems and overcoming obstacles. Empowemtent plays
an important role in a strengths-based approach. When social workers engage
in empowering activities with families, they are essentially helping family
members help themselves. A family may be empowered when it can (l) identify
its needs and know how to meet those needs; (2) advocate on its own behalf
to obtain necessary resources; and (3) provide input on programs and policies
that directly affect them.
Empowered families are knowledgeable about the services available to
them. Social workers can provide these services directly, or they can help
families learn about and access community resources. As cuts to social welfare
programs make services less available, unaffordable, or unsuitable, many
families may need to do more on their own, such as minding children in the
home rather than taking them to a child-care centre. This will require front-line
workers to help families discover their own internal strategies for meeting
needs and resolving problems, as opposed to relying on external, government-
sponsored supports.
Another way social workers might help families is by providing information
on what parents can do to support their child's development. In the role of
coach, social workers can encourage parents to listen to and talk with their
children; to show love, support, and affection; and to help their children or
teens make decisions and solve problems. Social workers can provide practical

NEL
296 • CHAPTER 10

support as well; for example, they might help parents plan for spending time
with their children or give tips on how to budget for purchasing goods or
services, such as music lessons or hockey equipment. Finally, social workers can
help parents recognize their own strengths, intuitive abilities, and successes
•
as caregrvers.

Social Work with Families with Children

1. Identify some of the potential rewards and challenges of working with fam -
ilies with children, given the rapidly changing economic, social, and political
envi ron ment.
2. To become empowered, families might benefit from discovering their own
internal strategies for meeting needs and resolving problems. How might
social workers help families with this task?

SUMMARY

Introduction
Families with children supply the nation's future adults, workers, and parents.
Most Canadian children are doing well, yet many live in disadvantaged
circumstances. Parents are the primary caregivers; however, government
also assumes responsibility for children's well-being. Although Canada has
many social welfare programs for children and families, governments have
been inconsistent in their approach to family policy.

1 Meeting the Developmental Needs of Children and Youth

Such policies as the National Children's Agenda aim to help children get a
good start in life. Canada is not meeting current child-care demands, which
are likely to increase in the coming years. Mental health plays an important
role in how young people deal with challenges. Various residential and non-
residential centres provide mental health services for youth. Despite these
supports, mental health disorders among young people are increasing, and
only half of Canadian youth get the help they need.

2 Parental and Family Influences on Child Development

There is no ideal family type, but all have an influence on a child's well-
being. Although most children growing up in lone-parent families are
healthy, children in these families are at a higher risk of behavioural and
academic problems; this family type is also at risk of poverty, especially if
headed by a female. Developmental or adjustment problems among chil-
dren in divorced families are often related to conflict between the parents.

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 THE SOCI A L WELFA RE OF CHILDREN A ND THEIR FA MILIES • 297

The greatest challenge for many stepfamilies is dealing with conflicts

between their members. Children in stepfamilies tend to suffer adjustment
problems; however, the reason for this is unknown. A range of special-
ized services is available for lone-parent families, divorced families, and
stepfamilies.

3 Family Violence
Family violence is a wide-spread social problem in Canada. Spousal abuse
has many potential negative consequences for the victims, including children
who witness it. Support services (such as shelters) are available for abused
women and their children . Various forms of child abuse exist, all of which
can have far-reaching effects on children. Although statistics are collected
on reported cases of child abuse, many incidences of child maltreatment
are unreported. Child welfare systems vary across the country and offer a
range of care options for children at risk.

4 Social Work with Families with Children

Family practice is the focus for many social agencies and workers. It is
important for workers to continually refine their skills to help families deal
with a rapidly changing environment. Empowerment is a central theme in
family services. To help families cope with cuts to services, social workers
engage families in activities that promote internal and empowering solutions.
Social workers may provide information about child development and
assist parents in activities that support their child's development.

___________________ KE_Y~~
For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
family, p. 267 parenting style, p. 279 parens patriae, p. 289
family policy, p . 270 family type, p . 280 child welfare system,
child care, p. 272 lone-parent families, p . 290
mental health, p. 280 out-of-home care,
p . 274 stepfamily, p . 283 p . 292
mental health disorder, family violence, children in care, p . 293
p . 275 p. 285 public adoption, p . 293
youth policy, p. 27 6 spousal abuse, p. 285 strengths-based
youth engagement child abuse, p . 287 approach, p . 295
approach, p . 278 child neglect, p . 287 empowerment, p. 295

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 •
OCia are an
•
ana 1ans

OBJECTIVES
The social welfare of older Canadians is becoming an increasingly critical
issue in the context of an aging population. This chapter will

• introduce concepts and issues related to population aging

• examine organized approaches to meeting seniors' needs

• explore programs and services aimed at improving the physical, mental,

financial, and social well-being of seniors

• discuss seniors' housing options and supports for independence

• describe work and participation among seniors

• summarize social work practice with elderly populations

INTRODUCTION
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

[Seniors are] a rich and vibrant part of our country.

As we increasingly draw on seniors to meet labour
force requirements strained by decades of low fertility,
our society has new motivation to value seniors as
contributing members of society, and not as burdens
to be problematized. At the same time, it is necessary
to provide the services and supports which will allow
seniors to live with dignity. (Special Senate Committee
on Aging, 2007, p. l)
••• •• •••• •• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••

298 NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 299

The United Nations declared 1999 as the International Year of Older Persons
to raise awareness of a global aging trend. The term population aging
refers to the rising proportion of aging or older people in the general population.
Population aging is a worldwide phenomenon, affecting the vast majority of
countries. Canada's aging population is largely attributable to the following
three main factors:
1. Aging baby boom generation. The baby boomers born between 1946
and 1965 represent the largest generational group in Canada's history.
In 2011, the baby boomers represented 29 percent of the population
(Martel &: Menard, 2012). As the baby boom generation moves
into its senior years, the aging of Canada's population will accelerate.
(In Exhibit 11.1, the bulge in the population pyramid reflects the
dominance of the baby boomers.)
2. Increased life expectancy. Canadians are living longer because of new
medical technologies, improvements in healthcare and nutrition, better
methods of controlling infectious diseases, and healthier lifestyle choices.
Today, the average woman can expect to live to eighty-three years and
the average man to seventy-nine years (Statistics Canada, 2012g).
3. Declining birth rate. In 1959, Canadian women had an average of almost
four children. Since that time, families have been getting smaller; on

EXHIBIT 11.1
CANADA'S AGING POPULATION

Changes in the age structure of the Canadian population by sex, 2009, 2036, and 2061.
Age
110 . . . , . . . . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
105
Males 100 Females
95
2061 90
85 2036
80
75
70
65
60
55
50
45
2009 40 2009
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
400 000 350 000 300 000 250 000 200 000 150 000 100 000 50 000 0 0 50 000 100 000 150 000 200 000 250 000 300 000 350 000 400 000
Number

Source: Statistics Canada. (2010). Population projections for Canada, provinces and territories: 2009 to 2036
(chart 3.5, p. 45). Retrieved from http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/91-520-x/9l-520-x201 000 1-eng. pdf.

NEL
300 • CHAPTER 11

average, women now have 1. 7 children (Human Resources and Skills

Development Canada [HRSDC], 20120. A falling birth rate means
that fewer young people are entering the population, which, in tum,
increases the average age of the population.
In 1971, just more than 8 percent of Canada's population was over sixty-
five; that figure rose to about 11 percent in 1991 and to 15 percent in 2011,
and is predicted to be about 25 percent by 2051 (HRSDC, 2012g). Although
the life expectancy of men is rising, most seniors are women, especially among
those aged eighty and over; this trend will likely continue for several years
(Statistics Canada, 2010d).
The implications of an aging population have been widely debated over
the past few decades. Many who see this demographic shift as a potential
problem refer to the population dependency ratio, which measures the number
of working-age adults relative to those who are either too young or too old to
work. Statistics show that the dependency ratio is increasing. For example, in
2006, there were approximately 60 dependent people per 100 working-age
people; demographers predict that by 2056, that rate will reach 84 dependants
per 100 workers (Statistics Canada, 2010e). The shifting dependant-to-worker
ratio raises several concerns. One is that a growing number of retired or non-
contributing members of society will consume a greater share of resources
(such as healthcare, social services, public pensions, and housing). Another
concern is that a relatively small workforce will have to support a rather large
group of dependants a burden that is both unreasonable and unsustainable.
Although population aging will undoubtedly create challenges, not everyone
accepts the doom-and-gloom predictions of an "age quake." After studying
population aging from various angles, the Special Senate Committee on Aging
(2007) concluded that while the retirement of the baby boomers is likely to
impact the labour market, it will not necessarily erode Canada's standard of
living or collapse its public programs. Indeed, Canada has made considerable
progress in developing measures to counteract the negative impacts of population
aging. Many Canadian governments do this by promoting active aging that
is, by offering opportunities that ensure an active and engaged life from birth
to death. By creating a generally healthy population, governments expect to
reduce the demand for health, social services, and other limited resources by
a large number of old people. There is also the hope that healthy older people
will continue to contribute to society through work or volunteering (Special
Senate Committee on Aging, 2009).
This chapter provides an overview of some of the challenges and oppor-
tunities related to aging in Canada. In the following discussion, the terms
senior, older person, and elderly person are used interchangeably to refer to
persons aged sixty-five or over.
NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 301

1 ORGANIZED APPROACHES TO MEETING

SENIORS' NEEDS
Canada supports a wide range of programs, services, and initiatives to address
the needs of older citizens. These organized approaches include gerontological
research, which provides important information on aging, and government
initiatives aimed at enhancing seniors' quality of life. Senior's groups play an
important role in improving the lives of older people, as do grassroots initia-
tives that create age-friendly communities. Various aspects of these organized
approaches are explored below.

GERONTOLOGICAL RESEARCH

In 1944, the Gerontologic Research Unit was founded at McGill University

and Canada's first step was taken in the formal study of aging, otherwise
known as gerontology. Since that time, Canada has been building a solid
body of knowledge on gerontological issues. Gerontological research is either
sponsored or carried out by
• universities (for example, the Gerontology Research Centre at Simon
Fraser University)
• voluntary organizations (for example, the Canadian Association on
Gerontology)
• federally funded institutions (for example, the Institute of Aging)
• provincial and territorial government departments (for example,
Newfoundland and Labrador Healthy Aging and Research Program)
• municipalities across Canada (for example, the Older Adult Perception
Study by the City of Greater Sudbury, Ontario)
One of the most comprehensive studies on aging in the world is the Canadian
Longitudinal Study on Aging (CLSA). This national study is tracking the bio-
logical, psychological, social, economic, and other aspects of life among 50 000
older men and women over twenty years. Part of the CLSA's mandate is to identify
the components of "successful aging" and determine which factors contribute to
disease or disability as people age. The CLSA began recruiting subjects in 2009.

Ageism
Gerontological research not only can lead to a better understanding of the
aging process but can also help to dispel certain stereotypes and myths about

NEL
302 • CHAPTER 11

old age (see Exhibit 11.2). The term ageism refers to the discrimination of
individuals and groups (usually older people) because of their age. In Western
cultures, where youth tends to be more valued than old age, ageist social
attitudes typically portray older people as being useless, stupid, or a burden on
family and society (World Health Organization [WHO], 2007). These attitudes

EXHIBIT 11.2
MYTHS AND FACTS ABOUT OLDER CANADIANS

ru.n. ]~· (tl~

Intellectual functioning decreases as we age. Current research does not support the notion
that intellectual functioning declines after
middle age.

Most older people lose interest in or a capacity Research suggests that the normal aging process
for sexua l relations. alone does not directly affect sexuality.

Age affects older adults' ability to drive safely. Statistically, healthy older adults are the safest of
all age groups on the road.

Most older adu lts live in institutions. Only about 7 percent of seniors live in
institutions.

Older people have little interest in using the Seniors are the fastest-growing group of Internet I
Internet. users in Canada.

Developing dementia is a normal part of aging. While age raises the risk for dementia, most
people do not develop dementia as they age.

It is becoming less likely for older people to be Over the last decade, the number of employed
employed. older adults has increased.

Older adults are more likely to be victims of According to the 2009 General Social Survey,
crime than younger people. young people (ages fifteen to twenty-four) are
fifteen times as likely as seniors to be victims of
•
cnme.

Older people are more likely to commit suicide As a group, seniors are less likely than teenagers
than younger people. or midd le-aged adults to commit suicide. I
Older people have little influence on our Seniors are more likely than young adu lts to vote
government. in elections.
I
Most older adults live alone. Most o lder adults live with a spouse, with
children or grandchildren, or in a collective
dwelling.

Most o lder adults are preoccupied with death. In general, older adults are not overly anxious
about death.

The majority of older adu lts are poor. Most seniors live above the poverty line.

Source: Adapted from Ontario Seniors' Secretariat. (2011). Aging quiz. Retrieved from http://www.seniors.gov.
on.calenlagingquiz/quiz.php. © Queen's Printer for Ontario, 2007. Reproduced with permission.

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 303

can lead to the discriminatory treatment of older people in the workplace,

health settings, and other areas.
In an effort to reduce ageism, Canadian governments sometimes use a
discrimination lens when analyzing public policies related to seniors. This type
of analysis has revealed that basing eligibility for some health and social benefits
on a person's age is both discriminatory and unrealistic. For instance, studies
show that the health and social conditions of an average fifty-five-year-old First
Nations person is equivalent to that of a sixty-five-year-old non-Aboriginal
senior; thus, the use of the chronological marker of age sixty-five to determine
eligibility for long-term care makes little sense (Special Senate Committee on
Aging, 2007). The fact that age-related issues may arise at various ages and
stages of life not just at age sixty-five or beyond has implications for who
receives care and support. Since recognizing the ageist beliefs in certain social
policies, service providers are more likely these days to consider a person's
level of need or functioning than age when determining that person's eligibility
for health or social welfare programs (Katz, 2012).

Diversity
Gerontolgical research is revealing the diverse nature of the senior population.
As Dobie (2006, p. 44) points out, the seniors of today hardly fit the stereotype
of "a monolithic group of poor, frail, sick or dependent persons." Rather, seniors
represent a highly diverse group, with different interests, backgrounds, levels
of participation, sexual orientations, and living arrangements. The experience
of being older is also changing: in general, today's seniors are wealthier, better
educated, and more active than previous generations (Canada Mortgage and
Housing Corporation, 2012b).
Old age used to encompass a relatively short period of a person's life: for
example, a male born in 1945, could expect to be a senior from the age of sixty-
five (when he retired) to sixty-eight (when he died) (Bothwell, Drummond,&:
English, 1989). Today, a person's senior years encompass a longer period. Thus,
some researchers recognize three stages of late adulthood:
• The "young old" (aged sixty-five to seventy-five) are likely to be finan-
cially well-off, healthy, and fit (see Exhibit 11.3), and can function on
their own with no or minimal assistance; many people in this group
still work, go to school, and travel.
• The "middle old" (aged seventy-five to eighty-five) tend to have less
money, fewer resources, and a diminished desire to work or travel.
By this stage, individuals are likely to experience widowhood, health
problems, and a loss of mobility.

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3 04 • CHAPTER 11

EXHIBIT 11.3

In general, today's seniors are healthier and more physically active than those of
previous generations.

• The "frail old" (aged eighty-five and older) are the most likely
of the three subgroups to have health problems and cognitive impair-
ment. This group needs the greatest degree of support, which, in
some cases, is provided in long-term-care facilities (Special Senate
Committee on Aging, 2008).
The diversity of the senior population and the different needs among the
three subgroups of seniors have implications for how social welfare, health,
and other public systems design and deliver programs to older Canadians.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 305

GOVERNMENT INITIATIVES

Canada participates in both international and domestic efforts to meet the

needs of aging citizens. This section reviews international action plans on
aging and looks at how Canadian governments share the responsibilities
for seniors.

International Action Plans

In 1982, the United Nations introduced its first International Plan of Action
on Ageing to guide governments in the development of policies and programs
related to aging. Twenty years later, the UN revised the plan to promote aging
more as a "milestone of human progress" than a "challenge" (Zelenev, 2008).
While the international plan recognizes key principles and priorities, each
country is free to adapt the priorities to its own circumstances.
Canada's rendition of the UN's International Plan of Action on Ageing
focuses on the enhancement of health and well-being over the life course,
the promotion of independent living, and the expansion of opportunities for
older persons to participate in society (Edwards&: Mawani, 2006). Although
the initiatives under Canada's plan are highly varied, most are based on one
or more of the following concepts:
• Inclusivity targets all seniors, including those at risk and those who are
healthy and active.
• Healthy aging promotes behaviours, habits, and choices that enhance
the well-being of people of any age over the entire life course.
• Population health recognizes that such factors as income, housing,
social support, education, and transportation are powerful determi-
nants of overall health.
• Aging in place ensures that older people can access the resources
they need to continue living in their own homes for as long as
possible.
• Social justice promotes the belief that every person, regardless of
age, is entitled to security, autonomy, and dignity, protection
from discrimination and abuse, and appropriate care and services
(McLachlin, 2008).
Over the years, Canada has incorporated these concepts into programs
for seniors. In 2005, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and
Development (OECD) praised Canada for being well prepared to meet the
challenges of an aging population, especially in terms of having sustainable

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306 • CHAPTER 11

public pensions and job opportunities for older workers (Tobin, 2005).
Nevertheless, Canada has more work to do in terms of, for example, addressing
mental health issues among seniors and expanding services for the frail
elderly, a group with particularly complex needs (Public Health Agency of
Canada, 2010b; University of British Columbia [UBC], 2011).

Shared Responsibility for Seniors

In Canada, governments at all levels share a responsibility for the health
and social welfare of older Canadians. The federal government develops and
manages programs that have a national scope (such as the Old Age Security
pension), while departments in provincial and territorial governments focus
on providing programs and services to improve the quality of life for seniors
in each region. Over the years, municipal governments have assumed more
responsibility for the well-being of seniors. The trend in many municipalities
across Canada is to improve local recreational, cultural, transit, and other ser-
vices to enable seniors to live healthy, fulfilling, and active lives (Federation
of Canadian Municipalities, 2010).
Some of Canada's most important policies and programs for older
Canadians are the result of collaborative efforts by the Federal-Provincial-
Territorial Ministers Responsible for Seniors. In 1996, the ministers agreed on a
National Framework on Aging (NFA), which outlines an overall vision for pol-
icies and programs for seniors in Canada. Also identified within the NFA are
five principles-dignity, independence, participation, fairness, and security that
policymakers should follow when developing initiatives for seniors. Exhibit
11.4 outlines the various components of the NFA and its current priorities.

SENIORS' GROUPS

Voluntary organizations often in the form of councils, charities, associa-

tions, or societies play a particularly important role in the lives of seniors.
Organizations that provide direct services to seniors sometimes focus on
a specific aspect of senior life, such as housing or continuing education.
However, in many communities, senior's centres offer a variety of programs-
such as peer support, information and referral, and social events in a
convenient, "one-stop-shop" location.
Seniors councils perform a political function. In general, these councils
of older adults consult with seniors and seniors' organizations, and then
give feedback to government. Policymakers can then use that information to

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 307

EXHIBIT 11.4
HEALTHY AGING IN CANADA: A FRAMEWORK FOR ACTION

VISION
A society that
• values and supports the contributions of older
people
• celebrates diversity, refutes ageism, and
reduces inequities
• provides age-friendly environments and
opportunities for healthy choices that enhance
independence and quality of life

Mutual Aid
• recognizing and
Supportive supporting seniors'
Environments efforts in volunteerism,
• policies, services, self-help groups,
programs, and caregiving, and
surroundings enable ____ ____.~
support within families
.........
healthy aging
Self Care
• choices and actions to
enhance health
(e.g., getting active,
safe-proofing the
Areas of Focus home)
• social Guiding Principles
connectedness • dignity
• physical activity •independence
• healthy eating • participation
• falls prevention • fairness
• tobacco control • security
Priorities for Action, 2012-2013
• elder abuse • support the active participation of seniors
• income disparities • assist seniors in planning for "aging in
•literacy place"
• lifelong learning • improve Canadians' access to information
through technology

Sources: Adapted from P. Edwards & A. Mawani. (2006 September). Healthy aging in Canada (p. 45).
Retrieved from http://www.phac-aspc.gc.calseniors-aines/alt-formats/pdf/publications/public/healthy-
sante/vision/vision-eng.pdf, and Canada News Centre. (2012, November 16). 14th Meeting of Federal,
Provincial and Territorial (F/P/T) Ministers Responsible for Seniors. Retrieved from http://news.gc.ca/web/
article-eng.do?nid= 707459.

develop senior-related policies and programs. The National Seniors Council

performs this function at the federal level. Councils also exist in many
communities across Canada to inform municipal and provincial or territorial
governments on local seniors' issues.

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308 • CHAPTER 11

Seniors' centres are some of the busiest and well-used organizations

in Canadian communities. It is common for older people to manage these
centres, which offer social, educational, recreational, and other activities of
interest to local seniors. Although the mandates of these voluntary groups may
vary, most of them support seniors in their efforts to live independently, to
carry out daily activities in a normal community context, and to make decisions
about their own lives.

AGE-FRIENDLY COMMUNITIES

Following the launch of the World Health Organization's (WHO) Global

Age-Friendly Cities Project in 2006, countries around the world have been
transforming their towns, cities, or villages to make them more age friendly.
The first city in Canada that WHO officially accepted as a Global Age-Friendly
Community was the City of London, Ontario, in 201 0; since then, other cities have
earned that honour, including Welland (Ontario), Saanich (British Columbia),
and Edmonton (Alberta).
An age-friendly community is one that has policies, services, physical
spaces, and structures in place to help older persons live well, remain
active, and age in place. In most cases, the creation of age-friendly com-
munities are collaborative efforts, involving various levels of government,
businesses, voluntary organizations, and community groups and individuals.
While each locality will be age-friendly in its own unique way, they are all
likely to
• recognize seniors for their capabilities and resources
• be responsive to the needs and preferences of seniors
• respect seniors' decisions and lifestyle choices
• protect the vulnerable members of the senior population
• promote the inclusion of and contributions by seniors in community
life by, for example, including seniors in the planning, development,
and evaluation of aging-related policies, programs, and practices
(WHO, 2007)
An age-friendly community benefits more than older people. Indeed,
environments supportive of seniors tend to be good for everyone's quality
of life and ensure active and healthy aging. Exhibit 11.5 identifies some of
the features of an age-friendly community, in terms of health, security and
independence, and participation.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 309

EXHIBIT 11.5
FEATURES OF AN AGE-FRIENDLY COMMUNITY

Social
Participation
Outdoor
Respect and Seniors have
Spaces and
Social Inclusion meaningful
Buildings
Organizations social
respect seniors' Seniors get networks.
Community around easily
diverse needs Support and
and include and safely.
Health
seniors in all
Transportation Housing Services
aspects of
Seniors travel Seniors Seniors
society. Civic Participation and
conveniently have safe access social
and Employment
and safely. and health
affordable 0

serv1ces. Seniors participate in

housing. community decision
~~I making and contribute
to the community.
Communication and
Participation
Seniors are aware of
resources in the
community and get the
information they need.

Source: Author-generated diagram, content based on British Columbia, Seniors' Healthy Living Secretariat.
(2011). Age-friendly communities: Features. Retrieved from http://www2.gov.bc.calgov/topic.page?id= 48EE80FD
4DC4421F91125E15F6CE66D5&title=Feature. Copyright© Province of British Columbia. All rights reserved.
Reprinted with permission of the Province of British Columbia.

Organized Approaches to Meeting Seniors' Needs

1. Many people believe that when the baby boomers are seniors, they will
have a significant influence on policies, programs, and attitudes related to
old people. What influence (if any) might baby boomer seniors have on the
problem of ageism in our society?
2. The consensus in Canada is that society should respect and care for its older
people; thus, a wide range of government initiatives aims to improve condi-
tions for seniors. What might be the benefits for a society if governments
support the well-being of seniors?

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31 0 • CHAPTER 11

2 ENSURING THE WELL-BEING OF SENIORS

Seniors are valued members of society. It is therefore important to support
seniors in their efforts to stay healthy, happy, and active in their communities.
This section explores some of the issues and programs related to seniors' well-
being: health, disability and activity, mental health, social connectedness,
income security, and elder abuse.

HEALTH ISSUES

According to the 2009 Canadian Community Health Survey, most seniors

enjoy good health. In terms of functional capacity that is, the ability to
carry out activities of daily living most seniors under age eighty-five report
having similar limitations as adults aged forty-five to sixty-four. Nevertheless,
as people age, they are more likely to experience chronic or multiple health
conditions. About three-quarters of all seniors have at least one chronic
health condition, including high blood pressure, arthritis, or back problems
(Canadian Institute for Health Information, 2011).
It is questionable whether Canada's healthcare system can continue pro-
viding adequate care, given the growing numbers of older people. Hospital use
by seniors is a particular concern; for example, in 2009-2010, seniors made up
only 15 percent of the Canadian population, but they accounted for 40 percent
of acute hospital stays. Seniors are also heavy users of residential care, home
care, prescription drugs, and doctor visits. The OECD estimates that between
2010 and 2025, Canada will need an extra $31 billion to pay for aging-related
health and long-term care (Canadian Institute for Health Information, 2011).
Canadian governments continue to work together to meet the health
needs of an aging population. In 2012, the provincial and territorial health
ministers formed the Health Care Innovation Working Group, a collaborative
effort to transform the healthcare system to ensure its sustainability in the
future. By focusing on sharing best practices and innovative health strategies,
the working group aims to find solutions to address the health needs of seniors
(Council of the Federation, 20 12).

DISABILITY AND ACTIVITY

Among the most common types of disability among seniors are those related
to mobility (such as difficulty walking or standing for long periods), agility

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 311

(such as getting in or out of bed), and pain (that restricts activity). The chance
of developing a disability increases with age: 2 4 percent of seniors aged sixty-
five to seventy-four have a mobility disability; that rate jumps to 61 percent of
seniors aged eighty-five and over (HRSDC, 2012e). Disabilities can threaten
an older person's ability to remain independent and active. Fortunately, a
wide variety of assistance is available to Canadian seniors to ensure their full
participation in community life; that assistance includes home care, technical
aids (such as walkers and wheelchairs), housing adaptations, and modified
transportation systems.
Exercise is an important determinant of health; however, only half of all
seniors without a disability, and less than one-third of seniors with a disability,
report being at least moderately active (HRSDC, 2012e). To address this issue,
a number of voluntary seniors' groups, extended-care centres, and other organi-
zations offer exercise classes, walking programs, and other activities to keep
seniors physically active. A growing number of programs such as the senior
fitness instructors certification are designed to train fitness leaders to help
seniors meet their physical activity needs.

MENTAL HEALTH

Most seniors (70 percent) say they enjoy good mental health (Public Health
Agency of Canada, 2010b). Nevertheless, about one in four seniors lives with
a mental health issue, such as anxiety, dementia, or depression (the most
common). Depression is associated with the challenges that come with aging,
including physical ailments, cognitive and sensory impairments, and a sense of
loss related to such things as forced retirement or the death of loved ones. Suicide
is a possible outcome of severe depression: men aged eighty and over have the
highest suicide rates in Canada (Mood Disorders Society of Canada, 2009).
Alzheimer's disease and related dementias (ADRD) are conditions that
involve memory loss and cognitive impairments, such as having difficulty
thinking, making decisions, understanding, and communicating. The most
common form of dementia is Alzheimer's disease. At least one out of every
eleven Canadian seniors (mostly women) suffers from some form of ADRD
(Alzheimer Society of Canada, 2012a, 2012b). Currently, dementia has no
cure. However, by helping older people to improve their coping skills and
social support systems, mental health programs aim to prevent or at least
delay the onset of dementia and placement in long-term care.
Many mental health programs take a psychosocial approach to the
prevention and treatment of dementia and other mental health disorders. This

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312 • CHAPTER 11

approach focuses simultaneously on enhancing older people's psychological

and spiritual life, while strengthening external supports, such as those related
to income security, health care, and housing (Dudgeon, 2010; UBC, 2012b).
Exhibit 11.6 illustrates some of the common determinants of mental health
among seniors and the four main program areas (with service examples) that
are available to older Canadians.

SENIORS' MENTAL HEALTH: DETERMINANTS

AND SERVICES

Community-Based Programs Primary Care Services

• peer support programs • physicians, hospital services
• caregiver supports • home care
• community supports (e.g., • adult day centres
recreation, meal • counselling services
services, visitation Determinants of Mental Health • emergency care
programs)
• supportive Accessible
housing transportation
Acceptable
Social support/
housing
networks
FAMILY Physical
Social
activity
inclusion
SENIOR Adequate
•
Active mcome
•
ag1ng
FRIENDS
Gender
Age-friendly
communities Mental Specialized
stimulation Mental Health
Self- Services
General Mental determination Nutrition • geriatric mental
Health Services health teams
• • •
• cns1s serv1ces • geriatric psychiatric
• outpatient clinics inpatient services
• inpatient services • geriatric day hospitals
• outreach mental health teams • residential or long-term care
for seniors
• day hospitals

Source: Author-generated diagram, information adapted from Mac Court, P., Wilson, K., &
Tourigny-Rivard, M. (2011). Guidelines for comprehensive mental health services for older adults in Canada
(executive summary). Retrieved from Mental Health Commission of Canada website: http://www.
mentalhealthcommission.ca!Englishlsystem/files/private/Seniors_MHCC_Seniors_Guidelines_Executive
Summary_ENG_O.pdf

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 313

SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS

The ability to connect with others is essential to good physical and mental
health in the senior years. In contrast, social isolation is associated with a
number of potential physical and mental health problems. Various factors may
contribute to social isolation among older people; for example, isolation may
be the result of having a relatively small social circle or losing connections to
other people because of retirement, disability, or the death of a spouse. Women
aged seventy-five and over especially those who live alone are at a particularly
high risk of loneliness and social isolation (Milan&: Vezina, 2011).
Social connectedness has four dimensions: social support, social networks,
social engagement, and supportive social environments. Below is a brief
description of each dimension, and an example of a related program.
• People who offer social support can help seniors feel valued, appreciated,
and encouraged to live a good life. Seniors who live alone or have few
friends or no family can use friendly visiting programs, which match
volunteers with isolated seniors.
• Being socially connected also means having a well-developed social
network. Many volunteer programs and seniors' centres try to help
older people maintain old relationships and form new ones so they
have more people to call on when needed.
• Social engagement refers to participation in the community and the
relationships formed because of that involvement. To engage socially,
a senior may attend a religious service, volunteer, or participate in an
intergenerational program (see Exhibit 11. 7).
• Finally, seniors are most likely to feel socially connected when they
live in supportive social environments, such as age-friendly communities,
where a wide range of resources and opportunities exist for seniors
(Edwards&: Mawani, 2006).

INCOME SECURITY

Canada designed its retirement income system to ensure that seniors have
an income that provides a quality of life comparable to that enjoyed during
their working years. Most Canadians rely to some extent on the retirement
income system, which is based on three pillars:
• Pillar 1: Old Age Security (OAS) and Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS).
These universal programs provide a basic guaranteed minimum income.

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314 • CHAPTER 11

AGENCY PROFILE: AN INTERGENERATIONAL PROGRAM

C 0 NNE C T I NG G E NE RAT I 0 NS

LINKages Society of Alberta is a community-based registered charity that

provides intergenerational programs in Calgary. LINKages matches youth
with older Calgarians living alone or in local retirement facilities and lodges.
LINKages recognizes the value of creating caring relationships
between youth and seniors, especially in light of an aging population,
and a society that sometimes isolates older and younger generations from
each other.
LINKages' intergenerational programs aim to
• build bridges between the generations
• reduce negative attitudes and dispel myths about seniors
• promote a greater understanding of and respect for generations
• enhance the personal benefits of volunteering

PROGRAMS
junior High Program Junior high students visit seniors twice a week
during the lunch hour. The visits take place in a central area and are
supervised by LINKages staff. Many of the visits involve planned activities,
such as games, crafts, reading, storytelling, and helping seniors write their
au tobiographies.
Senior High Program High-school students are usually more experienced
and require less supervision. However, LINKages staff is available to provide
support and advice to students as needed. Activities during the visits aim to
enhance student-senior interactions, and students are encouraged to be true
companions for their senior.
Calgary After-School Programs LINKages and the City of Calgary have teamed
up to create four after-school programs for youth (ages twelve to sixteen).
These programs connect seniors and youth during critical or high-risk hours
(3 to 6 p.m.), giving youth an opportunity to use their time positively and
constructively.

Source: Excerpted and adapted from LINKages Society of Alberta. (2009). Website. Retrieved from http://
www.linkages.ca/schoolPrograms.html and http://www.link-ages.ca/aboutUs.html. Courtesy of LINKages
Society of Alberta.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 315

The OAS is a monthly retirement pension available to seniors who

meet a basic residency requirement and have incomes under a set
threshold. The GIS is a provincial or territorial benefit available to
low-income seniors; many regional governments provide additional
benefits and services to those who are eligible for the GIS.
• Pillar 2: The Canada Pension Plan (CPP). This mandatory contributory
program requires workers and employers to make regular contributions
to the plan during their working years. The plan aims to replace about
one-quarter of a worker's employment income on retirement at age
sixty-five. (Quebec residents draw from their own plan, the Quebec
Pension Plan.)
• Pillar 3: Private pension plans and savings. These options include both
self-administered and employer-sponsored registered pension plans
(RPPs), registered retirement savings plans (RRSPs), and other private
pension plans and investments.
The economic situation of Canadian seniors has been steadily improving
over the last few decades: between 1980 and 2006, the proportion of seniors
living in poverty fell from more than 21 percent to 5 percent. Despite these
gains, many Canadian seniors are at a high risk of poverty; this is especially
true for unattached seniors, most of whom are women. Aboriginal seniors,
older recent immigrants, and people who have worked less than ten years-
and therefore have limited retirement savings or pensions are also at risk of
poverty in old age (National Seniors Council, 2009). The incidence of poverty
among seniors living in large cities is relatively high. For example, 2 7 percent
of seniors living in Vancouver are poor, compared with only 8 percent of
seniors living in the smaller city of Waterloo, Ontario (Federation of Canadian
Municipalities, 201 0).
In general, Canada's retirement income system is criticized for its
failure to provide a sufficient income to vulnerable seniors, its complicated
application process, and its lack of coordination between federal benefits
(OAS and CPP) and provincial or territorial benefits (GIS) (Special Senate
Committee on Aging, 2009). Since 2006, the federal government has
taken actions to strengthen Canada's retirement income system, including
reforming the CPP to provide better protection for pension members and
easing the tax burden on older Canadians by relaxing the rules for RRSPS,
RPPs, and other tax-sheltered savings plans. Moreover, the federal and
provincial or territorial governments have established a joint working
group to analyze and improve the retirement income system (Canada,
Department of Finance, 2010).

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316 • CHAPTER 11

In 2012, Parliament passed a highly controversial piece of legislation that

will raise the eligibility age for OAS and GIS from sixty-five to sixty-seven,
beginning in 2023. The federal government rationalized that change by noting
the expected drain on pension funds and taxes created by an aging population
(Service Canada, 2012b).

ELDER ABUSE

Elder abuse is a disturbing reality in Canada. The World Health Organization

(20 12) defines elder abuse as "a single, or repeated act, or lack of appropriate
action, occurring within any relationship where there is an expectation of
trust, which causes harm or distress to an older person." Abuse against an
elderly person may be physical, emotional or psychological, spiritual, or
financial (the most common). Elder abuse can also be systemic that is, such
systems as governments and long-term-care facilities may inadvertently
perpetrate abuse through ageist policies or practices. The neglect by a care-
giver to meet the basic needs of an older person is another form of elder
abuse. Seniors at the highest risk of abuse are those who are very old, frail, or
isolated, have a cognitive impairment or physical disability, or who depend
heavily on others for care (National Seniors Council, 2007; Special Senate
Committee on Aging, 2009).
Elder abuse is a largely "hidden crime," since most abuse incidents go
unreported to police and therefore are neither investigated or prosecuted
(Canadian Association for Retired Persons [CARP], 2012). However, some
experts suggest that the number of seniors who suffer abuse or neglect may be
as high as one out of six (Canadian Centre for Elder Law, 2010). Victimization
can take its toll on older people in terms of chronic physical problems (such
as heart attacks or high blood pressure) and psychological problems (such as
depression or panic attacks) (Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 2012b).
At the international level, the United Nations recognizes elder abuse not
just as a legal and human rights concern but also as a reflection of a lack of
opportunities for older people to remain active, independent, and productive
members of society (Zelenev, 2008). In response to this insight, countries
around the world have introduced measures to prevent and address elder
abuse. Canada's initiatives include
• World Elder Abuse Awareness Day (held june 15 each year) to raise
awareness of elder abuse and explore solutions to the problem
• Elder Abuse Awareness Campaign (federal initiative) to improve the
safety and security of older Canadians

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 317

• National Survey on the Mistreatment of Older Canadians (launched

in 20 12) to collect data on the prevalence, risk factors, and causes of
elder abuse and neglect
• provincial elder abuse strategies (such as the Nova Scotia Elder Abuse
Strategy) to raise awareness of, and prevent or reduce incidences of
elder abuse
Many communities use an interdisciplinary approach to coordinate
the efforts of a wide range of professionals in healthcare, social work,
legal, and other fields on behalf of at-risk seniors. Some communities
have also established specific elder abuse teams, such as the Elder Abuse
Consultation Team in Toronto and the Elder Abuse Response Team in
Calgary.

Ensuring the Well-Being of Seniors

1. Research tells us that various types of activities may help to ward off mental
health problems in late adulthood. What kinds of activities do you do now
that may help you to prevent mental health problems in your old age? What
else might you do?
2. In Canada, relying entirely on government pensions (such as OAS, CPP/QPP,
and GIS) means living in poverty. Do you believe that government should
enrich these pension funds, or should individuals and families do more to
ensure the income security of seniors? Give reasons for your answer.
3. Elder abuse is a disturbing issue in our society. How might individuals, organiza-
tions, and communities prevent this particular social problem?

3 SENIORS' HOUSING AND SUPPORTS

FOR INDEPENDENCE
Stereotypes would have us believe that to be old is to be institutionalized.
However, while many seniors live in residential care, the vast majority live in
their own homes (see Exhibit 11. 8). Understandably, most seniors want to
keep living in their own home for as long as they can. To age in place, and in
the dwelling of their choice, requires a wide range of supports, services, and
housing options. Moreover, seniors need a continuum of care to help them
move to greater levels of assistance while remaining as active and independent
as possible. This section looks briefly at housing options and the varying levels
of assistance available to older Canadians.

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318 • CHAPTER 11

EXHIBIT 11.8
LIVING ARRANGEMENTS OF SENIORS, 2009

Population aged 65 and over1

4 945 000
(1 00.0%)

Living in private dwellings Living in collective dwellings

4 551 905 393 095
(92.1 %) (7.9%)

Living in special care facilities2 Living in other collectives

352 205 40 890
(7.1 %) (0.8%)

Living in nursing homes, Living in residences

chronic care or long-term care hospitals for senior citizens
1------1-------l
224 280 127 925
(4.5%) (2.6%)

Notes: 1 Includes all individuals living in private or collective dwellings in Canada. Persons outside Canada on
government, military, or diplomatic postings are not included.
2 Nursing homes, chronic care or long-term hospitals, and residences for senior citizens.

Source: Milan, M., Bohnert, N., LeVasseur, S., & Page, F. (2012). Living arrangements of seniors (p. 7).
Retrieved from Statistics Canada website: http://www 12.statcan.gc.calcensus-recensement/20 11/as-sa/
98-312-x/ 98-312-x2011003_4-eng.pdf.

INDEPENDENT AND SUPPORTIVE HOUSING

Good housing is central to everyone's quality of life, but as Montgomery

(1977, p. 253) states: "The quality of the housing environment becomes
increasingly significant in the lives of many aged families and individuals.
And the quality of this [environment] largely determines the extent to which
they will retain their independence." For those who want to live independently
in a private household, a variety of housing options are available; those options
include retirement villages (small communities of seniors living in single-
family or semi-detached homes, apartments, or townhouses) and granny flats
(a self-contained unit located on a relative's property or a self-contained suite
in a house).
Over the years, Canada has attempted to address the shelter needs of
low-income seniors through the provision of social housing, which offers
subsidized rental housing. One of the more recent initiatives of the federal
government began in 2009 as part of Canada's Economic Action Plan. That
plan dedicated $400 million to the construction of new housing units for

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 319

low-income seniors across Canada; the provincial and territorial governments

agreed to match the federal investment, as well as design and deliver the
housing units. Despite these types of housing initiatives, more than 22 percent of
Canadian seniors live in housing that is unaffordable, inadequate, or unsuitable
in some way (Will Dunning, 2009). Finding affordable housing is especially
difficult for seniors on fixed incomes living in large, expensive, urban centres,
like Toronto and Vancouver. A lack of affordable housing contributes to
homelessness among seniors; an estimated six thousand seniors are homeless
in Canada (Regional Geriatric Program of Toronto, 2012).
Supportive housing is available to help seniors balance indepen-
dence with specific support. Offering the least amount of support is congregate
housing. In this living arrangement, a group of unrelated people live in the
same house and pay a monthly fee. Each person has his or her own bedroom
and shares the common areas of the house. In some cases, a house coordinator
cooks meals and maintains the house. Assisted living facilities provide the
most support to seniors. These facilities usually offer a private living space and
meals, as well as other services, such as personal care, laundry, and house-
keeping. In Canada, either government or private-sector organizations may
provide supportive housing.
Many seniors are able to live in their own homes and thereby delay or
avoid institutionalization if their living space can be adapted to meet their
changing needs. Various government programs provide financial assistance to
seniors to repair or modify their houses to enable daily living activities; these
programs include the federally funded Residential Rehabilitation Assistance
Program and the Home Adaptations for Seniors' Independence Program.
Home adaptations may include installing a shower seat or grab bars in the
bathroom, or building wheelchair ramps or lifts (see Exhibit 11.9).
Increasingly, seniors with special needs are turning to gerontech-
nology to help them age in place safely and comfortably. Gerontechnology
combines knowledge from the fields of gerontology and technology to
create a variety of innovative tools; for example, sensors can be installed
around the house to automatically tum off appliances. A number of proj-
ects are underway to create robotic assistants for the elderly that, among
other things, can remind a senior when to take medications or guide a
senior from one room to another.

HOME AND COMMUNITY SUPPORT

Although help from friends and family can enable seniors to continue living
in their own homes, many unpaid caregivers are unable to provide long-term

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320 • CHAPTER 11

EXHIBIT 11.9

•
::c

Many seniors are able to live in their own homes and thereby delay or avoid
institutionalization if their living space can be adapted to meet their changing needs.

care for someone with complex needs. An alternative to informal caregiving

is home and community care (HCC), which allow seniors to receive the
care they need in their own homes. HCC programs can help seniors meet a
variety of personal care needs (such as bathing, grooming, and toileting) and,
in some cases, provide homemaking services (such as housecleaning and meal
preparation). About eight out of ten Canadians using HCC services are seniors
(Canadian Institute for Health Information, 2011).
In 2002, the Romanow Commission's study of the future of healthcare
in Canada found HCC to be far more cost-effective than the institutional
care of seniors. However, affordable and high-quality HCC services are
becoming increasingly difficult to access in Canada. One study found that
between 2001 and 2010, the number of seniors over the age of seventy-five
in British Columbia increased by 28 percent, while access to HCC decreased

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 321

by 14 percent (Cohen, 2012). One reason for the lack of accessibility to HCC
is the increasing demand on this type of care. To manage that demand, many
home support agencies are tightening their eligibility rules; unfortunately,
reduced access to programs tends to limit services to only the neediest of
seniors, leaving other seniors without adequate support.
A number of reports on Canada's healthcare system have stressed the
need for a national home and community care system. Experts argue that such
a system would standardize the quality of services that people receive and
establish a minimum level of care across Canada. Although federal governments
in the past have come close to introducing a national HCC system, the current
government is not pursuing such an initiative.

RESIDENTIAL CARE

Provincial and territorial health authorities designate residential care for

people who can no longer manage in their own homes because of one
or more physical or cognitive limitations. About 7 percent of Canadian
seniors mostly women live in residential care centres (McGregor &:
Ronald, 2011). 1 Each province and territory is responsible for its own pro-
vision of residential care; thus, the type, range, and quality of services vary
across jurisdictions. However, residential care for seniors often consists of a
shared or private living space, round-the-clock nursing services, assistance
with daily living activities, meal services, administration of medications,
rehabilitative services, and organized recreational or social activities. All
residential care facilities must be approved by a provincial or territorial health
or social service authority. Residential care for the elderly is largely govern-
ment subsidized and delivered by a mix of public, commercial, and voluntary
facilities (Statistics Canada, 2011 c). A growing number of residential care
centres specialize in serving Aboriginal, Chinese, Indo-Canadian, and other
cultural minority populations.
Few people would argue that Canada's residential care system needs an
overhaul. Some of the main criticisms levelled against this system include the
following:
• There are never enough beds to meet the growing demand, and, with
an aging population, the demand will only increase.
• The system lacks consistent standards and funding.

1 Depending on the jurisdiction, residential care centres may also be called residential care facilities,
long-term-care homes, nursing homes, continuing care centres, and similar terms.

NEL
322 • CHAPTER 11

• Residential care in Canada is two tiered that is, richer residents can
afford to purchase high -quality private care, leaving the government-
subsidized care, and a more limited package of goods and services,
for poorer residents Qansen &: Murphy, 2009).
To address the shortcomings in the system and to reduce the cost of
government-run care centres, many provinces are contracting out residential
care to for-profit organizations. While contracting out may prove to be cost
effective for governments, it does not guarantee a high quality of service.
In their study of residential care for seniors, McGregor and Ronald (20 ll, p. 2),
concluded, "While the causal link between for-profit ownership and inferior
quality of care does not imply that all for-profit facilities provide poor care,
the evidence suggests that, as a group, such facilities are less likely to provide
good care than nonprofit or public facilities."

Seniors' Housing and Supports for Independence

1. The demands for home and community care are growing. What might be
some of the trends driving this need?
2. One criticism against residential care is that it is two tiered. Do you think that
Canada should allow a two-tiered system in which rich seniors have access to
better care? Give reasons for your answer.

4 WORK AND PARTICIPATION

Many seniors continue to be active members of the workforce, while those
who have retired spend time volunteering or participating in political activism
and consultation. This section explores some of the ways in which seniors
contribute to the economic and political health of their communities.

SENIORS IN THE WORKFORCE

Most Canadian seniors are retired; however, a growing number are employed
or actively looking for employment. Older Canadians continue working past
the traditional retirement age of sixty-five for many reasons. For example, many
older people prefer work to retirement, enjoy working, and are physically and
mentally capable of working. In some cases, older Canadians may need to keep
working because they have inadequate retirement savings or are ineligible

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 323

for CPP or private pension benefits. Studies show that it is becoming more
common for retirees to return to work, largely because they want to remain
active (Park, 2011).
Even though many older Canadians plan to work into their senior years,
Canada is bracing for a labour shortage when the baby boomers retire. To offset
that shortage, Canadian governments and many businesses offer incentives to
either keep older Canadians working past the traditional retirement age of
sixty-five or encourage retired workers to re-enter the work force. In 2010,
the federal government assigned the National Seniors Council to examine the
labour force participation among seniors and those nearing retirement age.
The Council concluded that older workers need three main supports:
• employment programs to help them find work that is both meaningful
and matched to their skill sets
• retraining that is accessible and affordable, especially for those who
are not physically able to continue their current employment.
• age-friendly work environments that offer more flexible work arrange-
ments (such as part-time employment or compressed workweeks),
more accessible and adaptable workspaces, and the elimination of
discrimination and stereotypes of older workers (National Seniors
Council, 2011)

VOLUNTEERING

In addition to helping to improve the lives of others, volunteering can benefit

the volunteers themselves. Some older people find that volunteering eases
the transition from work to retirement by providing a sense of purpose, self-
worth, and identity, as well as opportunities to use their skills. A number of
studies have associated volunteering with good physical and mental health.
Almost four out of ten seniors volunteer their time for worthy causes; as a
group, seniors contribute 18 percent of the total number of volunteer hours
in Canada (Statistics Canada, 20 12h).
Shrinking government funding and the increasing demand for ser-
vices are leading some social agencies to recruit more volunteer service
providers. Those agencies see older people in general and baby boomers
in particular as prime candidates for providing many of the services once
delivered by professional helpers. Some organizations consider seniors'
volunteer efforts to be vital to the survival of their community and are
subsequently trying to engage this population, and meet their diverse
needs and interests (Special Senate Committee on Aging, 2007). Canadian

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324 • CHAPTER 11

governments provide some assistance to organizations in that endeavour.

For example, the federally funded New Horizons for Seniors Program
funds projects across Canada that promote volunteerism among older
people.

POLITICAL ACTIVISM AND CONSULTATION

For many senior citizens, active participation in society means taking polit-
ical action. One Canadian study found that 87 percent of older Canadians
believe that seniors are a significant political force in this country (CARP,
2011). As Turcotte and Schellenberg (2007, p. 178) note: "By taking part
in the political debate, seniors can bring to the attention of public offi-
cials issues important to their well-being and to their communities. By
exercising their right to vote, they may induce political parties to consider
their needs in the formulation of social programs." Voting is the most
common means that seniors use to assert their political will. Indeed, as
a group, seniors pack a considerable punch at the ballot box. In 2011,
82 percent of Canadians aged sixty-five to seventy-four voted in the fed-
eral election, compared with about 50 percent of adults aged eighteen to
thirty-four (Uppal & LaRochelle-Cote, 2012). Because seniors are more
likely than any other age group to vote, political parties tend to pay atten-
tion to seniors' issues and concerns. A national poll by Nanos Research
("NDP Seen as Most in Touch," 2012) found that 28 percent of seniors
chose the New Democratic Party of Canada as being most sensitive to
seniors' needs, compared with 17 percent who chose the Conservatives.
Regardless of the means they use to assert their influence, seniors rarely
hesitate to voice their dissatisfaction with government policy, especially
when it relates to pensions and health care. In 1985, the largest seniors'
protest in Canadian history took place in response to the federal govern-
ment's proposal to de-index pension payments. The collective action of
seniors forced the government to scrap the de-indexation plan. Since that
incident, the seniors' movement in Canada dubbed Grey Power has
been gaining momentum. A recent example occurred in 2012, when Prime
Minister Harper announced his plan to change the eligibility age of Old
Age Security (OAS) from sixty-five to sixty-seven. To express their anger,
seniors staged protest rallies, marches, and other forms of collective action
across Canada; in Ontario, seniors teamed up with labour activists and
others to occupy Conservative MP offices (see Exhibit 11.1 0). Although
they were unable to persuade the Harper government to cancel its changes

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 325

EXHIBIT 11.10

Poster used by the United Food and Commercial Workers union in 2012, when they
took social action against Prime Minister Harper's plan to raise the eligibility age for
OAS from sixty-five to sixty-seven.

to OAS, the protesters reminded government leaders that seniors are a

political force to be reckoned with.
Many seniors exercise their political clout from within organizations
that are established by seniors and run by seniors for seniors. The Manitoba
Society of Seniors and the Saskatchewan Seniors Mechanism are two examples
of voluntary groups that represent and advocate on behalf of seniors in their
respective provinces. Not only do these groups advise local and provincial
governments on matters that concern seniors, but they also work to enhance
the image of seniors and their quality of life.
Seniors have made it clear that they want to be consulted on matters that
affect them and future generations; in tum, Canadian governments recognize

NEL
326 • CHAPTER 11

the benefits of including seniors in public consultations and policymaking

processes. Governments draw from seniors' knowledge and experience
in various ways. For example, in 2003, the Liberal Task Force on Seniors
included seniors in their study of social and economic issues related to aging.
Two years later, the prime minister's appointment of a Seniors' Secretariat
was, among other things, an attempt to give Canadian seniors a stronger voice
in the issues, decisions, and policies that affect them. A number of provinces
(notably Ontario, Manitoba, and Prince Edward Island) have also appointed
seniors secretariats to help seniors advance their causes.

Work and Participation

1. It is becoming more common for people to work into their senior years.
Identify some of the benefits (and possible challenges) of having greater
numbers of older people in the workplace.
2. The likelihood of volunteering decreases with age, yet nonprofit organizations
need volunteers more than ever. What might organizations do to attract and
retain senior volunteers?
3. Increasingly, seniors are becoming more comfortable with asserting their
political will. Do you think that the baby boomers will be more or less
involved in political activism when they are seniors? Give reasons for
your answer.

5 GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK

In many ways, social work practice is the same with elderly clients as with
other populations, although this population has its own, unique issues
related to health care, poverty, mental health, and housing. It is therefore
necessary for gerontological social workers to understand the specific areas of
concern among their senior clients and demonstrate a sound knowledge of
the aging process. Moreover, since the majority of seniors are female, social
workers need to tailor many of their responses to the needs of older women
(Hick, 2004). Professionals with expertise in both social welfare and health
services can assist in specialized areas, such as elder abuse, substance abuse,
and mental health.
Gerontological social workers require a wide range of skills to help
their older clients. For example, social workers who serve older populations
should be well versed in how to plan, implement, and evaluate programs for
elderly people, work with the families of elderly clients, and participate in

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 SOCIAL W EL FARE A N D OLDER CA N ADI A N S • 327

multidisciplinary or inter-agency teams. Gerontological social workers may

use these and other skills in one or more of the following service areas:
• individual and family counselling assessing the needs and strengths of
elderly clients and their families, and linking clients with resources to
meet those needs
• adult day programs providing outreach, supportive services, group
work, and care-planning services in structured day program settings
• adult protective services assessing factors that may put elderly clients
at risk of abuse or neglect, and developing, implementing, and moni-
taring plans to ensure clients' safety and security
• respite services recruiting and training respite care workers and
identifying families in need of this service
• hospital or nursing home care assessing social needs, providing
counselling and support services, advocating on behalf of elderly
clients and their families, and participating in program, care, and
discharge planning (Zastrow, 2010)
The demand for gerontological social work and social services is growing
as the population ages and as people live longer with a serious health problem
or disability. Canada lacks trained gerontological social workers and other
professionals who can provide the specialized services that older adults need;
subsequently, many practitioners currently serving seniors do not have the
appropriate training or experience in working with elderly populations. There
is also a gap between what is known (through research) about aging and
geriatrics, and the application of that knowledge in practice (McDonald, 2010).
The National Initiative for the Care of the Elderly addressed many of these
issues in a project aimed at attracting students to the field of gerontology and
promoting the benefits of working with older people. A number of postsec-
ondary institutions offer gerontology programs in Canada, including the Social
Service Worker-Gerontology diploma program at Seneca College of Applied
Arts and Technology, Ontario.

I I<> N s
Gerontological Social Work
1. Aging is sometimes called a "woman's issue" because most people living
into advanced years are women . How might the needs of older women be
different from those of older men? How might gerontological social workers
best respond to the needs of elderly women?
2. What are some of the possible challenges and rewards of working in the field
of gerontological social work?

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328 • CHAPTER 11

SUMMARY

Introduction
Canada, like other Western industrialized countries, has an aging population.
While some social analysts focus on the potential problems of an aging
population, others emphasize the potential benefits. To prepare the nation
for an older population, Canadian governments have introduced policies
and programs that promote active aging.

1 Organized Approaches to Meeting Seniors' Needs

Canada's social knowledge on aging and late adulthood is expanding.
Research is helping to expose the impact of ageism and recognize the
diversity of seniors. Canada's policies on aging focus on health and well-
being over the life course, independent living, and opportunities for older
persons. While the responsibility for the well-being of older Canadians is
shared by the different levels of government, a National Framework on Aging
guides aging-related initiatives. Resources, opportunities, and organizations
for seniors exist at the local level, where voluntary agencies, governments, and
others work together to create age-friendly communities.

2 Ensuring the Well-Being of Seniors

Most seniors live with a chronic health problem and are at a high risk of
disability. Depression and dementia are the most common mental health
problems faced by seniors. The ability to connect with others is essential
to good physical and mental health. Thanks in part to Canada's retirement
income system, the economic situation of seniors has improved over the
years; however, many Canadian seniors continue to live in poverty. Elder
abuse is a serious social problem that is addressed through laws, adult
protection legislation, and policies and programs that expand opportunities
for older people.

3 Seniors' Housing and Supports for Independence

Seniors who want to live independently have various options, including
supportive living arrangements and home-modification programs. Along
with a growing senior population are greater demands for home and
community care. Residential care is available for people with a physical or
cognitive limitation. Although the provinces contract out residential care to
private business, this approach does not guarantee quality service.

4 Work and Participation

For a variety of reasons, a growing number of seniors keep working after
the traditional retirement age of sixty-five. Governments and businesses
offer incentives to offset a labour shortage caused by baby boomers
retiring. Many seniors volunteer for organizations, which are now targeting

NEL
 SO CIAL WELFARE AND OLDER CANADIANS • 329

baby-boomer retirees as potential service providers. Seniors are politically

active in various ways: some seniors belong to organizations that advocate
on behalf of seniors; others engage in public policy consultations and
policymaking processes.

5 Gerontological Social Work

Gerontological social work requires advanced assessment and intervention
skills, as well as specialized knowledge of seniors' issues. Social workers
must also be able to plan, implement, and evaluate programs for seniors,
work with families, and participate in multidisciplinary teams. Seniors may
be supported through a variety of services, including adult day programs.
The demand for gerontological social work is growing as the population
ages and as healthcare resources shrink. Some initiatives encourage students
to enter the field of gerontology; training in this field is possible through a
number of gerontological programs across Canada.

For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
population aging, age-friendly community, social housing, p . 318
p . 299 p.308 supportive housing,
baby boom generation, psychosocial approach, p . 319
p . 299 p. 311 congregate housing,
population dependency social isolation, p. 313 p . 319
ratio, p. 300 social connectedness, assisted living facilities,
active aging, p . 300 p.313 p . 319
gerontology, p. 301 retirement income gerontechnology, p . 319
ageism, p. 302 system, p . 313 home and community
aging in place, p. 305 elder abuse, p. 316 care, p . 320

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 •
OCia are o
• • •
or1 1na ana 1ans

OBJECTIVES
The Aboriginal peoples of Canada are finding their identity and forging
new ground in social, economic, and political arenas. This chapter will
• introduce concepts and issues related to Aboriginal peoples

• explore the historical roots of Canada's "Indian policy"

• describe attempts to "bridge the divide" between government and

Indigenous peoples

• examine Aboriginal approaches to helping, healing, and wellness

• identify issues and achievements of selected Aboriginal groups

• review topics and programs related to Aboriginal children and youth

• summarize the role of social work in the lives of Aboriginal peoples

INTRODUCTION
• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••

We owe the Aboriginal peoples a debt that is four

centuries old. It is their tum to become full partners in
developing an even greater Canada. And the reconcili-
ation required may be less a matter of legal texts than
of attitudes of the heart. (Romeo LeBlanc, Governor-
General of Canada, 1996)
• • •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• •

330 NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS • 331

Long before the arrival of European settlers, Aboriginal peoples lived across
North America in several separate nations, each with its own culture, language,
and system of government. Today, Canada's Aboriginal population consists of
three distinct groups:
• First Nations people include Status and non-Status Indians. 1

• Metis are people of mixed First Nations and European ancestry, and
identify themselves as distinct from Inuit and First Nations people.
• Inuit inhabit the northern regions of Canada, principally Nunavut,
the Northwest Territories, and the northern parts of Labrador and
Quebec.
According to the 2011 census, 4 percent of Canadians identify themselves
as an Aboriginal person. The majority of Aboriginal peoples are First Nations
(850 000), followed by Metis (450 000), and Inuit (60 000). In terms of
demographics, Aboriginals are the youngest and fastest-growing population
in Canada; more than 46 percent are under the age of twenty-five. In com-
parison, non-Aboriginal youth account for 29 percent of the non-Aboriginal
population (Turner, Crompton, & Langlois, 2013).
In recent decades, Aboriginal peoples have seen progress in their overall
health, economic development, and educational attainment. Although govern-
ment interventions have contributed to these advances, many people attribute
the progress made by Aboriginal peoples to their own strength, courage, and
determination. These qualities have created what Esquimaux and Smolewski
(2004, p. 1) refer to as a "renaissance of traditional Aboriginal values and
mores," as Aboriginal peoples reclaim their traditional languages and practices
and find effective ways to work on long-standing issues.
Despite their achievements, Aboriginal peoples are more disadvantaged
than non-Aboriginal Canadians in terms of social, health, and economic
well-being. These disadvantages reflected in the following statistics create
barriers to the full inclusion of Aboriginal peoples in Canadian society:
• Half of status First Nations children live in poverty.
• Aboriginal peoples are three times as likely as non-Aboriginal
Canadians to live in substandard housing.

1 There are three categories of "Indian": (l) a Status Indian is entitled to have his or her name included on
the Indian Register, is recognized as an Indian under the Indian Act, and is entitled to certain rights and
benefits under Canadian law; (2) a non-Status Indian is neither recognized as an Indian under the Indian
Act nor registered and is therefore not entitled to the same rights and benefits enjoyed by Status Indians;
and (3) a Treaty Indian belongs to a First Nation that has signed a treaty with the Crown. The definition
of "Indian" continues to evolve. In 1939, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that the term Indian in the
Constitution Act includes Inuit. In 2012, the Federal Court of Canada expanded the definition of Indian
to include Metis and non-Status Indians.

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332 • CHAPTER 12

• More than half of First Nations people are unemployed.

• One in eight Aboriginal children has a disability (twice the national rate).
• First Nations youth are half as likely as other Canadian youth to graduate
from high school.
• When compared with non-Aboriginal women, Aboriginal women die
younger and are more than twice as likely to be unemployed single
parents (Macdonald & Wilson, 2013; O'Donnell & Wallace, 2011;
Public Service Alliance of Canada, 2008).
According to the Community Well-Being (CWB) Index, the living
conditions of First Nations and Inuit communities improved from 1981 to
1996; however, since then, the level of education, income, housing, and employ-
ment in those communities has slipped well below that of other Canadian
communities. By 2006, only one First Nations community rated in the top
100 Canadian communities, while 96 placed in the 100 worst (Indian and
Northern Affairs Canada [INAC], 2010). The graph in Exhibit 12.1 illustrates

COMMUNITY WELL-BEING INDEX

D First Nations Inuit communities D Other Canadian communities I

90 ~----------------------------------------------~

80+-----------------------------------------------~

70+-------------~--~----~~------~

Cl) 60 +------1
-::::::1
~ 50
X
+--------1
Cl)
'"'0
c
en
40 -+---l

s0
30 -+---l

1981 1991 1996 2001 2006

Year

Note: The CWB Index assigns a numerical value to the community's level of education, employment,
income, and housing: the higher the value, the higher the level of well-being.
Source: Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. (2010). First Nation and Inuit community well-being, p. 11.
Retrieved from Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada website: http://www.aadnc-aandc.
gc.ca!DAM/DAM-INTER-HQ/STAGING/texte-textlcwbdck_ llOO 10001660 1_eng.pdf.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS • 333

the rate of progress in First Nations and Inuit communities compared with the
rest of Canada.
This chapter provides an overview of some of the historical events,
successes, and challenges that have influenced the progress of Aboriginal
peoples in their journey toward justice and social and economic well-being.

1 HISTORICAL ROOTS OF CANADA'S

''INDIAN POLICY''
In 1763, King George III of England signed a Royal Proclamation to protect
Aboriginal groups from exploitation by the European settlers and colonial
officials in Canada. The proclamation recognized Aboriginal peoples as
autonomous and self-governing groups within the colonial system, and deserving
of their own lands separate from the colonial settlements (Rice &: Snyder,
2008). Before long, however, the colonial government had plans to assimilate
Aboriginal peoples into the dominant Caucasian society and to strip them
of their rights and lands. This section reviews that assimilation process and
related historical events that have shaped Canada's Aboriginal policies.

AN EARLY ASSIMILATION PLAN

In 1844, the British government transferred the management of Aboriginal

affairs to the Province of Canada, which assigned Caucasian Indian Department
superintendents to supervise the "Indians" (now called First Nations) living on
land reserves. At that time, the colonial governments no longer saw Aboriginal
groups as autonomous nations but as British subjects who, when compared
with Caucasians, were inferior, uncivilized, and incompetent. The colonial
governments decided that becoming members of the dominant British society
would be the Aboriginal peoples' best chance at survival. Thus, government
officials prepared the Indians for assimilation a process that would "remake
the Indian people in the image of European manners and values, to move
them into the mainstream of Canadian life" (Federation of Saskatchewan
Indian Nations, 1975, p. 6).
The assimilation process required Indians to learn English and convert to
Christianity tasks facilitated by the schools and churches established on the
reserves. To become "civilized" and "normalized," the colonial governments
taught the Indians farming techniques and other European occupations, as
well as Euro-Canadian values and customs. Colonial officials aided assimilation

NEL
334 • CHAPTER 12

by systematically weakening band 2 leadership, destroying trading patterns,

and banning religious ceremonies and other traditional practices. Once the
Indians acquired European habits of self-reliance, the colonial governments
planned to wipe out the Aboriginal way of life, dismantle the reserves, and
strip the people of their Indian status. Government officials expected that,
before long, the Aboriginal peoples would abandon their traditional ways, join
the dominant society, and pass along their new values and customs to their
children (Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations, 1978).

ENFRANCHISEMENT
The passage of the Gradual Civilization Act in 1857 marked Canada's formal
commitment to the process of assimilation. This statute introduced the concept
of enfranchisement a legal process whereby the Indians would surrender
their special Indian status and lands in exchange for full citizenship in the
British colony. Citizenship came with the right to vote, an honour that govern-
ment officials believed would appeal to Aboriginal peoples.
The passage of the British North America Act in 1867 transferred the
responsibility for Aboriginal peoples from Britain to the Dominion of Canada.
Two levels of government shared that responsibility: the federal government
oversaw Status Indians and reserves, while the provinces took responsibility
for all non-Status Indians. One challenge facing the new Dominion government
was the fact that few Aboriginal people were voluntarily choosing enfranchise-
ment. Determined to assimilate the Indians into the Christian and Eurocentric
society, the Government of Canada passed a compulsory enfranchisement law
in 1869. Under this new act, Status Indian women who married non-Status
men would lose their status; the act also denied Indian Status to any child
born into the marriage (Makarenko, 2008).
The passage of the first Indian Act in 1876 reinforced the government's
goal of assimilation. Through the Indian Act, the Government of Canada
planned to free the so-called "red man" from a life of dependence, educate
him, and "prepare him for a higher civilization by encouraging him to assume
the privileges and responsibilities of full citizenship" (Royal Commission on
Aboriginal Peoples, 1996, p. 3). Under the Indian Act, Status Indians became
legal wards of the Crown. The Act also allowed the federal government to
regulate the activities of Aboriginal peoples living on-reserve and fully control
the education of their children.

2 Today, many bands prefer to be called First Nations.

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 TH E SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIA N S • 335

THE ROLE OF RESIDENTIAL SCHOOLS

Although Aboriginal children had been attending Christian residential schools

since the 1600s, the Government of Canada needed a more comprehensive
approach to assimilate children fully into the Euro-Canadian culture. In 1879,
Prime Minister john A. Macdonald introduced a federal system of residen-
tial schools for Aboriginal children. Modelled after reformatories and jails
for poor, urban children, these industrial schools were located on reserves
(See Exhibit 12.2), or in remote regions of the country. Government offi-
cials removed Aboriginal children from the "uncivilizing influences" of their
families and communities, and placed them in the boarding schools, which
were run by Roman Catholic, United, Anglican, and Presbyterian churches
(Chansonneuve, 2005).
One Aboriginal group describes the "civilizing" strategies used at the
schools: "Students were discouraged from speaking their first language or
practising native traditions. If they were caught, they would experience severe
punishment .... All correspondence from the children was written in English,
which many parents couldn't read. Brothers and sisters at the same school
rarely saw each other, as all activities were segregated by gender" ("Residential
Schools," 2010). The Euro-Canadian teachers taught the Aboriginal children
to be ashamed of their heritage and to reject everything "Indian," including
their families and spiritual beliefs.
Attendance at residential schools was mandatory, with government agents
enforcing the rule. At the peak of the residential school system in 1931, close
to eighty residential schools operated across Canada. Between 1883 and 1996
when the last school closed, almost 150 000 First Nations, Metis, and Inuit
children had attended the schools ("Residential Schools," 2010).

I I<> N s
Historical Roots of Canada's "Indian Policy"
1. Identify the ways in which Canada's colonial government demonstrated
racism in its treatment of Aboriginal peoples. Do you recognize racist
practices by current governments toward Aboriginal peoples? Share your
observations.
2. Describe how the concepts and practices of assimilation and enfranchisement
are related.
3. Colonial governments maintained that Aboriginal peoples could only survive
if they joined the mainstream society. Do you think that those governments
had Aboriginal people's best interests at heart? What other reasons might
colonial governments have had for pressuring Aboriginal peoples to abandon
their cultures and integrate into the dominant society?

NEL
336 • CHAPTER 12

;
'•

'
IUJI

Children in class at the residential school on Stoney Reserve, Morley, Alberta

(circa 1949-1950).

2 BRIDGING THE DIVIDE BETWEEN

GOVERNMENT AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES
By the Second World War, the federal government controlled most aspects of life
on-reserve. However, isolationist policies such as the residential schools and
the system of reserves had worked at cross-purposes to the goal of assimilation.
The Indian Act had also served to disempower Indians and keep them in a state
of dependency The Aboriginal peoples nevertheless defended their original
status as a distinct nation with a legal right to land, culture, and self-government.

A SHIFTING BALANCE OF POWER

As poverty, addiction, violence, and social disorganization worsened among

Indigenous peoples, Aboriginal leaders emerged to demand change and to
NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS • 33 7

advocate for their people's rights. In particular, Aboriginal peoples wanted

the federal government to end its enfranchisement policies, relax its grip on
Aboriginal affairs, and honour its own treaties. In 1951, amendments to
the Indian Act lifted the ban on potlatches, powwows, and other traditional
ceremonies. However, the clauses in the Act relating to enfranchisement and
Indian status remained intact.
In 1969, the Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy
(also known as the White Paper) formally recognized that having separate
status had only hindered First Nations people and prevented them from fully
participating in Canadian society. To correct injustices made in the past,
the federal government proposed to abolish the Indian Act, relinquish its
responsibility for Status Indians, and give First Nation communities more
control over their lands. In exchange, Status Indians would give up their
special status and achieve equal footing with non-Aboriginal Canadians
(INAC, 1990). Although First Nations peoples generally viewed the Indian
Act as being discriminatory, colonial, and out-dated, they also recognized the
value of the Act in affirming the legal rights of First Nations and holding the
Government of Canada to honour those rights (Hanson, 2009). Thus, most
First Nations rejected the proposal as another attempt by the federal govern-
ment to assimilate them into the dominant society and strip them of their
rights under the Indian Act. That rejection left the federal government little
choice but to abandon its scheme.
The 1969 White Paper created dialogue and protest among all Aboriginal
peoples across Canada and sparked a nationwide Aboriginal rights movement.
Canada's Aboriginal peoples began to organize themselves formally in an
effort to protect their common interests and rights, promote their cause, and
reclaim their rights. Many Aboriginal groups formed during that time (and
since); however, five specific groups became collectively known as Canada's
National Aboriginal Organizations (NAOs). Those five groups are known
today as
• the Assembly of First Nations (representing First Nations)
• the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples (representing Aboriginal people
across Canada who are Status or non-Status living off-reserve, Metis,
and Inuit)
• the Metis National Council (representing the Metis Nation)
• the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (representing the four Inuit regions of
Nunatsiavut in Labrador, Nunavik in northern Quebec, Nunavut, and
the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the Northwest Territories)
• the Native Women's Association of Canada (representing Aboriginal
women, particularly First Nations and Metis women)
NEL
338 • CHAPTER 12

These groups have been instrumental in raising awareness of Aboriginal

issues, working with government on policies that affect Aboriginal peoples,
and developing culturally appropriate programs and services across Canada.
In short, the achievements of Aboriginal organizations on behalf of First
Nations, Metis, and Inuit peoples have been nothing short of remarkable
(Abele, 2004).

CONSTITUTIONAL RECOGNITION

A major step forward involved the entrenchment of Aboriginal rights in the

Constitution Act of 1982. The legal recognition of Aboriginal rights has helped
to advance Aboriginal causes and bring Aboriginal rights to the forefront
of Canadian political agendas. With the Constitution backing their rights,
Aboriginal peoples have also pushed for further reforms in Aboriginal policy
and programs.
The Constitution Act along with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms-
led to a number of reforms in Aboriginal-government relations. For example,
the Constitution Act reduced the federal government's power to arbitrarily
cancel Aboriginal land claims and treaties. The Constitution Act also prompted
amendments to the Indian Act to guarantee the equal treatment of Aboriginal
men and women, to restore Status and band membership rights to First
Nations, and to abolish enfranchisement policies.

THE 1990s

During the 1990s, governments mainly focused on eliminating budget deficits;

however, they could hardly ignore the growing influence of Aboriginal peoples
in Canada. The United Nations bolstered that influence by proclaiming 1993
as the International Year of the World's Indigenous People and the period
1995 to 2004 as the International Decade of the World's Indigenous People. 3
This international recognition highlighted the challenges faced by Aboriginal
peoples and drew attention to the value of traditional cultures and the role of
Indigenous people in society. The international spotlight also pressured govern-
ments around the world to address the deplorable conditions in which many
Aboriginal people lived and to forge new mutual relationships to improve
those conditions.

3 A Second International Decade of the Worlds Indigenous People began in 2005.

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS • 339

Aboriginal peoples achieved several milestones during the 1990s,

advancing them in their political and social aspirations. One milestone
occurred in 1991, when the Government of Canada appointed a Royal
Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) to review Aboriginal-government
relations and the role of Indian, Inuit, and Metis people in society. In 1996,
the Commission released its final report, making 440 recommendations for
resolving a broad range of Aboriginal issues.
In 1995, the Government of Canada released its Inherent Rights Policy,
which recognizes Aboriginal peoples' right to self-government. In general,
self-government agreements give First Nation, Inuit, and Metis communities
and groups a greater responsibility for and control over the design, adminis-
tration, and delivery of their programs and services (for example, policing,
healthcare, and child and family services). Individuals from self-governed
populations remain citizens of Canada, have the same rights and legal respon-
sibilities as other Canadians, and work within the existing political and
parliamentary structures. 4

During the 1990s, the Government of Canada made a commitment to

work with Aboriginal peoples, other levels of government, and the private
sector to improve the living conditions of Aboriginal peoples in Canada. To
formalize this commitment, the government launched Gathering Strength:
Canada's Aboriginal Action Plan in 1998. To begin the reform process, the
Government of Canada issued a Statement of Reconciliation, a formal apology
that acknowledged government's unjust treatment of Aboriginal peoples in
the past.

THE KELOWNA ACCORD

By the turn of the twenty-first century, Aboriginal peoples had regained control
over many of their own affairs, including the design and delivery of various
programs:
• A full range of social and health programs had become available to all
Aboriginal groups (First Nations, Metis, and Inuit peoples), not just
to those with Indian status.

4 Aboriginal peoples who do not have a land-base-such as Metis and Status Indians living off-reserve-
may enter self-government agreements with the federal government. Those agreements may include the
option to control and influence certain programs and services, and to develop organizations to deliver cul-
turally appropriate services. Not all Aboriginal peoples have sought self-government; however, by 2010,
Canada had completed eighteen self-government agreements involving thirty-two First Nations, Inuit, and
Metis communities and groups (Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada [MNDC], 2012a).

NEL
340 • CHAPTER 12

• Most First Nation councils and self-governments had taken

administrative control over on-reserve health, education, and social
welfare programs.
• Aboriginal organizations had begun to manage most social services,
education, and other programs for Aboriginal people living off-reserve.
• NAOs were advising governments on policies related to Aboriginal
child welfare, health, mental health, and women's issues (Abele, 2004).
Despite these achievements, the Indian Act and other complex govern-
ment policies continued to limit the provision of Aboriginal programs and had
little impact on the overall socioeconomic conditions of Aboriginal peoples.
In its 2004 Speech from the Throne, the Government of Canada (2004c) rec-
ognized that "Aboriginal Canadians have not fully shared in our nation's good
fortune. While some progress has been made, the conditions in far too many
Aboriginal communities can only be described as shameful." To rectify this
situation, Prime Minister Paul Martin initiated a process to raise the standard
of living for Aboriginal peoples to that of non-Aboriginal Canadians within
ten years. That process culminated in the Kelowna Accord, a comprehensive
agreement between Aboriginal, provincial, territorial, and federal leaders. The
agreement promised to guide a new Aboriginal-government relationship and lead
to the development of a full range of economic, health, education, and housing
initiatives. The Government of Canada pledged more than $5 billion over five
years to support the initiatives, which Aboriginal groups would implement
on reserves and in urban centres. However, in the 2006 federal election, the
Liberal government fell and the Conservatives formed a minority government.
Although the Conservatives promised to meet the targets of the Kelowna deal,
they allocated just over $1 billion over four years, an amount far below that
proposed by the former Liberal government and, according to many analysts,
grossly inadequate to reach the Accord's goals.

FEDERAL-ABORIGINAL RELATIONS UNDER THE

CONSERVATIVES

Although Aboriginal peoples participate in policy development and decision-

making activities, the federal government controls most of the funding and
administration of Aboriginal programs. Some observers interpret this control as
a continuation of colonial attitudes, which disempower and exploit Aboriginal
peoples (Rice & Snyder, 2008). Federal control has continued and some say,
intensified since the Conservatives took office in 2006. Since then, Aboriginal
Canadians have criticized the federal government for failing to consult with

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS • 341

Aboriginal leaders on matters that concern them and for making a series of
unilateral changes to the Indian Act, the treaty negotiation process, and laws
protecting Aboriginal land and resources. In 2012, these grievances came to a
head with the passage of Bill C-45 in the House of Commons and the launch
of the Idle No More social movement (see Exhibit 12.3). Both Aboriginal and
non-Aboriginal groups across Canada support this ongoing grassroots movement.
Idle No More activities such as rallies, blockades, and flash mobs aim to
empower Indigenous peoples and to educate Canadians on treaty rights and
other pressing issues affecting Aboriginal peoples.
In 2009, Canada's Economic Action Plan allocated $400 million to
build or repair housing in First Nations communities. While that investment
improved housing conditions in some communities, it made little difference
for the Cree community of Attawapiskat in northern Ontario. In late 2011,
the media showed images of residents of Attawapiskat living in overcrowded
conditions and in makeshift shacks or tents, many of which lacked electricity,
plumbing, and heat. In his court ruling on the federal government's handling of
Attawapiskat's crisis, justice Michael Phelan (2012, p. 4) referred to housing

EXHIBIT 12.3

1-<
<U
,..0
~
...r::
..........
"'d
<U
.......
p:::

.;' s:::
~
0........
(./)
p:::
[..L.1
~

r ~
[..L.1
p:::

- @

The social movement Idle No More began in 2012 in protest of Bill C-45 (new
federal legislation that Aboriginal peoples claim violates their rights and control over
traditional lands). The movement quickly gained support among Canadians and
Indigenous people around the world.

NEL
342 • CHAPTER 12

conditions in that community "as an embarrassment to a country as rich,

strong and generous as Canada."
The federal budget of 2012 drove another wedge between the Government
of Canada and Aboriginal peoples. Determined to reduce the federal deficit,
the federal government cut funding to several Aboriginal organizations
and slashed the departmental budget of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern
Development Canada (the primary federal department serving Aboriginal
peoples). Although the 2012 federal budget did increase funding to Aboriginal
mental health, family violence, employment, education, and other programs,
it is questionable whether those funds were enough to meet the growing needs
of Aboriginal populations.

Bridging the Divide between Government and Indigenous Peoples

1. Most people would agree that the Indian Act has hindered progress among
First Nations; however, First Nations peoples are reluctant to lose the legal
protection the Act provides. Do you believe that this act should remain or be
amended or repealed? Give reasons for your answer.
2. What are some of the social and political events that have supported an
Aboriginal human rights movement? What current conditions are likely to
support the Idle No More social movement?
3. Although First Nations receive millions of dollars from the federal govern-
ment each year, many continue to struggle socially and economically. What
resources-other than money-do you believe First Nations people need to
improve their quality of life? Where would those resources come from?

3 HEALING AND WELLNESS IN ABORIGINAL

COMMUNITIES
McKenzie and Morrissette (2003) observe that "colonization is the source
of historical trauma and unresolved grief among many Aboriginal people: it
resulted in personal and collective losses including family connections, and a
way of life." In their efforts to cope with the impact of loss, many Aboriginal
peoples have turned to social welfare programs and services. But mainstream
Euro-Canadian programs are not always sensitive to Aboriginal values, culture,
or needs. Over the past two decades, a number of Aboriginal healing programs
have emerged across Canada that are developed, delivered, and managed by
Aboriginal groups. This section examines some of the affects of colonization
on the well-being of Aboriginal peoples and the traditional healing strategies
used to achieve health and wellness.

NEL
 TH E SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIA N S • 343

COLONIZATION AND THE RESIDENTIAL

SCHOOL SYSTEM

The Indian Act, enfranchisement laws, residential schools, and other policies
intended not only to "civilize" Aboriginal peoples but also to colonize them.
Emma LaRocque (1994, p. 73), a Metis professor at the University of Manitoba,
defines colonization as a "process of encroachment and subsequent subjuga-
tion of Aboriginal peoples since the arrival of Europeans. From the Aboriginal
perspective, it refers to loss of lands, resources, and self-direction and to the
severe disturbance of cultural ways and values." Colonization reflects a sense
of racial superiority, whereby a dominant group (in this case, Euro-Canadians)
portrays an allegedly "weaker" group as having "something wrong with them"
(Foucault, 1965, p. 7). Myths about the incompetence and racial inferiority
of Indigenous peoples have persisted through the years; today, those myths
continue to reinforce negative and potentially harmful stereotypes (Rice &
Snyder, 2008).
One of the key mechanisms used to colonize Aboriginal peoples was the
residential school system, which taught students to reject their traditional ways
and to feel ashamed of their Aboriginal heritage. Some school officials also phys-
ically and sexually abused students, many of whom are still dealing with the
traumatic effects of that mistreatment. An estimated eighty thousand Aboriginal
people alive today attended a residential school (Health Canada, 20 12).
Psychiatrist Charles R. Brasfield (200 1) suggests that although the effects
of residential schools may resemble post-traumatic stress disorder, they also
have a distinct cultural component. For this reason, the term residential
school syndrome has been coined to describe the cluster of symptoms specific to
the problems created by Indian residential schools. These symptoms include
distressing memories or dreams of life at the school; sleeping disorders; anger
management problems; and avoidance of people, places, and events that trigger
memories of the school. A number of former students also encounter difficul-
ties expressing love to or communicating with their children, resulting in an
intergenerational impact from the school system (Truth and Reconciliation
Commission of Canada, 2012).
A generally accepted view is that many current social and economic
problems facing Aboriginal peoples are the symptoms of unresolved grief and
historical trauma caused by long-term colonization processes (Chansonneuve,
2005). The legacy of residential schools, in particular, lives on in the form
of mental health disorders, suicide, addictions, family violence, and chronic
unemployment. These symptoms are interconnected, since they tend to share
common causes and consequences. Moreover, the impact of these symptoms
typically goes well beyond the individual. Addiction, for instance, can take

NEL
344 • CHAPTER 12

a heavy toll on an individual's health, as well as on his or her family's well-

being; addiction can also lead to such problems as accidents, violence, and
criminal activity, and therefore puts the safety and resources of whole
communities at risk (Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science
and Technology, 2006b).

TRADITIONAL VERSUS MAINSTREAM APPROACHES

TO HELPING

For many Aboriginal people, social welfare and other mainstream programs
have failed to help them deal effectively with grief and trauma. Some the-
orists see mainstream interventions as being generally incompatible with
Aboriginal cultural values and beliefs and insensitive to the realities and needs
of Aboriginal peoples (Kirmayer, Brass,&: Tait, 2000). In one study, Aboriginal
people reported that they avoided using mainstream services because they
perceived those services to be racist, culturally irrelevant, and fragmented; some
respondents also noted a fear of not being understood, or even re-victimized, by
the system (Chartrand&: McKay, 2006).
Many mainstream approaches to helping are based on the medical
model and tend to view human disorders as discrete entities that can be fixed
or treated through medication, psychotherapy, or other conventional inter-
ventions. These approaches typically focus more on the individual client than
the client's environment or the interaction between the two. Mainstream services
tend to focus on a specific problem (such as addiction or family violence)
while ignoring other complaints. Moreover, these services often function
independently in isolated "service silos," making it necessary for people with
multiple problems and needs to seek help from multiple service providers.
Over the years, a number of traditional Aboriginal approaches to helping
and healing have emerged in Canada. Traditional approaches are likely
to view a person's "problems in living" as an imbalance in need of adjust-
ment or healing. A holistic view is central to most traditional approaches.
This view recognizes the interconnectedness between the individual, the family,
nature, and the community, and the relationship between the physical, psycho-
logical, social, and spiritual aspects of the individual. A holistic perspective
also highlights the overlapping causes and effects of a wide range of human
problems, such as addictions, poverty, and family violence. Thus, traditional
approaches to healing are likely to address several problems simultaneously
and go beyond the restoration of balance in an individual's life to include the
recovery of whole communities (Hylton, 2002).

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIA NS • 345

Recent literature on Aboriginal issues focuses on how First Nations

communities are approaching the process of healing and, in tum, breaking
free from their oppressive past. Exhibit 12.4 illustrates how some First Nations
peoples might view the past before European contact, how they experience
the consequences of contact, and how they look to the present and future as
an opportunity for learning and healing.
Although Aboriginal people usually access traditional approaches outside
the mainstream social welfare system, they also have the option of using

EXHIBIT 12.4
CYCLE OF HEALING

Culture
Healing
Teach ing
Traditional fo rms
Spirituality
of government
Sports
Dance
Fun
Medicine
Family
Communication

long house

canoe ~
pulling
t:: ~
A
ii A A sweat W
FAS/FAE 1111 Healing
a f1 Learning

A Change

Healing through
Pre-contact Contact education

Source: Assembly of First Nations. (2003). Investing in the future: First Nations education in Canada,
p. 58 (An illustration of healing that many First Nation communities face). Retrieved from http://
www.afn.ca/uploads/files/education/l3._2003_afn_investing_in_the_future_fn_education_in_
canada_-_report.pdf.

NEL
346 • CHAPTER 12

mainstream services. Thus, Aboriginal peoples can choose between a broad

range of mainstream modalities (such as psychotherapy) and traditional practices
(such as the Medicine Wheel) or use both as needed.

HEALING STRATEGIES AND INITIATIVES

During the 1980s, government-funded healing initiatives focused on the

pervasive problems of alcoholism and drug abuse in First Nations communi-
ties. However, people soon recognized that other social problems such as
those relating to residential schools, family relationships, and mental health-
were serious and widespread in First Nations communities, and soon became
priorities for healing initiatives.
To help Aboriginal peoples deal with the adverse effects of the residential
school system, the federal government introduced the Aboriginal Healing
Strategy in 1997. Part of this strategy involved the establishment of the
Aboriginal Healing Foundation (AHF), a nonprofit, non-governmental corpo-
ration funded by the federal government and run by an Aboriginal board of
directors. Since it began operating in 1998, the AHF has funded community-
based traditional healing projects that address the historic trauma of abuse
suffered in residential schools (Aboriginal Healing Foundation [AHF], 2012).
Native groups and organizations develop, deliver, and manage all AHF
healing projects. These projects which include healing circles and leadership
training for healers are based on traditional Aboriginal values, principles, and
practices, and take place in culturally relevant settings. Although individuals are
active in their own healing, well-respected Elders, skilled healers, and others
guide the healing process. To reduce self-blame and denial, the healing process
places an individual's personal problems within a social and historical context.
Healing also employs cultural interventions, such as traditional ceremonies, to
promote collective healing and a sense of belonging (AHF, 2008). A review in
2009 found that the AHF projects had resulted in healing at the individual level
and that healing at the family and community levels had begun (INAC, 2009).
Many traditional healing programs exist across Canada. One of the
more established programs is in the Ojibway community of Hollow Water,
Manitoba. There, the Community Holistic Circle Healing (CHCH) program
uses a thirteen-step process to address sexual abuse and related issues, such as
addiction. The steps focus on educating people about the seriousness of abuse,
changing people's attitudes toward abuse, preventing further incidents of abuse
in the community, and helping people to heal. A variety of people can take part
in the process, including the survivor of the offence, the offender, family mem-
bers, and provincial justice system workers. A program evaluation conducted

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS • 347

by the Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness Canada (2003, p. 2) found

that CHCH had reduced the community's reliance on mainstream resources
and could prove to "be a cost-effective alternative to the [mainstream] criminal
justice process."
Systems and strategies continue to be developed in response to Aboriginal
concerns. Exhibit 12.5 depicts a generic model with nine interrelated
interventions that Aboriginal communities might use to prevent and reduce
incidents of domestic violence in Aboriginal communities.

A COMMUNITY RESPONSE TO ABORIGINAL DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

Early detection
and
intervention Prevention-
Extended
oriented
family
education and
healing and
public relations
recreation
program

Confrontation
and Healing and
containment treatment
of abusers Community
Response
System

Monitoring and
Safe houses
supervision of
and
households
emergency
with abuse
shelters
patterns
Integration of
Protection of
family violence
victims and
initiatives into
others
healing and
who have been
development
affected
efforts

Source: Adapted from M. Bopp,]. Bopp, and P. Lane. (2003). Aboriginal domestic violence in Canada (fig. 3, p. 87).
Retrieved from Aboriginal Healing Foundation website, http://www.ahf.ca/downloads/domestic-violence.pdf.

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348 • CHAPTER 12

INDIAN RESIDENTIAL SCHOOLS SETTLEMENT

AGREEMENT

While healing programs address the therapeutic needs of residential

school survivors, compensation fulfills a legal responsibility. In 2006, the
Government of Canada agreed to compensate Aboriginal peoples for their
loss of culture and language at residential schools; in 2007, the Indian
Residential Schools Settlement Agreement (IRSSA) came into effect. In
anticipation of the IRSSA, Chief Phil Fontaine (2005) of the Assembly of
First Nations stated: "While no amount of money will ever heal the emotional
scars, this settlement package will contribute to the journey on the path to
healing not only for all residential school survivors, but for their children
and grandchildren."
The IRSSA included a lump sum, one-time Common Experience
Payment to all former residential school students a gesture to formally
recognize the experience of living at a residential school and its impacts.
By 2012, almost all former students still living had received their Common
Experience Payment, consisting of $10 000 for the first year at residen-
tial school plus $3000 for each subsequent school year. The IRSSA also
provided a system through which former students could seek further
compensation for the abuse they suffered. Additional funds were made
available under the IRSSA to commemorate the legacy of the schools, sup-
port projects under the Aboriginal Healing Foundation, and create a Truth
and Reconciliation Commission to educate the public on the impact of
residential schools.
In addition to the IRSSA, Prime Minister Harper made a statement of
apology to former students of Indian Residential Schools, on behalf of the
Government of Canada (see Exhibit 12.6).

I I<> N s
Healing and Wellness in Aboriginal Communities
1. Identify the possible consequences of the residential school system for former
students, Aboriginal families, and communities. How might those conse-
quences have an intergenerational effect?
2. What are some of the potential advantages and disadvantages of a holistic
approach to helping and healing?
3. The Government of Canada has given financial compensation to Aboriginal
peoples for their loss of culture and language at residential schools. How
might (or might not) financial compensation be an appropriate way to make
amends for past wrongs?

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIA NS • 349

STATEMENT OF APOLOGY BY PRIME MINISTER STEPHEN HARPER

Mr. Speaker, I stand before you today to offer an apology to former students of
Indian residential schools.
The treatment of children in Indian residential schools is a sad chapter in our
history. In the 1870s, the federal government, partly in order to meet its obligations
to educate Aboriginal children, began to play a role in the development and admin-
istration of these schools.
Two primary objectives of the residential schools system were to remove and
isolate children from the influence of their home, families, traditions and cultures,
and to assimilate them into the dominant culture. These objectives were based
on the assumption that Aboriginal cultures and spiritual beliefs were inferior and
unequal. Indeed, some sought, as it was infamously said, "to kill the Indian in the
child." Today, we recognize that this policy of assimilation was wrong, has caused
great harm, and has no place in our country.
Most schools were operated as "joint ventures" with Anglican, Catholic,
Presbyterian and United churches. The Government of Canada built an educational
system in which very young children were often forcibly removed from their homes,
often taken far from their communities. Many were inadequately fed, clothed and
housed. All were deprived of the care and nurturing of their parents, grandparents
and communities. First Nations, Inuit and Metis languages and cultural practices
were prohibited in these schools. Tragically, some of these children died while
attending residential schools and others never returned home.
The government now recognizes that the consequences of the Indian residential
schools policy were profoundly negative and that this policy has had a lasting and
damaging impact on Aboriginal culture, heritage and language. While some former
students have spoken positively about their experiences at residential schools,
these stories are far overshadowed by tragic accounts of the emotional, physical
and sexual abuse and neglect of helpless children, and their separation from powerless
families and communities.
The legacy of Indian residential schools has contributed to social problems
that continue to exist in many communities today. It has taken extraordinary
courage for the thousands of survivors that have come forward to speak publicly
about the abuse they suffered. It is a testament to their resilience as individuals and
to the strength of their cultures.
Regrettably, many former students are not with us today and died never having
received a full apology from the Government of Canada. The government recognizes
that the absence of an apology has been an impediment to healing and reconciliation.
Therefore, on behalf of the Government of Canada and all Canadians, I stand

Continued
NEL
350 • CHAPTER 12

before you, in this chamber, so vital, so central to our life as a country, to apologize
to Aboriginal Peoples for the role that Canada played in the Indian residential
schools system.
To the approximately 80,000 living former students, and all family members and
communities, the Government of Canada now recognizes that it was wrong to forcibly
remove children from their homes and we apologize for having done this. We now
recognize that it was wrong to separate children from rich and vibrant cultures and
traditions, that it created a void in many lives and communities, and we apologize
for having done this. We now recognize that, in separating children from their
families, we undermined the ability of many to adequately parent their own children
and sowed the seeds for generations to follow, and we apologize for having done this.
We now recognize that, far too often, these institutions gave rise to abuse or neglect
and were inadequately controlled, and we apologize for failing to protect you.
Not only did you suffer these abuses as children, but as you became parents, you
were powerless to protect your own children from suffering the same experience, and
for this we are sorry. The burden of this experience has been on your shoulders for
far too long. The burden is properly ours as a government, and as a country. There
is no place in Canada for the attitudes that inspired the Indian residential schools
system to ever prevail again.
You have been working on recovering from this experience for a long time and
in a very real sense, we are now joining you on this journey. The Government of
Canada sincerely apologizes and asks the forgiveness of the Aboriginal Peoples of
this country for failing them so profoundly.
We are sorry.
In moving towards healing, reconciliation and resolution of the sad legacy of
Indian residential schools, the implementation of the Indian Residential Schools
Settlement agreement began on September 19, 2007. Years of work by survivors,
communities, and Aboriginal organizations culminated in an agreement that
gives us a new beginning and an opportunity to move forward together in partnership.
A cornerstone of the settlement agreement is the Indian Residential Schools Truth
and Reconciliation Commission.
This commission represents a unique opportunity to educate all Canadians on
the Indian residential schools system. It will be a positive step in forging a new
relationship between Aboriginal Peoples and other Canadians, a relationship based
on the knowledge of our shared history, a respect for each other and a desire to move
forward with a renewed understanding that strong families, strong communities,
and vibrant cultures and traditions will contribute to a stronger Canada for all of us.

Source: Video-Indian Residential Schools Statement of Apology-Prime Minister Stephen Harper-2008,

http://www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng/110010001567711100100015680. Reproduced with the permission of the
House of Commons Canada, 2013.

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 TH E SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIA N S • 351

4 ISSUES AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF SELECTED

GROUPS
Canada's Aboriginal population is diverse, with a wide range of ages, needs,
and experiences. This section looks at some of the issues and achievements
unique to three selected groups of Aboriginal peoples: First Nations people
living on-reserve, Aboriginal peoples living in cities, and Aboriginal women.

FIRST NATIONS LIVING ON-RESERVE

Traditionally, a number of discriminatory laws and government policies have

prevented Aboriginal peoples from participating in the mainstream economy
and labour market. As a result, poverty has become the norm for many
Aboriginal communities. About 34 percent of First Nations peoples living
on-reserve receive social assistance (compared with 5 percent of non-Aboriginal
Canadians) (AANDC, 2012b). Many of these individuals live on welfare their
entire lives; it is also common for several generations of one family to depend
on welfare. While welfare does not provide enough to live on, it has become
a primary resource for First Nations people who lack job skills and education
or struggle with mental health or substance abuse issues (INAC, 2007).
Politicians generally agree that improved education, access to jobs, and
economic development are the way out of poverty for First Nations living
on-reserve. Since 2007, the federal government has taken a more active
approach to social assistance to help First Nations people get off (or avoid)
welfare. That approach includes welfare-to-work programs, improved access
to postsecondary education and skills training, and incentives to keep First
Nations youth in school. A number of government programs such as the
Aboriginal Skills and Employment Training Strategy aim to increase employ-
ability and self-sufficiency among First Nations peoples.
Through a wide range of projects and programs, First Nations communities
are now strengthening their economies and, in turn, enhancing their quality
of life. Much of this progress is due to First Nations gaining control over their
land and resources through treaties, self-government settlements, and other agree-
ments with government. A number of federal resources are available to help
First Nations develop their economies; for example, the Community Economic
Development Program gives First Nations access to funds to start businesses.
First Nations peoples are also forming partnerships with the private sector; for
instance, the Capital for Aboriginal Prosperity and Entrepreneurship is a social
economy enterprise aimed at providing both a financial return for its investors
and employment for Aboriginal peoples.
NEL
352 • CHAPTER 12

Some First Nation communities use the First Nations holistic policy and
planning model (see Exhibit 12. 7) to guide the development and delivery of
economic and social initiatives. Developed by the Assembly of First Nations,

FIRST NATIONS HOLISTIC POLICY AND PLANNING MODEL

n d 'J
0

Self- DcLenninat.ion

E1tviroumcnt.al
Uou_sing
le'\..-ardship

On/ A\\'Cl)' Social

from Resenre Services

Health Ju ticc
Care
C omm11n l l~

Emplo)mem Gender

Economic Lifelong
De,· ·lotJmc•H Lcanting

Lands Llllnguage: , Hcrimgc,

and R~source and Culture

Urb~n/Rurall

legend
Medicine Wheel
G Lifespan
~ First Nations Self-Govemment
G Health Oet~erminants
0 social eapi1al

Source: Assembly of First Nations. (2007, May). Sustaining the Caregiving Cycle: First Nations People and Aging:
A Report from the Assembly of First Nations to the Spedal Senate Committee on Aging (Figure l, p. 8). Retrieved
November 10, 2008, from http://www.afn.ca/misdSCC.pdf.

NEL
 TH E SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIA N S • 353

the framework identifies the community as the core domain and the context
of all initiatives. Moving out from the centre, each ring represents a domain
that is central to policy and planning processes. Those domains are the individual
(represented in the Medicine Wheel), the four cycles of the lifespan, key
components of governance, fourteen determinants of health, and the three
elements of social capital (relations within and outside the community).

ABORIGINAL PEOPLES LIVING IN CITIES

Over the years, the urban population of Aboriginal peoples has steadily grown;
by 2006, more than half of Aboriginal Canadians lived in cities (Statistics
Canada, 2008a). Urban life offers different things to different people; however,
most Aboriginal males go to cities for work, and the majority of Aboriginal
women move to urban centres for educational or family reasons. The Urban
Aboriginal Peoples Study found that 65 percent of urban Aboriginal people
like city life for the variety and convenience of amenities and overall quality
of life (Environics Institute, 2010).
Although the development of programs for urban Aboriginal peoples
has been inconsistent and largely uncoordinated, there have been concerted
efforts to provide supports for this population. One of the most significant
initiatives is the federally funded Urban Aboriginal Strategy (UAS), launched
in 1998 to improve the coordination of Aboriginal policies and programs in
urban centres, and make programs more responsive to local Aboriginal needs
and priorities. A primary objective of the UAS is to increase the self-reliance
of Aboriginal women, children, and families living in cities. Since 2003, the
Government of Canada has invested in programs aimed at increasing job
opportunities and improving access to family services, health and wellness,
and learning programs, for Aboriginal city dwellers.
Aboriginal friendship centres are some of the most popular, well-organized,
multipurpose facilities for Aboriginal people living in cities. These centres offer
an alternative to mainstream social agencies by providing a wide range of pro-
grams aimed at improving quality of life. Since friendship centres tailor their
programs to local needs, their programs vary across communities; however, it
is common for those centres to offer family services, employment counselling,
advocacy, and cultural events. In 2012, a network of 119 friendship centres
across Canada operated under the umbrella of the National Association of
Friendship Centres (NAFC, 2012).
Over the last few decades, studies on the urban experiences of Aboriginal
peoples have undergone a distinct shift in focus. While studies in the 1980s

NEL
354 • CHAPTER 12

and 1990s concentrated on the problems experienced by Aboriginal city

dwellers such as chronic poverty, alcohol abuse, and discrimination recent
studies have emphasized the achievements of this population. For example,
the Toronto Aboriginal Research Project not only revealed the issues faced
by urban Aboriginal peoples but also recognized the thriving middle class of
well-educated, economically successful Aboriginal individuals living in the
Greater Toronto Area (McCaskill, Fitzmaurice, & Cidro, 2011). Perhaps the
most comprehensive study ever conducted on Aboriginal urbanites in Canada
is the Urban Aboriginal Peoples Study; reports from this study chronicle many
of the success stories of Aboriginal city-dwellers and, in so doing, aim to
dispel some of the stereotyped images of Aboriginal Canadians (Environics
Institute, 201 0).

ABORIGINAL WOMEN

Before colonization, Aboriginal women held positions of social, political, and

economic power in their traditional communities. Although women had different
roles and responsibilities than men did, community members respected women
and valued their contributions to the well-being of the family and community.
In contrast, European men perceived women as being not only inferior to
men but also the property of men, making them unworthy of any rights other
than those allowed by their fathers or husbands (Manitoba Aboriginal Justice
Implementation Commission, 1999).
Aboriginal women's status changed dramatically with the arrival of the
European settlers. Intent on unseating Aboriginal women from their tribal
positions of power, the colonists introduced laws that excluded Aboriginal
women from participating in economic activities. The Indian Act of 1876
denied First Nations women any decision-making powers in their local
governments or band councils and stripped them of all rights to Indian status
or property if they married a non-Status man. To weaken Aboriginal women's
influence on future generations, the federal government removed their
children and placed them in remote residential schools (Boyer, 2006).
The early European settlers propagated the myth that Aboriginal women
were inherently more promiscuous than European women. In recent decades,
the media has reinforced this negative stereotype, resulting in serious repercus-
sions. Emma LaRocque (cited in Manitoba Aboriginal Justice Implementation
Commission, 1999) argues that the dehumanizing portrayal of Aboriginal
women as "lustful, immoral, unfeeling and dirty" has put all Aboriginal
women and girls at risk of "gross physical, psychological and sexual violence."

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS • 355

As a group, Aboriginal women continue to be among the most victimized

Canadians (see Exhibit 12.8). While Aboriginal women represent only 3 percent
of the total female population in Canada, they account for about 10 percent of all
female homicides (Canadian Feminist Alliance for International Action, 20 12).
By 2010, more than 580 Aboriginal women and girls had either gone missing
or been murdered in Canada (primarily in the Western provinces) (Native
Women's Association of Canada, 2010). Several factors contribute to the
incidence of violence against Aboriginal women, including poverty, racism,
colonialism, child welfare practices, and justice system failures (Standing
Committee on the Status of Women, 2011 a).
The discriminatory nature of the Indian Act has served as a powerful
catalyst to the Native Women's Movement, which began in Canada in the
late 1960s. A major achievement for the movement came in 1985, when the
Government of Canada amended the Indian Act and restored Status to First
Nations women who married non-Status men. Since then, Aboriginal women
have achieved considerable success: for example, Aboriginal women are
completing high school and obtaining postsecondary degrees at a higher rate
than Aboriginal men; moreover, the median income of Aboriginal women

SELF-REPORTED INCIDENTS OF VIOLENCE AGAINST

ABORIGINAL WOMEN, 2009

~ 350 ~-------------------------------------------------,
(].)
'"'0
-0 Aboriginal female victims
0 300 D Non-Aboriginal female victims
l.()

U')

§5, 250
~
c:
0
~ 200
:::::::1
c.
0
c.
..92
~
150
E
.fl'
0
0
100
0
~

gs_ 50

01--- - -
Violent victimization (excluding Violent victimization (including spousal
spousal violence) violence)

Note: Spousal violence includes incidents of physical or sexual assault.

Source: Brennan, S. (201 1, May 17). Violent victimization of Aboriginal women in the Canadian provinces,
2009 (p. 7, Catalogue no. 85-002-X). Retrieved from Statistics Canada website: http://www.statcan .gc.ca/
pub/85-002-x/201100 1/article/11439-eng.pdf.

NEL
356 • CHAPTER 12

with one or more university degrees is higher than that of non-Aboriginal

women with equivalent education (Wilson & Macdonald, 2010).
Despite their achievements, Aboriginal women continue to be some
of the most underprivileged people in Canada: for example, four out of
ten women living off-reserve and almost half of women living on-reserve
live in poverty (Morris & Gonsalves, 2012). Governments support various
initiatives that aim to improve conditions for Aboriginal women and to
support their full economic and political inclusion in communities and the
larger society. The Department of Canadian Heritage funds many of those
initiatives, addressing such issues as family relations and domestic violence.
Nevertheless, Aboriginal women tend to underuse services, even when they
are culturally appropriate. In recent years, professionals in victim services,
violence reduction programs, and other programs for Aboriginal women
have begun to share best practices in an effort to reach and serve Aboriginal
women more effectively.

I<> N s
Issues and Achievements of Selected Groups

1. Some people question whether reserves offer the optimal environment for
First Nations people. What might be some of the pros and cons of reserves
for the social and economic advancement of First Nations people?
2. Recent studies have focused more on the success stories of urban Aboriginal
peoples than on their problems. How might this shift in focus help to
challenge some of the stereotyped views of Aboriginal city dwellers?
3. Aboriginal women continue to be some of the most underprivileged people
in Canada. What needs to happen in terms of social, political, and cultural
change before Aboriginal women can become full participants in Canadian
society?

5 ABORIGINAL CHILDREN AND YOUTH

Aboriginal young people represent the fastest-growing demographic in
Canada, growing at twice the rate of other populations. These new gen-
erations of youth will have the opportunity to shape Canada's social and
cultural future. Governments also look at young Aboriginal peoples as
future workers who will ease an anticipated labour shortage. To succeed
in school, compete in the labour market, and earn sufficient incomes,
young people need a good start in life. Thus, important programs for
Aboriginal peoples are those that help children in their early years. This

NEL
 TH E SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIA N S • 357

section explores the particular needs of Aboriginal children and youth and
the programs designed to meet those needs.

AREAS OF CONCERN

Despite some progress in recent years, Aboriginal children continue to lag

behind other young Canadians in some important life areas. A growing body
of evidence confirms that being an Aboriginal child in Canada means living
in substandard housing and lacking quality education. Being Aboriginal also
raises the likelihood of being poor: 27 percent of Metis, Inuit, and non-status
First Nations children, and 50 percent of status First Nations children, live in
poverty (Macdonald&: Wilson, 2013). When compared with non-Aboriginal
children, young Aboriginal children experience higher rates of substance abuse,
physical and mental health problems, and disability. In some First Nation and
Inuit communities, the suicide rate among youth is five to seven times as high
as that of non-Aboriginal youth (Centre for Suicide Prevention, 2011).
A number of theories try to explain the inequities experienced by young
Aboriginal Canadians; however, most analysts agree that "issues facing youth
are rooted in a history of colonization, dislocation from their traditional terri-
tories, communities and cultural traditions, and the inter-generational impacts
of the residential school system" (Urban Native Youth Association, 2003, p. 2).
The formation of a self-identity is particularly challenging for Aboriginal
youth living in communities where only remnants of their original culture
remain. According to Chandler and Lalonde (2008, p. 70), "the predictable
consequence of such personal and cultural losses is often disillusionment,
lassitude, substance abuse, self-injury and, most dramatically, self-appointed
death at an early age." Given the historical context of the problems facing
young Aboriginal peoples, any programs developed for this population must
also help the parents and other caregivers deal effectively with their own
unresolved issues related to colonialization, including substance abuse,
depression, and violence (Mussell, Cardiff, &: White, 2004).

INITIATIVES UNDER THE NATIONAL CHILDREN'S

AGENDA

In 1997, representatives of the NAOs and the federal, provincial, and territorial
governments began developing a long-term action plan known as the National
Children's Agenda (NCA). Under the NCA is the Federal Strategy on Early
Childhood Development for First Nations and Other Aboriginal Children, an

NEL
358 • CHAPTER 12

initiative that aims to meet the specific needs of preschool Aboriginal children
who live on- and off-reserve (see Exhibit 12.9). The Strategy supports a wide
range of programs, including the following:
• Aboriginal Head Start, which prepares First Nations, Inuit, and Metis
children for school through activities that promote Aboriginal cultures
and languages, health and nutrition, and parental involvement
• First Nations and Inuit Child Care Initiative, which offers First Nations
and Inuit communities culturally relevant and affordable child care so
that parents can work or attend school
• First Nations' National Child Benefit Reinvestment (NCBR) program,
which allows First Nations communities to redirect unused funds
from social assistance to culturally relevant projects (for example, hot
lunch programs) that aim to reduce child poverty
• Brighter Futures (for First Nations on-reserve and Inuit communities)
and the Community Action Plan for Children (for Metis, Inuit, and
off-reserve First Nations families), which promote healthy living

EXHIBIT 12.9

.......
.....
1-o
Vl
::s
--<

A wide range of federally funded programs focus on improving the quality of life and
future prospects for Aboriginal children.

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIANS • 359

ABORIGINAL CHILDREN IN CARE

Before Europeans settled in Canada, Aboriginal communities successfully

used traditional methods to care for and protect their children. However, with
the establishment of mainstream child welfare systems in the late nineteenth
century, social workers began to impose their own strategies of child protec-
tion on Aboriginal peoples. To facilitate the assimilation of Aboriginal people,
social workers routinely apprehended Aboriginal children and placed them in
non-Aboriginal foster care. This practice culminated in what is known as the
"sixties scoop" a massive apprehension of Aboriginal children that began in
the 1960s and, before long, resulted in an overrepresentation of Aboriginal
children in the child welfare system Qohnston, 1983).
Despite attempts to reduce the number of Aboriginal children coming
into care, Canada's child welfare systems continue to remove Aboriginal
children from their families at disproportionate rates (see Exhibit 12.10).
By 2010, approximately twenty-seven thousand Aboriginal children were in

EXHIBIT 12.10
CHILDREN IN CARE IN SELECTED PROVINCES

!i~(· ~~[1.,[~~ lit) I~~ [11 ~ : : ~~ [ • ~

.r1•1rt1 ru •~ ...~: ·~~ ~c ~~ ~1,

1
------------~--------~----------r---------~--------~ ~~ IU•La~~

~~~ ~~~·:
;(. ~} r:v:.xetX
~I•l~b l~[el~b l~[el~b

/.!.'{:I•~~~(C11~l'.!.'{l, L'f:i•l~~ [ql~ /1'{:1•l~~LC] 1a:.'fl, L'f:i•l~~(CII~Y.!.'{l, /.!.'{:I•~~~(c l~l'.!.'n.

BRITISH
52 48 8 92 13
COLUMBIA

ALBERTA 59 41 9 91 15

SASKATCHEWAN 80 20 25 75 12

MANITOBA 85 15 23 77 19

ONTARIO 21 79 3 97 9

0UEBEC 10 90 2 98 5

NOVA SCOTIA 16 84 6 94 3
- - -
Source: Sinha, V, Trocme, N., Fallon, B., MacLaurin, B., Fast, E., Prokop, S.T., et al. (2011). KiskisikAwasisak:
Remember the children, Understanding the Overrepresentation of First Nations Children in the Child Welfare System,
table 1.1, p. 5. Ontario: Assembly of First Nations. Retrieved from http://cwrp.ca/sites/default/files/publications/
en/FN CIS-2 008_ March20 12_RevisedFinal. pdf.

NEL
3 60 • CHAPTER 12

foster or other types of out-of-home care across Canada (AANDC, 2012c).

In some jurisdictions, almost eight out of ten children in care are Aboriginal.
One study found that, in 2010, the number of Aboriginal children in care was
three times as high as those in residential schools during the 1940s (Canadian
Child Welfare Research Portal, 2009; Standing Committee on the Status of
Women, 2011b).
Historically, child welfare authorities have apprehended and placed
Aboriginal children in alternative care outside of their communities a practice
that is associated with widespread family breakdown and a general lack of
cohesion in Aboriginal communities. Being in the care of a child welfare agency
also puts Aboriginal children at risk of losing their language, culture, and
sense of Aboriginal identity and belonging. Moreover, Aboriginal children in
care are susceptible to becoming street kids and sex-trade workers. In its study
of street-involved and marginalized Aboriginal youth in British Columbia, the
McCreary Centre Society found that four out of ten youth had been in foster
care (Saewyc et al., 2008). Not surprisingly, many Aboriginal communities
view mainstream child welfare systems more as colonization devices than as
methods to protect children (Blackstock et al., 2006).

ABORIGINAL CHILD WELFARE SERVICES

Until recently, mainstream child welfare approaches have failed to recog-

nize the value of Aboriginal beliefs and practices or to include Aboriginal
peoples in decisions about the welfare of their children. One of the earliest
attempts to correct these injustices came in 1990, when the federal govern-
ment introduced the First Nations Child and Family Services program to
help First Nations develop their own culturally appropriate child welfare
services. Another boon to Aboriginal child welfare came in 2007, with the
introduction of the Enhanced Prevention Focused Approach; this program
allows First Nations child and family agencies to provide support to families
to prevent child maltreatment or family breakdown. By 2012, Canada
had more than 100 First Nations child and family service agencies across
Canada, serving 75 percent of First Nation communities (mainstream provincial
and territorial child welfare agencies provided the remaining 25 percent)
(AANDC, 2012d).
Depending on the jurisdiction, Aboriginal family service agencies may
provide some or all child welfare services. Some provinces and territories
have partially delegated child welfare services to Aboriginal family service
agencies; these agencies offer a limited range of support services (such as child

NEL
 TH E SOCIAL WELFARE OF ABORIGINAL CANADIA N S • 361

abuse prevention, family support, and guardianship) but are not authorized
to investigate reports of child abuse or neglect. Other provinces and territo-
ries have fully delegated child welfare services to Aboriginal agencies, giving
those agencies the authority to provide any available child and family service,
including those concerning child protection (National Collaborating Centre
for Aboriginal Health, 2009-2010).
Manitoba has a unique system that gives control over the delivery of child
protection services to four family service authorities: one of those authorities is
Metis, two are First Nations, and one is a mainstream child welfare authority.
Under that system, children and families in Manitoba can receive culturally
appropriate services if they so choose, and First Nations authorities can serve
First Nations families living either on- or off-reserve (Gough, 2006).
Efforts to identify and improve shortcomings in Aboriginal child welfare
systems are ongoing. According to recent evaluations, the funding struc-
tures, service delivery, accountability, and service management in many
Aboriginal child welfare agencies are seriously lacking. More work is also
needed to address the overarching issues facing Aboriginal peoples that
is, the intergenerational impacts of colonialization and the legacy of the
residential school system which continue to affect the ability of parents
to properly care for their children (Commission to Promote Sustainable
Child Welfare, 2011).

Aboriginal Children and Youth

1. How might the effects of colonization affect the ability of Aboriginal parents
to raise and care for their children?
2. In your opinion, what factors have led to an overrepresentation of Aboriginal
children in child welfare systems?
3. What are some advantages of Aboriginal groups providing child welfare services
to Aboriginal children and youth? What are possible disadvantages?

6 SOCIAL WORK WITH ABORIGINAL PEOPLES

Aboriginal peoples often associate mainstream social workers with the
operation of residential schools and the mass apprehension of Aboriginal
children during the "sixties scoop. " These associations have not only eroded
the relationship between mainstream social workers and Aboriginal people
but have also fuelled the demand for Aboriginal social workers. That

NEL
3 62 • CHAPTER 12

demand has led to an expansion of Aboriginal-focused social work educa-

tion programs. Many of these programs specifically prepare social workers
for service in Aboriginal communities. The Blue Quills First Nations
College in Alberta and the School of Indian Social Work at Saskatchewan's
First Nations University of Canada are two examples of social work pro-
grams that offer courses on Aboriginal culture, philosophy, and values,
and prepare students for working in various areas of practice, including
child protection, addictions, and family services.
Today, trained Aboriginal social workers and other types of helpers have
a wide range of opportunities in Aboriginal-controlled programs and systems,
including self-governed communities. One of those opportunities is com-
munity development. In this field, social workers may be able to support
Aboriginal peoples in their progress toward self-determination, self-govern-
ment, and social justice goals that are compatible with social work's values
and principles.
Some experts believe that non-Aboriginal workers may be effective
helpers if they first receive Aboriginal cultural awareness training. In general,
this type of training focuses on
• terminology related to First Nations, Metis, and Inuit peoples
• the diversity of Aboriginal peoples in Canada
• awareness of the colonization process and its impact on Aboriginal
peoples
• the history of Aboriginal peoples in Canada
• patterns of social inequalities and their determinants
• culture, racism, and stereotyping
• strategies for effective communication and social interaction (British
Columbia Provincial Health Services Authority, 2012)

Social Work with Aboriginal Peoples

1. What qualities or training should a non-Aboriginal social worker have to be
able to relate to Aboriginal peoples' needs and issues?
2. Given what you know about community development (discussed in Chapter 8),
how might Aboriginal social workers help First Nation communities to achieve
self-determination, self-government, and social justice?

NEL
 THE SOCI A L WELFA RE OF A BORI GINA L CA N A DIA NS • 3 63

SUMMARY

Introduction
Canada's Aboriginal population consists of three distinct groups; First
Nations, Metis, and Inuit. Four percent of Canadians are Aboriginal peoples.
In recent decades, Aboriginal peoples have made great strides in many life
areas, including health, economic development, and education. Despite
this progress, Aboriginal peoples are generally more disadvantaged than
other Canadians, and most First Nations communities experience some of
the worst living conditions in Canada.

1 Historical Roots of Canada's "Indian Policy"

Colonial governments set out to assimilate Aboriginal peoples into main-
stream society through enfranchisement policies, which included the first
Indian Act of 1876. A more aggressive approach to assimilation came in
the form of residential schools, where Aboriginal children were taught to
reject their heritage, families, and communities.

2 Bridging the Divide between Government and Indigenous

Peoples
Efforts to assimilate and enfranchise Aboriginal peoples generally failed .
As conditions worsened for Aboriginal peoples, they demanded change;
that assertion resulted in an Aboriginal rights movement and the formation
of several National Aboriginal Organizations. Aboriginal peoples made
significant political advances during the 1990s; however, in recent years,
government-Aboriginal relations have deteriorated and subsequently
fueled the Idle No More social movement.

3 Healing and Wellness in Aboriginal Communities

Many of the social and economic problems facing Aboriginal peoples are
attributed to colonization and the residential school system. Mainstream
social welfare programs are available to Aboriginal peoples; however,
those programs are not always responsive to Aboriginal circumstances.
The Aboriginal Healing Strategy funds various healing projects, many of
which are delivered by Aboriginal organizations. In an attempt to compensate
individuals for their losses incurred at residential schools, the federal
government has issued a statement of apology and made financial restitu-
tion to former students.

4 Issues and Achievements of Selected Groups

Although many First Nation communities continue to struggle economically,
other First Nations are gaining control over their resources and activities;
the federal government offers a variety of economic development initiatives

NEL
3 64 • CHAPTER 12

to bolster communities. While some Aboriginal peoples struggle to make

ends meet in the city, others are thriving. Aboriginal friendship centres
and initiatives, such as the Urban Aboriginal Strategy, provide support to
Aboriginal urbanites. Many Aboriginal women are making significant progress
socially and economically; however, as a group, they are at a high risk of
violence, poverty, and other social problems.

5 Aboriginal Children and Youth

Conditions for Aboriginal children are improving overall, yet many children
live in disadvantaged circumstances. The National Children's Agenda and
other initiatives support young Aboriginal children and their families. Many
Aboriginal communities are developing their own child welfare systems
that are more responsive to Aboriginal needs. Nevertheless, Aboriginal
children remain overrepresented in those systems, and more work is
needed to address the overarching challenges (such as the effects of
colonization) facing Aboriginal families.

6 Social Work with Aboriginal Peoples

Social workers' association with residential schools and the "sixties
scoop" has eroded the relationship between mainstream social workers
and Aboriginal peoples. However, demand for Aboriginal social workers
is growing and, in turn, so are the numbers of Aboriginal-focused social
work programs. At the community development level, social work's phi-
losophy is compatible with the Aboriginal goals of self-government, self-
determination, and social justice. To be more effective, non-Aboriginal
service providers are encouraged to take Aboriginal cultural awareness
training.

For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
Aboriginal peoples, enfranchisement, p. 334 mainstream approaches
p.331 residential schools, (to helping), p. 344
First Nations people, p.335 traditional approaches
p.331 treaties, p. 337 (to helping), p. 344
Indians, p. 331 National Aboriginal healing, p. 344
Metis, p. 331 Organizations, p. 337 holistic view, p. 344
Inuit, p. 331 self-government, p. 339 Aboriginal cultural
reserves, p. 333 colonization, p. 343 awareness training,
assimilation, p. 333 residential school p.362
band,p.334 syndrome, p. 343

NEL
 •
e oc1a e are o
•
ecent mm1 rants

OBJECTIVES
The social well-being of recent immigrants depends largely on how well
they integrate into Canadian society. This chapter will

• introduce immigrant populations and current views of immigration

• review the historical highlights of Canada's immigration policy

• explore the settlement process and related programs

• examine settlement patterns and issues

• discuss the challenges facing selected immigrant populations

• summarize the role of social workers in settlement practice

INTRODUCTION
• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• •• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••

Canada's history is replete with stories of people seeking

a new life for themselves and their families. As a country
populated to a very large extent by immigrants and
their descendants, that experience is deeply rooted in
our national consciousness. Canadian values have been
influenced by the need to welcome and integrate people
from many cultures, religions, languages and national
experiences. (Citizenship and Immigration Canada,
1998, p. l)
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

NEL 365
366 • CHAPTER 13

About one in five Canadians is born in a country other than Canada

(Chui, Tran, &: Maheux, 2007). Before 1967, most immigrants were from
Europe; however, today, most newcomers to Canada come from Asia and
the Philippines (see Exhibit 13.1). Most of those immigrants are visible
minorities that is, individuals, other than Aboriginal persons, who are not
Caucasian. Statistics Canada (20 100 predicts that, by 2031, almost one in
three Canadians will belong to a visible-minority group.
Polls suggest that most Canadians are generally supportive of immigrants
and the immigration process; unlike Americans and Western Europeans,
Canadians tend to "view immigration as an opportunity, not a problem"
(Challinor, 2011). For many Canadians, immigration means interesting ethnic
foods, art, music, and literature all factors that enrich the country's social
and cultural life. In economic terms, Canadians recognize immigrants for their
investment of capital and expertise in the labour force. Immigrants are also
helping to offset Canada's declining birth rate and aging population; over the

EXHIBIT 13.1
TOP TEN COUNTRIES OF ORIGIN: PERMANENT RESIDENTS
TO CANADA, 2002 TO 2011
,.
[e ~ • I= I~ "'.. • •"'"' "'.. • •
~
"'.. • • ••
"''"
1
Ht
1 People's Republic People's Republic People's Republic Philippines (34 991)
of China (33 304)* of China (42 292) of China (29 337)

2 India India India People's Republic of

China

3 Pakistan Philippines Philippines India

4 Philippines Pakistan United States United States

5 Iran United States United Kingdom Iran

6 Republic of Korea Columbia Pakistan United Kingdom

7 Romania United Kingdom Republic of Korea Haiti

8 United States Republic of Korea France Pakistan

9 Sri Lanka Iran Iran France

10 United Kingdom France (5 430) Columbia (4 995) United Arab

(4 724) Emirates (5 223)
....._

* Figures in brackets represent the number of permanent residents admitted that year.
Note: A permanent resident is someone who has lived in Canada for at least two years within a five-year period,
has been granted permanent resident status, but is not yet a Canadian citizen.
Source: Author-generated chart, based on Citizenship and Immigration Canada. (2012). Facts and Figures 2011,
p. 2 7. Retrieved from http :1/www. cic. gc. calenglish/pdf/research-statslfacts2 0 11. pdf.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 367

coming years, Canada will need to admit greater numbers of immigrants to

fill the labour shortages created by the retiring baby boomers. Perhaps most
importantly, the contributions made by immigrant workers through labour
and taxation will help to support healthcare, social welfare, and other vital
services that Canadians have come to value.
Overall, recent immigrants report that they feel positive about living
in Canada and are adapting well to their new home. However, many recent
immigrants arrive in Canada thinking that settling will be relatively easy,
only to face a number of challenges. Some immigrants discover that they
have inadequate language or life skills, or have trouble finding appropriate
housing or making friends. Finding work is particularly difficult for recent
immigrants: even those who have lived in Canada for a few years face a
14 percent unemployment rate (twice the rate of Canada-born adults)
(Statistics Canada, 2012i).
This chapter provides an overview of the issues, challenges, and programs
related to the social welfare of recent immigrants. First is some background
information on Canada's immigration policies.

1 BACKGROUNDER: CANADA'S IMMIGRATION

POLICY
Although Canada has always allowed immigrants and refugees from around
the world, its immigration policies have clearly stated which individuals
are "deserving" of entry. These same policies also reflect the country's
attitudes toward people of various nationalities, races, and colours. This
section chronicles the evolution of Canada's immigration policy since the
late nineteenth century.

RACIST BEGINNINGS

During the settlement of the Canadian West, Canada welcomed newcomers

who would develop the vast and sparsely populated land and help build
the national railways. By relaxing immigration restrictions and offering free
land, the federal government was able to attract large numbers of immigrants
to Canada. In those early years, Canada's immigration policy stated a pref-
erence for Caucasian people from Britain, Europe, and the United States.
The Canadian Immigration Acts of 1906 and 1910 restricted entry even
more by banning poor, sick, or "immoral" applicants. Asian immigrants

NEL
368 • CHAPTER 13

in particular were unwelcome in Canada (see Exhibit 13.2). To ensure

Anglo-Saxon supremacy and to deter "undesirables" from entering the country,
the Canadian government required immigrants of Chinese origin to pay a
head tax (up to $500 a person) and placed strict limitations on the entry of
japanese and East Indian immigrants (Citizenship and Immigration Canada
[CIC], 1995).

EXHIBIT 13.2
THE "HEATHEN" CHINESE IN BRITISH COLUMBIA

' I

··""' ..,
. \V' .
.. .. . -- --
Jr.lf<.oL l l ri""'lf~ l<' n•J;-• 1• .. •II• lJ • 1 - t l M•••• 11~ .. , . . , I IIU'II Yt,.)'P;Itfll..td!UiiftHI
1.. u t.:-.t.n•r;e. ... \• ~t:.l'.,. ...... _..., ,. r.LJ • .,'"" , " u ,.
lh.. t i l h t .. , . , . \ul.._... ,,"""-t:lo.l'~ &&1lllr.UJ..:t•.IIJ~.4~-... ••

"The Heathen Chinese in British Columbia": a cartoon from the Canadian fllustrated
News in 1879, depicting Amor de Cosmos (Premier of British Columbia, 1872-1874)
telling a Chinese immigrant to leave British Columbia because he refuses to assimilate
with the rest of the province.

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 THE SOCIAL WE L FARE OF RE CENT IM M IGRA NTS • 369

CANADA'S OPEN DOOR POLICY

Immigration peaked between 1904 and 1913, when two-and-a-half million

people moved to Canada. Immigration then cooled during the First World War
(1915 to 1918) and again in the Great Depression (1929 to 1939). By the end
of the Second World War, Canada had become more interested in accepting
greater numbers of immigrants, including those from non-Caucasian countries.
Canada rationalized its more open-door policy on the following bases:
• Canada's economic needs had changed the country needed skilled,
well-educated immigrants who could work with new technologies.
• jobs were plentiful and Canadians no longer perceived immigrants as
competitors for jobs.
• Canadians were better educated, worldlier, less prejudiced, and more
open to other cultures.
• Canadians were generally interested in challenging racism and pursuing
human rights and the humane treatment of others.
• Minority groups were becoming more organized and gaining political
power.
• An anti-communist sentiment motivated Canadians to give asylum to
people fleeing communist countries.
• A declining birth rate and labour shortages forced Canada to consider
increasing its numbers from well-populated regions of the world
(Belanger, 2006).
Despite more enlightened postwar attitudes toward immigration,
Prime Minister Mackenzie King stressed that immigration policies would
still be used as a tool to maintain a predominantly Caucasian society. King's
position reflected a general assumption among Canadians that people who
were not Caucasian had trouble fitting into a predominantly Euro-Canadian
society and were therefore unsuitable candidates for immigration (Stasiulis &
Abu-Laban, 2004). The new Immigration Act of 1953 reflected these views
by making it more difficult for people from less-favoured nations to become
Canadian citizens.

HUMAN RIGHTS AND MULTICULTURALISM

The recognition of universal human rights and more inclusive legislation

characterized the 1960s. The Canadian Bill of Rights, proclaimed in 1960,

NEL
3 70 • CHAPTER 13

prohibited the federal government from discriminating because of race,

colour, gender, or ethnic origin. In 1967, the federal government amended
Canada's Immigration Act to bring it in line with the Bill of Rights no longer
could government accept immigrants based on discriminatory criteria, such as
ethnic origin or race. From then on, immigration authorities assessed applicants
according to a points system, which awarded points for education, occupation,
age, knowledge of English or French, employment opportunities in Canada,
and other objective criteria.
When the government lifted its discriminatory immigration criteria, Canada's
ethnic profile changed dramatically. Before the points system, people from Asia
represented just 3 percent of all immigrants; by the 1970s, 33 percent of immi-
grants were from Asia (Statistics Canada, 2003). The points system had the effect
of slowing Canada's immigration rate: for example, in 1967, eleven immigrants
per thousand Canadians moved to Canada; by the mid-1980s, that number had
dropped to less than eight per thousand (Milan, 2011).
A growing acceptance of cultural diversity, and the passage of Canada's
new Multicultural Policy of 1971, paved the way for a new Immigration Act
in 1976. This act favoured newcomers who were entrepreneurs or investors,
and others who could contribute to Canada's economy. The Act made new
demands on the federal government. For one thing, the government had to
do more to help newcomers adapt to Canadian life, to reunite families,
and to assist in the resettlement of refugees. In addition, the new Act required
the federal government to project desired immigration quotas for one- to
three-year periods. Initially, the quotas were used to anticipate the number
of workers needed to fill Canadian jobs; later, the quotas became a tool for
increasing the population, which was declining because of low birth rates
(Chinook Multimedia, 2000).
Exhibit 13.3 illustrates the annual number of immigrants given permanent
resident status in Canada from 1860 to 2010.

REFORMING THE IMMIGRATION ACT

During the 1980s, cracks in the Immigration Act began to emerge. One problem
was that the immigration quotas were being filled by too many unskilled extended
family members and not enough skilled and educated workers (Statistics Canada,
2008b). Immigration was also becoming a burden on social programs: although
new immigrants were supposed to support the family members they sponsored,
many of them reneged on their support agreements, costing taxpayers millions of
dollars in welfare benefits (CIC, 1995). Overly complicated immigration proce-
dures and their inconsistent application across the country created more problems.

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 THE SOCIAL WEL FARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 3 71

EXHIBIT 13.3
NUMBER OF PERMANENT RESIDENTS TO CANADA,
1860 TO 2010

450000 ~----------------------------------------------------~

400 000

-E
CD
350 000
'"'0
·-
e:? 300 000
-+-'
c
~ 250 000
~
E
~ 200 000
-03 150 000
0

...Cl
E
~ 100 000

50 000

0
1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Year

Note: Permanent residents are people who have lived in Canada for at least two years within a five-year period
and have been granted permanent resident status.
Source: Immigration overview: Permanent and temporary residents, http://www.cic.gc.ca/englishlpdf/
research-stats/facts2010.pdf. Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2010. Reproduced with the permission of the
Minister of Public Works and Government Services Canada, 2013.

At the same time, the existing legislation failed to deal with a growing number of
illegal aliens entering Canada. By 1985, public opinion of the immigration process
had dropped to a new low.

Economic Priorities
In an attempt to correct some of the flaws in the immigration system, the
federal government amended the Immigration Act in 1997. The reforms created
three classes of immigrant applications: (1) an economic class (which included
skilled workers and business immigrants), (2) a family class, and (3) a refugee
class. Under the revised Act, Canada favoured immigrants who could meet
the demands of a global economy and bring skills, education, experience, and
other assets to Canada's changing labour market.
The immigration rules changed again in 2001 with the passage of the
new Immigration and Refugee Protection Act. This Act put less emphasis on
uniting immigrant families and a higher priority on economic immigrants
who had the appropriate educational, language, and work skills to help them
succeed in Canada's economy.

NEL
3 72 • CHAPTER 13

In 2008, the federal government amended the Immigration and Refugee

Protection Act to make it more responsive to the needs of the labour market
and to reduce the backlog and wait times for those wanting to move here.
Although the Act still allowed for the sponsorship of family members under
the family class, it expanded the immigration options for economic immigrants.
By 2010, close to seven out of ten immigrants were entering Canada under the
expanded economic class (CIC, 2011a). Economic immigrants are admitted by
way of the following categories:
• Canadian experience class, for temporary foreign workers and recently
graduated international students who want to permanently settle and
work in Canada
• federal skilled worker class, for workers with the appropriate educa-
tion, work experience, language skills, and other criteria to help them
become economically established
• business immigration class, for experienced investors, entrepreneurs,
and self-employed people to own and manage a business
• provincial-nominee class, for individuals nominated by a territory or
province (outside of Quebec) who can make an immediate contribution
to the economy
• Quebec-selected skilled worker class, for workers who are chosen
by the Government of Quebec and want to settle and work in that
province (CIC, 2012a)

The Federal Skilled Worker Class

The federal skilled worker class (FSWC) admits the most immigrants of any
immigration category. However, according to a program evaluation in 2010,
more than 20 percent of FSWC immigrants are not satisfied with their work
in Canada, and many FSWC newcomers have trouble succeeding in the work-
force. To address these issues, the federal government began tightening the
FSWC's eligibility rules; beginning in 2013, immigrants with weak English-
or French-language skills, low education levels, or modest work experience
will find it more difficult to immigrate to Canada. The new rules also favour
younger workers who are likely to work more years and (theoretically) adapt
more easily to Canadian society than older workers (CIC, 2012b). Changes
in the FSWC rules could potentially reshape Canada's ethnocultural profile;
for example, the emphasis on a high level of English proficiency may mean
greater numbers of immigrants from Britain, Australia, and the United States,
and fewer immigrants from Asia (Suhasini, 2012).

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 THE SOCIAL WE L FARE OF RE CENT IM M IGRA NTS • 3 73

I I<> N s
Backgrounder: Canada's Immigration Policy
1. How might the racist immigration policies of Canada's past influence people's
current attitudes toward immigrants?
2. Canada's main priority is to admit immigrants who can benefit the economy.
What other criteria, if any, should Canada use when selecting immigrants?

2 THE SETTLEMENT PROCESS

The process of moving from one country to another can be complicated,
exciting, and stressful. Moreover, adjusting to the Canadian climate, geography,
culture, people, language, and way of doing things, can take considerable
time, energy, and patience. These types of adjustments are some of the many
tasks of the settlement process.

STAGES OF SETTLEMENT

Although the settlement process is unique for everyone, it usually takes sev-
eral years and involves three stages:
• Acclimatization marks the period when newcomers become accus-
tomed to their new country in terms of language, culture, people,
and the environment. During this stage, newcomers are likely to feel
excited, optimistic, and confident.
• Adaptation is a period when newcomers gain confidence in managing
their life, and require less assistance from immigration services or
other formal sources of help. By this time, newcomers have dealt with
many of the disappointments, frustrations, and confusions of living in
a new country, and have a more realistic view of their situation.
• Integration is achieved when newcomers participate fully in the
economic, political, social, and cultural aspects of their new country.
Integration is synonymous with social inclusion, a process that is
characterized by a sense of belonging, acceptance, and recognition.
At this stage, newcomers are likely to have friends, community inter-
ests, and employment, and are generally feeling content with their
new situation (CIC, 2010a).
Exhibit 13.4 takes a closer look at the types of supports needed by new-
comers to Canada at each of these stages.

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3 74 • CHAPTER 13

Successful integration depends largely on Canadians' attitudes toward

immigrants. A relatively high public opinion of immigration is likely to
encourage a welcoming environment, which supports newcomers in their
efforts to find work, housing, social supports, and other important resources.
In contrast, a low opinion of immigration can influence people to think

EXHIBIT 13.4
WHAT DO RECENT IMMIGRANTS NEED?

~'1•~•11 r;-,1, ~~~I=: • ~ l; I•~ ~I ~~ ~~ ~ 1, ~ : : I ~

• social networks • income support

• community participation • health insurance
• psychological support • Canadian bank account and credit rating
• citizenship information and training • rental deposit and other housing costs
• advocacy • education tuition fees

·tRAINING AND'.JNEORMATION NEEDS

-, _.,"·-_·.·- c-. ,·--, _o -.- ·-,:._·.':-~ -:-· ··• _.;o.o·-·,- ;;.·.'-'; .•.-. ,.__-:-· ,·_-·--:.-o 1 .• .-: ..-,-c;-,:. - -~----·-_.-,,- --·:.- -~- ;-_ ;•--.-,__,_, ,_._-_c _, li-lA. ~~ ~[1., I•~ 1:1: I~

• financial orientation • housing

• language training • household goods (e.g., furniture, appliances)
• employment services • transportation
• labour market informat ion • educational supplies (for self or dependent
• job placement or internship child)
• small business training • employment supports (e.g., tools, uniform)
-
Source: Adapted from: Robson-Haddow,]. & Ladner, S. (2005). Asset-based approaches to settlement services in Canada.
Retrieved from http://www.sedi.org/DataRegV2-unified/sedi-Publications/Newcomers%20Policy%20Paper.PDF.

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 THE SOCIAL WE L FARE OF RE CENT IM M IGRA NTS • 3 75

negatively of recent immigrants and exclude them from opportunities and

resources. One poll found an even split among Canadians in their views of
immigration: 39 percent see immigration as having a positive effect, while
another 39 percent believe that immigration is having a negative effect (the
negative attitudes relate primarily to the problem of illegal immigration)
(Angus Reid, 2012).
The federal government argues that successful integration is a "two-way
street," requiring an effort by both newcomers and Canadians to make the
necessary adjustments. Canada-born individuals are encouraged to respect the
cultural gifts that newcomers bring, to teach newcomers about life in Canada,
and to promote the benefits of immigration. In turn, newcomers are urged to
adapt to Canadian ways without giving up their cultures and to help Canadians
understand the challenges of moving to a new country (CIC, 2010b). According
to Dorais (2002), this mutual obligation is critical to a socially cohesive society.
Unfortunately, full integration never occurs for many immigrants.

SETTLEMENT PROGRAMS
Canada offers a variety of settlement programs to help recent immigrants
successfully complete basic settlement tasks, adjust to their new homeland,
and, ultimately integrate into Canadian society. These settlement programs are
particularly important to immigrants who are finding the settlement process
to be stressful or complicated; these immigrants are likely to be dealing with
one or more of the following factors:
• They have difficulty communicating in English or French.
• Their foreign professional credentials or work experience are rejected
by employers.
• They have little choice but to take low-paying jobs or work for long
hours.
• They have limited access to affordable child care.
• They experience racism or discrimination.
• They suffer from loneliness, a sense of isolation, or anxiety (Affiliation
of Multicultural Societies and Services Agencies of BC [AMSSA], 20 ll).

A Modernized Approach to Settlement

Until recently, settlement service-provider organizations (SSPOs) have helped
recent immigrants settle in Canada through three main programs: the Immigrant

NEL
3 76 • CHAPTER 13

Settlement and Adaptation Program (ISAP), the Language Instruction for

Newcomers to Canada (LINC), and the Host Program. Shortly after coming
to power in 2006, the Conservative government conducted formal program
evaluations on those three programs. Researchers confirmed the benefits of
ISAP, LINC, and the Host Program but also found several gaps and incon-
sistencies in the planning, coordination, and delivery of those services (CIC,
2011b). In an effort to modernize its approach to settlement, Citizenship and
Immigration Canada reorganized settlement programs into six activity streams
under a broad Settlement Program umbrella:
• Needs assessment and referral activities determine a newcomer's eligibility
for services and their settlement needs, and refer eligible clients to
appropriate programs or services.
• Support services provide child-care services, translators, transportation
assistance, short-term supportive counselling, and other services.
• Information and orientation services offer information on finding work,
housing, training, and other areas before, or shortly after, arriving in
Canada.
• Language learning and skills development services provide training in
English and French, and instruction on developing soft skills (for
example, conversation etiquette).
• Labour market participation activities provide employment services (for
example, job search skills, and work placements) and information
about workplace culture and customs.
• Community connections activities provide opportunities for partici-
pating in and contributing to the community (for example, youth
mentoring programs and women's support groups) (Smith, 2010).
Compared with previous settlement programming, the CIC's modernized
approach puts a greater emphasis on newcomer outcomes (such as language
proficiency and employment) and the assessment of newcomers' needs before
their arrival in Canada. The approach also expects more from service providers
in terms of the coordination of settlement programs, collaboration among
service providers, the efficient use of resources, and accountability for the
provision of high quality programs (CIC, 2009).

Administration and Service Delivery

Although Canada offered settlement programs in 1948 to help war refugees
and the families of returning Canadian soldiers, it was not until the 1970s that

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 3 77

the federal government began to support settlement services on an ongoing

basis. Today, Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) is responsible for
settlement policies and services. While CIC funds settlement services, SSPOs
deliver most of those services. SSPOs include school boards, postsecondary
institutions, municipal governments, businesses, and voluntary agen-
cies. An example of an SSPO is the Ottawa Community Immigrant Services
Organization (OCISO, 2007); this agency works with government and other
community partners to provide cultural and language programs to recent
immigrants, and supports community-based projects that help newcomers
settle into the community.
The administrative control of settlement services continues to shift from
one level of government to another. Initially, the federal government treated
settlement programs as a national responsibility, administered by federal
agents. However, in 1991, the Government of Canada signed an agreement
with Quebec, giving that province the full control of its settlement programs,
albeit with federal funding. In subsequent years, other provinces entered
similar agreements with the federal government and gained more control
over the design, management, and delivery of settlement programs in their
jurisdictions. In 2012, the federal government reversed its plan to decentralize
immigration services and announced that it would phase out all bilateral
agreements with the provinces (except Quebec). Settlement programs have
once again become a national concern, with the federal government taking
the helm of those programs.

Support for Refugees

Immigrants move to another country by choice; in contrast, refugees flee their
homeland for their own safety or survival. Canada's refugee program aims to
save people's lives, protect displaced and persecuted individuals, and help
those in need of resettlement. Under the UN's Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees (the Geneva Convention) and other international agreements,
Canada has a legal obligation to protect legitimate refugees. Canada accepts, on
average, about 28 000 refugees a year; this represents almost 11 percent of all
newcomers to Canada (CIC, 2012c).
To qualify as refugees, people must first meet the criteria for Convention
refugees or people in need of protection. For Convention refugees, Canadian
officials consider a refugee's claim and decide whether the applicant meets the
Refugee and Humanitarian Resettlement Program (for people seeking protection
from outside Canada) or the In-Canada Asylum Program (for people making
refugee protection claims from within Canada). People in a refugee-like

NEL
3 78 • CHAPTER 13

situation who do not meet the criteria of a Convention refugee can apply for
protection under Canada's Country of Asylum Class (CIC, 2012d).
In addition to personal protection and safety, and the promise of a perma-
nent home, refugees need many of the same supports as other immigrants.
Many refugees also have specific needs resulting from a crisis in their home-
land; for example, refugees who are survivors of torture, or have lived in ref-
ugee camps for years, may be dealing with serious physical and psychological
consequences when they arrive in Canada (Canadian Council for Refugees,
2008). Refugees may access a broad range of support from settlement pro-
grams, including life skills workshops, basic healthcare services and, in some
cases, income support and help in finding housing. Some organizations also
advocate for the rights of refugees (See Exhibit 13 .5). Specialized programs
exist for refugees as well; the Women at Risk program, for example, gives
refuge to women and their dependants who are experiencing violence or other
oppressive treatment in their homeland.
In 2012, the enactment of the Protecting Canada's Immigration System
Act reformed several aspects of Canada's refugee legislation. Among other
things, the Act gives the federal government the power to crack down on
people who abuse the refugee system by imposing higher penalties on human
smugglers and penalizing refugees who illegally enter Canada. Under the
Act, the Government of Canada can detain smuggled men, women, and chil-
dren without warrant or judicial review. According to the Canadian Council
for Refugees (2012), the new legislation contravenes Canada's Charter of
Rights and Freedoms and the Geneva Convention, which prohibits imposing
penalties on refugees for being in a country illegally. Some organizations such
as UNICEF Canada point out that the detention process may be particularly
hard on the well-being of refugee children and youth, who may suffer any-
thing from separation anxiety to post-traumatic stress disorder. In 2012, the
Government of Canada held 289 migrant children many under the age of
ten in detention centres across Canada ("Detention Centres," 2012).

The Settlement Process

1. How might settlement programs help immigrants progress through the accli-
matization and adaptation stages toward an eventual integration?
2. In the name of national security, Canadian authorities can detain people
who enter this country illegally for an indefinite period. Do you believe
this is an appropriate way to deal with illegal immigrants? Give reasons
for your answer.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 3 79

EXHIBIT 13.5

abatir un fo~er de justice pour les refugies

et ll~s immigrants.

of building a home of justice for refugees

and immigrant§.
( an.aJiu.:w C nn.,..d ,,.. lrl13&... .,•
C. ••••il ••nMtt• ~~ lc, •fl'l&u1 •

This poster promotes the Canadian Council for Refugees' thirtieth anniversary and
"30 years of building a home of justice for refugees and immigrants."

3 SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND ISSUES

In general, immigrant settlement patterns have largely been an urban phenom-
enon, with almost half of all immigrants settling in Toronto, Montreal, and
Vancouver. The heavy influx and concentration of immigrants in these cities
has created a number of challenges, especially in terms of urban develop-
ment and demands on health services, social welfare programs, and schools.
Immigration has also contributed to a more culturally and racially diverse

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380 • CHAPTER 13

environment in which racism has become a serious social problem. This section
looks at some of these settlement patterns and issues.

THE DISTRIBUTION OF IMMIGRANTS

Canadian governments have been trying to disperse immigrants more evenly

across the country to reduce the strain on resources in large centres and fill
labour shortages in smaller towns and cities. To help matters, the federal govern-
ment now allows the provinces and territories to accept a greater number of
immigrants. The Provincial Nominee Program has also helped the regional
governments to fast -track skilled workers to fill serious labour gaps; Manitoba,
for example, has been able to address its shortage of nurses by sponsoring
over 100 registered nurses from the Philippines (CIC, 2010c). Many regions
are trying to attract immigrants through elaborate advertising campaigns that
promote their rural and smaller centres as desirable places to live, work, and
raise a family.
Census data suggests that the various recruitment strategies are starting to
pay off for places that normally struggle to attract immigrants. Saskatchewan,
for instance, attracted three times as many immigrants from 2006 to 2011
than it did in the previous five years. Prince Edward Island is one of the
Atlantic provinces that is enjoying population growth as a result of immigra-
tion; that province's population grew eight-fold from 2006 to 2011 (Statistics
Canada, 2012k). Many of Canada's sparsely populated or poorer regions
consider immigration as a key to their future economic prosperity.

Ethnic Enclaves
One of the trends related to urban immigration is the phenomenon of ethnic
enclaves. These enclaves are neighbourhoods where at least 30 percent of the
population belongs to the same ethnic group (Hou & Picot, 2003). Ethnic
enclaves such as Little Italies or Chinatowns are known for their unique
restaurants, groceries, retail stores, and cultural events (see Exhibit 13.6).
The number of ethnic enclaves in Canada has grown over the years, from six
in 1981 to more than 250 in 2001 (Merrill Cooper, Guyn Cooper Research
Associates, 2008).
Researchers have identified both pros and cons of ethnic enclaves. On
the positive side, the residents in concentrated groups can enjoy common
interests and customs. Ethnic enclaves can be especially beneficial to immi-
grant women, many of whom do not speak English or French, and who desire

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 381

EXHIBIT 13.6

~i{}i(i!t.
GOCHAHM liRAVEL .

Chinatowns are some of the most colourful and recognizable ethnic enclaves in
Canada.

the closeness of family and friends. On the negative side, ethnic enclaves
can segregate residents from the mainstream society and, in turn, limit their
opportunities to connect with others, learn English or French, find work, or
attend school outside the neighbourhood. Studies show that immigrants who
work in ethnic enclaves tend to have lower wages than do other Canadian
workers (O'Neil & Nursall, 2012). Some analysts view ethnic enclaves as
evidence that Canada has failed to achieve a multicultural society in which
newcomers have fully integrated into society (Kim, 2012).
One concern about ethnic enclaves is their potential to concentrate
recent immigrants, many of whom are poor, into "enclaves of poverty" or
"ghettos" environments that pose particular risks to the health and well-
being of children (Omidvar & Richmond, 2003). While ghettos are a common
characteristic of large American cities, analysts suggest that Canada's relatively
strong social safety net, a general support of multiculturalism, and a more
accepting view of immigration may be protective buffers against ghettoiza-
tion in this country. Indeed, many ethnic enclaves in Canada including
those in Vancouver and Surrey, British Columbia are thriving middle-class

NEL
3 82 • CHAPTER 13

communities where most community members own property and have

children who are training to be doctors, lawyers, and other professionals
(Sangha, 2012). As the number of foreign-born Canadians grows, it is likely
that ethnic enclaves will become more popular as communities where friends
and family already live, where they can speak their native language, and where
they may find comfort in familiarity.

RACISM AND MARGINALIZATION

Under the UN's International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Racial Discrimination, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and the
Canadian Multiculturalism Act, Canada has an obligation to eliminate racism
in this country. Broadly speaking, there are three forms of racism:
• Individual radsm is evident in people's attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours;
examples include bigotry, stereotyping, belittling remarks, name-
calling, and discrimination based on race.
• Systemic racism is organizational in nature and embedded in policies
and practices that favour some groups while disadvantaging others
because of their race or ethnicity.
• Cultural racism, which underlies individual and systemic discrimi-
nation, reflects the dominant society's values, and the concept of
cultural superiority or inferiority based on racial differences (Roy,
2005-2010).
Contrary to popular myths about Canada, racism is a growing social
problem in this country. According to one poll, four in ten Canadians witnessed
a racist incident in the previous year, and almost half of all Canadians think
that racism is on the rise in this country (Canadian Race Relations Foundation,
2011). Another study found that when compared with Caucasian immigrants,
visible-minority immigrants are more than twice as likely to perceive discrimi-
nation in the workplace (Preston et al., 2011). Certain immigrant groups are
at a particularly high risk of discrimination in Canada including Muslims,
Sikhs, and Blacks (Soroka & Roberton, 20 12).
Although everyone might experience discrimination from time to time,
some groups are more likely to be racialized than others are. Racialization
is defined here as a "process through which groups come to be designated
as different and on that basis subjected to unequal treatment" (University of
Guelph, 2007, p. 12). Racialized groups are usually those that another
(usually dominant) group considers unequal, abnormal, or less worthy

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WE L FARE OF RE CENT IM M IGRA NTS • 383

because of their skin colour, religion, language, or other trait. Because the
basis of discrimination may be attributes other than race, racialized groups
may or may not be visible minorities.
Since the terrorist attacks in the United States in 200 l, Islamophobia has
frequently been in the media, a product of the racialization of Muslim people
and an unfounded fear of Islam. A poll conducted by Leger Marketing (20 ll)
found that, ten years after 9/ll, 40 percent of Canadians approved of airport
personnel doing extra security checks on persons appearing to be of Muslim
background. Canadian politicians do their share to spread the fear of Muslims;
in an interview for CBC, Prime Minister Stephen Harper (20 ll) stated that,
when speaking of terrorism, "the major threat is still Islamicism."
Racism has serious implications for the integration of newcomers to
Canada. Racialized immigrants are likely to be marginalized from mainstream
society; excluded from social, political, and economic activities; and prevented
from accessing important resources, such as adequate income, housing, and
services. Not only is the oppression and marginalization of immigrant groups
a social injustice, but it is also contrary to the objectives of immigration that
is, to help newcomers contribute to population growth and fill significant gaps
in the labour market.
The elimination of racism and discrimination is a major focus of public
policy in Canada, and a challenge for political leaders. Over the years, the federal
government has sponsored a number of antiracism campaigns. For example,
projects under the Welcoming Communities Initiative such as campaigns to
raise awareness of racism and outreach programs to welcome newcomers aim
to create more inclusive and welcoming communities for recent immigrants,
and to strengthen the relationships between newcomers and Canadians (CIC,
20 l Od). At the provincial or territorial level is a variety of innovative programs
to reduce racism. For example, WelcomeBC funds the Neonology program
offered by the North Shore Multicultural Society (see Exhibit 13. 7).

Settlement Patterns and Issues

1. Many communities in Canada are trying to attract immigrants to fill labour

shortages and to increase their population (and tax base). If you were moving
to Canada, what features might you be seeking in a community? Do you know
of any communities that offer those features?
2. What are some of the potential benefits and detriments of high concentra-
tions of immigrants in Canada's largest cities?
3. Racism is a serious problem at many different levels of society. What might
colleges and universities (or students) do to help immigrant students feel
included, accepted, and respected?

NEL
384 • CHAPTER 13

EXHIBIT 13.7
NEONOLOGY: A FUNKY ANTI-RACISM PROGRAM FOR YOUTH

The North Shore Multicultural Society (NSMS) in North Vancouver, British

Columbia, launched Neonology in September 2010. Since then, Neonology has
become a popular buzzword on the North Shore, and it is common to see youth in
the community wearing the fluorescent Neonology t-shirts. The Neonology initia-
tive challenges youth to make their communities more welcoming and inclusive
by adopting a new and brighter perspective on diversity.
One thousand youth have attended Neonology workshops in North Shore high
schools. During the sessions, students explore diversity and anti-oppression through
hands-on activities and open discussion. The project creates a safe space for youth
to express their experiences and thoughts on discrimination and privilege. Youth
are encouraged to take an active role as change agents in their communities: after
learning more about diversity and inclusion during the sessions, 72 percent of
youth participants reported an intention to act on the information they had learned.
N eonology also delivers workshops for parents and teachers, to engage them as
allies in creating welcoming and inclusive communities for immigrant youth.
Among other achievements, the Neonology team has provided in-depth
training for youth leaders to develop Neon Clubs (diversity and inclusive community
initiatives in schools); and has sponsored a Neonology Forum for front-line youth
workers to learn how youth programs can be more welcoming and inclusive.
Neonology is an initiative of the North Shore Welcoming Action Committee,
which serves as the advisory body for this program. The NSMS manages the
program, and delivers the program in partnership with the North Vancouver
and West Vancouver School Districts. Funding for Neonology comes from the
Welcoming and Inclusive Communities and Workplaces Initiative, which makes it
possible for the NSMS to explore a fresh outlook on diversity.

Source: Adapted from North Shore Welcoming Action Committee. (2010, July). NSWAC Newsletter, 1(2),
p. 2. Retrieved from http://www.northshorewac.ca/File/NSWACNewsletter_July_2010.pdf.

4 CHALLENGES FOR SELECTED IMMIGRANT

GROUPS
Each newcomer to Canada experiences the immigration process differently.
Many factors influence those experiences, including age, gender, skills, and
the readiness and willingness of the host country to accept newcomers. This
section considers some of the challenges of immigrating to Canada for young
people, women, and people seeking employment.

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 385

CHILDREN AND YOUTH

One in five children in Canada under the age of fifteen was born either in an
immigrant family or in another country (New Canadian Children and Youth
Study, n.d.). Although most young immigrants are adapting well to life in
Canada, many encounter difficulties:
• They cannot speak English or French when they arrive in Canada,
which puts them at risk of doing poorly in school or having trouble
making friends.
• They experience discrimination or are socially excluded, which may
interfere with their ability to engage in school and makes them vulner-
able to criminal and deviant behaviour.
• They face identity conflict when trying to fit into the contrasting
cultures of their family and their peer group.
• Their family lives in poverty, a factor that puts young people at risk of
physical and mental health problems, social isolation, and difficulties
concentrating in school (AMSSA, 2012; BC Centre for Safe Schools
and Communities, 2012; CIC, 2012e).
A number of studies have explored the relationship between the
ethnic or racial identity of young newcomers and their mental health
status. Psychological distress among young immigrants is linked to such
issues as language difficulties and adjusting to a new school system. Those
who experience racism or discrimination tend to have higher than normal
levels of stress, depression, low self-esteem, behavioural disorders (such
as substance abuse or violence), and other functional problems (Shakya,
Khanlou, &: Gonsalves, 2010). Young refugees face particular mental
health challenges: children who have fled war or abuse in their homeland,
or who been separated from their parents, may be under considerable
stress when they arrive in Canada. In his study of Canada's boat people,
Morton Beiser (1999) found that refugee youth were twice as likely as
adults were to suffer from depression; the youth were also at a higher risk
of suicide.
A growing body of research on the needs and issues of young immigrants is
fuelling the expansion of programs for this group. Citizenship and Immigration
Canada funds many of those programs under its settlement services frame-
work. One of the more popular CIC programs is the Settlement Workers
in Schools (SWIS) initiative. Under SWIS, settlement workers in public
schools orient newcomer students to the school system, assess their needs,
and provide information and language translation. Psychological counselling

NEL
386 • CHAPTER 13

is also available for children and youth experiencing adjustment difficulties.

In addition to school-based programs are a wide range of programs offered
by organizations, such as the YMCA, Red Cross, and the United Way; those
organizations may deliver a specific activity (for example, recreation services) or
target their services to young people from a specific region, such as Africa or
the Middle East.
Certain programs for young immigrants are in particularly high demand;
those programs include mental health counselling, English-as-a-second-language
training, and culturally relevant early learning and child-care programs. Also
in demand are outreach programs, in which workers connect with young
newcomers and help them engage in school and community activities.
Moreover, the need is growing for prevention and support programs that
target youth at risk of gang behaviour, criminal activity, and dropping out of
school (Mitchell, 2005).

IMMIGRANT WOMEN

Approximately one in five women in Canada is foreign born, and more than
one-quarter of them belong to a visible minority group. In recent years, most
immigrant women have come from Asia and the Middle East, and settled in
large urban centres (for example, almost half of Toronto's female population
are immigrants) (Chui, 2011).
Immigrant women face a number of challenges when adapting to their
new life in Canada. In general, immigrant women
• who cannot speak English or French, or belong to a visible or religious
minority, have limited job opportunities and, therefore, tend to be
poor, unemployed, or underemployed
• face cultural barriers, discrimination, and racism when trying to
access training, jobs, health care, and other essential services
• experience stress and other mental health issues in response to their
economic situations, personal isolation, or perceived discrimination
(Morris & Sinnott, 2010)
Although women newcomers are at a lower risk of abuse than Canada-
born women, they are less likely to report incidents of abuse (Du Mont
et al., 20 12). Studies show that underreporting is most common among women
who do not understand their legal rights or the way the justice system works.
In tum, victims who are financially dependent on their husbands (who are
usually the abusers) and cannot speak French or English are also unlikely

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WE L FARE OF RE CENT IM M IGRA NTS • 387

to report abuse (Smith, 2004). According to the 2004 General Social Survey
on Victimization, about 5 percent of recent immigrant women experience
spousal abuse; however, because of underreporting, the actual rate may be
much higher (Statistics Canada, 2006).
With the exception of language training, the service needs of immigrant
women are similar to those of Canada-born women; for instance, most women
need basic healthcare, and many benefit from such things as employment sup-
port. Research has shown that the way in which organizations deliver ser-
vices strongly influences a woman newcomer's use of services. Overall, women
immigrants are more likely to seek help from agencies that offer culturally
sensitive programs that is, programs that recognize and respect their partic-
ular values, beliefs, and norms. In her study of immigrant women in Atlantic
Canada, researcher Barbara Cottrell (2008) found that women immigrants are
more likely to seek help if the helper is female and speaks the same language. It
is also important to women that helpers know something about their culture
and are, ideally, from the same country of origin.
Settlement service-provider organizations in Canada have taken various
steps to make their operations more culturally sensitive. It is common for
SSPOs to employ workers who represent the racial and ethnic diversity of the
population they serve and to ensure that front-line staff and office workers
receive cross-cultural training. In this type of training, participants immerse
themselves in a specific ethnocultural community to gain sensitivity to another
culture and to develop a better understanding of their own prejudices, stereotypes,
and cultural values. Many agencies also regularly review their program standards,
policies, and procedures to ensure that they are inclusive of immigrants and
ethnic minorities (Luther, 2007). Some agencies such as Immigrant Women
Services Ottawa tailor all their programs to the needs of immigrant women.
Despite the expansion of women-centred programs, the need continues for
more culturally appropriate services for immigrant women and for the inclu-
sion of immigrant women in the design, development, and delivery of the
services they are likely to use.

IMMIGRANT WORKERS

Employment plays an important role in settlement in a new country and the

eventual integration and participation in Canadian society. Aycan and Berry
(1996, p. ll) observe that work "provides purpose to life, it defines status and
identity, and enables individuals to establish relationships with others in the
society. It is especially the latter function that becomes critical for immigrants,

NEL
388 • CHAPTER 13

because adaptation is facilitated by social interactions. The more one interacts

with the groups in the larger society, the faster one acquires skills to manage
everyday life."
Until the 1980s, newcomers to Canada could expect that, after the initial
settling-in period, they would be able to find a well-payingjob (see Exhibit 13.8).
In those days, employment rates for immigrants were as high as or higher
than that of Canada-born workers, and their earnings were comparable. Since
that time, the ability of working-age immigrants to find good jobs has steadily
deteriorated. In 2011, 14 percent of immigrants who were in Canada for five
years or less were unemployed (compared with 7 percent of Canada-born
workers). On average, those immigrants also earned less than Canada-born
workers did and had less access to workplace pensions and other benefits
(Statistics Canada, 2012j). The problem with finding work is not due to a lack
of education; indeed, more than 40 percent of recent immigrants have at least
a bachelor's degree, compared with just 17 percent of Canada-born workers
(Desjardins & Cornelson, 2011).

EXHIBIT 13.8

s
8
f,l...

In 1959, when these Italian immigrants arrived at Pier 21 in Halifax, Canada had
plenty of jobs to offer newcomers.

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 389

Some immigrant job seekers run into problems when trying to get their
educational credentials from abroad recognized in Canada. Newcomers also
find that not having Canadian work experience hinders employment, as does
not being able to speak English or French (Schellenberg &: Maheux, 2007).
Many of the well-educated immigrants who manage to find work are working
as clerks, labourers, taxi drivers, and in other low-skill, low-paying occupations.
Reports suggest that discrimination is a real barrier to employment. One
study found that employers were three times as likely to invite job applicants
with English-sounding names for an interview as applicants with Chinese,
Pakistani, or Indian names (Oreopoulos, 2009). In general, visible-minority
immigrants especially from Black or Asian origins have the most difficulty
finding work in Canada (Fellegi, 2006).
For many recent immigrants, moving to Canada has meant living in poverty,
being jobless or underemployed, and struggling to meet even the most basic of
needs. Not only can difficulties in securing well-paying employment result in
a loss of social status and economic benefits, but they can also lead to depres-
sion, stress, anxiety, and other mental health issues (Fang&: Goldner, 2011).
From an economic standpoint, unemployment or underemployment among
newcomers means that many talents and skills go underused, and chronic
labour shortages in many parts of the country persist.
The federal government has introduced various initiatives over the years
to reduce the barriers to economic integration among recent immigrants
and to equalize working conditions between newcomers and Canada-born
workers. Those initiatives include
• the Federal Skilled Worker Program, which allows immigration
officials to select immigrants who are most likely to succeed economi-
cally in Canada and match them to jobs in their field
• the Pan-Canadian Framework for the Assessment and Recognition of
Foreign Credentials, which is used before an immigrant arrives in Canada
to assess his or her foreign-obtained education, work experience, and
skills against Canadian professional and trade standards
• the Canadian Immigration Integration Project, which offers seminars
abroad on how to find work in Canada or apply for credential recog-
nition online (Kenney, 2012)
Various campaigns encourage businesses to recruit more immigrants. For
example, Ranstad Canada (20 12) is a recruitment firm in the private sector that
promotes the benefits of hiring newcomers to Canada. That company also rec-
ognizes the benefits for businesses that diversify their workplaces; those benefits
include attracting a wider customer base and gaining recognition as a business

NEL
390 • CHAPTER 13

that respects cultural differences. In some jurisdictions, such as Quebec, the gov-
ernment offers a tax credit to encourage businesses to hire immigrants.

-
Challenges for Selected Immigrant Groups
1. Young newcomers to Canada may have trouble fitting in, especially if they
struggle with such things as language or poverty. What role might the educa-
tion, justice, or social welfare systems play in helping children and youth adapt
to Canadian life?
2. Women immigrants tend to underreport incidents of domestic violence. How
might Canadians help female newcomers get the protection and support
they need?
3. Why might immigrants from visible-minority groups have more difficulty
landing jobs in Canada than non-visible-minority immigrant job seekers?

5 SOCIAL WORKERS AND SETTLEMENT

PRACTICE
Newcomers to Canada-especially those from racialized groups often struggle
with poverty, unemployment, underemployment, and a lack of affordable
housing. Settlement workers can provide valuable support and advocacy
to these groups. Many settlement workers are trained as social workers and
approach settlement practice from a strengths-based, empowerment perspec-
tive. This perspective requires workers to demonstrate certain values (such
as respect for the individual and professional accountability), professional ethics
(including respect for client confidentiality and avoidance of conflicts of
interest), and skills (for example, interviewing, case management, and advocacy)
(Canadian Council for Refugees, 2000). Settlement practice also requires a
strong grounding in theories and principles relating to the following:
• the settlement process (including the adaptation process, influences
on integration, and the effects of settlement on family)
• the immigrant and refugee experience
• multiculturalism and cultural change
• human rights
• global and Canadian influences that shape immigration and settlement
• systems that affect settlement (such as the social welfare, health,
education, and justice systems)

NEL
 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 391

To be effective, settlement workers have to be sensitive to racism issues

and to the impact that professional helpers can have on clients. Cross-cultural
training may assist in this process. A growing number of social workers are also
finding that an anti-oppressive approach is an effective method of working
with immigrant or refugee clients (Sakamoto, 2007). Among other things, this
approach aims to break down the social divisions and structural inequalities
in society that prevent successful integration. Exhibit 13.9 compares some of

A COMPARATIVE VIEW: TRADITIONAL AND

ANTI-OPPRESSIVE APPROACHES

11 ~.fl' • ru • ~.~ ~ ri,

D. ;.. ;. ~ •Y.:.'(eCi
SOCIAL WORKER From Caucasian, middle-class, From any background or social
Anglo-Saxon background; group; may have multiple
identifies mainly with dominant identities (based on race,
group gender, locality, religion, etc.)

VIEW OF IMMIGRANT "Different" from the worker and A fellow human being and citizen;
SERVICE USER (CLIENT) mainstream population; in need; peer; competent; independent
dependent

GOAL OF IMMIGRANT To conform to dominant society To understand the pros and

ACCULTURATION (achieved through education, cons of acculturation, identify
training, and information) individual needs, and access
services to meet those needs

CULTURAL COMPETENCE Professional learns about the Worker recognizes the

OF SERVICE PROVIDER cultures of minority groups overlapping yet unique
identities and experiences of
individuals in various social
groups

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN Professional (the expert is Egalitarian (the worker and

SERVICE PROVIDER AND the teacher; the client is the client are equals, allies, and
SERVICE USER student) co-learners in the change
process)

Focus OF CHANGE The individual (client must Established systems and

EFFORTS develop skills and behaviours to institutions (society must
"fit in" to Canadian society) correct the unequal distribution
of power and become more
inclusive)

Source: Adapted from Izumi Sakamoto, "A Critical Examination of Immigrant Acculturation: Toward an
Anti-Oppressive Social Work Model with Immigrant Adults in a Pluralistic Society," British journal of Social
Work, 2007 , 37, 515-535, by permission of Oxford University Press.

NEL
392 • CHAPTER 13

the components of traditional social work with an anti-oppressive approach

to settlement practice.
Workers must be able to accurately assess the needs and preferences
of clients from various ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Assessment
includes recognizing the value that each client places on tradition. While
some individuals might want to maintain their traditional values and customs,
others may reject them, preferring instead to assimilate into the dominant
culture (Herberg &: Herberg, 200 l). It is therefore crucial for helpers to
develop a clear understanding of the client's cultural values and prefer-
ences. Unless they can do this, settlement workers may find it difficult to
establish rapport with immigrant clients and keep them engaged in settle-
ment activities.
Studies suggest that social workers need more preparation to be able
to serve newcomers effectively. In their survey of social workers in British
Columbia, Yan and Chan (2010) found that only 43 percent of workers felt
"well prepared" to work with recent immigrants. A study by Cottrell (2008)
found that settlement workers want to respond effectively to the cultural
backgrounds of their clients yet feel they lack the skills to do so. Settlement
workers in this study also reported that their social work or other degree
program offered only fragmented segments of cultural competence training
that was not entirely relevant to their job.
Relatively few social work education programs focus specifically on
how to work effectively with newcomer populations. However, as social
work's clientele becomes increasingly multicultural, Canadian institutions
are beginning to revise their training pro grams and professional sup-
ports to make them more culturally relevant. For example, the Canadian
Association of Social Work Education now requires social work training
programs to address multiculturalism in their curriculums. The Canadian
Association of Social Workers has addressed diversity, discrimination,
cultural values, and related concepts in various documents, including its
code of ethics.

__I <> ~5_____

Social Workers and Settlement Practice

1. How might an anti-oppressive approach help newcomers complete the tasks

of the settlement process?
2. What might explain the lack of social work education programs in Canada
that focus specifically on working with recent immigrants?

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 THE SOCIAL WELFARE OF RECENT IMMIGRANTS • 393

SUMMARY

Introduction

Canada is a country of immigrants, and most recent immigrants are visible

minorities. Immigration has many social, cultural, economic, and demo-
graphic benefits. Most Canadians are supportive of immigrants; however,
many recent immigrants discover that adapting to life in Canada is not as
easy as they had expected.

1 Backgrounder: Canada's Immigration Policy

Canada's early immigration policies limited the entrance of non-Caucasian

immigrants. After the Second World War, Canada became more accepting
of immigrants; even so, immigration policies ensured a predominantly
Caucasian society. In the 1960s, immigration policy became more inclu-
sive. By the 1980s, several problems in the immigration system prompted
a series of reforms to immigration legislation. Today's immigration system
favours the admittance of self-sufficient immigrants who are younger, can
contribute to Canada's economy, and have a good grasp of English or
French.

2 The Settlement Process

The settlement process involves three stages: acclimatization, adaptation,

and integration. Successful integration requires both newcomers and
Canadians to make adjustments. A wide range of programs and services
are available to recent immigrants to help them adjust to their new way
of life; settlement service-provider organizations (SSPOs) deliver those
services. Refugees often have serious physical, psychological, and emotional
needs when they arrive in Canada and can seek help from settlement and
related programs. Recent changes in Canada's laws allow government
officials to detain illegal immigrants for indefinite periods.

3 Settlement Patterns and Issues

Most immigrants settle in large urban centres, creating a number of

challenges for cities in terms of urban development and service demands.
Immigration is also creating a more diverse workforce. Governments are
finding ways to disperse immigrants more evenly across the country. Ethnic
enclaves have both pros and cons; the biggest concern is their potential
to concentrate large numbers of poor immigrants. Racism is a growing
social problem in Canada and can interfere with the integration of visible-
minority and racialized immigrant groups. Governments have introduced
various campaigns over the years to combat racism in Canada.

4 Challenges for Selected Immigrant Groups

Many young immigrants have trouble adapting to Canadian culture,

especially if they do not speak English or French. A growing number of

NEL
3 94 • CHAPTER 13

programs are available for young newcomers, including those offered in

schools. Although women immigrants may have trouble adj usting to their
new life in Canada, they are unlikely to seek help unless agencies and
services are cu lturally sensitive; many social agencies are ta iloring their
approaches accordingly. Working-age immigrants face a number of bar-
riers in the workplace. The federal government has introduced various
initiatives to reduce the barriers to economic integration and to equalize
working conditions for newcomers.

5 Social Workers and Settlement Practice

In settlement practice, service providers must be persona lly suited to

working with immigrants and refugees; demonstrate certain values, ethics,
and skills; and have a relevant knowledge base. Social workers some-
times take cross-cu ltura l training or adopt an anti-oppressive approach
to improve their effectiveness with immigrant cl ients. Relatively few social
work education programs focus on serving newcomer popu lations; how-
ever, those programs as well as professional associations are gradually
addressing issues related to d iversity.

__________ ICE Y_
For definitions of the key terms, consu lt the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
immigrants, p. 366 settlement process, racism, p. 382
visible minorities, p. 366 p.373 discrimination, p. 382
recent immigrants, settlement programs, racialization, p. 382
p.367 p.375 cross-cultural training,
head tax, p. 368 settlement service- p.387
points system, p. 370 provider organ izations settlement workers,
immigration rate, p. 370 (SSPOs), p. 375 p.390
permanent resident, refugees, p. 377 settlement practice,
p.370 resettlement, p. 377 p.390
economic immigrants, ethnic enclaves, anti-oppressive
p.371 p.380 approach, p. 391

NEL
 •
OCia
•
eo IS a

OBJECTIVES
The inclusion of persons with disabilities is important to the well-being of
all society. This chapter will
• introduce the concept and definitions of disability

• examine the preva lence of and issues related to disability

• discuss the evolution of Canada's disability policy agenda

• explore the achievements of and challenges facing people with disabilities

in selected life areas

• introduce social work approaches to working with persons with disabilities

INTRODUCTION
• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• •• •••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••

Given the challenges facing our communities, it is our

shared responsibility to uncover and mobilize the latent
capacity of all citizens. People with disabilities, like
every citizen, have both the capacity and the responsi-
bility to strengthen our communities. We must ensure
that each community member thrives and contributes.
(Philia, 1997)
• •• ••• ••• • ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •• • • •• • ••• •••• ••• •••• • • • ••• •••• ••• ••• •• • • ••• ••• •••• • • • •

Disability is a complex, multidimensional issue and is therefore difficult

to define. This lack of definition is why social work, health, education,

NEL 395
396 • CHAPTER 14

and other disciplines so often take different approaches to disability; why

programs for people with disabilities vary in design and delivery; and why
disability related programs tend to have different eligibility criteria. The
following three theories have nevertheless shaped people's understanding
and response to disability, and influenced the design of disability-related
programs and services:
• The impairment perspective assumes that disability is a biologically
based illness, disease, or "problem" that originates in a person's
body or mind. This medical model supports the use of interventions
intended to rehabilitate people to help them "fit in" and function
"normally" in mainstream society.
• Like the impairment perspective, the functional limitations perspective
supports the notion that disability has a biological base. However,
this view also considers the limiting nature of disability (for example,
a limited ability to learn or work) and how people perceive and react
to those limitations. This perspective tends to emphasize the costs of
disability in terms of lost productivity, diminished social role, and
other types of disadvantage.
• Since the mid -1990s, the ecological perspective has gained popu-
larity over the impairment and functional limitations perspectives.
Like its predecessors, the ecological perspective assumes that disability
involves a physical condition that has limiting consequences. However,
this perspective also recognizes the impact of a person's environment
on his or her experience of having a disability. The Government of
Canada's definition of disability reflects this broader view: "Disability
is a complex phenomenon, reflecting an interaction between features
of a person's body and mind and features of the society in which they
live" (Human Resources and Skills Development Canada [HRSDC],
2012h, p. 2).
The way in which people understand and define disability can influ-
ence the way they perceive and treat those who are mentally or physically
"different. " Efforts at the international level have reinforced the notion that
social attitudes toward disability determine the extent to which people with
disabilities are included in society. In 2001, the World Health Organization
(WHO, 2009) created the International Classification of Functioning, Disability
and Health (ICF) to shift the world's focus on disability from the medical or
biological cause of disability to the impact of society's response to disability.
The ICF normalizes disability, suggesting that everyone's health is limited to
some degree, and therefore everyone experiences some level of disability. By
reframing disability as a universal human experience, the ICF aims to challenge
NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 397

society's traditionally negative views of disability, eliminate the stigma attached

to having a disability, and reduce the discrimination and marginalization of
people with disabilities.
In Canada, people with physical or mental disabilities have always been
part of Canadian society, but they have not always had the same opportu-
nities as those without a disability. That situation is gradually changing
(see Exhibit 14.1). Today, disability is defined not so much by a person's
physical or mental impairment as by the ability (or willingness) of society to
accept differences between people. This view assumes that it is social attitudes
that must change to accept all persons, regardless of ability, as participants
in society. To reflect this view, policies and programs are starting to focus
more on improving access to all opportunities in society for the benefit of

EXHIBIT 14.1

Today, people with disabilities are active participants in all aspects of society, including
sports.

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398 • CHAPTER 14

all members of society (Raj an, 2004). This particular approach recognizes
that people with or without disabilities have similar goals: "to participate as
valued, appreciated equals in the social, economic, political and cultural life
of the community," and "to be involved in mutually trusting, appreciative
and respectful interpersonal relationships at the family, peer and community
levels" (Crawford, 2003, p. 5).
Much of what we know about Canadians with disabilities comes from
information gathered by the federal government. Since the 1980s, Statistics
Canada has collected a wide range of disability-related information through
various surveys, including the Participation and Activity Limitation Survey.
In 2012, Statistics Canada (20121) began collecting data using the Canadian
Survey on Disability, which focuses primarily on people's health conditions or
limitations and their impact on daily life.

1 DISABILITY IN CANADA
Disabilities affect some segments of the population more than others and vary
in their severity, causes, and consequences. How an individual experiences
disability depends on many factors, including age, gender, other people's percep-
tions, and available supports in the community. This section explores the
prevalence and types of disabilities in Canada and some of the issues related
to disability among young people, Aboriginal peoples, and women.

PREVALENCE AND TYPES OF DISABILITIES

Approximately 14 percent of Canadians have a disability. Seniors have the

highest rate of disability of any age group, at 4 3 percent; this rate is expected
to rise as the population ages. Elderly women are more likely than their male
counterparts to have a disability; in contrast, girls aged fourteen and younger
have a lower rate of disability than boys do.
People often use the term disability generically to refer to a broad range of
conditions, even though there are many different types of disability, including
those related to sensory impairment (such as blindness and deafness), learning
difficulties, mental illness, and physical injury. Almost 82 percent of adults
with disabilities have multiple disabilities. For example, an elderly person
might have difficulty walking (mobility impairment) and have aphasia
(a speech impairment) (Statistics Canada, 2007). Exhibit 14.2 illustrates the
prevalence of various types of disabilities in Canada.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 399

EXHIBIT 14.2
PREVALENCE OF DISABILITIES IN ADULTS IN CANADA

Mobility ~~~~~~~~~~========================~
Agility ~~~~~~~~~========================~
Pain
Hearing
Seeing
Memory ~~===:J
Speech
• 15 to 24
Learning ~ 25 to 44
Psycho log ical1 • 45 to 64
o 65 and over
Other
1-----'
Developmental2

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Percentage of total population

1 Includes emotional, psychiatric, and alcohol/drug problems.

2 Use with caution.

Source: Adapted from Statistics Canada. (2007). Partidpation and Activity Limitation Survey 2006: Analytical
Report (Catalogue No. 89-628-XIE).

Among Canadian adults, more than 6 percent have a severe disability.

Because a disability may be caused by several factors, its severity can be highly
individual. One person with an intellectual disability, for instance, may have
no difficulty performing daily tasks of living, whereas another person with the
same diagnosis may experience significant functional limitations. Severe disabili-
ties tend to become more common with age and can affect various life areas, such
as mobility, independence, the ability to work, income levels, recreation, and
emotional well-being. The diversity in needs and abilities of people with the same
disability "label" presents a challenge for policymakers when developing social
policies and programs for such a wide range of needs (Statistics Canada, 2007).

DISABILITY ISSUES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH

About 4 percent of Canadian children have a disability. The most common

disabilities among children ages five to fourteen are learning disabilities, chronic
health conditions (such as asthma and severe allergies), and communication

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400 • CHAPTER 14

limitations. Most children with disabilities are likely to have one or more mild
to moderate disabilities (Statistics Canada, 2008c).
Children with special needs used to be placed in large institutions, but
today, most live at home with their families. Studies reveal the challenges
for parents who care for a child with a disability. For example, parents must
coordinate their caregiver responsibilities with other commitments, such as
work and personal relationships. For most families, it is not the child's disability
that poses the greatest challenges but the severity of that disability. When
compared with parents of children with mild to moderate disabilities, parents
of children with severe disabilities report higher levels of stress and less
satisfaction with their own health. Having a child with a severe disability is
also likely to affect the parents' income and the ability to work and find child
care. About 40 percent of Canadian children with disabilities have severe
disabilities (Statistics Canada, 2008c).
A wide range of programs and services aim to help children with dis-
abilities live full and active lives. For example, mainstream public and private
schools have come a long way in becoming more inclusive of children with
disabilities (see Exhibit 14.3). Most mainstream schools in Canada now offer
some level of support for children with disabilities in the form of teacher
aides, devices (such as talking books), and services (such as sign language
interpreters). Today, eight out of ten children with disabilities attend regular
public or private schools (HRSDC, 2009).
Despite progress, children with special needs still face a number of
physical and social barriers. In terms of learning, 18 percent of children with
disabilities do not receive the technical or human support they need at
school; among children with severe disabilities, 37 percent fail to get the
support they need (HRSDC, 2010). With regard to accessing community
services, some experts suggest that children with disabilities (especially those
with severe disabilities) may be discriminated against when trying to access
quality health care (Canadian Coalition for the Rights of Children, 2009).
Evidence also suggests that social and health agency staff lack the training
needed to respond effectively to children with various types of disabilities
(Bendall, 2008). A study by Kowalchuk and Crompton (2009) revealed several
difficulties encountered by children with disabilities who wanted to join
in community activities; those children faced such barriers as inadequate
transportation systems and sports that could not accommodate a player
with physical limitations. Although supports for preschool children with
disabilities have improved in recent years, community supports for older
children and youth with disabilities tend to be fragmented and uncoordinated
(Snowdon, 2012).

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 401

EXHIBIT 14.3

Most children with disabilities attend their neighbourhood school and enjoy the same
educational opportunities as children without a disability.

DISABILITY AND ABORIGINAL PEOPLES

The disability rate among Aboriginal peoples is almost twice that of non-
Aboriginal Canadians. Almost one-third of registered First Nations people has
a disability, and many of those disabilities are the result of diabetes (McDonald,
2005). First Nations children are twice as likely as other Canadian children to
have a disability. The most common disabling conditions among First Nations
children are asthma and allergies (First Nations Regional Longitudinal Health
Survey, 2005).
Compared with non-Aboriginal communities, reserves and northern
or remote areas of the country have a general scarcity of disability-related
programs and services. The lack of those resources tends to exacerbate

NEL
402 • CHAPTER 14

other disadvantages, such as isolation, poverty, and unemployment. The

Government of Canada and First Nations have tried to improve conditions
for Aboriginal people with disabilities through various bilateral agreements.
One of those agreements created the Assisted Living Program, a program
that offers home care, adult foster care, and institutional care for First
Nations people with disabilities living on reserve (HRSDC, 2008). Another
initiative the Aboriginal Human Resources Development Strategy-
focuses on increasing employment opportunities for Aboriginal people with
disabilities. Researchers are beginning to evaluate the quality of these types
of programs. For instance, in her analysis of eight federally sponsored pro-
grams for First Nations people with disabilities, Raihanna Hirji-Khalfan
(2009) found little or no evidence that those programs were effective and,
overall, found the programs to be culturally inappropriate for the populations
they served.

WOMEN AND DISABILITY

About 15 percent of Canadian women (one in six) live with a disability

(Statistics Canada, 2007). Although women tend to suffer from mild rather
than severe disabilities, the resultant activity limitations may be enough to
hinder day-to-day activities. In particular, cyclical or fluctuating illnesses,
such as autoimmune conditions, chronic fatigue syndrome, and depression,
together with other illnesses to which women with disabilities are susceptible,
can make it difficult for a woman to work (Doe & Kimpson, 1999). Over
the last thirty years, employment opportunities have improved for women
with disabilities. Nevertheless, most working-age women with disabilities
are unemployed or out of the labour market and, among those who work,
the average annual income is significantly less than for women without a dis-
ability. Many women with disabilities must rely on social assistance benefits;
although most of the provinces and territories offer slightly higher rates to
people with disabilities, the income gain is rarely enough to cover all dis-
ability-related expenses.
Women with disabilities are at a much higher risk of abuse than are
women without disabilities; some researchers suggest that as many as two
out of five women with disabilities can expect to be sexually or physically
abused during their lifetime (McDonald, Wobick, & Graham, 2004). One of
the most important influences on the incidence of violence against women with
disabilities is the extent to which these women rely on others for their care and
security. For instance, many women who are highly dependent on someone

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 403

else for medical and financial support, housing, or other resources are reluctant
to leave an abusive marital relationship, or report an abusive caregiver, for fear
of losing that support (Rivers-Moore, 1993).
Most programs and services are designed for the mainstream population
yet offer specialized services to women and men with disabilities; those
resources include vocational rehabilitation, income security programs, and
social housing. In addition, a limited number of programs focus exclusively
on the needs of women with a disability; Exhibit 14.4 provides an example of
one such program.

EXHIBIT 14.4
EMPOWERING DEAF WOMEN IN CANADA

Comparative studies have found a general lack of services for Deaf women in
Canada, which places them behind their peers in other parts of the Western world.
To improve that situation, the Canadian Association of the Deaf (CAD) launched
a new project called Empowering Deaf Women in Canada. The project set out
to facilitate the full inclusion of Deaf women in the political, social, cultural,
and economic aspects of society, and to build a strong foundation on which Deaf
women could become more active participants in the decision-making process and
leaders in Canada's Deaf community.
The objectives of the project were to ensure that Deaf women
• had the tools and supports they needed at the local level to understand their
rights and to obtain appropriate services, including those related to violence
against women
• worked with the CAD to check that the organization's mandate and strategic plan
reflected Deaf women's issues and priorities
• worked with organizations at a grassroots level to identify the key priorities for
Deaf women in their communities
• were empowered to work with local organizations to ensure that services were
accessible and appropriate to Deaf women's needs

The CAD set up working groups across the country for Deaf women to
identify gaps in services and to help develop resources to meet women's needs.
Participating women shared information and knowledge related to employment,
discrimination, abuse, and healthcare with the Deaf community, including grassroots
groups for Deaf women.
Empowering Deaf Women in Canada ran from 2007 to 2010 and received
federal funding from the Women's Program, Status of Women Canada.

Source: Adapted from Canadian Association for the Deaf. (2007, June 8). CAD works to empower deaf women and
increase community inclusion. Retrieved from http://www.cad.ca/news_events_en.php?newslD=l5.

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404 • CHAPTER 14

Disability in Canada
1. The impairment, functional limitations, and ecological perspectives of
disability have shaped people's understanding and definition of disability.
Describe how each theory might influence the way that society treats people
with disabilities.
2. Children and youth, Aboriginal peoples, and women face a number of bar-
riers to participation in society because of a disability. What factors other
than a disability put these populations at risk of isolation and exclusion from
society?

2 CANADA'S DISABILITY POLICY AGENDA

A hundred years ago, society tended to view disability as a social problem,
a strain on precious resources, and a threat to the health and well-being of
individuals and communities. In tum, disability policy focused on the medical
aspects of disability and on strategies to "manage" the behaviour of people
with disabilities. Over time, as society learned about disability issues and
became more accepting of people with disabilities, public policies began to
reflect society's enlightened views. Today, disability policy focuses more on
the citizenship of people with disabilities, their contributions to communities, and
their right to enjoy the full benefits of society. This section provides an overview
of the evolution of disability policy in Canada.

AN ERA OF ISOLATION AND EXCLUSION

The eugenics movement at the tum of the twentieth century promoted the
view that people with mental or intellectual disabilities were not only inferior
to other members of society but were also a danger to themselves and to
others. It was common for people with disabilities to live in large hospital-like
institutions, where they were educated, trained, and treated by medical staff.
Not only did those institutions provide housing and treatment, but they also
kept people with disabilities away from mainstream society. Once institutional-
ized and segregated from society, people with mental or developmental
disabilities had little chance of re-entering the community. Sterilization
became a widely accepted method for controlling the "menace of the feeble-
minded" (MacMurchy, 1932, p. 36) and for preventing mentally "defective"
people from "poisoning" the race (Roeher Institute, 1996, p. 4).

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 405

From the 1920s to the 1960s, an impairment perspective predominated.

In general, people saw disability as an illness or a disease and people with any
type of disability as incompetent beings with little or nothing to contribute to
society. During this period, governments funded institutions to treat disabilities
based on a medical model. Rehabilitation teams consisting of physicians,
psychiatrists, medical social workers, and related health professionals-
guided the course of treatment (Status of Disabled Persons Secretariat, 1994).

DEINSTITUTIONALIZATION AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS

By the mid-twentieth century, Canadians had become critical of the practice

of warehousing people with disabilities in large government-funded institu-
tions and of the increasing costs of maintaining those institutions. There was
also a general concern that although the institutions promoted the humane
treatment of residents, they actually made residents more passive, depen-
dent, and socially excluded; these conditions reduced the likelihood that the
resident would ever return to the community. An emerging body of research
revealed that community-based services and the administration of therapeutic
drugs might be more humane than, and just as effective as, long-term institu-
tionalization in the treatment of disability (Peters, 2003). Moreover, experts
on disability issues promoted new and enlightened ways of thinking about
people with disabilities. Sociologist Wolf Wolfensberger (1972), for example,
argued that if society expected people with developmental disabilities to behave
"normally," then society had to allow these individuals to live in normal (non-
institutional) settings.
During the 1960s and 1970s, a growing awareness of human rights
and long-standing criticisms of institutionalization fostered the disability
rights movement. This ongoing movement calls for the elimination of barriers
to social inclusion and for equal rights and opportunities for people with
disabilities. According to special education expert Sally Rogow (2002, p. 1),
"At the heart of the disability rights movement is the fact that people with
disabilities want to be seen as people first, to be treated as individuals, to
have opportunities to participate in and contribute to society. They want
to be seen as persons, not cases or categories of disablement, powerless to
shape their own lives. " These types of yearnings, along with government's
desires to reduce the costs of disability-related care and treatment, led to
deinstitutionalization, a process that moves institutionalized people to
community settings and replaces institutional care with community-based
pro grams and services.

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406 • CHAPTER 14

Several distinct groups working toward similar ends have driven Canada's
deinstitutionalization process. The efforts of those groups have culminated in
various social movements, including
• the community mental health movement, which advocates for the
rights of people with mental illnesses and a non-institutional approach
to their care
• the community living movement, which focuses on the creation of
community-based supports and services for people with intellectual
disabilities
• the independent living movement, which calls for programs to help
people with a disability integrate into the community
These social movements have been instrumental in the large-scale
closure of institutions across Canada, the reunification of residents with their
families, and, in some cases, the relocation of residents to community-based
settings, such as group homes. Despite these sweeping changes, hundreds
of Canadians with disabilities still reside in institutions. According to the
Canadian Association of Community Living (2012), some provinces and
territories have reneged on their promises to close institutions, and at least
two jurisdictions are in the process of building new institutions for people
with intellectual disabilities.

THE DISABILITY COMMUNITY

While deinstitutionalization moved people out of the institutions, it did not

guarantee an easy transition to community living. Indeed, during the early
stages of deinstitutionalization, there were few disability-related supports and
services, and people with disabilities continued to be isolated and excluded
from mainstream activities. In her review of disability discrimination, Yvonne
Peters (2003, p. 4) observes: "Because persons with disabilities were relegated
to the margins of society, societal norms only reflected characteristics ascribed
to 'able-bodiedness. ' For example, [buildings were] only constructed for
able-bodied persons who could walk, and not for persons who used assistive
devices such as wheelchairs." These types of environmental barriers began to
break down as parents, extended families, caregivers, people with disabili-
ties, and others advocated for the development of disability-related programs,
services, and accommodations. Together, these organizations and individuals
make up Canada's disability community.

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 407

Disability-Related Organizations
In recent decades, Canada has experienced a rapid expansion in the number
of disability-related organizations. Individuals with disabilities often run these
organizations, which offer programs and services aimed at improving the
living conditions of those with disabilities. Disability-related organizations
are highly diverse: they may deliver either direct or indirect services, or a
combination of both; they may be either national or local in scope; and they
may either specialize in a single disability or serve people with any type of
disability. Some of the more established voluntary disability-related organizations
include
• the Canadian Association for Community Living, a nationwide, nonprofit
federation with thirteen provincial and territorial chapters that work
on behalf of people with intellectual disabilities
• the Council of Canadians with Disabilities, which advocates at the
national level for the equality and inclusion of people with any type
of disability
• the Canadian Mental Health Association, which champions the rights
and responsibilities of people with mental illness through education,
research, advocacy, and services
• Independent Living Canada, which coordinates a network of
Independent Living Centres that are open to people with any type
of disability, that are controlled by people with disabilities, and that
tailor their services to local needs

Parents
Parents of children with special needs have become a force of their own within
the disability community. Over the years, parents have championed for their
children's right to a fulfilling and stimulating life, for their equal access to
mainstream education, and for their full inclusion in social, recreational,
cultural, and other community activities. Through their individual and collective
efforts, parents have learned how to successfully navigate the maze of bureau-
cratic systems and make their voices heard. These efforts have resulted in the
development of a wide range of supports, programs, and services for families
with special needs children.
Parents have also been instrumental in shaping the role of children's
advocates. Found in the public and voluntary sectors and at regional and
national levels, children's advocates work to protect the rights of children

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408 • CHAPTER 14

with disabilities and to help families access disability-related services for

their children.

THE 1980s: BREAKING DOWN THE BARRIERS

Until the 1980s, Canada focused on providing health, education, and social
welfare programs to people with disabilities to help them improve their
standard of living and participation in community life. However, many
needs such as the need to use transportation systems and access public
buildings were virtually ignored. Issues related to access gained international
attention when the United Nations declared 1981 as the International Year of
Disabled Persons, designated an International Day of Disabled Persons, and
dedicated the decade 1983 to 1992 as the International Decade of Disabled
Persons. These actions also heralded "a global commitment to ensure people
with disabilities share equally in the full benefits of citizenship" (Canada,
2005, p. 3).
In 1981, Canada's Parliamentary Special Committee on the Disabled and
the Handicapped released Obstacles, a report that called attention to a wide
range of physical, attitudinal, and other barriers that prevented Canadians
with disabilities from accessing community resources and opportunities.
Obstacles made several recommendations for change, many of which came
from people with disabilities and other members of the disability community.
In response to the Obstacles report, the Government of Canada endorsed a
new policy framework that focused on removing environmental barriers to
inclusion, changing societal attitudes toward disability, and recognizing the
potential of people with disabilities (Canada, 2005).
One year after the release of Obstacles, the rights of people with dis-
abilities were included in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. By
prohibiting discrimination based on physical or mental disability, the Charter
became the first national constitution in the world to recognize people with
disabilities. This human rights legislation, together with the federal govern-
ment's new disability policy framework, prompted a flurry of reforms aimed at
improving access for people with disabilities. Included in these reforms were
changes to the National Building Code of Canada, which made it mandatory for
newly constructed public buildings to be barrier free. In addition, a number
of telecommunication systems modified their equipment to allow people with
speech or hearing impairments to use telephones and other devices more
easily. Across Canada, municipalities adapted their public transit systems to
make them wheelchair-accessible; cities also installed visual and auditory
traffic control signals, widened their sidewalks and gave them curb cuts, and

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 409

designated parking spaces for people with disabilities. These and other efforts
have facilitated the mobility and access of people with disabilities.
In 1983, the Government of Canada designated a Minister Responsible
for the Status of Disabled Persons and created a special office on disability.
The establishment of a department dedicated to the needs of people with
disabilities signalled a shift away from viewing disability solely as a health
aspect to seeing disability in the context of citizenship.
Obstacles also inspired a number of developments at the provincial and
territorial level. For example, in 1982, New Brunswick created a Premier's
Council on the Status of Disabled Persons to collect information on disability
issues and priorities, and to share information on disability programs and
services. Three years later, New Brunswick became the first province to release
an action plan to guide programs and services for persons with disabilities.

THE 1990s: TOWARD FULL CITIZENSHIP

The early 1990s were dominated by efforts to deinstitutionalize people with

disabilities and to reintegrate them into communities. In 1991, the Government
of Canada introduced the National Strategy for the Integration of Persons with
Disabilities, which funded projects across Canada aimed at improving access
to transportation, education, housing, employment, and communications for
people with disabilities. Following the release of the national strategy were
two reports: Mainstream 1992, and Improving Social Security in Canada (1994).
Both reports focused on specific disability-related issues and recommended
actions to ensure the full integration of Canadians with disabilities into main-
stream society.
By the mid-1990s, the federal government realized the need to address
the personal, day-to-day challenges experienced by people living with a
disability. The government also recognized the importance of reducing
negative attitudes toward disabilities and coordinating the confusing array
of disability-related public policies and programs (HRDC, 1999b). To gain
headway in these areas, the government appointed a Task Force on Disability
Issues. The task force's recommendations would eventually lead to increased
federal funding to disability-related organizations and amendments to several
pieces of legislation (related to tax, employment, and justice) to improve
conditions for people with disabilities.
In 1996, the Federal-Provincial-Territorial Ministers Responsible for
Social Services identified Canadians with disabilities as a national priority.
Two years later, the first ministers released the document In Unison: A Canadian
Approach to Disability Issues, which outlined their shared vision and goals for
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41 0 • CHAPTER 14

the full citizenship for people with disabilities (Federal-Provincial-Territorial

Ministers Responsible for Social Services, 1996). To respond to the changing
needs of people with disabilities, In Unison proposed a n ew approach
to disability-related programs and services (see Exhibit 14.5). Under the In
Unison initiative, the achievement of full citizenship would be based on the
following building blocks:
• disability supports (goods, services, and resources, including technical
aids, special equipment, life skills training, and interpreter services)
• employment (access to education opportunities and more flexible
training programs)
• income programs (income security for the unemployed)

IN UNISON: A NEW APPROACH TO DISABILITY ISSUES

OLD . .. NEW . ..

Recipients - - - - - - - - - - - - - - Participants

Passive income support - - - - - - - - - Active measures to promote

employment in addition to
providing necessary income
support

Dependence - - - - - - - - - - - - - Independence

Government responsibi lity - - - - - - - - - Shared responsibility

Labelled as "unemployable" - - - - - - - - Identification of work skills

Disincentives to leave income - - - - - - - Incentives to seek employment

support and volunteer opportunities

Insufficient employment - - - - - - - - - Opportunities to develop skills

supports and experience

Program-centred approach - - - - - - - - Person-centred approach

Insufficient portability of - - - - - - - - - - Portable benefits and services

benefits and services

Multiple access requirements - - - - - - - - Integrated access requirements

Source: IN UNISON: A Canadian Approach to Disability Issues, SP-113-10-98E, Human Resources and
Skills Development Canada, 1998. Reproduced with the permission of the Minister of Public Works and
Government Services Canada, 2013.

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 SOCIAL WEL FARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 411

Following the launch of In Unison, the provinces and territories

embarked on a broad review of their ministries and departments to see
where they could improve the efficiency, effectiveness, and coordination of
programs and services for people with disabilities. In Unison also sparked
a flurry of provincial and territorial strategies to guide the actions needed
to create more inclusive environments and to ensure the full citizenship of
persons with disabilities.

STEPPING UP THE FOCUS ON ACCESSIBILITY

In 2005, the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills Development,

Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities (commonly
referred to as HUMA) reviewed the federal government's policies and programs
relating to persons with disabilities. HUMA's report, Accessibility for All, made
several recommendations to the Government of Canada to improve the access
to programs, services, employment, and other areas for people with disabilities.
In response to HUMA's report, the Government of Canada promised to make
federal disability-related funding and tax measures more consistent, and
to continue improving access to federal buildings, transportation systems,
employment practices, and services (Canada, 2005).
In 2006, the federal government promised to "introduce a National
Disability Act to promote reasonable access to medical care, medical equipment,
education, employment, transportation, and housing for Canadians with
disabilities" (Human Resources and Social Development Canada, 2007b). To date,
however, there has been no mention of the proposed act in any federal budget.
The federal government nevertheless introduced the Enabling Accessibility
Fund in 2008 to help the provinces and territories improve access to existing
buildings and, in so doing, encourage the participation of people with disabili-
ties in their communities.
Although Canada lacks national standards on accessibility, Ontario has
taken the initiative to ensure that standards exist across its own jurisdiction.
Since passing the Ontarians with Disabilities Act in 2005, the Government of
Ontario (2009) requires businesses and organizations to prevent and remove
all barriers to accessibility related to employment, transportation, communi-
cation and information, customer service, and, eventually, buildings and
outdoor spaces. Ontario is the first jurisdiction in the world to guarantee
accessibility through legislation (Bourque, 20 12).
Some jurisdictions have developed, or are in the process of developing,
a disability policy lens. British Columbia uses its disability lens when creating

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412 • CHAPTER 14

or evaluating policies and programs, to ensure that they reflect the rights and
needs of persons with disabilities. The City of Charlottetown in Prince Edward
Island adopted a disability lens in 20 l l to guide the development of all city
projects, including building and program design.

CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF PERSONS

WITH DISABILITIES

In 2006, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on

the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) in an effort to advance and
protect the rights of people with disabilities. The CRPD encourages a greater
public acceptance of people with disabilities and urges governments around
the world to do more to facilitate the full participation of this population. Canada
ratified the international treaty in 2 0 l 0; in so doing, Canada promised "to
promote, protect and ensure the full and equal enjoyment of all human rights
and fundamental freedoms by all persons with disabilities, and to promote
respect for their inherent dignity" (United Nations, 2006, p. 3). According to
Marie White (20 l 0), of the Council of Canadians with Disabilities, Canada's
ratification of the CRPD marks the end of an era when society saw people with
disabilities merely as "objects of charity," and in need of medical treatment.
Moreover, ratification makes the goal of full citizenship a reality for Canadians
with disabilities.
All jurisdictions in Canada must comply with various pieces of human
rights legislation (such as the Charter of Rights and Freedoms); however,
the CRPD is unique because it specifically focuses on the rights of persons
with disabilities. The federal, provincial, and territorial governments are
now in the process of bringing their laws, practices, customs, or regula-
tions in line with CRPD standards. See Exhibit 14.6 for a summary of
those standards.

Canada's Disability Policy Agenda

1. People with disabilities and other members of the disability community have
come a long way in their struggle for disability rights. Do you believe that
society today accepts people with disabilities as full citizens? If not, what more
could Canadians do to include people with disabilities?
2. How might the full inclusion of people with disabilities benefit not only those
with disabilities but also society in general?

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 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 413

EXHIBIT 14.6
THE UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF
PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES: IN BRIEF

Article 1 explains the Convention's main "purpose" that is, to ensure the full
and equal rights and freedoms for people with disabilities.
Article 2 provides "definitions" for certain words used in the Convention
(for example, "language" refers to both spoken words and non-spoken languages,
such as sign language).
Article 3 lists the Convention's "general principles," including self-determination
and free choice; fair treatment and equal access to resources and opportunities;
equal right to inclusion in society; respect and acceptance; gender equality; and
respect for the abilities of children with disabilities.
Article 4 outlines the "general obligations" of countries to ensure the equal
treatment of people with disabilities (such as changing existing laws to make
them non-discriminatory).
Article 5 recognizes the right to "equality and non-discrimination," and that
all persons are equal before and under the law.
Article 6 refers to "women with disabilities" and their full and equal rights and
freedoms.
Article 7 assures that "children with disabilities" have the same rights as other
children.
Article 8 refers to "awareness-raising," and the need to combat stereotypes of
people with disabilities, educate the public on disability rights, and promote the
abilities of people with disabilities.
Article 9 recognizes the importance of equal "accessibility" to public buildings,
information, services, and technologies, so that people with disabilities can live
independently and participate in society.
Article 10 affirms that human beings have a "right to life," and that countries must
make sure that people with disabilities have an equal chance to enjoy their lives.
Article 11 requires countries to protect people with disabilities in "situations of
risk and humanitarian emergencies."
Article 12 refers to the right of people with disabilities to have "equal recognition
before the law," make their own decisions, own or inherit property, and control
their own money.
Article 13 recognizes that people with disabilities have a "right to justice,"
including the right to fair treatment under the law, and by the courts and police.
Article 14 relates to "liberty and security of the person," and the right of people
with disabilities to freedom and security under the law.
Article 15 recognizes the right of people with disabilities to enjoy "freedom
from torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment" (including
subjection to medical experiments without the individual's consent).

Continued

NEL
414 • CHAPTER 14

Article 16 refers to the right of people with disabilities to enjoy "freedom from
exploitation, violence and abuse," to be protected from maltreatment, and to
have access to victim services.
Article 17 recognizes that "protecting the integrity of the person" is important,
and that people's bodies and minds are their own.
Article 18 refers to the right of people with disabilities to the "liberty of movement
and nationality," to move about, visit or leave a country, and to own a passport.
Article 19 relates to "living independently and being included in the community,"
choosing where to live, who to live with, and having access to supports for
independent living.
Article 20 refers to "personal mobility," and having access to the necessary
mobility aids, devices, and assistive technologies to get about freely.
Article 21 recognizes people's "freedom of expression and opinion, and
access to information," including information in sign language, EasyRead, or
Braille.
Article 22 calls attention to the "respect for privacy," and the right of people
with disabilities to a private life without unlawful interference.
Article 23 refers to the "respect for home and the family," and the right of
people with disabilities to marry, have children, and to form personal relation-
ships, and to have equal access to information related to family planning and
parenting.
Article 24 focuses on people's right to "education," the right to attend mainstream
schools, and to access supports needed to learn.
Article 25 refers to "health," and the right of people with disabilities to
access health services in their own communities, and receive treatment without
discrimination.
Article 26 addresses "habilitation and rehabilitation," and government's obligation
to ensure that people with disabilities receive the supports they need to live as
independently as possible.
Article 2 7 looks at the right of people with disabilities to "work and employment,"
including equal pay and being treated the same way as other workers.
Article 28 refers to the right of people with disabilities to an "adequate standard
of living and social protection," including adequate food, housing, and proper
living conditions.
Article 29 relates to the right of people with disabilities to "participation in
political and public life," including the right to vote, run for office, and join
political organizations.
Article 30 recognizes the right to "participation in cultural life, recreation,
leisure and sport," including the right to access cultural buildings and events,
create art, and take part in sports.

Source: Adapted from United Nations General Assembly. (2006). Convention on the rights of persons with disabilities.
Retrieved from http://www. un. org/disabilities/conventionlconventionfull.shtml.

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 415

3 ACHIEVEMENTS AND CHALLENGES IN

SELECTED LIFE AREAS
Despite the progress of inclusion, people with disabilities continue to face
disability-related barriers to obtaining basic necessities. This section discusses
the achievements of and remaining challenges for people with disabilities in
terms of accessing adequate housing, employment, and income.

HOUSING

Various housing reforms are making independent living a reality for many
people with disabilities. These reforms are often the result of bilateral
agreements between the federal and provincial or territorial governments,
or partnerships between government and nonprofit organizations. Modem
developments include the introduction of new housing designs and features to
make new homes more accessible and visitable (see Exhibit 14. 7). A number
of innovations focus on making housing more affordable for low-income
people with disabilities; as a result, more specially designed social housing
units are available in Canada. In addition, various government programs are
available for modifying existing dwelling to make them safer, healthier, and
more accessible.
Deinstitutionalization, and the movement toward inclusion, independence,
and self-determination, has inspired the creation of various living options for
people with a specific disability. For example, the following types of accom-
modations and supports are available for people with intellectual disabilities
living in British Columbia:
• Group homes are houses in the community where paid staff provide
personal care, prepare meals, and generally help residents with the
tasks of daily living.
• Cluster housing consists of living units where individuals live indepen-
dently and yet close to others with an intellectual disability; the cluster
is physically separate from the rest of the community.
• Supported living tailors services to individual needs and provides those
services to individuals living in their own home, an institution, or
other type of residence.
• Semi-independent living services pay staff to provide weekly support
to individuals living alone or with roommates in their own house or
apartment.

NEL
416 • CHAPTER 14

EXHIBIT 14.7

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....c::

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1-o
0
CJ
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......-<
~
0
;:.....
1-o
1-o
~
,.._l

;;...__ ____. @

Homes can be modified to accommodate the daily living needs of people with
disabilities, thereby enhancing independence and self-sufficiency.

• Family model home or foster care home is a private residence in which

a host family provides care and support for one or more unrelated
individuals.
• Family home or family support is a home owned or rented by a family
member in which the individual lives and receives support from
a family member or other helper (Community Living Research
Project, 2006).
To be able to engage in community activities and live independently,
housing for people with disabilities must be accessible, affordable, suitable,
and adequate. However, many Canadians with disabilities live in dwellings
that do not meet those criteria. According to the 2010 Federal Disability
Report, 5 percent of adults with disabilities need but do not have an accessibility

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 417

feature in their home, such as an elevator or a visual or audio alarm. Finding

affordable and well-maintained housing is a challenge for many low-income
people with disabilities. Moreover, almost 14 percent of low-income earning
adults with a disability live in dwellings that require major repairs (compared
with 9 percent of low-income adults without a disability). Living in a rundown
house or apartment makes residents susceptible to health problems, psycho-
logical stress, and social isolation (HRSDC, 20 10).
Various factors such as discrimination from landlords, a lack of accessible
housing, and limited access to good paying jobs put people with disabilities
at risk of homelessness. Some communities are introducing innovative
strategies to reduce the incidence of homelessness among this vulnerable
population. Calgary's Kootenay Lodge, for example, provides transitional
housing to homeless Aboriginal people with severe disabilities. The lodge is
fully accessible, and offers a wide range of supports to meet the specific needs
of residents.

WORKING WITH A DISABILITY

In addition to its financial rewards, employment offers a number of health and

well-being benefits for people with disabilities, including the opportunity for
meaningful social interactions and increased self-esteem and self-confidence.
Many working-age Canadians with disabilities are able and willing to work;
however, they face a 10 percent rate of unemployment (compared with about
7 percent among populations without disabilities) (HRSDC, 201 0). This relatively
high rate of unemployment reflects a number of attitudinal and structural bar-
riers in the workplace.

Barriers to Employment
Discrimination continues to be a barrier for many people with disabilities. Despite
public awareness campaigns about disability issues, Canadian employers still
operate under a variety of myths about disability. According to a study by
the Bank of Montreal (2012), many managers overestimate the cost of work-
place accommodations (such as technological supports) to meet the needs of
workers with disabilities; some employers also assume that a job applicant's
disability would prevent him or her from doing the job. This study also found
that half of Canadians believe that employers are more likely to hire people
who do not have a disability, and six out of ten Canadians believe that a visible
disability puts people at a distinct disadvantage of being hired.

NEL
418 • CHAPTER 14

A major gap in Canada's disability-related policies is the lack of recogni-

tion given to people with a disability who can work only some of the time.
This is the case for many people with an episodic disability, such as HIV,
multiple sclerosis, or a mental disorder, which affects them on a sporadic and
often unpredictable basis (Stapleton & Tweddle, 2008). Traditionally, social
assistance and employment insurance programs have considered a working-
age person to be either totally disabled and unemployable or totally able and
employable, with little recognition of anything in between. This has created a
situation in which short periods of employment may mean a loss of some or
all disability benefits. Thus, some people with a disability may start working
but not be able to continue; meanwhile, their benefits have been cut off. To
avoid ending up in this situation, some individuals who are able to work only
part time do not work at all.

Employment Initiatives and Best Practices

All levels of government in Canada have agreed to help people with disabilities
improve their employment prospects and to make appropriate job and work-
place accommodations for persons with disabilities. Various partnerships with
the federal government allow each province and territory to tailor employment
initiatives for people with disabilities, to local needs. Many jurisdictions are
basing their initiatives on best practices that is, methods that have worked
for some organizations and can be used or adapted by others. Examples of
best practices in helping Canadians with disabilities to find and keep jobs
include the following:
• Effective school-to-work transitions for youth require interventions-
such as literacy training, work preparation, and community work
experiences to prepare young people with disabilities for employ-
ment or postsecondary education while they are still in high school.
Alberta's Transition Planning Protocol for Youth with Disabilities is
an example of a guide for supporting youth through the transition
process.
• Individualized employment supports acknowledge that each person with
a disability has unique needs when it comes to employment and any
support given should be specific to a person's disability. An example
is the federal Opportunities Fund for Persons with Disabilities program,
which provides individualized support and financial assistance to
those who can work.
• Employment First policies, practices, and strategies support the belief
that employment is the desired outcome for people with disabilities and

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 419

that pro grams should focus on helping participants reach their full
work potential. This approach is gaining popularity at the provincial and
territorial level, where social assistance departments are introducing
incentives for people with disabilities who are able to work at least
part of the time; those incentives include more generous wage exemp-
tions for persons with a disability and permission to cycle in and
out of the workforce (as needed) without financial penalty. At the
federal level, reforms to the Disability Vocational Rehabilitation
Program (under the Canada Pension Plan) ensure a rapid reinstate-
ment of benefits to individuals who try to work but because of a
disability have to quit.
With the rising popularity of social economy enterprises (SEEs), inno-
vative employment options are opening up for people with disabilities.
Through these enterprises, people who might otherwise be classified by
government systems as unemployable because of a disability are gaining
skills and earning a living. In their study of seven SEEs in British Columbia,
researchers Priest et al. (2008) found that most successful SEEs incorporate
two main strategies:
• Workplace accommodations include creating flexible schedules with
staff, giving employees adequate breaks, and matching job tasks to
individual ability and preference.
• Social supports include personal and life skills counselling, job
coaching, and referrals to community services, such as mental health
centres.
Priest and her colleagues found that workers with disabilities gener-
ally enjoyed a higher standard of living, greater financial security, improved
self-esteem, increased independence, and broader social networks than their
unemployed peers did. Exhibit 14.8 profiles a successful social economy
enterprise in British Columbia.

THE DISABILITY INCOME SYSTEM

On average, adults with disabilities have lower incomes than those without
disabilities. The inability to purchase necessities such as food, shelter, and
clothing puts people with disabilities at risk of social isolation and physical
and mental health problems. Not having enough money can also limit a
person's opportunities in life, including access to jobs and higher education
(Canadian Labour Congress, 2010).

NEL
420 • CHAPTER 14

For people with disabilities who are unable to earn enough to support
themselves, income support is available under the disability income system.
Four categories of income make up this system:
• Earnings replacement programs replace income for those who
cannot work because of an injury, an illness, or a disability-related

EXHIBIT 14.8
FROM BIRDHOUSES TO BUSINESS

BURNABY, B.C. What was once a day program at Burnaby Association for
Community Inclusion (BACI) is transforming into a lucrative business employing
twelve people. Called BC Woodworks, the social enterprise hires people who have
a disability or barriers to employment. The business produces high-quality wood
products ranging from Adirondack chairs, tables and park benches to wine boxes
and gift boxes.
The furniture is made from reclaimed western red cedar and pine-beetle
stained wood, turning what some would deem waste into valuable and aesthetically
pleasing products. Since it rebranded from the Grape Box in March, the company
has been doing a brisk business, filling orders for wineries in the Okanagan and
Vancouver community garden boxes and bulletin boards.
While it is rewarding to see the products get picked up, watching BC
Woodworks shift to a work environment that provides paid employment for people
with disabilities is most meaningful for Kevin Lusignan, BACI's senior manager of
social and economic inclusion. He says BC Woodworks underwent a strategic
planning session last year, creating a path forward that includes hiring more people
and having staff receive regular reviews and opportunities to advance.
"This is a business. We support our staff, but we've raised the bar and there are
expectations," he says, adding the profits from the social enterprise enables BACI
to rely on less government funding.
Master carpenter Pratap Singh has been with BC Woodworks for more than
twenty years. He says the wood shop is demonstrating what is possible for people
who have a disability. He remembers starting with BACI when woodworking was
still a program. People were making birdhouses and picture frames, but not much else.
Pratap encouraged the organization to invest in new machinery that would
enable people to build products that were more complex. They started building
tables for a daycare, and picnic tables for BC Hydro.
"It feels good," says Pratap. "They didn't think we could do this. These guys
have come a long way."

Source: Adapted from jensen, Camille (2012). From birdhouses to business. This story was written and published by
Axiom News on behalf of the Burnaby Association for Community Inclusion.

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 421

condition (such as AIDS). This category includes various contrib-

utory programs, including Employment Insurance (which has a
sickness benefit), the Canada and Quebec Pension Plans (which
have a disability program), and Workers' Compensation (which
insures against earnings loss).
• Income supplement programs reduce the additional costs of having a
disability, such as the cost of a wheelchair. These programs include
the Canada Child Tax Benefit, provincial and territorial child tax
benefits, and the federal Disability Tax Credit.
• Income support programs such as social assistance substitute
income that people normally obtain through employment, savings,
and other sources. Provincial or territorial welfare departments usually
deliver these programs.
• Compensation for loss is money paid to those who are dealing with
the negative effects of a disabling injury or accident. Compensatory
programs include automobile insurance, and the Veterans' Disability
Pension (Mendelson, Battle, Torjman, & Lightman, 2010).
Although Canada's disability income system supports many people
with special needs, it has two main flaws. First, it is a highly confusing
system. Different levels of government have introduced the various types of
income programs at different times, and each program has its own rules for
administering benefits and for assessing eligibility. Adding to the confusion
is a lack of coordination and integration of these programs across governments
and even within single governments. In short, the disability income system
is far from being user friendly (Stapleton & Tweddle, 2008). Second, even
when people access an income program, that program does not guarantee
benefits sufficient to meet their needs. Many people with disabilities have
little choice but to apply for welfare or a disability pension; however, in
most jurisdictions, the benefit rates under these programs are below the
LICOs, and many fail to recognize the full costs of disability (Council of
Canadians with Disabilities, 2011).
In recent years, Canadian governments have tried to improve the
long-term financial security of people with disabilities. For example, through
the Registered Disability Savings Plan, the federal government matches
contributions made by low- to modest-earning families for a member with
a disability. Some provinces have made special provisions in their poverty-
reduction strategies for people with disabilities. For example, Nova Scotia
is steadily increasing welfare benefit rates to improve the quality of life and

NEL
4 22 • CHAPTER 14

the participation of welfare recipients with disabilities. Similarly, Ontario is

in the process of improving access to buildings, transportation, and other
systems so that Ontarians with disabilities can gain opportunities to increase
their income.

Achievements and Challenges in Selected Life Areas

1. People with disabilities are at a high risk of homelessness. What do you think
needs to happen to ensure that this population has reasonable access to
appropriate housing?
2. Social economy enterprises (SEEs) are potentially good sources of employ-
ment for people with disabilities. What SEEs (if any) are operating in your
community, and what types of products or services do they provide? Identify
the ways SEEs might help or hinder the inclusion of people with disabilities in
the community.
3. Criticisms of Canada's disability income system usually centre on two main
flaws. Identify these flaws and describe how they might affect the lives of
people with special needs.

4 IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WORK

PRACTICE
As part of the transition from institution-based treatment to community-based
services, social work practice has gradually shifted from traditional medical
models toward social models. Until the 1970s, medical social workers focused
primarily on the physical care of people with disabilities in institutional settings.
The deinstitutionalization movement required social workers to direct more
attention to helping clients adjust to community living through such strategies
as sheltered workshops and residential group homes. By the 1990s, the focus
of services had shifted again, this time toward helping clients achieve indepen-
dence in mainstream settings.
In many respects, the evolution of social work practice within the dis-
ability community parallels the transition from segregation to mainstreaming
(see Exhibit 14.9). The open house concept emphasizes the full participa-
tion of people with disabilities in school, work, social, and other activities,
and their enjoyment of the same rights and privileges as Canadians without
disabilities. This section briefly reviews each component of the open house
concept as it relates to social work practice.

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 423

FROM SEGREGATION TO MAINSTREAMING:

A CONCEPTUAL MODEL

WAREHOUSE ----~..... GREENHOUSE ----~..... OPEN HOUSE

Caring for Enabling Accommodating

Protection Support Autonomy/empowerment

Labelled permanently Adaptation of individual Adaptation of social and

incapacitated physical environment

Deemed incompetent Recognition of capacity Rights/responsibilities

Source: IN UNISON: A Canadian Approach to Disability Issues, ISBN: 0-662-2730-6, Human Resources
and Skills Development Canada 1998. Reproduced with the permission of the Minister of Public Works and
Government Services Canada, 2013.

ACCOMMODATION

Accommodation involves modifying the environment so that people with

disabilities can participate in activities that take place in that environment.
Social workers might promote accommodation by, for example, helping a client
obtain special computer equipment for training or employment. Similarly,
social workers can help people with disabilities work with government agencies
on making public transportation and other systems more accessible.

AUTONOMY AND EMPOWERMENT

Although social workers do not directly empower others, they can help their
clients acquire the knowledge and skills they need to enhance their sense of
empowerment. Social workers facilitate many activities that can be person-
ally empowering for people with disabilities, including assertiveness training,
life skills training, problem-solving exercises, and peer-leadership training.
Workers can also facilitate the empowering process by
• providing adequate information about possible options so that clients
can make their own informed choices and decisions
• encouraging clients to express their wishes and exercise their right to
self-determination

NEL
424 • CHAPTER 14

• acknowledging the capabilities that clients have to manage their own lives
• helping clients advocate for themselves, challenge oppressive labels,
and regain control of their lives (Roeher Institute, 1996)

ADAPTATION OF THE SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL

ENVIRONMENT

Social workers can help staff in various organizations focus on the problems
in their own systems rather than viewing the person with the disability as a
"problem to be solved." In addition, social workers can participate in reviews
of agency policies, programs, and practices to make them barrier free and
therefore more inclusive. Many social workers who serve the disability
community find that a community development approach is more effective
than traditional counselling approaches: "By promoting community develop-
ment, the focus is shifted away from individuals and placed on strengthening
the capacity of communities to be inclusive" (Panitch, 1998, p. 10).

RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES

Social workers have long called attention to and demanded changes in policies
and programs that inhibit independent living for people with disabilities. In
recent years, however, social workers have shifted much of their attention
to helping people with disabilities assert their rights and speak out on their
own behalf. One of the underlying themes of the disability movement is the
demand for "rights, not charity;" social workers can play an important role in
helping people with disabilities gain both control of resources and the right to
make decisions that affect their own lives.

I I <1 N S
Implications for Social Work Practice
1. How might the open house concept be adapted to specific populations, such
as children with disabilities or women with disabilities?
2. The concepts of accommodation and adaptation are integral to the open
house approach. Describe the difference between accommodating and
adapting an environment for people with disabilities.
3. Why might a community development approach be more effective than
traditional counselling when working with people with disabilities?

NEL
 SOCIAL WELFARE AND PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES • 425

SUMMARY

Introduction
The impairment, functional limitations, and ecological perspectives shape
the way people understand disability. Social attitudes determine the extent
to which people with disabilities are included in society. Current defini-
tions of disability focus on society's failure to accept differences between
people, rather than on a person's physical or mental impairment. Canadian
policies and programs reflect this view, and aim to eliminate barriers to full
inclusion and accommodate the diverse needs of all citizens.

1 Disability in Canada
Approximately 14 percent of Canadians have a disability. Seniors have the
highest rate of disability of any age group; most adults with disabilities have
multiple disabilities. Although supports for young children with disabilities
are improving, community supports for older children and youth with
disabilities tend to be fragmented and uncoordinated. Aboriginal peoples
experience a higher rate of disability than non-Aboriginal Canadians do;
there is a general lack of effective programs for Aboriginal people with a dis-
ability. Women with disabilities have a high rate of unemployment and
are vulnerable to abuse; a relatively small number of specialized programs
are available for this population.

2 Canada's Disability Policy Agenda

Changing attitudes and social movements have led to deinstitution-
alization and a community-based approach to disability. Various disability-
related organizations make up the disability community. The issue of
access continues to be a main theme and the focus of many disability-
related policies and programs, as does citizenship, equal rights, and
community integration. Such reports as Obstacles and the In Unison
initiative guide efforts to promote full citizenship for people with dis-
abilities. Canada's ratification of the UN's Convention on the Rights of
Persons with Disabilities requires Canadian governments to meet the
convention standards.

3 Achievements and Challenges in Selected Life Areas

Deinstitutionalization has helped to expand living options and housing
designs for people with disabilities. Discrimination is an ongoing barrier
to employment for people with disabilities. Employment initiatives and
social economy enterprises are enhancing opportunities for people with
disabilities. Canadian governments are taking steps to make the disability
income system more responsive to the needs of people with disabilities;
however, the system continues to be confusing for service users and offers
inadequate benefit rates.

NEL
426 • CHAPTER 14

4 Implications for Social Work Practice

Over the years, social workers and other professional helpers have modi-
fied their approaches to working with people with disabilities; the focus
today is on helping cl ients achieve independence in mainstream settings.
Practitioners can use an open house approach to help people with disabili-
t ies participate fu lly in society. This approach emphasizes accommodation,
autonomy and empowerment, adaptation of the environment, and rights
and responsibilities.

KEY T~RMS
For definitions of the key terms, consu lt the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
disability, p. 395 deinstitutiona lization, episodic disability,
impairment perspective, p.405 p.418
p.396 community mental disability income system,
functional limitations health movement, p.420
perspective, p. 396 p.406 open house concept,
ecological perspective, community living p.422
p.396 movement, p. 406 accommodation,
access, p. 397 independent living p.423
eugenics, p. 404 movement, p. 406
disability rights disability community,
movement, p. 405 p.406

NEL
 • • • •
1stor1ca I I

1844 The British government transfers the responsibility for Aboriginal

peoples to the Province of Canada.
1857 The passage of the Gradual Civilization Act formalizes Canada's
commitment to assimilate Aboriginal peoples into mainstream
society.
1869 Canada passes a compulsory enfranchisement law, which deprives
Aboriginal women of their Status if they marry a non-Status man.
1876 Canada enacts its first Indian Act.
1879 John A. Macdonald introduces a federally funded and managed system
of residential schools for Aboriginal children.
Canada introduces its first immigration law to control the entry of
"paupers," criminals, and other "vicious classes" from other countries.
1885 The passage of the Chinese Immigration Act allows the federal
government to collect a $50 head tax on immigrants of Chinese origin.
1893 Ontario passes the Act for the Prevention of Cruelty to and Better
Protection of Children, the first child welfare law in Canada.
1906 Canada's new Immigration Act restricts entry to immigrants from Asia.
1908 The federal government passes the Juvenile Delinquents Act.
The Annuities Act precursor of the Old Age Pension Act-
becomes law.
1910 The federal government amends the Canadian Immigration Act to keep
poor, sick, and "immoral" applicants out of Canada.
1913 This year marks the peak of immigration, as 400000 immigrants arrive
in Canada.

NEL 427
428 • APPEN DIX A

1914 The First World War begins.

Parliament creates the Canadian Patriotic Fund to provide financial
assistance to the families of soldiers.
Ontario becomes the first province to enact workers' compensation
legislation.
1916 Manitoba introduces the first mothers' allowances in Canada.
1918 The federal government introduces its first child-based tax credit.
The Canadian Mental Health Association is founded.
The Canadian National Institute for the Blind opens.
The First World War ends.
1919 Parliament passes the Soldier Settlement Act.
The Winnipeg General Strike takes place.
The Community Welfare Council in Winnipeg becomes one of
Canada's first social action groups.
1920 Parliament passes the Returned Soldiers' Insurance Act.
1923 By this year, about 81 000 Chinese immigrants have paid a head tax,
raising $23 million in revenue for Canadian governments.
1926 The Canadian Association of Social Workers is founded.
1927 Parliament passes the Old Age Pension Act.
1929 After being declared "persons" by the Judicial Committee of the British
Privy Council, women become eligible for appointment to the Canadian
Senate.
1930 The Great Depression begins.
For the first time in Canadian history, the federal government funds
unemployment relief in municipalities.
Parliament passes the War Veterans Allowance Act.
1931 The number of Indian residential schools peaks (eighty schools are in
operation across Canada).
1932 The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) is founded in Calgary.
1935 William Lyon Mackenzie King is sworn in as prime minister (under a
Liberal government).
Unemployed men take part in the On to Ottawa Trek in protest of poor
work camp conditions and high unemployment.
Parliament passes the Employment and Social Insurance Act (it is
repealed in 1937).

NEL
 HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS • 429

1937 The Government of Canada appoints the Royal Commission on

Dominion-Provincial Relations (Rowell-Sirois Commission) to study
the economy and federal-provincial relations.
1938 The Canadian Association of Social Workers develops a code of ethics.
1939 Parliament passes the Youth Training Act.
The Second World War begins, putting an end to the Great Depression.
The Supreme Court of Canada rules that the term "Indian" in Section
91 (24) of the Constitution Act includes Inuit.
1940 Parliament passes the Unemployment Insurance Act.
1942 Britain releases its Report of the Inter-Departmental Committee on
Social Insurance and Allied Services (also known as the Beveridge
Report).
1943 Leonard Marsh releases his Report on Social Security for Canada (also
known as the Marsh Report).
1944 Parliament passes the Family Allowances Act (the program is implemented
in 1945).
Parliament passes the National Housing Act.
The federal government establishes the Department of National Health
and Welfare, and the Department of Veterans Affairs.
A scientific approach to aging in Canada begins with the founding of
the Gerontologic Research Unit at McGill University in Montreal.
1945 Parliament passes the Veterans Rehabilitation Act.
The Second World War ends.
1946 The federal government establishes the Central Mortgage and Housing
Corporation (it is later renamed Canada Mortgage and Housing
Corporation).
Parliament passes a new War Veterans Allowance Act.
1947 Canada's first health insurance program begins in Saskatchewan.
The Government of Canada repeals the Chinese Immigration Act,
abolishing the ban on Chinese immigrants entering Canada.
1948 Lester Pearson is sworn in as prime minister (under a Liberal government).
The federal government implements settlement and integration programs
for immigrants.
Canada endorses the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human
Rights.

NEL
430 • APPEN DIX A

1951 Parliament amends the Indian Act, lifting bans on several traditional
•
ceremonies.
Parliament passes the Old Age Assistance Act and the Old Age
Security Act.
The federal Blind Persons Act comes into effect.
The University of Toronto offers Canada's first social work doctorate
program.
The UN adopts the Convention Related to the Status of Refugees
(the Geneva Convention).
1953 Parliament amends the Immigration Act, inviting more immigrants
from Caucasian countries.
1954 Parliament passes the Rehabilitation of Disabled Persons Act.
1956 Parliament passes the Unemployment Assistance Act (the federal
government begins sharing the cost of provincial social assistance).
195 7 ] ohn Diefenbaker is sworn in as prime minister (under a Progressive
Conservative government).
The federal government introduces registered retirement savings plans
(RRSPs).
1958 The Canadian Association for Community Living is founded.
1960 Status Indians gain the right to vote in federal elections.
1961 Parliament passes the Vocational Rehabilitation of Disabled
Persons Act.
The Canadian Bill of Rights becomes law.
1964 Parliament passes the Youth Allowances Act.
1965 The Canada and Quebec Pension Plans are introduced.
1966 The federal government introduces the Canada Assistance Plan and the
Guaranteed Income Supplement.
Parliament passes the Medical Care Act.
The University of Windsor offers Canada's first bachelor of social
work program.
1967 The Canadian Association of Schools of Social Work is established.
The Government of Canada appoints the Royal Commission on the
Status of Women.
Amendments to the Immigration Act eliminate discriminatory criteria
for selecting immigrants.

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 HIS T ORICAL H IGHLIGH TS • 431

1968 Pierre Trudeau is sworn in as prime minister (under a Liberal government).

The federal government appoints the Senate Committee on Poverty
(the Croll Committee).
Canada amends its Divorce Act, making divorce easier to obtain.
1969 The Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy (the "White
Paper") is released.
Acts between consenting adults of the same sex are decriminalized.
1970 The federal government publishes Income Security for Canadians,
reviewing Canada's social security system.
Canada ratifies the United Nations' International Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.
1971 Parliament amends the Unemployment Insurance Act (it eases eligibility
rules and provides special benefits).
The Senate Committee on Poverty releases its report Poverty in Canada.
Canada introduces a Multicultural Policy (the first of its kind in the world).
The federal government establishes a National Council of Welfare.
Canada's first peer support service the Mental Patients Society-
opens its doors.
1972 The federal government introduces a Child Care Expenses Deduction,
providing a tax deduction to families with work-related child-care
expenses.
1973 Newfoundland passes the Neglected Adults Welfare Act the first adult
protection legislation in North America.
The federal government launches a social security review with the
Working Paper on Social Security in Canada.
The Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women is established.
The federal Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program begins.
The federal government triples Family Allowance benefits, indexes the
benefits to the cost of living, and makes the benefits taxable.
1974 Manitoba launches Mincome, Canada's first large-scale guaranteed
annual income experiment.
The federal government appoints a National Advisory Council on
Voluntary Action as a first step to improving Government of Canada-
voluntary sector relations.
The federal government launches the Immigration Settlement and
Adaptation Program.

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432 • APPEN DIX A

1975 This year is the UN's International Year of Women.

1976 The UN's Decade for Women: Equality, Development and Peace begins.
The federal government introduces the Spouse's Allowance.
Parliament passes a new Immigration Act to improve the settlement
of newcomers (the Act is implemented in 1978).
Canada ratifies the United Nations' International Covenant on
Economic, Cultural, and Social Rights.
1977 The federal government initiates the Established Programs Financing
(EPF), which combines funding for healthcare and postsecondary
education into one funding formula.
The Canadian Human Rights Act is passed.
Quebec becomes the first province to forbid discrimination based on
sexual orientation.
1978 The federal government establishes a Non-Profit Housing Program.
The Government of Canada introduces the Refundable Child Tax Credit
and, for the first time, uses the income tax system to give benefits to
families that do not pay income tax.
An amendment to the Immigration Act allows refugees to apply to
Canada as immigrants.
1979 This year is the UN's International Year of the Child.
1980 The World Health Organization releases the International Classification
of Impairments, Disabilities, and Handicaps (ICIDH).
Parliament establishes the Special Committee on the Disabled and the
Handicapped to evaluate programs for persons with disabilities.
The federal government appoints the National Advisory Council on
Aging to advise the Minister of Health on issues related to seniors.
1981 This year is the UN's International Year for Disabled Persons.
The Parliamentary Special Committee on the Disabled and the
Handicapped releases its Obstacles report.
Canada's first food bank opens in Edmonton, Alberta.
The federal government introduces the Language Instruction for
Newcomers to Canada program.
Indian and Northern Affairs Canada creates the Community Well-Being
( CWB) Index to measure the quality of life of First Nations and Inuit
communities.
Canada ratifies the United Nations' Declaration on the Elimination of
Violence Against Women.

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 HIS T ORICAL H IGHLIGH TS • 433

1982 The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is entrenched in the

Canadian Constitution.
The federal government establishes the National Native Alcohol and
Drug Abuse Program.
The federal government creates the National Clearinghouse on Family
Violence.
The UN introduces its first International Plan of Action on Ageing in
Vienna.
1983 The UN declares 1983 to 1992 as the International Decade of Disabled
Persons.
1984 Brian Mulroney is sworn in as prime minister (under a Progressive
Conservative government).
Parliament passes the Canada Health Act.
The federal government introduces the Host Program to help refugees
resettle (services are extended to immigrants in 1991).
1985 The Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development
Prospects for Canada (Macdonald Commission) releases its final report.
Parliament amends the Indian Act and extends several status and property
rights to members of First Nations.
The federal government appoints the Status of Disabled Persons
Secretariat to raise awareness of disability issues and support the inclusion
of persons with disabilities.
Statistics Canada launches the General Social Survey to gather information
and report on social trends and issues every five years.
1986 Statistics Canada completes the first Health and Activity Limitation
Survey (HALS).
The federal government launches a five-year Child Sexual Abuse Initiative.
The national Task Force on Child Care recommends a universal system
of child care.
1987 The Parliamentary Committee on Human Rights and the Status of
Disabled Persons is established.
This year is the UN's International Year of Shelter for the Homeless.
1988 The federal government converts the Refundable Child Tax Credit to
the Non-Refundable Child Tax Credit.
The Government of Canada announces Phase I of the Family Violence
Initiative.
The Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement is ratified.

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434 • APPEN DIX A

The federal government launches the Seniors Independence Program.

Parliament passes the Canadian Multiculturalism Act.
The federal government introduces the Women at Risk Program to
assist refugee women and their dependants.
1989 The House of Commons resolves to end child poverty by the year 2000
(this goal is never reached).
The federal government introduces clawbacks to family allowance and 0 ld
Age Security benefits, eliminating the universal status of these programs.
Ryerson Polytechnical Institute administers the National Survey on
Elder Abuse, Canada's first major survey to study elder abuse.
The House of Commons establishes the Standing Committee on Human
Rights and the Status of Disabled Persons to support the integration and
equality of persons with disabilities.
1990 Parliament amends the Unemployment Insurance Act to shift responsibility
for funding from the federal government to employers and employees.
The Standing Senate Committee on Aboriginal Peoples begins its review
of parliamentary bills on native issues.
The federal government proposes a Native Agenda to settle land
claims, improve living conditions on reserves, and enhance
Aboriginal-government relations.
The First Nations Child and Family Services program is created,
allowing First Nations to develop their own child welfare services on
reserves.
Canada signs the UN Declaration of the Rights of the Child.
1991 The Canada-Quebec Accord is signed, giving Quebec control of its own
immigrant settlement programs and language training.
Phase II of the federal Family Violence Initiative is announced.
The federal government appoints the Royal Commission on Aboriginal
Peoples.
The First Nations Child and Family Services program begins.
The federal government imposes a funding cap on Canada's wealthiest
provinces under the Canada Assistance Plan.
Canada ratifies the United Nations Convention on the Rights of
the Child.
Statistics Canada completes the second Health and Activity Limitation
Survey.
Canada introduces the National Strategy for the Integration of Persons
with Disabilities.

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 HIS T ORICAL H IGHLIGH TS • 435

1992 Mainstream 1992 provides a framework for fully integrating people

with disabilities into society.
The Government of Canada releases its Action Plan for Children to
improve the well-being of children.
The UN introduces a revised International Plan of Action on Ageing in
Madrid.
The Federal-Provincial-Territorial Ministers Responsible for Seniors
Forum meets for the first time to discuss the needs and issues of
Canadian seniors.
The federal government launches the Self-Sufficiency Project to test a new
policy that encourages work and independence among welfare recipients.
1993 jean Chretien is sworn in as prime minister (under a Liberal government).
This year is the UN's International Year of the World's Indigenous People.
Statistics Canada releases the findings of the Violence Against Women
Survey, Canada's first national survey of violence against women.
The federal government replaces Family Allowances with the Canada
Child Tax Benefit.
Canada celebrates the first annual National Child Day to commemorate
the adoption of the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of the
Child (1959) and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the
Child (1989).
The federal government initiates the Ventures in Independence program
for seniors.
Parliament amends the Unemployment Insurance Act (and reduces
benefits).
The UN begins using the Human Development Index to measure
social conditions in member countries.
1994 The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) comes into effect.
The federal government conducts a general Program Review (the
department of Human Resources Development Canada launches its own
Social Security Review).
This year is the UN's International Year of the Family.
Health Canada launches its Community Action Programs for Children
(CAPC).
Canada conducts the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth.
Statistics Canada introduces the National Population Health Survey.
The federal government launches the Settlement Renewal Initiative to
devolve responsibilities for immigrant settlement to the provinces.

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436 • APPEN DIX A

1995 The Federal-Provincial-Territorial Council on Social Policy Renewal is

formed.
The federal government introduces the New Horizons: Partners in
Aging initiative.
The federal government introduces the Inherent Rights Policy as a
guide to First Nations self-government.
The UN's International Decade of the World's Indigenous People begins.
Health Canada introduces Aboriginal Head Start programs.
The First Nations and Inuit Child Care Initiative is launched.
Twelve national organizations form a Voluntary Sector Roundtable to
address common issues relating to voluntary organizations.
1996 The Federal Task Force on Disability Issues releases its report, Equal
Citizenship for Canadians with Disabilities.
The Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples is released.
The federal government launches the Self-Government Negotiations
Funding Support program (for First Nations).
The Canada Health and Social Transfer replaces the Canada
Assistance Plan.
The Federal-Provincial-Territorial Ministers Responsible for Seniors
agrees on a National Framework on Aging.
The new Employment Insurance Act replaces Unemployment Insurance.
Labour Market Development Agreements between the federal and
regional governments come into force.
Canada's child poverty rate reaches an alarming 21 percent.
The Canadian Council on Social Development launches the Urban
Poverty Project to consider poverty-reduction initiatives.
The Federal-Provincial-Territorial Council on Social Policy Renewal
meets for the first time and identifies young children and people with
disabilities as national priorities.
The Employability Assistance for People with Disabilities replaces the
Vocational Rehabilitation of Disabled Persons Act.
The federal government closes the last Indian residential school.
1997 Phase III of Canada's Family Violence Initiative begins.
Amendments to the Immigration Act create three categories of immigrant
applications: an economic class, a family class, and a refugee class.
The Canadian Race Relations Foundation begins operation, dedicated to
the elimination of racism in Canada.

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 HIS T ORICAL H IGHLIGH TS • 43 7

The federal government establishes the Social Cohesion Network to

help clarify the meaning of social cohesion and to identify directions for
future policy research.
The Federal-Provincial-Territorial Council on Social Policy Renewal
agrees to develop a national children's agenda.
Statistics Canada administers the first National Survey of Giving,
Volunteering and Participating.
Ontario's Social Assistance Reform Act paves the way for welfare-to-work
programs in that province (other jurisdictions soon follow suit).
Quebec introduces the first comprehensive family and child policy in
Canada.
The federal government launches the Aboriginal Healing Strategy.
The federal and regional governments develop a National Reinvestment
Framework to funnel unused social assistance funds into programs
for low-income families with children.
The UN's International Decade for the Eradication of Poverty begins.
The federal government introduces the Opportunities Fund for Persons
with Disabilities and the Entrepreneurs with Disabilities Program to
enable people with disabilities to work.
1998 The federal government launches Gathering Strength: Canada's Aboriginal
Action Plan and establishes the Aboriginal Healing Foundation.
The federal government makes a formal apology to Aboriginal peoples
in the form of a Statement of Reconciliation.
The federal government introduces the Urban Aboriginal Strategy.
The Canadian Incidence Study of Reported Child Abuse and Neglect
becomes the first national study to examine reported child abuse.
The federal government introduces the National Child Benefit (includes the
Canada Child Tax Benefit and the National Child Benefit Supplement).
The federal government achieves a balanced budget for the first time in
nearly twenty years.
The Canada Pension Plan undergoes drastic changes to make it more
sustainable.
Ontario enacts its Social Work and Social Service Work Act.
The Federal-Provincial-Territorial Ministers Responsible for Social
Services release the document In Unison: A Canadian Approach to
Disability Issues to guide the full integration of people with disabilities.
Canada releases its National Action Plan for Food Security to improve
the diets of high-risk groups.

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438 • APPEN DIX A

The federal government launches the Social Development Partnerships

program to promote the inclusion of people with disabilities.
The Canadian Centre for justice Statistics releases the first annual
Family Violence in Canada: A Statistical Profile.
The federal government launches the Resettlement Assistance Program
to help government-assisted refugees.
The federal government introduces Canada's first caregiver tax credit
to individuals providing in-home care of a dependent relative.
1999 This year is the UN's International Year of the Older Person.
Ontario becomes the first province to extend to same-sex couples the
same rights as those extended to heterosexual common-law couples.
Members of the Federal-Provincial-Territorial Council on Social Policy
Renewal sign the Social Union Framework Agreement (SUF A).
The National Welfare to Work Study reports on the effects of welfare-
to-work programs on welfare recipients.
The federal government launches Understanding the Early Years.
The federally funded Aboriginal Human Resources Development
Strategy begins.
Phase I of the National Homelessness Initiative begins.
The Panel on Accountability and Governance in the Voluntary Sector
releases its report, Building on Strength: Improving Governance and
Accountability in Canada's Voluntary Sector.
The federal government releases Future Directions: The Challenges
Facing Persons with Disabilities, a guide to disability policy reform.
The National Improving the Quality of Life of Canadian Seniors Project
is launched.
2000 Canada's unemployment rate falls to its lowest level in twenty-five
years (6.8 percent).
Phase I of the Voluntary Sector Initiative begins.
The findings of the social services sector human resources study are
released in the document In Critical Demand: Social Work in Canada.
The federal and regional governments sign the Early Childhood
Development Agreement to cost-share early childhood development
programs.
The Public Health Agency of Canada establishes four Centres of Excellence
for Children's Well-Being as part of the National Children's Agenda.
The federal government launches the nine-year leam$ave demonstration
project to help low- and modest-income Canadians save for education.

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 HIS T ORICAL H IGHLIGH TS • 439

2001 Canada launches its Affordable Housing Program.

An Accord Between the Government of Canada and the Voluntary Sector is
released.
This year is the UN's International Year of the Volunteer.
Statistics Canada administers the first Aboriginal Peoples Survey.
The federal government creates the Office of Indian Residential Schools
Resolution of Canada to resolve claims related to residential schools.
For the first time in Canadian history, the census collects data on
•
same-sex unions.
Statistics Canada launches the national Longitudinal Survey of
Immigrants to Canada.
The World Health Organization introduces its International
Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health.
The Canada Volunteerism Initiative is launched to encourage volunteerism.
Statistics Canada replaces the Health and Limitations Survey (HALS)
with the Participation and Activity Limitation Survey (PALS).
2002 Phase II of the Voluntary Sector Initiative begins.
Quebec introduces its National Strategy to Combat Poverty and Social
Exclusion, the first government-sponsored poverty reduction plan in
Canada.
British Columbia becomes the first province to put a time limit on how
long a person can stay on welfare (the province reversed this decision
in 2004).
Canada and other nations adopt the UN's A World Fit for Children
strategy.
The UN develops its second International Plan of Action on Ageing
(also known as the Madrid Plan).
Statistics Canada administers the Survey of First Nations People Living
On-Reserve.
The Federal Strategy on Early Childhood Development for First Nations
and Other Aboriginal Children is introduced.
The Immigration and Refugee Protection Act comes into force.
The Prime Minister's Caucus Task Force on Urban Issues releases its
report, Canada's Urban Strategy A Vision for the 21st Century.
The Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science and Technology
releases its final report (the Kirby Report) on Canada's healthcare system.
The Romanow Commission releases its final report, Building on
Values: The Future of Health Care in Canada.

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440 • APPEN DIX A

The first Canadian Community Health Survey gets underway.

Vibrant Communities is launched as a national multisector collaborative
strategy to reduce poverty in Canada.
Experts estimate the overall costs of substance abuse in Canada (in terms
of lost productivity, premature death, and burden on services) to be
$40 billion.
2003 Paul Martin is sworn in as prime minister (under a Liberal government).
The federal 2003 Budget announces substantial reinvestments in
social programs.
Canadian governments agree on a Multilateral Framework on Early
Learning and Child Care.
The federal government appoints a Task Force on Active Living and
Dignity for Seniors.
The total number of food banks in Canada reaches 639.
Manitoba passes the Child and Family Services Authorities Act, which
allows Metis and First Nations to provide child welfare services.
The "10 Percent Rule" comes into effect and restricts advocacy by
registered charities under the federal Income Tax Act.
2004 The Canada Social Transfer and the Canada Health Transfer replace the
Canada Health and Social Transfer.
The federal government implements the Child Disability Benefit.
The Employment Insurance account reports a surplus of nearly $44 billion.
Canada releases A Canada Fit for Children, a plan to improve conditions
for children.
The Community Well-Being Index begins reporting on the socioeconomic
conditions of First Nations and Inuit.
The federal government launches the Aboriginal Skills and Employment
Training Strategy.
The federal government initiates the Kelowna Accord, an intergovernmental
and inter-tribal agreement aimed at improving conditions for Aboriginal
peoples.
2005 The federal government introduces the Canada Learning Bond to
help modest-income families save for their children's postsecondary
education.
The federal government passes a law legalizing same-sex unions.
The UN's Second International Decade of the World's Indigenous
People begins.

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 HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS • 441

The Ministers Responsible for Seniors releases the document Planning

for Canada's Aging Population: A Framework.
The Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills Development,
Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities (HUMA)
releases their report, Accessibility for All.
Ontario takes the lead and passes the Ontarians with Disabilities Act to
establish access standards across the province.
2006 Steven Harper is sworn in as prime minister (under a Conservative
government).
The federal government introduces the Universal Child Care Benefit in
lieu of a national child-care program.
Prime Minister Stephen Harper apologizes to Chinese-Canadians for
the head tax imposed on Chinese immigrants and promises a monetary
"gift" to head tax payers (or their widows).
The federal government cancels the Canada Volunteerism Initiative.
The federal government cancels any agreements made with the provinces
under the Multilateral Framework on Early Learning and Child Care.
The Government of Canada makes funds available under the Targeted
Initiative for Older Workers.
The Special Senate Committee on Aging begins its large-scale review of
issues, policies, and programs related to seniors and their care.
The World Health Organization launches its Global Age-Friendly Cities
Project in Vancouver.
Statistics Canada administers the Aboriginal Children's Survey as part of
the 2006 census.
A Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science and Technology
completes a ground-breaking national study (Out of the Shadows at Last)
on mental health, mental illness, and addiction.
An international network of practitioners, researchers, academics, and
seniors launch the National Initiative for the Care of the Elderly to
improve the care of older adults.
2007 The Homelessness Partnering Strategy begins.
The federal government appoints the Mental Health Commission
of Canada to study mental health, mental illness, and addiction in
Canada.
Human Resources and Social Development Canada establishes the
Expert Panel on Older Workers to consider the current and future
prospects of older workers.

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442 • APPEN DIX A

The federal government hires a Secretary of State for Seniors to advocate

for Canadian seniors.
The National Seniors Council replaces the National Advisory Council
on Aging (established in 1980).
The federal government announces the Enabling Accessibility Fund to
enable the participation in society of people with disabilities.
The federal government announces a Registered Disability Savings
Plan, the Canada Disability Savings Grant, and the Canada Disability
Savings Bond to help Canadians save for long-term financial
security.
The Government of Canada agrees to compensate Aboriginal peoples
for their losses incurred from attending residential schools.
The federal government introduces the Enhanced Prevention
Focused Approach to provide preventative child welfare services
on-reserve.
2008 Canada slides into the deepest economic recession since the Great
Depression.
The federal government introduces the Tax-Free Savings Account.
The Standing Senate Committee on Social Affairs, Science and
Technology begins to examine social issues in Canada's largest cities.
The House of Commons Standing Committee on Human Resources,
Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities
(HUMA) begins a feasibility study on a national poverty reduction
strategy.
The federal New Horizons for Seniors Program launches an Elder Abuse
Awareness Campaign.
The federal Home Adaptations for Seniors' Independence program
begins.
A UNICEF study rates Canada the worst of twenty-five countries in
providing child-care services.
The federal government scraps the Immigration Settlement and
Adaptation Program, the Host Program and the Language Instruction
for Newcomers to Canada program, and introduces a "modernized
approach" to settlement services.
Prime Minister Harper makes a Statement of Apology to former students
of Indian residential schools.

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 HISTORICAL HIGHLIGHTS • 443

2009 The Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging begins recruiting subjects.

The Urban Aboriginal Peoples Study begins collecting data.
In january, Ontario loses 71 000 of the 129 000 jobs lost in Canada
because of the economic downturn.
The number of welfare recipients in British Columbia reaches more
than 32 000 in March a 4 7 percent increase since September 2008.
In March, Canada's unemployment rate reaches 8 percent, the highest
rate in seven years.
The federal government releases Canada's Economic Action Plan (Budget
2009), a multi-billion dollar strategy to stimulate economic growth
during a severe economic recession.
2010 The federal government scraps the mandatory long-form census
questionnaire in favour of a voluntary household survey.
The Native Women's Association of Canada estimates that more than
580 Aboriginal women and girls have either gone missing or been
murdered in Canada, most within the last thirty years.
The federal government administers the Canada Survey of Giving,
Volunteering and Participating.
The passage of the Balanced Refugee Reform Act allows the federal
government to increase the number of refugees admitted each year and
process refugee claims more quickly.
Canada ratifies the United Nations' Convention on the Rights of
Persons with Disabilities.
2011 The federal government administers the first Canadian Survey on Disability
(which replaces the Participation and Activity Limitation Survey).
The Occupy social movement begins, bringing worldwide attention to
corporate greed and income inequality.
The Canadian Index of Wellbeing releases its first composite report,
which shows that economic progress fails to translate into social and
economic well-being for many Canadians.
2012 The enhanced federal Family Caregiver Tax Credit comes into effect.
The National Institute for the Care of the Elderly (NICE) launches the
National Survey on the Mistreatment of Older Canadians.
The House of Commons increases the age of eligibility for 0 ld Age
Security from sixty-five to sixty-seven, beginning in 2023.

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444 • APPEN DIX A

The Government of Alberta launches Phase I of the development of a

new Social Policy Framework.
Kateri Tekakwitha becomes North America's first Aboriginal saint.
The federal budget introduces the concept of "social finance" as a method
of funding social welfare programs by using private sector money.
The federal government eliminates the National Council of Welfare,
the primary source of information on poverty and other social issues in
Canada since 1971.
Human Resources and Skills Development Canada launches a Call for
Concepts for Social Finance as a first step to reshaping social policy in
Canada.
The Idle No More social movement begins in protest of the federal
Bill C-45.
The Protecting Canada's Immigration System Act passes into law and
builds on the reforms to refugee legislation.
The World Economic Forum ranks Canada twenty-first (out of
135 countries) on the Global Gender Gap Index.
UNICEF ranks Canada as having the twenty-fourth worst child poverty
rate among thirty-five industrialized countries.
The Broadbent Institute releases Towards a More Equal Canada: A Report
on Canada' Social and Economic Inequality, to stimulate discussion on
income inequality.
2013 Amendments to the Federal Skilled Worker Class restrict older
immigrants with weak English or French skills, low education, or
modest work experience from immigrating to Canada.
The Federal Court declares Metis and non-Status Indians as "Indians"
under the Constitution Act of 1867.
The Conference Board of Canada ranks Canada as the third worst out
of seventeen countries in terms of poverty among working-age adults.
The Homelessness Research Network and the Canadian Alliance to
end Homelessness release the first extensive study on homelessness in
Canada.
A study by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives and Save the
Children Canada finds that half of status First Nations children in
Canada live in poverty.

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_____A P P E ~ D I X~-

•
o a ization an OCia
e are

• • •• • •• •••• ••• ••• ••• •• • •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •• • • •• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •• •

It has been said that arguing against globalization is like

arguing against the law of gravity. (UN Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, 2002)
• •• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• ••• •••• ••• •

GLOBALIZATION: FRIEND OR FOE?

The International Federation of Social Workers (20 l2b) defines globalization

as "the process by which all peoples and communities come to experience
an increasingly common economic, social and cultural environment. By
definition, the process affects everybody throughout the world. " Modern-day
globalization is the brainchild of several Western nations that came together
shortly after the Second World War to develop a new framework for restruc-
turing economic and political relations. To foster global economic development,
world leaders created the U.S.-dominated World Bank, the Organisation
for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the International
Monetary Fund, and eventually, the World Trade Organization. Globalization
is synonymous with free trade, unlimited investment, neoliberalism, and the
spread of capitalism.
In 1995, at the World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen,
nations from around the world recognized the contradictions of globalization:
• • •• •••• ••• • •• ••• ••• • •• •••• ••• • •• ••• ••• • ••• •• • ••• • • • ••• •••• • •• ••• ••• ••• •••• ••• • • •

Globalization . . . opens new opportunities for sus-

tained economic growth and development of the
world economy, particularly in developing countries.

NEL 445
446 • APPENDIX B

Globalization also permits countries to share experiences

and to learn from one another's achievements and dif-
ficulties, and promotes a cross-fertilization of ideals,
cultural values and aspirations. At the same time, the
rapid processes of change and adjustment have been
accompanied by intensified poverty, unemployment
and social disintegration. Threats to human well-being,
such as environmental risks, have also been globalized.
(United Nations, 1995)
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• • • • • • •• • • • • • •• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ••• • • • • • • • • • • •

The following section briefly describes some of the risks and opportunities
associated with globalization.

Economic Dependence and Vulnerability

In a global economy, governments tend to relax their duties and tariffs, and
encourage the free flow of imports and exports across borders. The easy flow
of investment, labour, goods, and services between countries has made most
nations economically dependent on one another. Those close economic ties
also make trading partners economically vulnerable; a case in point is the
collapse of the mortgage market in the United States in 2008, which affected
stock markets around the world and triggered a global economic recession.

Loss of Democracy
National governments have become tom between responding to the needs of
their own citizens and the needs of the global community. While becoming
less accountable to citizens, governments are becoming more accountable to
business (largely transnational corporations or TNCs). TNCs control most
of the world's trade, and some are reportedly richer than some countries.
These corporations have the power to dictate where they do business (usually
in countries that offer the least regulation, the most resources, and the biggest
tax breaks) and what types of conditions they want to do business under
(sometimes at the expense of the environment and human rights). Democracy
is threatened when the welfare of citizens becomes secondary to the profits of
business (McDonagh, 2002).

A Blending of Cultures
Groups of people with different ethnic backgrounds, religious beliefs, values,
and language are interacting more than ever. Closer cultural contacts can lead

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 GLOBA L IZA TIO N A ND SOCIAL WELFARE • 447

to a greater understanding of people and subsequently more tolerance for one

another. However, greater cultural interactions may also produce more tension
and conflict. Overall, globalization has made cultures less distinguishable, more
homogenous, and in particular more "Americanized."

Global Economy: Global Risks

Globalization promotes technologies, such as the Internet, wireless telephones,
TV satellites, and the rapid transmission of information and ideas around
the world. The opening of borders also allows for the easy, and often rapid,
infiltration of undesirable elements across borders, which can threaten both
personal and national security by allowing
• infectious diseases to spread around the world in record time
• terrorists to access countries more easily and operate in and against
several nations simultaneously
• transnational corporations to relocate to countries with weak envi-
ronmentallaws, cheaply extract resources, and dump waste into the
environment
Globalization is also associated with rising fuel costs, erratic weather
caused by global warming, the increase in crops for biofuels, and the ruination
of farmlands from an overuse of pesticides and chemical fertilizers, all of
which contribute to a global food crisis.
These risks are most likely to affect those who are already vulnerable or
marginalized, such as those living in poverty. Floods associated with global
warming, for example, tend to have the greatest impact on those who live in
substandard housing; when disaster strikes, the rich can board up their homes
and leave town, while the poor are left behind to cope with the aftermath.

JOBS AND JOB SECURITY

Between the 1970s and the 1990s, globalization shifted Western nations into
a postindustrial era. During that period, Canada underwent significant labour
market restructuring, which has changed the world of work for Canadians.

Good Jobs, Bad Jobs

Technology has revolutionized the labour market by automating many
labour-intensive tasks. While this change has created a demand for highly

NEL
448 • APPENDIX B

literate workers with strong computer and other technical skills, it has also
created many low-skilled jobs and an increasing disparity between "good" and
"bad" jobs.
"Good" jobs are usually full-time, permanent, and well paid, with
benefits and opportunities for promotion. These jobs are largely filled by
highly skilled, well-educated workers. "Bad" jobs (or "Mcjobs") tend to be
non-unionized, offer poor pay and working conditions, and provide few
(if any) benefits and little chance of advancement. Part-time and non-standard
jobs for example, seasonal, casual, and short-term contract positions are often
considered "bad jobs," especially among those wanting to work full time.
Between 1976 and 2011, the proportion of Canadian workers in part-time
positions rose from about 7 percent to almost 12 percent (Human Resources
and Skills Development Canada, 2013c). A large proportion of these workers
are older or young adults, recent immigrants, visible minorities, and women,
many of which have relatively few skills and education.

Down with Manufacturing, Up with Services

Much of the labour-intensive manufacturing that once took place in
Canada is now outsourced to emerging economies, such as China and
India. Between 2002 and when a global economic recession hit in 2008,
Canada lost 388 000 manufacturing jobs. During the 2008-2009 recession,
total employment in the manufacturing industry shrank back to 1997levels.
The regions hit hardest were Ontario (with a loss of up to one in five manu-
facturing jobs) and Quebec (which lost one in six manufacturing jobs)
(Weir, 2008).
While manufacturing jobs continue to disappear, the number of service
jobs keeps growing. In 1961, the service industry employed about half of all
Canadian workers; by 2006, about three-quarters of Canadians worked in real
estate, healthcare, social welfare, government, and other service sectors (Foreign
Affairs and International Trade Canada, 20 12). Many service workers, including
those in the health sector, are well paid and in high demand. Others, such
as retail clerks, cleaners, and food service workers, often work for minimum
wage and are more easily replaced; this group includes a high percentage of
women (especially visible-minority women).

Income Inequality
Over the last three decades, low-income and middle-class workers have seen
their incomes shrink or stagnate. Meanwhile, affluent corporate managers and

NEL
 GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIAL WELFARE • 449

executives have taken an increasingly larger share of available wealth in the

form of salaries, bonuses, and company profits. In the late 1970s, the average
CEO earned an income that was 25 times that of the average Canadian; by
2010, that ratio had reached 250 times the average (McQuaig, 2010). Although
income inequality is rising to some extent in advanced nations, it is occurring
at an accelerated rate in Canada. The graph in Exhibit B.1 shows the income
share of each quintile of Canadian earners in 2009.
Although many critics blame globalization for rising income inequality,
a report by the OECD (20 11) reveals that globalization is not the main cause
of income disparity. Rather, advances in information, communication, and
other technologies have benefited high-skilled workers more than low-skilled
workers, leading to a wider spread in labour income. Moreover, the pressure
to globalize rather than globalization per se has led nations (including
Canada) to change many of their domestic policies, the effects of which have
increased the income gap between rich and poor earners. Those policies relate
to such things as
• labour market restructuring, which has increased the number of
workers in low-paying part-time and temporary jobs (and subsequently
widened the pay gap between low- and high-income earners)

EXHIBIT 8.1
INCOME INEQUALITY IN CANADA, 2009

30
Q.)

E
0 o Poorest 20% of population
(..)
c: 25
C\:S
o Second 20%
c:
0
·g 20 • Third 20%
c:
'+-
0 • Fourth 20%
.._
Q.)
15
C\:S
..c: • Richest 20% of population
(/)

10

Source: Author-generated chart; data from Th e Conference Board of Canada. (2013). Canadian income
inequality, Richest group accounts for the largest share of National income, 2009. Retrieved from http://www.
conferenceboard. ca/hcplhot -topics/caninequality .aspx.

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450 • APPENDIX B

• a decline in government's willingness to redistribute income more

equitably across the population through tax benefits and cash transfers
targeting the lowest-income earners

THE DIMINISHED ROLE OF SOCIAL WELFARE

PROGRAMS

Labour market restructuring has undoubtedly benefited many Canadians.

Many others, however, are at an increasingly high risk of job displacement,
unemployment, underemployment, debt overload, bankruptcy, and poverty.
A growing number of vulnerable or out-of-work people place a heavier
demand on income security programs and social services, including emergency
shelters and food programs. Unemployment and poverty can create considerable
psychological stress, which in tum, can raise the incidence of mental health
disorders, suicide, spousal abuse, and child maltreatment all problems that
require a wide range of services.
Although the demand for social welfare programs keeps rising, Canadian
governments continue to diminish the capacity of those programs to serve.
Neoliberal governments tend to see market solutions to social problems and
see jobs as the best form of social security. However, in their eagerness to
facilitate globalization and attract foreign investment and trade, neoliberal gov-
ernments have created a highly competitive labour market with not enough
"good" jobs to go around. Many workers end up working for poverty wages
in jobs with no benefits and limited opportunities for advancement. Quitting
is not always an option since there are fewer resources such as EI and social
assistance available to fall back on. These workers are virtually trapped in
poverty, unable to adequately support themselves or their families. In 2011,
almost one-quarter of Canadian workers earned less than $13.33 per hour
(Canadian Labour Congress, 2012).

CONCLUSION

Proponents of globalization use the metaphor "a rising tide floats all boats"
to promote the notion that everyone will benefit from a healthy economy.
The reality is, after several decades of globalization and neoliberal policies,
some boats are floating better than others. While globalization has made the
rich even richer, the wealth from economic growth has failed to trickle down
to the broader population. Numerous reports suggest that global poverty and

NEL
 GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIAL WELFARE • 451

other social problems have actually worsened since globalization began in

earnest after the Second World War.
Globalization is more popular than ever, and trade activity among Canada
and other nations continues to grow. Governments expect that the economic
growth resulting from trade deals will make Canada a richer country and, ulti-
mately, ensure social well-being and prosperity to all Canadians over the long
term. However, a troubling trend is that Canada's living standards continue
to fall, and income inequality continues to rise, even in good economic times
when work is plentiful and unemployment rates are low.

__________KEY_
For definitions of the key terms, consult the Glossary on page 453 at the end of
the book.
globalization, p. 445 labour market income inequality,
transnational restructuring, p.449
corporations, p. 446 p.447

NEL
GLOSSARY
The number at the end of the definition refers to the chapter containing the
key term.

A
Aboriginal cultural awareness training Education and skill building that
helps professional helpers raise their level of cultural sensitivity as it relates
to the Aboriginal population. (12; p. 362)

Aboriginal peoples The descendants of the original inhabitants of North

America. The Canadian Constitution recognizes three groups of Aboriginal
peoples: Indians, Metis, and Inuit. ( 12; p. 331)

acceptable housing Housing that is adequate (in good repair), suitable

(uncrowded), and affordable (costs less than 30 percent of a household's
before-tax income). (9; p. 246)

access The ability and right to enter, use, or take advantage of opportunities,
services, or resources. (14; p. 397)

accommodation The act of modifying an environment so that a person with

a disability can participate in activities that take place in that environment.
(14; p. 423)

accountability The demonstration or proof of how resources are used to

achieve results; the obligation to account to others; or the obligation to
answer to, report or explain, or give reasons for one's actions. (5; p. 132)

active aging Participating in activities throughout the lifespan

that maximize social, physical, and mental well-being, and that relate
to extended life expectancy and a good quality of life in later years.
(11; p. 300)

active labour market policies Government strategies that require able-bodied

beneficiaries of public programs to take steps toward entering (or re-entering)
the workforce, or that give incentives to beneficiaries who choose work or
training in lieu of benefits. (2, 4; pp. 4 7, 104)

administration An organizational activity that involves developing or

interpreting policies and procedures, planning and managing direct service
activities, and ensuring that the organization meets its goals and objectives.
(6; p. 160)

NEL 453
454 • GLOSSARY

advocacy Speaking or acting on behalf of another person or group by,

for example, disseminating information to influence the opinions of
others or calling for changes in laws, regulations, and government
policies. (5; p. 140)

age-friendly community A geographic location such as a city or

neighbourhood that recognizes the capabilities of seniors, responds to their
needs, respects their decisions and choices, protects them, and promotes their
inclusion. (11; p. 308)

ageism Prejudice and discrimination against a person on the basis of age;

usually used in reference to elderly people. (11; p. 302)

agency goal Part of an organization's strategic framework that states the

concrete steps the organization plans to take over the long term to achieve
its vision and mission. (6; p. 158)

agency volunteers Non-professional helpers who donate their time and

skills to an organization without monetary compensation. (7; p. 189)

aging in place The act of growing old in the dwelling of one's choice
(which is usually one's home, not an institution). (6, 11; pp. 153, 305)

alternative service delivery A framework to guide government when

reorganizing their departments or agencies, coordinating their efforts, and
collaborating with private sector agencies in the delivery of public programs.
(5; p. 131)

anti-oppressive approaches Forms of social work practice that value

egalitarianism, embrace a person-centred philosophy, and focus on empowering
oppressed or marginalized groups, and on changing structures in society
that create social divisions and inequalities. (8, 9, 13; pp. 221, 263, 391)

asset-based social policies Public policies that help disadvantaged

groups or communities achieve financial security and self-sufficiency
through the accumulation of human, social, physical, or financial
capital. (9; p. 256)

asset tests Financial tests used to determine eligibility for income security
programs or social services. Eligibility is based on applicants' tangible assets,
such as property, savings, or investments. (1; p. 14)

assimilation A process in which a person or a group of people adopt

aspects of a dominant culture; this process may or may not be voluntary.
(12; p. 333)

NEL
 GLOSSARY • 455

assisted living facilities Supported housing for seniors and people with
disabilities that offer private living space and meals, as well as such services
as personal care, laundry, and housekeeping. (11; p. 319)

austerity measure An economic policy aimed at reducing government

deficits through severe cuts in public spending. (4; p. 96)

B
baby boom generation A segment of the population that was born between
1946 and 1965, a period in which the average number of children born per
woman (3. 7) reached the highest in Canadian history. Note: the definition of
the baby boom period varies between countries. (11; p. 299)

band A group of First Nations people for whom lands have been set apart
or whose money is held by the Crown. Many bands prefer to be known as
First Nations. (12; p. 334)

best practices Strategies, methods, or approaches that are perceived as

working well and would be recommended to others. (6; p. 172)

bill A written proposal for a law or piece of legislation that is submitted

for approval by Parliament or the Senate (federal level), or a provincial or
territorial legislature. (2; p. 50)

block fund A lump sum of money given by one level of government to a

lower government for a specific purpose; the amount of the fund is usually
calculated on a per capita basis. (4; p. 99)

brief therapies Therapeutic interventions that aim to achieve specific,

measurable, and short-term goals; emphasize the client's present and future
(rather than the past); and focus on personal strengths. (8; p. 210)

budget deficits The amounts by which government spending exceeds

income. (4; p. 92)

bureaucratic model of organization A framework used to structure

organizations, characterized by several divisions or departments, specialization,
formalization, departmentalization, a clear chain of command, centralization,
and a hierarchical structure. (6; p. 16 7)

c
capacity The ability, capability, means, or power required to reach specific
goals over the long term. (8; p. 207)

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456 • GLOSSARY

capital Various types of wealth that can be applied to improving one's quality
of life. Types of capital include human (such as skills and knowledge), social
(such as relationships and contacts), physical (such as material goods),
natural (such as food and water), and financial (such as income and savings).
(1;p.10)

caregiver strain The negative physical, psychological, financial, or other

negative consequence of caring for another person for an extended time.
(7; p. 200)

care team A group of professional helpers and non-professional helpers

who coordinate their efforts on behalf of clients who have a variety of needs
or are connected to several different agencies. (7; p. 179)

categorical A criteria used by government to determine who is or is not

eligible for assistance. For example, under the English Poor laws, governments
categorized people in need as being either "deserving" or "undeserving" of
public relief. (3; p. 67)

charities Non-profit organizations that have philanthropic goals (e.g., social,

educational, or religious). (3; p. 64)

child abuse An act against a child that harms or threatens that child's well-
being; those acts include physical or sexual assault, neglect or abandonment,
emotional or psychological mistreatment, and witnessing family violence.
Also called child maltreatment. (10; p. 287)

child care The act of caring for and supervising a child in a home or a
centre. (10; p. 2 72)

child neglect A type of child abuse characterized by the failure of a

caregiver to provide appropriate care, supervision, or protection to a child.
(10; p. 287)

child welfare system A government program that provides mandated

services to families with children, investigates reports of alleged child abuse,
and provides various care options for children in care. (10; p. 290)

children in care Children who come under the protection of a child welfare
system and reside either in their own home (under the supervision of a child
protection worker) or in alternative care, such as a foster home or kinship
care. (1 0; p. 293)

citizen participation The active involvement of citizens or community

members in the planning, development, or administration of policies and
programs that affect them. (2; p. 45)

NEL
 GLOSSARY • 457

clawbacks The amounts high-income-earning individuals are required

to repay of the cash benefits they receive from income security programs.
(4; p. 94)

client A consumer, participant, or beneficiary of a social welfare program or

service. (1; p. 11)

collaborative governance An approach to leadership and management

in which all parties in a working group enjoy an equal status and share
power, decision making, and accountability to achieve a common goal.
(2, 5; pp. 43, 131)

colonization The encroachment on and subjugation of one group by a

more powerful group, usually to exploit the less powerful group's resources;
the term is often used in reference to the treatment of Aboriginal peoples by
the Government of Canada. (12; p. 343)

commercial sector A subdivision of the private sector in which businesses,

corporations, and companies deliver programs and services for a profit.
(5; p. 122)

community development A process in which citizens resolve local problems

and increase the problem-solving capacity of the community by working
with existing systems in the community. (8; p. 225)

community living movement A collective, grassroots effort aimed at

helping people with an intellectual disability make a smooth transition from
institutional to community-based living. (14; p. 406)

community mental health movement A collective, grassroots effort that

advocates for the rights of people with a mental health disorder and the
provision of care in non-institutional settings. (14; p. 406)

community needs assessment An evaluation used to determine

the need for a particular program or service in a given community.
(6; p. 156)

community practice A social work field that focuses on motivating

and helping community members to evaluate, plan, and coordinate
their efforts to meet local needs; also called developmental social work.
(8; p. 232)

community system of care A mix of services and resources that, when

offered in a coordinated and integrated fashion, is responsive to the varying
levels and changing needs of clients. (6; p. 154)

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458 • GLOSSARY

community-based model A framework used by social agencies to meet

community needs, match services to people's needs and preferences, build
on local strengths, and offer services in natural (as opposed to institutional)
settings. (6; p. 150)

comprehensive community initiative A community-based organized

effort that has multiple targets of change and aims to transform
communities or neighbourhoods and the living conditions of residents.
(8, 9; pp. 226, 261)

congregate housing A type of supportive housing for seniors and people

with disabilities that provides a private apartment or room within a larger
complex and minimal care (such as the provision of meals). (11; p. 319)

conservatism A political ideology that promotes traditional values, moral

(religious) standards, and conformity to the existing social order. (1; p. 18)

contracting-out A process in which the government purchases services

from an individual or a group in the private sector while remaining
accountable for the delivery of those services. Also known as outsourcing.
(5; p. 131)

contributory programs Income security programs that work as savings

plans, requiring working individuals to contribute to a fund that then
compensates them when they are not working; examples are Employment
Insurance and the Canada/Quebec Pension Plans. Formerly called social
insurance programs. (1; p. 12)

core funding Income that can be applied to a voluntary social agency's

basic or core activities, such as administration, staffing, operational costs,
agency promotion, and ongoing programs. (5; p. 137)

core housing need A need produced by housing that is overcrowded, is

unaffordable, or requires repair. (9; p. 246)

corporate social responsibility An approach taken by businesses to

include the public interest in its corporate decision making, thereby garnering
the goodwill of the community. (5; p. 12 7)

cross-cultural training Education and skill building that helps professional

helpers raise their level of cultural sensitivity and improve their effectiveness
in working with minority groups. (13; p. 387)

cycle of poverty A set of factors or events that trap people in the negative
effects of poverty and perpetuate in a seemingly endless fashion. (9; p. 248)

NEL
 GLOSSARY • 459

D
data collection tools Instruments or procedures used to collect quantitative
or qualitative information about social conditions and problems. Examples
include statistics, surveys, interviews, and focus groups. (2; p. 35)

decentralization The distribution of a central government's functions,

authority, or assets among several authorities, such as lower levels of
government. (4; p. 95)

deinstitutionalization A process to move institutionalized people into

community settings and to replace institutional care with community-based
programs and services. (14; p. 405)

depth of poverty A statistic that measures how far a person's income is

below a certain threshold or low-income cut-off (LICO). (9; p. 241)

deserving poor A social label used until the mid -twentieth century to
identify people who were worthy of public relief because they were sick or
aged, had a disability, or were otherwise incapable of supporting themselves.
(1;p.23)

direct relief Government aid given to the poor in the form of cash,
vouchers for basic necessities, or essential resources such as food, fuel, and
clothing. (3; p. 76)

direct services Assistance delivered through face-to-face interactions, often

by front-line workers; examples include personal counselling and therapy
groups. (6; p. 155)

disability A physical, mental, or environmental condition that substantially

restricts a person's ability to perform tasks that are typical for his or her age.
(14; p. 395)

disability community A loosely defined segment of the population

comprising people with disabilities, their families, caregivers, advocates,
and the organizations that serve them. (14; p. 406)

disability income system A range of federal, provincial, and territorial

income security programs for people with disabilities who are unable to earn
enough to support themselves. (14; p. 420)

disability rights movement A collective, grassroots, large-scale effort aimed at

eliminating socially imposed restrictions on people with disabilities, ensuring
their full citizenship, and creating equal access to mainstream resources and
opportunities. (14; p. 405)

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460 • GLOSSARY

discrimination The prejudicial or distinguishing (usually negative) treatment of

an individual based on his or her membership (or perceived membership) in
a certain social group. (13; p. 382)

diversity A concept that embraces the "differentness" of people and cultures.

(6; p. 170)

ecological perspective A theory that accepts disability as a physical condition

with limiting consequences but also recognizes the impact of a person's
environment on his or her experience of disability. Also known as the
sociopolitical perspective. (14; p. 396)

economic immigrants A category of immigrants within the immigration appli-

cation process, reserved for skilled workers and business people. (13; p. 371)

elder abuse The maltreatment of an older person within a relationship

in which there is an expectation of trust; includes physical, sexual, or
emotional abuse; financial exploitation; and neglect. (11; p. 316)

empowerment The process of gaining personal control, authority, or decision-

making power over one's affairs by individuals, families, groups, organizations,
or communities. (8, 10; pp. 214, 295)

enfranchisement A process that gives the rights of citizenship (including

the right to vote) to a person or group. (12; p. 334)

English Poor Laws A series of British parliamentary acts that Elizabeth I

enacted during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to reduce poverty
and begging in England; some colonial governments in Canada adopted
certain principles of these laws. (3; p. 67)

environmental scan A method of assessing a community's social and economic

conditions that may influence local needs or affect an organization's ability
to meet those needs. (6; p. 156)

episodic disability A type of disability that can affect individuals on a

sporadic and often unpredictable basis. Examples include HIV, multiple
sclerosis, and mental health disorders. (14; p. 418)

ethnic enclaves Neighbourhoods or districts that are distinct from the

larger population because of certain cultural, racial, religious, ancestral, or
other characteristics, and often populated by immigrant and visible-minority
groups. Examples are Chinatown and Little Italy. (13; p. 380)

NEL
 GLOSSARY • 461

eugenics The study, belief, or practice of improving the human population

by controlled, selective breeding. (14; p. 404)

F
family A group of people composed of a married couple or a common-law
couple, with or without children, or of a lone parent living with at least one
child. (10; p. 267)

family casework A social work approach that emerged in the 1920s

designed to help the entire family unit (or several members of a family).
(8; p. 211)

family policy A type of social policy used to guide government initiatives

for families with children. Examples include the National Children's Agenda
and the Family Violence Initiative. (10; p. 2 70)

family type A classification of a family based on certain characteristics

and membership. Examples include married or common-law couples
with children, lone-parent families, families of divorce, and stepfamilies.
(10; p. 280)

family violence The abuse of power within a family or in relationships

of trust or dependency; family violence includes physical assault, emo-
tional abuse, neglect, sexual assault, financial exploitation, and stalking.
(10; p. 285)

feminization of poverty A view of poverty that illustrates the ways women

are more likely than men to be poor, regardless of the woman's age, family
status, ethnicity, or other characteristic. (9; p. 242)

First Nations people A term that came into vogue in the 1970s to replace
the term "Indian." The term includes those that have either Status or non-
Status under the Indian Act. (12; p. 331)

fiscalization A process in which government uses the tax system, rather

than programs and services, to achieve social goals. (4; p. 108)

flat hierarchical structures Organizational structures that have few

levels of management; characteristic of the organic model of organization.
(6; p. 168)

food insecurity The state of not having or eating adequate amounts of

nutritious food or worrying about not being able to obtain an adequate
amount or quality of food. (9; p. 246)

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462 • GLOSSARY

formative evaluation A formal assessment that occurs during a planned

change process to determine whether an action plan is working or how
the plan might be modified to reach the desired goal. (8; p. 221)

functional limitations perspective A theory that defines disability

largely in terms of how it limits a person's functioning, as well as how
people with a disability and others perceive and react to those limitations.
(14; p. 396)

G
gerontechnology A field that combines knowledge from gerontology and
technology to create innovative tools to help seniors with special needs age
in place safely and comfortably. (11; p. 319)

gerontology The formal study of aging. (11; p. 30 1)

globalization The development of an interconnected and interdependent

global economy, characterized by free trade, the free flow of capital,
and the sharing of innovation and technology. (4, Appendix B;
pp. 92, 445)

government-assisted housing A government program that provides full

or partial subsidies for housing to low-income individuals and families.
Examples include public or social housing, nonprofit housing, cooperative
housing, and rent supplements. (9; p. 257)

grassroots approach Activities or projects that are started by citizens rather

than by government or professions; considered a bottom-up rather than a
top-down approach to social change. (8; p. 225)

guaranteed annual income A concept that suggests that all citizens have
the right to a minimum income as the result of either paid work or government
subsidies. (3; p. 84)

H
head tax A fixed entry fee charged by the Government of Canada to deter
so-called undesirables from immigrating to Canada. (13; p. 368)

healing In Aboriginal theory, the process of restoring balance or

harmony to the overall health and well-being of individuals, families,
groups, or communities. (12; p. 344)

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 GLOSSARY • 463

holistic view Looking at the whole of something rather than just its
individual parts; recognition of the interconnectedness between various
components of a system. (12; p. 344)

home and community care Programs that provide professional care in a

person's home (rather than in a hospital or nursing home) that aim to prevent
chronic health problems and help people age in place. (11; p. 320)

homelessness A situation in which an individual or a family lacks

appropriate, permanent, or stable housing; lacks the means or ability to
acquire appropriate housing; or faces the immediate prospect of losing
housing. (9; p. 247)

I
immigrants People who were born in another country, have moved to
Canada by choice, and have been granted the legal right to live in this
country. (13; p. 366)

immigration rate The number of immigrants per one thousand Canadians

in any given year. (13; p. 370)

impairment perspective A theory based on the medical model that defines

disability as a biologically based illness or disease that originates in a person's
body or mind and that can be cured by specific treatments. (14; p. 396)

inclusion lens A tool or method for analyzing laws, policies, programs,

and practices to determine the extent to which people are either included
or excluded from social, economic, and other benefits. (2; p. 56)

income inequality The unequal distribution of wealth in capitalist

systems, reflected in the disparity in income between the rich and the poor.
(1, 4, Appendix B; pp. 24, 114, 449)

income redistribution A strategy based on Keynesian economics that

governments use to shift income away from high- and moderate-income
earners toward those with lower incomes. (1; p. 25)

income security programs Government-sponsored initiatives that provide

financial aid to replace or supplement the incomes of people who are
unemployed, elderly, or sick, or have a disability. (1; p. 11)

income tests Financial tests used to determine eligibility for income

security programs or social services; eligibility is based on the applicant's
income. (1; p. 14)

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464 • GLOSSARY

independent living movement A philosophy and grassroots social movement

that uses political organization to promote self-representation for people
with disabilities. (14; p. 406)

indexation The mechanism by which government benefits are indexed to

inflation by using the Consumer Price Index; programs that are indexed
(for example, Old Age Security pension) automatically increase benefits as
the cost of living rises. (3; p. 82)

Indians First Nations, Metis, or Inuit who meet the Government of

Canada's criteria for Status Indians, non-Status Indians, or Treaty Indians.
(12; p. 331)

indicators Statistics or pieces of data that measure or "indicate" the existence

of something and show how social or economic conditions manifest
themselves in society and change over time. (1, 2; pp. 5, 3 7)

indirect relief Aid provided through government-funded work projects

during the Great Depression, designed to get the unemployed back to work.
(3; p. 76)

indirect services Activities in social agencies that do not usually involve

personal contact with clients but can influence the type and quality of direct
services. Examples include administration, program planning, and program
evaluation. (6; p. 155)

individual development accounts Government-sponsored savings accounts

designed to help low-income Canadians save money; both individuals and
government contribute to the funds. (9; p. 256)

indoor relief A type of public relief provided by colonial governments to

people in need, which came in the form of room and board in institutions,
such as workhouses and poorhouses. (3; p. 68)

institutional approach The view that social welfare is a primary institution

of society (similar to religion, government, and education) and therefore has
a normal, legitimate, and necessary function in a civilized, modern society.
(1;p.23)

inter-agency cooperation A management approach in which the members

of social agencies cooperate and work together to improve a community's
programs and services. (6; p. 173)

interdisciplinary knowledge base A foundation of knowledge that is based

on the shared experience and research of people from various professions,
vocations, or academic fields. (7; p. 181)

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 GLOSSARY • 465

interest groups Organized collectives that support specific causes and try
to influence government policy for the benefit of their own members or on
behalf of the general public. (2; p. 45)

intra-agency cooperation A management approach used by social

agencies to empower workers, clients, and other stakeholders, and to
foster an environment of inclusion and participation in the workplace.
(6; p. 173)

Inuit An Aboriginal person living in the northern regions of Canada,

including Nunavut, the Northwest Territories, and the northern parts of
Labrador and Quebec. (12; p. 331)

K
Keynesian economics An economic theory that advocates for government
intervention in monetary policy and market processes to stimulate and
stabilize the economy. (4; p. 92)

L
labour market restructuring Significant changes in employment conditions,
industrial relations, the types of work offered, and unionization. (Appendix B;
p. 447)

liberalism A political ideology that emphasizes people's rights to individuality,

freedom of self-expression, and lifestyle choice. (1; p. 21)

LICOs (low-income cut-offs) A relative measure of low income that

identifies the minimum level of income required for a family to purchase
food, shelter, and other basics. (9; p. 240)

life-course lens A tool or method for analyzing people's experiences over

the life course and how they manage transitions from one life phase to
another. (2; p. 57)

logic model A framework that describes the components of a policy or

program and the causal relationships between them. (2; p. 54)

lone-parent families Families that are headed by one parent of any marital
status, with at least one child living in the same dwelling. (10; p. 280)

longitudinal surveys Statistical surveys that are administered to constant

groups of people several times at regular intervals over a relatively long time.
(2; p. 35)

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466 • GLOSSARY

M
macro level (of society) The largest, most complex, and established
institutions and systems of society, including government, communities,
societal norms and values, cultural traditions and customs, and economic
processes. (8; p. 207)

mainstream approaches (to helping) Processes of helping people that are

based on medical models; the approaches view human disorders as discrete
entities that can be treated through medication, psychotherapy, or other
Western practices. (12; p. 344)

mandated services Programs or services that must be provided as a matter

of federal or provincial or territorial law; an example is child protection services.
(2, 5; pp. 53, 125)

mandatory volunteers People who are required to volunteer in order to

qualify for another event, such as high school graduation, or to meet the
requirements of a court order. (7; p. 191)

marginalized groups Segments of the population that lack power,

knowledge, social recognition, respect, and economic resources, and are
subsequently excluded or pushed to the margins of society. (1; p. 9)

means test A financial test once used by Canadian governments to determine

eligibility for income security programs; eligibility is based on an applicants
income and assets and virtually ignores personal needs. (3; p. 75)

mental health A person's capacity to think, feel, and behave in ways that
enhance the quality and enjoyment of life and the skills to deal with life's
challenges. (10; p. 2 74)

mental health disorder A psychological (cognitive or emotional) disorder

that is characterized by distress or disability and that interferes with a person's
ability to complete the daily tasks of living. (10; p. 2 75)

Metis A person of mixed European-Aboriginal ancestry who identifies as a

Metis and is accepted as a Metis by his or her community or organization.
A Metis is distinct from Inuit and First Nations peoples. (12; p. 331)

mezzo level (of society) The segment of society that comprises organizations,
social agencies, businesses, clubs, associations, and other formal collectives.
(8; p. 207)

micro level (of society) The segment of society that is made up of the
smallest units, such as individuals, families, and small groups. (8; p. 2 0 7)

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 GLOSSARY • 467

mission statement Part of an organization's strategic framework that

describes what the organization is, what it does, to whom its efforts will be
targeted, and what it intends to achieve. (6; p. 158)

mixed economy of welfare The provision of social welfare programs

through various service delivery systems, all of which focus on the provision
of well-being and are organized, funded, and managed in their own distinct
ways. (5; p. 122)

monetarism An economic theory or practice of stabilizing the economy by

controlling the supply of money in circulation. (4; p. 92)

multilevel approach to practice A social work orientation that supports

interventions at micro, mezzo, and macro levels of society. (7; p. 181)

multiservice centres Single locations offering a combination of supports,

such as healthcare, social services, and legal services. (6; p. 153)

N
National Aboriginal Organizations Formal, organized, and recognized
groups of Aboriginal peoples that engage in activities to protect their
common interests and rights, publicly promote their causes, and reclaim
their ancestral rights. (12; p. 337)

natural helping skills Human abilities or attributes acquired through

personal experience rather than formal training, and that other people find
helpful. (7; p. 190)

need A necessary condition or requirement of human development that if not

met will result in serious physical, psychological, or social harm. (1; p. 7)

needs tests Financial tests used to determine eligibility for income security
programs or social services; eligibility is based on an applicant's needs and
the income required to meet those needs. (1; p. 14)

neoliberalism A contemporary form of conservatism that promotes small

government, fiscal responsibility, and the role of the market in the provision
of economic and social well-being. (1, 4; pp. 20, 92)

non-professional helpers People who help others without monetary

compensation, including natural helpers, informal helpers, lay helpers,
agency volunteers, self-help groups, and family caregivers. (7; p. 178)

non-residential centres Non-institutional social agencies that provide services

on a drop-in, appointment, or outreach basis. (6; p. 153)
NEL
468 • GLOSSARY

0
open house concept An idea that recognizes the value of the full participation
of people with disabilities in society and their enjoyment of the same rights
and privileges as people who do not have a disability. (14; p. 422)

operational framework An internal structure of an organization used as a

practical guide to delivering direct services and managing indirect services.
(6; p. 155)

organic model of organization A framework used to structure organizations

that views organizations as living organisms, capable of adapting to an
ever-changing environment. (6; p. 167)

organizational change A change occurring at the mezzo level of society,

often involving a significant restructuring of an organization's internal
systems, resulting in a fundamental shift in the way the organization operates.
(8; p. 215)

outcome evaluation A type of program evaluation that assesses the extent

to which an action, an intervention, a policy, or a program has benefited the
participants (or target population). (6; p. 162)

outcomes The impacts, desired results, or benefits of an action, an intervention,

a policy, or a program. (2; p. 39)

outdoor relief A type of public relief provided by colonial governments to

people in need; the relief was in the form of cash and other assistance, given
to people living in their own homes. (3; p. 68)

out-of-home care The placement of a child or youth in residential, kinship,

community, or foster care by a child welfare authority that has legal custody
or guardianship of the child. (1 0; p. 292)

paraprofessionals Formally trained people who are not qualified to practise

according to the standards set by a particular profession but can be assigned
tasks and functions within that profession; examples include social service
workers and community support workers. (7; p. 186)

parens patriae A Latin term meaning "father of the nation"; the term refers
to laws that allow the state to use its authority to override parental rights
and intervene on behalf of a child. (10; p. 289)

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 GLOSSARY • 469

parenting style A set of strategies used by parents to socialize, teach,

discipline, and otherwise raise their children. (10; p. 279)

passive labour market policies Government plans of action that do not

require beneficiaries of government assistance to give anything in exchange
for benefits. (2, 4; pp. 4 7, 103)

peer counsellors Formally trained yet non-professional helpers who assist

others with a similar experience or concern either in a group or on a
one-to-one basis. (7; p. 197)

peer support Non-professional help that one person gives to another in an

egalitarian and mutually supportive way. Also called mutual aid. (7; p. 194)

pemtanent resident A person who has lived in Canada for at least two
years within a five-year period and has been granted permanent resident
status. (13; p. 370)

persistence of poverty A statistic that measures the percentage of people

living with low income every year over a six-year period. (9; p. 241)

person-in-environment A social work perspective that recognizes the

complexity of interactions between people and their environment, and
promotes the notion that people both shape and are shaped by their
environment. (7; p. 181)

planned change process A step-by-step scientific, methodical approach

used to facilitate change in people, organizations, or other systems. The
process involves a target of change, a change agent, a method of change, a
beneficiary of change, and a context of change. (8; p. 207)

points system A system to objectively assess the qualifications of people

applying for immigration to Canada. (13; p. 370)

policies and procedures A set of documents outlining a fixed set of rules

that organizations use to guide their operations. (6; p. 163)

policy community A loosely defined set of individuals, groups, and

organizations from both inside and outside government that influence the
development of public policy. (2; p. 39)

political ideology A set of beliefs that shape people's views of society, how
that society should function, and what should be done to achieve the ideal
society. (1; p. 18)

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4 70 • GLOSSARY

political protests Expressions of objection made by citizens against

government, often in the form of strikes, rallies, marches, demonstrations, or
occupation aimed at influencing the decisions of those in power. (8; p. 230)

poorhouses Types of institutions or "almshouses" created in colonial

times to house and manage the poor and homeless, and to keep them from
roaming the streets. (3; p. 68)

population aging A demographic phenomenon characterized by an

increasing number of older people in the population. (2, 11; pp. 32, 299)

population dependency ratio A measure showing the number of dependants

for every 100 people in the working age population. (11; p. 300)

poverty (1) A state of living characterized by lack, deprivation, and an

inability to obtain the basic necessities. (2) A form of social exclusion, in which
a person is unable, or is denied the opportunity, to fully engage in society
or meet society's expectations. (3) A state of being powerless, voiceless, or
dependent on others for resources. (2, 9; pp. 34, 239)

poverty rate A statistic that quantifies the percentage of people living in

low income in a geographic area. (9; p. 240)

poverty reduction An organized and formal process that addresses both the
symptoms and the causes of poverty. (9; p. 261)

primary prevention Activities usually targeted at large segments of the

population to prevent the development of personal or societal problems;
activities often focus on education, information giving, or the promotion of
certain practices. (6; p. 159)

principle of less eligibility A guideline established under the English

Poor Laws, used during colonial times, that required public benefits to be
minimal and less than the wage of the lowest-paid workers in a settlement.
(3; p. 67)

private sector A non-government component of the economy in which

organizations are privately owned and operated; includes both profit-making
and nonprofit operations. (5; p. 122)

privatization The transfer of most or all assets, services, or functions from

a government to either a nonprofit or a profit-making agency in the private
sector. (5; p. 132)

process model A framework used to analyze or evaluate a policy or program,

focusing on how the policy or program has been developed or implemented.
(2; p. 55)
NEL
 GLOSSARY • 4 71

professional helpers People paid to provide helping services and to

bring a recognized knowledge base, training, code of ethics, and relevant
experience to their practice; examples include social workers, psychiatrists,
and psychologists. (7; p. 178)

professions Vocations based on specialized education that have a code of

ethics, the means to regulate and enforce standards of practice among their
members, and theoretical bodies of knowledge that guide practice; examples
are social work, nursing, and law. (7; p. 184)

program eligibility A set of criteria that when met allows a person to

participate in, or potentially benefit from, a publicly sponsored program.
(1; p. 13)

program evaluation A process of assessing the usefulness, effectiveness,

and efficiency of programs and services. (6; p. 162)

program planning The design and development of programs and

services to meet client needs and the community's broader goals.
(6; p. 161)

progressive tax system A type of income tax system in which high

income earners pay a higher percentage of tax than do low-income earners.
(4; p. 92)

progressive universalism An approach to the provision of income

security benefits that supplies benefits to all persons who are eligible but
gives a larger benefit to those who need it most. This is a contemporary
(and European) version of a universal program. (1; p. 16)

project funding A source of short-term money that is earmarked for a certain

activity or program. (5; p. 137)

Protestant work ethic A belief that stresses the virtues of thrift, hard work,
self-help, and self-discipline, and sees these virtues as a means to material
prosperity and personal salvation. (3; p. 66)

provincialized social policy The devolution of a national social welfare

policy to the provincial and territorial levels of government, resulting in
systems and services that vary across the country. (4; p. 99)

psychosocial approach A therapeutic way of working that recognizes

the importance of the relationship and interactions between a person's
psychology and his or her environment. (11; p. 311)

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4 72 • GLOSSARY

public adoption The process of legally assuming responsibility for a child

or youth who is in the care of a provincial or territorial child welfare agency.
(10; p. 293)

public debt The accumulated amount of government deficits. (4; p. 92)

public policies Plans of action developed by government in response to

particular issues or needs; these plans give structure to public programs.
(2; p. 30)

public programs Activities or projects that stem from public policies, are
funded by taxpayers, are administered by government, and have public
benefits. (5; p. 124)

public relief An early form of government aid given to people who were
unable to support themselves through work or other means; a precursor to
social assistance or welfare. (3; p. 67)

public sector The government component of the economy in which programs

and services are funded fully by tax revenues, and government is accountable
for those programs or services. (5; p. 122)

public social agencies Government departments or divisions that provide

social welfare programs; examples include welfare offices and government-
based child protection units. (6; p. 149)

a
qualitative measures Research methods used to evaluate or estimate the
quality, nature, meaning, or other subjective aspect of a person's experiences.
(8; p. 221)

quantitative measures Research methods used to count or quantify

objective data (such as staff turnover rates or service usage statistics).
(8; p. 221)

R
racialization A process of differentiating or categorizing a group of
people according to their skin colour, religion, language, or other trait,
and subjecting that group to unequal treatment. Because the basis of
discrimination may be attributes other than race, racialized groups may or
may not be visible minorities. (13; p. 382)

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 GLOSSARY • 4 73

racism Prejudice or discrimination against a person or group based

on the belief that race determines certain traits, behaviours, or abilities.
(13; p. 382)

recent immigrants People who immigrated to Canada within the past ten
years. (13; p. 367)

refugees People who have been forced to flee persecution in their homeland
and to take refuge in a foreign country. (13; p. 377)

rent-geared-to-income A component of government-assisted housing in

which the government subsidy is based on a tenant's total income. (9; p. 257)

reserves Tracts of land owned by the Government of Canada and set apart
for the use and benefit of First Nations peoples; many First Nations have
replaced the term "reserves" with "First Nations communities." (12; p. 333)

resettlement The legal process of selecting and transferring a refugee to

Canada to live as a permanent resident. (13; p. 377)

residential centres Organizations that provide living quarters, meals, and

a range of services to people who require round-the-clock care; originally
called institutions. (6; p. 151)

residential schools Boarding schools that offer students both an education

and a place to live. In Canada, the term usually refers to a federal educational
system that existed from 1883 to 1996, used to assimilate Aboriginal peoples
into mainstream society. ( 12; p. 3 3 5)

residential school syndrome A cluster of psychological, social, physical, and

other symptoms experienced by Aboriginal peoples who attended residential
schools. The syndrome does not apply to non-Aboriginal residential schools.
(12; p. 343)

residual approach The view that social welfare programs should be used
sparingly and only as a last resort, when help from one's family, church,
banks, and other private sources has been exhausted. (1; p. 22)

respite services Programs that give unpaid caregivers a break from their
caregiving duties by providing day programs or home support to those
needing care. (7; p. 202)

restricted practice activities Tasks that can be carried out only by certain
occupational groups or by designated professionals within those groups.
(7; p. 185)

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474 • GLOSSARY

retirement income system A range of income security programs available

to people in their senior or retirement years. (11; p. 313)

risk factors of poverty Conditions or circumstances that increase people's

likelihood of experiencing poverty. (9; p. 242)

s
sandwich generation A segment of the population that has the role of
caregiver to both dependent children and aging relatives. (7; p. 199)

scope of practice A defined set of functions and activities that limit the
range of what professional helpers can and cannot do in their provision of
service. (7; p. 181)

secondary prevention Activities that focus on identifying a social problem

in its early stages of development and then controlling or changing the
conditions that caused it. Also referred to as early intervention. (6; p. 159)

self-government An arrangement between a government and a group of

people that allows the group to govern themselves (usually within the
structures of the existing laws). Canadian law allows some Aboriginal
groups to live under this type of arrangement. (12; p. 339)

self-help groups Organized yet non-professional networks of individuals

who provide mutual aid and share common experiences, situations, problems,
and strategies. (7; p. 195)

service silos Divisions, departments, units, or individuals in an organization

that function as their own entities, often in isolation from others, and provide
services without consideration of how those services affect the rest of the
organization. (6; p. 167)

settlement practice A collection of interventions, values, knowledge, and

professional ethics adopted by settlement workers and applied to their work
with recent immigrants or refugees. (13; p. 390)

settlement process The steps taken by a recent immigrant to become a

full-fledged member of a new country or society The process typically involves
three stages: acclimatization, adaptation, and integration. (13; p. 373)

settlement programs Federal initiatives designed to help recent immigrants

and refugees quickly become established, self-sufficient, and contributing
members of Canadian society. (13; p. 3 75)

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 GLOSSARY • 4 75

settlement service-provider organizations (SSPOs) Government-funded

organizations in the public or private sector that deliver a settlement program.
(13; p. 375)

settlement workers Professional helpers who deliver settlement programs

or services to recent immigrants or refugees on behalf of government.
(13; p. 390)

shelter poverty A situation in which a disproportionate amount of a

person's income is spent on rent, leaving little money for other necessities.
(9; p. 246)

social action Collective, coordinated, and grassroots efforts that aim to

eliminate a social problem, correct an injustice, or meet a human need by
influencing those with power (such as politicians) to change certain policies,
laws, or procedures, or reform social institutions that are deemed inadequate.
(8; p. 229)

social agencies Formally structured organizations in the public and voluntary

sectors whose main objective is to meet human needs. (6; p. 148)

social assistance The income security program of last resort that gives
cash and subsidized social services to individuals and families who are
unable to adequately meet their needs, and who have exhausted all other
means of support. Originally known as public relief; commonly known as
welfare. (9; p. 253)

social casework A social work approach to practice that involves a scientific,

step-by-step method to helping individuals. (8; p. 210)

social citizenship A concept that promotes an equal access to services and

minimum levels of health, education, and personal well-being as a right by
virtue of being a citizen. (3; p. 71)

social conditions Circumstances that exist for large segments of the

population and are not problematic in and of themselves but have the potential
to become social issues or social problems. Examples include divorce and
high density housing. (2; p. 32)

social connectedness A term used to describe both the quality and the
number of connections a person has with other people. (11; p. 313)

social deficit A theory that emphasizes an excess of social and

economic liabilities such as poverty, unmet human potential, and limited
opportunities relative to social and economic assets. (4; p. 105)

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4 76 • GLOSSARY

social democracy A political ideology that rejects the competitive values

of capitalism, individualism, and private enterprise; encourages cooperation
among citizens; and supports governments that use their powers to equalize
social and economic conditions. (1; p. 21)

social economy A community-based or grassroots sector that is entrepreneurial

yet nonprofit in nature, has strong ties to the voluntary sector, and aims to
improve conditions for disadvantaged groups. (5; p. 122)

social economy enterprises Organizations within the social economy

that are run like businesses, are often staffed by a mix of paid employees
and volunteers, produce goods and services for the market, and apply
their profits toward the achievement of social or environmental goals.
(5; p. 144)

social exclusion The process of blocking an individual's participation in or

integration into society; excluded people tend to feel alienated, marginalized,
or unaccepted by the mainstream society. (2, 9; pp. 33, 239)

social financing A method of money management that relies on the private

rather than the public sector to fund social welfare programs and other
public benefit initiatives. (5, p. 138)

social group work A social work approach directed toward a specific small
group of people who have compatible needs or lifestyles, are dealing with a
common issue, or are working toward similar personal goals. (8; p. 213)

social housing Government-subsidized rental housing aimed at keeping

rent at affordable levels for low-income earners. (11; p. 318)

social impact bond A contract between government and private sector

organizations whereby a private investor pays the costs of a social initiative and
then receives a bonus if the service provider (usually a voluntary agency)
achieves certain social outcomes. (5; p. 138)

social inclusion A social goal that is achieved when citizens gain full and
equal participation in the economic, social, cultural, and political dimensions
of society. (1; p. 26)

social innovation The development and implementation of new ideas,

concepts, and strategies to solve social problems. (6; p. 172)

social insurance A government-sponsored forced savings plan that requires

working individuals to contribute to a program that then compensates them
when they are not working; the claimant's contributions determine the

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 GLOSSARY • 4 77

amount of benefits available. Examples include Employment Insurance

and the Canada/Quebec Pension Plans. Also called contributory programs.
(3; p. 72)

social investment approach A set of strategies that focus on preventing

rather than reacting to social problems, fostering social inclusion and
participation, and designing social welfare programs in a way that will yield
long-term benefits. (1; p. 26)

social isolation A lack of human contact that may lead to physical,

psychological, or other difficulties. (11; p. 313)

social issue A social condition that is not problematic but has the potential
to become so if not addressed promptly. An example is an aging population.
(2; p. 32)

social knowledge A body of information, data, research results, and practice

knowledge that is used to understand and address social conditions and
social problems. (2; p. 34)

social minimum A reasonable standard of living or quality of life that can

be subjectively measured by social norms or objectively measured by the
average real gross domestic product (GDP) per person. (1, 3; pp. 11, 80)

social movements Organized, large-scale, collective efforts aimed at

achieving identified social goals. Examples include the labour reform
movement, the child welfare movement, and the disability rights movement.
(3; p. 71)

social planning A model of community change that involves a rational,

formal, and technical problem-solving procedure led by expert (professional)
planners. (8; p. 228)

social policy A plan or guideline developed and used by government to

create, maintain, or change living conditions to make them conducive to
people's health and well-being. Examples include social welfare policy,
healthcare policy, and education policy. (2; p. 30)

social policymakers Appointed or elected government officials who create

the laws, legislation, and policies related to social programs. (2; p. 31)

social problem A condition in society that creates a measurable degree of

social hardship, psychological or physical injury, or other negative consequence
for a large segment of the population, and that people are concerned about
and want changed. (2; p. 32)

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4 78 • GLOSSARY

social program A government-sponsored initiative consisting of services,

benefits, or activities that aim to improve human welfare or meet a social
need. Canada's three main social programs are social welfare, healthcare,
and postsecondary education. (1; p. 11)

social safety net An informal term that refers to the collection of publicly
funded programs designed to protect people from the negative consequences
of natural disasters, personal crises, health problems, and other hardships.
(1;p.22)

social security The protection of individuals and families from socially

recognized conditions (such as unemployment) that hinder people's ability
to meet basic human needs; the protection may come from various sources,
including employment and "cradle-to-grave" public programs. (3; p. 79)

social services Non-income and intangible benefits that aim to enhance

social functioning and general well-being for individuals, families, and
small groups; sometimes called transfers-in-kind because they are given to
individuals and families in lieu of cash transfer payments. (1; p. 12)

social service workers People who have been trained usually at the
college level as generalist social workers and have reached a certain level of
competence in basic social work methods, values, and ethics. Also referred to as
paraprofessionals or other titles, such as human service workers. (7; p. 186)

social welfare A concept, field, or system that is concerned with individual

and collective well-being; that helps people meet their basic social and
economic needs; and that prevents, reduces, or alleviates social problems.
(1; p. 4)

social welfare policy A type of public policy and social policy that provides the
direction for most income security programs and social services. (2; p. 30)

social welfare program A set of projects, activities, or initiatives that aim to

enhance the well-being of society and meet a public need. Examples include
income security programs, social services, and social research. Programs may
or may not have a service component. (1; p. 10)

social work A profession dedicated to helping individuals, groups, and

communities strengthen their skills, abilities, and capacity for the purpose of
enhancing well-being. (7; p. 180)

social workers People officially recognized by a provincial or territorial

social work association or college to practise the profession of social work.
(7; p. 180)

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 GLOSSARY • 4 79

spousal abuse A form of family violence committed by one marital or

common-law partner against the other; includes physical abuse, sexual
assault or exploitation, emotional abuse, criminal harassment or stalking,
economic or financial abuse, and spiritual abuse. Spousal abuse may occur
in opposite-sex and same-sex couples. (10; p. 285)

stakeholders People, groups, or organizations (including governments) that

have a vested interest in a specific issue or organization. (2; p. 39)

stepfamily A family that comprises at least one biological or adopted child

of a spouse or common-law partner from a previous union, or has at least
one child from a previous union and one or more children in the current
union. (10; p. 283)

strategic framework An internal structure used by social agencies to

describe their priorities and how they plan to achieve their ultimate goal,
mission, and vision. (6; p. 155)

strengths-based approach A social work practice that focuses on the

inherent strengths, capabilities, and resources of an individual, a family, a
group, or a community; assumes that people can learn and find their own
solutions; and respects people's right to self-determination. (10; p. 295)

structural poverty A theory that attributes the incidence of poverty to

certain structural flaws in the social, economic, political, or other macro
system. (9; p. 252)

structural social work One of the many anti-oppressive social work

models that focus on changing the organizations that employ them to
improve conditions for clients and staff. (8; p. 221)

summative evaluation A formal assessment that measures the end results

of a planned change process. (8; p. 221)

supportive housing A living arrangement for seniors or people with

disabilities that offers a private living space combined with a certain
level of care; includes congregate housing and assisted living facilities.
(11; p. 319)

SWOT analysis An in-depth look at an agency's internal strengths and

weaknesses, and its external opportunities and threats. (6; p. 157)

systemic change An approach to organizational change that occurs in all

aspects or levels of an organization, usually involving the modification of an
agency's policies, procedures, and practices. (8; p. 220)

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480 • GLOSSARY

T
targeted cash transfers Financial benefits that government transfers to
individuals whose income or assets fall below a certain threshold. Examples
include the Guaranteed Income Supplement, social assistance, and disability
pensions. (1; p. 11)

targeted programs Income security programs or social services for specific

segments of the population deemed vulnerable, disadvantaged, or at risk of
certain social or economic hardships. ( 1 ; p. 13)

target population A segment of the population for whom a program or

service is intended; often includes people who are identified as being
vulnerable, disadvantaged, or at risk of certain hardships. (6; p. 156)

tax relief measures Credits, deductions, and other claims a taxpayer can
make on his or her income tax returns that lower the amount of tax that
individual has to pay. (1; p. 12)

tertiary prevention Activities that aim to reduce the negative effects of

personal or social problems that have become chronic or complex; also
known as treatment. (6; p. 159)

traditional approaches (to helping) Aboriginal ways of seeing and intervening

in personal and social problems; processes of healing that are shaped by a
holistic view of human needs and problems; methods that emphasize the
participation of individuals in their own healing process. (12; p. 344)

transnational corporation A multinational company that is registered or

operates in more than one country or manages production or delivers services
in more than one country. (Appendix B; p. 446)

treaties (Indian) Constitutionally recognized, written agreements between

the Government of Canada and Aboriginal groups that outline obligations
and benefits for both parties. (12; p. 337)

u
underemployed A term that describes people who are not working as much
as they could or want to, or whose skills exceed those required for the job
they have. (9; p. 255)

undeserving poor A nineteenth-century social label that referred to able-

bodied, unemployed people who were capable of supporting themselves
through paid labour and were thus unworthy of government assistance.
(1; p. 23)

NEL
 GLOSSARY • 481

unemployment rate A statistic that reports on the proportion of the

workforce that is not working but is actively looking for and available for
work. (9; p. 254)

universal cash transfers Income security programs provided to all persons,

regardless of financial status or need, who meet a basic requirement, such as
age or residency. One example is the Universal Child Care Benefit. (1; p. 11)

universal programs Government benefits available to all Canadians as a

matter of right, regardless of economic status or need. (1; p. 15)

unpaid caregivers Adult relatives, spouses, friends, neighbours, or other

informal helpers who provide assistance to dependent people (usually with
chronic health conditions or disabilities) without monetary reimbursement.
(7; p. 198)

v
value statements Parts of an organization's strategic framework that reflect
the organization's core ideology. (6; p. 158)

visible minorities Non-Aboriginal people whose race is not Caucasian.

(13; p. 366)

vision statement Part of an organization's strategic framework that

describes the organization's image of an ideal community and what the
organization intends to achieve. (6; p. 158)

voluntary sector A segment of the private sector comprising non-

governmental organizations that fulfill a social purpose and deliver programs
on a nonprofit basis. Also called the charitable, independent, or third sector.
(5; p. 122)

voluntary social agencies Nonprofit organizations in the private sector that

provide one or more social services, often on behalf of government; many of
these agencies are registered charities. (5, 6; pp. 12 7, 149)

w
welfare states Nations whose governments intervene in the workings of
the market through income redistribution to correct the problem of income
inequality. Sometimes called social welfare states. (1; p. 24)

welfare state retrenchment Actions by government to curb the costs of

social welfare programs by reducing or eliminating programs. (4; p. 92)

NEL
482 • GLOSSARY

welfare wall A characteristic of welfare systems that inadvertently makes

social assistance more financially attractive than employment. (9; p. 253)

welfare-to-work programs Provincial and territorial government initiatives

designed to move welfare recipients off social assistance by making them work
or train in exchange for benefits. Sometimes called "workfare." (4; p. 104)

workhouses In colonial times, institutions built with public funds in which

able-bodied unemployed people were expected to learn good work habits
and pay for their keep through labour. Also known as houses of industry.
(3; p. 68)

working poor A portion of the employed population that earns more than
half its income from employment and yet does not earn enough to stay out
of poverty. (3, 9; pp. 84, 255)

youth engagement approach A method used to reduce risk-taking behaviours

among youth by enabling their participation in meaningful and empowering
activities. (10; p. 2 78)

youth policy A plan of action developed by a government in response to

an issue or a need related to older children or young adults. Note: the age
parameters of youth vary by jurisdiction. (10; p. 2 76)

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INDEX
Note: Bold page numbers refer to defined terms.

Aboriginal Affairs and Northern traditional versus mainstream

Development Canada, 342 approaches to helping, 344-46
Aboriginal cultural awareness training, historical roots of Canada's "Indian
362 policy," 333-35
Aboriginal Day of Action, 230 Kelowna Accord, 339-40
Aboriginal Head Start, 358 in the 1990s, 338-39
Aboriginal Healing Foundation (AHF), seniors, 315
346,348 social work with, 361-62
Aboriginal Healing Strategy, 346 women, 354-56
Aboriginal peoples (Indigenous See also First Nations; Inuit; Metis
peoples), 23 1, 330-62, 331 Acceptable housing, 24 7
assimilation of, 333-34 Access, 397
bridging divide between government Accessibility, 411-12
and,336-42 Accessibility for All (report, 2005), 41 1
census data and statistics, 331-32 Acclimatization, 3 73
children and youth, 294, 356-61 Accommodation, people with disabilities
areas of concern, 35 7 and,423
children in care, 359-60 Accountability, 132
child welfare services, 360-61 Accountability reports, 140
disabilities, 401 Act for the Prevention of Cruelty to and
initiatives under the National Better Protection of Children
Children's Agenda (N CA), (1893), 72-73
357-58 Act for the Protection and Reformation
poverty,244 of Neglected Children (1888),
residential schools, 335, 343, 72
346,348-50 Action Plan for Food Security, 259
in cities, 353-54 Active aging, 300
Community Well-Being (CWB) Active labour market policies, 4 7-48,
Index, 332 104,254
constitutional recognition of, 338 Adaptation, 3 73
disabilities and, 40 1-2 Adbusters, 231
enfranchisement of, 334 Addiction, among Aboriginal peoples,
federal-Aboriginal relations under the 343-44
Conservatives, 340-42 ADHD (attention deficit hyperactivity
First Nations peoples living disorder), 275
on-reserve, 351-53 Administration, 160
healing and wellness of, 342-48, 344 Adoption,public,293
colonization and the residential Advocacy, 128, 140-41, 232
schoo1system, 343-44 Affordable Housing Initiative, 25 7
healing strategies and initiatives, Age-friendly communities, 223, 301,
346-47 308-9

NEL 537
538 • INDEX

Ageism, 301-3, 302 Bills, 50-52

Agencies. See Social agencies Birth rate, declining, 299-300
Agency goals, 158 Blakeney, Allan, 85
Agency volunteers, 189-90 Blind Persons' Allowances, 82
benefits of volunteering, 190-9 1 Bliss, Michael, 81
Aging in place, 153, 305, 3 17, 319 Block fund, 99
Aging population. See 0 lder people Brief therapies, 210
Alberta, 42, 45, 229 Brighter Futures, 358
Alternative service delivery (ASD), British Columbia
131-32 persons with disabilities, 411-12
Alzheimer's disease and related social assistance under attack, 102
dementias (ADRD), 31 1 work camps during Great
Anti-camping bylaws (Victoria, B.C.), 59 Depression, 77
Anti-oppressive approaches, 221, British North America (BNA) Act
263-64,39 1,392 (1867), 70
Assembly of First Nations, holistic Broadbent, Edward, 8 7
policy and planning model, Broadbent Institute, 116
352-53 Brokers, social workers as, 232
Asset-based social policies, 256 Budget, balanced, 105
Asset building, 256 Budget deficits, 92
Asset tests, 14 Budget surpluses, 106
Assimilation of Aboriginal peoples, Bureaucratic model of organization, 16 7
333-34
Assisted living facilities, 319 Calgary
At-risk of homelessness, 24 7 CCI (comprehensive community
Attawapiskat, Cree community of, 341-42 initiative), 226, 227
Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder LINKages Society of Alberta, 314
(ADHD), 275 Women in Need Society, 144
Austerity measures, 96 Calgary After-School Programs, 3 14
Authoritative parenting style, 2 79 Campaign strategies, 229
Canada Assistance Plan (CAP), 83, 94,
Baby boom generation, 299 97-101, 133
Balanced budget, 105 Canada Health and Social Transfer
Band,334 (CHST), 99-102
Barrett, Dave, 85 Canada Learning Bond, 27, 256
Barriers to men who are seeking help, Canada Pension Plan (CPP), 82, 315
156, 157 Canada Social Transfer (CST),
BC Woodworks, 420 40-41
Beneficiary of change, 207 Canada Survey of Giving, Volunteering
Best interests of the child, principle of and Participating, 193
the, 294 Canada Volunteerism Initiative ( CVI),
Best practices, 1 72 192
Big Society, 111 Canada Without Poverty (CWP), 230
Bill C-45, 341 Canadian Advisory Council on the
Bill of Rights, Canadian, 369-70 Status of Women, 85

NEL
 INDEX • 539

Canadian Association for Community Child abuse (child maltreatment),

Living, 407 287-92,294
Canadian Association for Social Work Child care, 2 72, 2 74
Education, 182, 183 Child-care services, 2 72-74
Canadian Association of Social Workers Child neglect, 287-92
(CASW), 183 Child protection services, 289-90
Canadian Association of the Deaf (CAD), Children and youth, 267-96
403 Aboriginal, 294, 356-61
Canadian Bill of Rights, 369-70 areas of concern, 35 7
Canadian Immigration Acts of 1906 and children in care, 359-60
1910, 367-68 child welfare services, 360-61
Canadian Immigration Integration disabilities, 401
Project, 389 initiatives under the National
Canadian Longitudinal Study on Aging Children's Agenda (N CA),
(CLSA), 35, 301 357-58
Canadian Mental Health Association, poverty,244
407 residential schools, 335, 343,
Canadian Welfare Council, 7 6 346,348-50
Capacity, 207 community system of care for, 154,
Capital, 10 155
Capital for Aboriginal Prosperity and developmental needs of, 2 70-78
Entrepreneurship, 35 1 child-care services, 2 72-74
Caregivers, unpaid, 198-203 focus on young children,
government support of, 202-3 270-71
impacts of caregiving, 201 mental health, 2 74-7 6
services for, 200, 202 National Children's Agenda
Caregiver strain, 200, 201 (NCA), 271-72
Care teams, 179 older children and youth, 274
Casework approach, 210 youth policy, 276, 278
family, 21 1 disability issues for, 399-401
Categorical, 67 of divorced families, 281-82
CCis (comprehensive community immigrant, 385-86
initiatives), 226, 26 1, 263 out-of-home care, 292-93
Census, 35-36 parental and family influences
Centre of Excellence for Youth on child development,
Engagement, 278 279-84
Change, 206-32 parents of children with special
planned (see Planned change) needs, 407-8
systemic, 220 poverty and, 244-45, 250
Change agent, 207 protection services, 289-90
Charities, 64-65 social work with, 295-96
Charter Committee on Poverty Issues, in stepfamilies, 282-84
106 Children in care, 293, 359-60
Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 58, 59, Children's Aid Society of Hamilton
165,338,378,382,408 (CAS), 217

NEL
540 • INDEX

Children's rights, 293 Community development, 225-26, 232

Child Tax Credit and Spouses' Community economic development, 225
Allowance, 94 Community Economic Development
Child welfare movement, 72-73 Program, 351
Child welfare services, 293-94 Community Holistic Circle Healing
Aboriginal children, 360-61 (CHCH) program (Manitoba),
Child welfare system, 290-94 346-47
Chinese immigrants, 368 Community living movement, 406
Chretien, Jean, 95 Community mental health movement,
CHST (Canada Health and Social 406
Transfer), 99-102 Community needs assessment, 156
Citizen participation, 45 Community practice, 232
Citizenship and Immigration Canada, Community system of care, 154-55
376 Community Well-Being (CWB) Index,
Citizenship and Immigration Canada 332
(CIC), 377, 385 Competition, contracting-out and, 131
City of Victoria v. Adams et al. (2008), 59 Comprehensive community initiatives
Civil society organizations, 144 (CCis),226,261,263
Clawbacks, 94 Congregate housing, 319
Client, 5 Conservatism, 18, 20
CLSA (Canadian Longitudinal Study on Conservative governments
Aging), 35, 301 approach to social welfare, 107
Cluster housing, 415 federal-Aboriginal relations under,
Collaborative governance, 43-44, 131 340-42
Collaborative strategies, 230 fiscalization under, 108-9
Colleges of social work, 183 lower taxes under, 10 7-8
Colonization, 343 provincialization and, 109-10
Commercial sector, 122, 124, 126-27 Constitution Act of 1982, 338
Committee on the Rights of the Child, Consultation and review phase of
United Nations, 294 policymaking, 39-48
Common Experience Payment, 348 citizen participation, 45
Communities government participants, 40-44
age-friendly, 308-9 intergovernmental cooperation,
environmental scan of, 156 42-44
Community-based social agencies, non-government participants, 44-48
150-55 regional differences, 41-42
Community capacity building, 225 Contest and confrontation strategies,
Community change (change at macro 229-30
level), 207, 222-32 Context of change, 207
community development model, Contracting-out, 131-32
224-26 Contracts (contracted agencies), 13 7-3 9
community practice, 232 Contributory programs, 12
models of, 223-31 Convention on the Rights of Persons
social action model, 224, 229-31 with Disabilities (CRPD),
social planning model, 224, 228-29 412-14

NEL
 INDEX • 541

Convention on the Rights of the Child Dementia, 311

(CRC), 293-94 Democratizing an agency, 222
Cooperation Demographic changes, 223
inter-agency, 173, 175 Department of Canadian Heritage, 356
intergovernmental, 4 2-44 Depression, 3 11
intra -agency, 173 Depth of poverty, 241
COPE (Community Parent Education), Deserving poor, 23, 67
280 Devolution, 96
Core funding, 13 7 Diabetes, 401
Core housing need, 246 Direct relief, 7 6
Corporate social responsibility, 12 7 Direct services, 155, 158-59
Cost-sharing arrangements, policymaking Disability (people with disabilities),
process and, 40-41 395-424
Council of Canadians with Disabilities, Aboriginal peoples and, 40 1-2
407 accessibility issues, 4 11-12
Councils, seniors, 306-8 adaptation of the social and physical
Country of Asylum Class (CIC), 378 environment, 424
Cross-cultural training, 387, 391 breaking down the barriers in the
CWP (Canada Without Poverty), 230 1980s,408-9
Cycle of poverty, 248-50 children and youth, 399-401
Cyclical homelessness, 2 48 definition of disability, 395-96
full citizenship and reintegration
Data collection tools, 35 issues in the 1990s, 409-11
Dawson Creek, 228 housing reforms, 4 15-1 7
Daycare centres, private, 133 implications for social work practice,
Deaf women, empowering, 403 422-24
Decentralization, 9 5-9 6 policy agenda, 404-12
Decision problems, 209 deinstitutionalization and social
Deficit(s) movements, 405-6
budget, 92-96 disability community, 406-8
deficit-fighting years (1995 to 1998), era of isolation and exclusion,
97-106 404-5
balanced budgets, 105 prevalence and types of, 398-99
budget surpluses, 106 rights and responsibilities, 4 24
federal reforms, 97-100 among seniors, 310-1 1
from passive to active programs, women and, 402-3
103-5 working with a disability, 417-19
regional reforms, 100-103 Disability community, 406-8
social assistance under attack, 102-3 Disability income system, 4 19-22, 420
social deficit, 105-6 Disability rights movement, 405
Deinstitutionalization of people with Disability Vocational Rehabilitation
disabilities, 405-6, 415 Program, 419
Delivery of services, 129-34 Disabled Persons' Allowances, 82
alternative (ASD), 131-32 Discrimination, 382-86, 389
privatization and, 132-34 ageism, 302

NEL
542 • INDEX

Discrimination (continued) Employment Insurance Act of 1996,

against people with disabilities, 417-18 58
See also Racism Empowering Deaf Women in Canada, 403
Diversity, 170, 223 Empowerment, 214, 295
Neonology and, 384 of people with disabilities, 423-24
of older people, 303-4 Enablers, social workers as, 232
social agencies and, 170-72 Enfranchisement of Aboriginal peoples,
Divorce, families of, 281-82 334
Domestic violence, community response English Poor Laws, 41, 67
to Aboriginal, 347 Enhanced Prevention Focused
Drop-in centres, 153 Approach, 360
Environmental scan, 156
Early Childhood Development (ECD) Episodic disability, 418
Initiative, 2 72 Equalization program, 41, 42
Earnings replacement programs, 420-21 Ethnic enclaves, 380-82
Ecological perspective (of disability), 396 Eugenics, 404
Economic Action Plan, 11 1, 318, 341 Evaluation
Economic capacity, policymaking formative, 221
process and, 41-4 2 of policies, 53-60
Economic costs of poverty, 251 models of analysis, 54-55
Economic Council of Canada, 83 through lenses, 55-57
Economic immigrants, 3 71 of programs and services, 162-63
Economy summative, 221
global, 223 Exercise, health of seniors and, 311
Great Depression, 75-78
recession of 2008-2009, 111-12, 448 Families, 267
See also Deficit(s), deficit-fighting of divorce, 281-82
years (1995 to 1998); Poverty social work with, 295-96
Edleun Group, Inc., 126, 133 stepfamilies, 282-84, 283
Edmonton Social Planning Council types of, 280-84
(ESPC), 229 Family Allowances, 16, 17, 69, 81, 87, 94
Education Family casework, 211
social work, 181-83 Family group conferencing (family group
See also Residential schools for decision making), 212-13
Aboriginal children Family home or family support, 416
Elder abuse, 316-17 Family Income Plan (Saskatchewan), 87
Elder Abuse Awareness Campaign, 316 Family model home or foster care home,
Elderly people. See Seniors 416
Emergency sheltered, 2 4 7 Family policy, 2 70
Employment Family preservation, 212
of people with disabilities, 417-19 Family reunification, 212-13
See also Unemployment Family services, 210-13
Employment First policies, 418-19 Family Services of Greater Vancouver, 158
Employment Insurance (EI), 10, 12, Family support and resource programs,
1 4,47,98,254.Seea~o 211
Unemployment Insurance Family therapy, 211

NEL
 INDEX • 543

Family type, 280-84 Funding

Family violence, 285-94 new mechanisms for, 136-38
Family Violence Initiative, 94, 287 outcome evaluations and, 162-63
Federal government, public sector and,
124-25 Gathering Strength: Canada's Aboriginal
Federalism, policymaking process and, Action Plan, 339
40-41 Geneva Convention, 377-78
Federal-Provincial-Territorial Ministers Gerontechnology, 319
Responsible for Seniors, 306 Gerontological research, 301-4
Federal-Provincial-Territorial Ministers Gerontological social work, 326-2 7
Responsible for Social Services, Gerontology; 301
409 Global Age-Friendly Cities Project, 308
Federal skilled worker class (FSWC), 372 Globalization (global economy), 92,
Federal Skilled Worker Program, 389 223,445-51
Federation of jewish Philanthropies, 76 blending of cultures, 446-4 7
Feminization of poverty; 242-4 3 economic dependence and
Finley; Diane, 11 1 vulnerability, 446
First Nations and Inu it Child Care jobs and job security, 447-50
Initiative, 358 loss of democracy; 446
First Nations Child and Family Services neoliberalism and, 20
program, 360 risks, 447
First Nations' National Child Benefit social welfare in, 90-116
Reinvestment (NCBR), 358 neoliberal approach, 93-97
First Nations peoples, 331 social welfare programs, 450
holistic policy and planning model, Goals, agency; 158
352-53 Governance level of an agency, 160
living on-reserve, 351-53 Government-assisted housing, 257
See also Aboriginal peoples Grants, to voluntary agencies, 136, 13 7
First World War, 73 Grassroots approach, 225
Fiscalization, 108-9 Great Depression, 75-78
Fiscal restraint, 223 Grey Power, 324
Flat hierarchical structures, 168-69 Group facilitators, 213
Food banks, 246, 259 Group homes, 415
Food insecurity; 246 Guaranteed annual income (GAl),
Food security, 259-61 83-84,93
Formalizing policy; 48-52 Guaranteed Annual Income System
Formative evaluation, 221 (GAINS), 84
Fort Garry Women's Resource Centre Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS),
(Winnipeg), 158 313,315,316
Foster care home, 416
Frail old (seniors), 304 Harper, Stephen, 107, 110, 324-25
Friendship centres, Aboriginal, 353 statement of apology to former
FSWC (federal skilled worker class), 372 students of residential schools,
Functional limitations perspective (of 349-50
disability), 396 Head tax, for immigrants, 368

NEL
544 • INDEX

Health Care Innovation Working Group, Social Development and

310 the Status of Persons with
Health of seniors, 310 Disabilities), 41 1
Healthy aging, 305, 307 Human capital, 10
Helping professions, 184 Human Resources and Skills
comparison of three, 185 Development Canada, 10 7
Heritage, regional differences and, 41 Human rights
Hierarchical structures, 168-69 Canada's commitment to, 48
Hierarchy of needs, 7, 8 Charter of Rights and Freedoms, 58,
History of social welfare, 63-87, 178 59,165,338,378,382,408
early phase of (colonial times to immigration and, 369-70
Confederation), 64-7 0
early 1970s, 85-87 Identity, professional, 184
globalization era (see Globalization) Ideologies, 18-22
highlights, 427-44 regional differences in policymaking
transitional phase of (Confederation process, 42
to Second World War), 70-75 Idle No More social movement, 230, 341
Holistic approach to policymaking, 50 Immigrants, 366
Holistie view, 344 children and youth, 385-86
Home adaptations, for older people, 3 19 of Chinese origin, 368
Home and community care (HCC), distribution of, 380
320-21 economic, 371
Homelessness, 246-48, 24 7 ethnic enclaves, 380-82
anti-camping bylaws (Victoria, B. C.), evolution of Canadas immigration
59 policy, 367-72
"anti-homeless" bylaws, 60 open-door policy, 369
at-risk of homelessness, 24 7 permanent residents, 370, 371
Homelessness Partnering Strategy, 257 racialized, 382-83
Home support, 153 racism and marginalization, 382-83
Host Program, 3 76 racist immigration laws, 36 7-68
House of Commons, legislative process, rate of immigration, 370
50-52 recent, 365-92, 367
Housing, 319 countries of origin (2002-20 11),
acceptable, 246, 24 7 366
congregate, 319 refugees, 3 77-78
core housing need, 246 settlement patterns and issues,
for disabled persons, 415-17 379-80
government-assisted, 257 settlement process, 373-78
for older people, 317-22 settlement programs, 375-78
independent and supportive supports needed by, 373, 374
housing, 318-19 women, 386-87
social, 318-19 workers, 387-90
Housing security, 257-59 Immigrant Settlement and Adaptation
HUMA (Standing Committee on Human Program (ISAP), 375
Resources, Skills Development, Immigration Act, 3 70-71

NEL
 INDEX • 545

Immigration and Refugee Protection Act Innovation by social agencies, 172

(200 1), 371-72 Inputs, in logic model, 54
Immigration rate, 394 Institute on Governance, 160
Impairment perspective (of disability), Institutional approach, 23-26
396 Intake policy, 163
Improving Social Security in Canada Integration, of immigrants, 3 73-75
(report), 409 Inter-agency cooperation, 173, 175
Inclusion lens, 56-57 Interdisciplinary knowledge base, 181
Inclusive communities, 223 Interest groups, 45-46
Inclusivity, of older people, 305 Intergovernmental cooperation,
Income policymaking process and,
disability income system, 419-22 42-44
lone-parent families, 280-81 International bodies, policymaking
Income gap, 223 process and, 46-48
Income inequality, 24-25, 114-16, International Classification of
448-50,449 Functioning, Disability and
Income redistribution, 25, 91 Health (ICF), 396-97
Income security, 74 International Covenant on Economic,
for elderly Canadians, 75, 313, Cultural and Social Rights
315-16 (ICECSR), 48
programs, 11-12, 14, 17, 26 International Federation of Social
Income Security for Canadians (report, Workers, 445
1970), 85-86 International Plan of Action on Ageing,
Income Support Program (Manitoba), 87 305
Income Tax Act, advocacy and, 140-41 Interpersonal conflict, 209
Income tests, 14 Intra -agency cooperation, 1 73
Independent Living Canada, 407 Inuit, 331. See also Aboriginal peoples
Independent living movement, 406 In Unison: A Canadian Approach to
Indexation, 82 Disability Issues (report),
Indian Act, 334, 337, 340, 354, 355 409-11
Indian Residential Schools Settlement Investigative procedures, child
Agreement (IRSSA), 348 protection, 292
Indians, 331 Investment in Affordable Housing,
Indicators, 5, 37-38 257
Indicators of Well-being in Canada
(IWC), 5, 7 Jobs and job security, globalization and,
Indigenous peoples. See Aboriginal 447
peoples Junior High Program, 314
Indirect relief, 7 6
Indirect services, 155, 159-66 Kelowna Accord, 339-40
Individual change, 218-20 Kelso, John Joseph, 72
Individual development accounts Key influences indicators, 5
(IDAs), 256 Keynes, John Maynard, 91
Individuals, programs for, 209-10 Keynesian economics, 92
Indoor relief, 68 King, William Lyon Mackenzie, 78, 369

NEL
546 • INDEX

Knowledge social action model, 224, 229-31

preparing for change and building, social planning model, 224, 228-29
216-17 Macro level of practice, 181
social work, 180-81 Mainstream 1992 (report), 409
Knowledge-based economy, 223 Mainstream approaches to helping
Aboriginal peoples, 344
Labour market restructuring, 44 7, 450 Management level of an agency, 160
Labour movement, 71-72 Mandated services, 53, 125
Labour strikes, 230 Mandatory volunteers (voluntolds),
Laissez-faire, 20 191-92
Language Instruction for Newcomers to Manitoba, 75, 87, 135, 256, 361, 380
Canada (LIN C), 3 7 6 Civil Service Commission, 2 19
Legislation (legislative process), 50-52 Manitoba Society of Seniors, 325
Lenihan, Don, 44 Manufacturing jobs, 448
Less eligibility, principle of, 67 Marginalized groups, 9
Level of need or functioning, 303 Market-based associations, 144
Liberal government, budget surpluses, Market basket measure (MBM), 240
106 Marsh, Leonard, 79-8 1
Liberalism, 21-22 Marsh Report (Report on Social Security
Liberal Party, 18 service sectors and, 122 for Canada), 79-81
Liberals, 95 Martin, Paul, 96, 340
Liberal Task Force on Seniors, 326 Maslow, Abraham, 7, 8
Life-course lens, 57 Means test, 75
Life events indicators, 5 Mental health, 2 74
Life expectancy, increased, 299 of children and youth, 2 74-7 6
LINKages Society of Alberta, 314 of seniors, 311-12
Logic model, 54-55 Mental Health Commission of Canada,
London (Ontario), as Global Age- 276, 277
Friendly Community, 308 Mental health disorder, 2 74
Lone-parent families, 280-81 Mental Patients Society, 195
Longitudinal surveys, 35 Method of change, 207
Low-income cut-offs (LICOs), 239-41, Metis, 331. See also Aboriginal
240 peoples
Low-income measure (LIM), 239-40 Mezzo level of practice, 181
Mezzo level of society, change at, 207,
Macdonald Commission (Royal 215-22
Commission on the Economic building knowledge, 216-1 7
Union and Development committing to, 21 7-18
Prospects for Canada), 93 developing a vision, 216
Macro level, change at (community evaluating change, 220-21
change),207, 222-32 identifying the need for change,
community development model, 215-16
224-26 implementing, 218
community practice, 232 individual change, 218-20
models of, 223-31 preparing for, 216-18

NEL
 INDEX • 547

social work approach to National Longitudinal Survey of

organizational change, 22 1-22 Children and Youth, 2 72
systemic change, 220 National Seniors Council, 323
Micro level of practice, 181 National Strategy for the Integration of
Micro level of society, change at, Persons with Disabilities, 409
207-14 National Survey on the Mistreatment of
family services, 2 10-13 Older Canadians, 317
programs for individuals, 209-10 Native Women's Movement, 355
role of social workers, 2 14 Natural helping skills, 178, 190, 197
social group work, 213-14 Needs, human, 7-8
Middle old (seniors), 303 meeting, 8-10
Minimum wage legislation, 255 Needs tests, 14
Minister Responsible for the Status of Neighbourhood action, 225
Disabled Persons, 409 Neoliberalism (neoliberal policies), 20,
Mission statement, 158 92, 129-30
Mixed economy of welfare, 122 approach to social welfare, 93-97
Monetarism, 92, 130 declining quality of life and, 113-14
Montreal, prohibition of begging social assistance under attack by, 102-3
(1670s), 65 Neonology, 384
Mulroney, Brian, 9 3 New Brunswick, 67, 68
Multicultural Policy of 1971, 370 disability issues, 409
Multilevel approach to practice, 181 New Democratic Party of Canada, 324
Multiservice centres, 153 Newfoundland and Labrador, 67
Municipal governments, 125 Poverty Reduction Strategy, 262
New France, social welfare in, 64-66
National Aboriginal Organizations Nobodys Perfect Parenting Program,
(NAOs), 337-38, 340, 357 14-15, 280
National Association of Friendship Non-binding policies, 52
Centres (NAFC), 353 Non-professional helpers, 178
National Building Code of Canada, Non-residential centres, 153
people with disabilities and, Non-Status Indians, 334
408 North Shore Multicultural Society
National Child Benefit (NCB), 26, 253, (NSMS), 384
272 North Shore Welcoming Action
National Children's Agenda (NCA), Committee, 384
271-72,357-58 NovaScotia,67, 144,421-22
National Council of Welfare (NCW), 96 volunteerism, 193
National Council of Women of Canada,
73, 74 OAS (Old Age Security), 81-82, 313,
National Disability Act (proposed, 315,316,324
2005), 4 11 Objective assessments of well-being, 5
National Framework on Aging (NFA), Obstacles report (1981), 408, 409
306 Occupy movement, 115, 231
National Initiative for the Care of the Ojibway community of Hollow Water,
Elderly, 32 7 Manitoba, 346-4 7

NEL
548 • INDEX

Old Age Assistance, 8 1-82 Ontario Workmen$ Compensation Act

Old Age Pensions Act of 1927, 75, 8 1 (1914), 72
Old Age Security (OAS), 81-82, 313, Ontario Works, intake screening
315,316,324 process, 164-66
Older people (seniors), 32, 298-327 On to Ottawa Trek (1935), 76-77
age-friendly communities, 223, 301, Open house concept, 4 22
308-9 Operational framework, 155
ageism and, 301-3 direct services, 155, 158-59
aging in place principle, 153 indirect services, 155, 159-66
diversity of, 303-4 intake screening process (case study),
elder abuse, 316-1 7 164-66
gerontological social work, 326-2 7 program evaluation, 162-63
government initiatives and, program planning, 161-62
305-6 Opposition Days, 52
guaranteed annual income (GAl), 84 Organic models of organization,
housing and supports for 167-68
independence,317-22 Organisation for Economic Co-operation
home and community support, and Development (OECD),
3 19-21 47,270,305-6
independent and supportive Organizational change, 215. See
housing, 318-19 also Mezzo level of society,
residential care, 321-22 change at
income security for, 75 Osborne, john, 82
living arrangements of, 318 Ottawa
myths and facts about, 302 child and youth development, 271
political activism and consultation, equity and inclusion lens, 57
324-26 Ottawa Community Immigrant
poverty and, 24 3-44 Services Organization
social connectedness, 313 (OCISO), 377
well-being of, 310-16 Outcomes, 39
disability and activity, 310-11 evaluation of, 162
health issues, 310 in logic model, 54
mental health, 311- 12 Outdoor relief, 68
work and participation, 322-26 Out-of-home care, 292-93
in workforce, 322-23 Outputs, in logic model, 54
Online support, 153 Outreach services, 153
Ontarians with Disabilities Act (2005),
4 11 Pan-Canadian Framework for the
Ontario, 422 Assessment and Recognition of
asset-based social policies, 256 Foreign Credentials, 389
history of social welfare in, 69, 72 Paraprofessionals, 186
Ontario College of Social Workers Parens patriae, principle of, 289
and Social Service Workers Parenting style, 2 79-80
(OCSWSSW), 187 Parents of children with special needs,
Ontario Common Front, 116 407-8

NEL
 INDEX • 549

Parishes, public relief, 67, 68 role of social workers, 214

Parliamentary Special Committee on the social group work, 213-14
Disabled and the Handicapped, Planning
408 program, 161-62
Participation policy, 163 social, community change and,
Part-time jobs, 448 228-29
Passive labour market policies, 4 7, Points system, immigration policy, 3 70
103-4 Policies and procedures, 163-64
Pearson, Lester B., 83 implementing, 52-53
Peer counsellors, 197-98 See also Social welfare policy; specific
Peer support (peer helpers), 194-96 policies
Permanent residents, 3 7 0, 3 71 Policy community, 39
Permanent resident status, 3 70, 3 71 Policymaking process. See Consultation
Persistence of poverty, 241 and review phase of
Person-in -environment, 181 policymaking; Evaluation, of
Piecemeal approach to policymaking, 50 policies; Social welfare policy,
Pivot Legal Society, 60 stage 5: implementing policy
Planned change, 207 Political activism, by seniors, 324
elements of, 20 7, 208 Political ideology, 18-22
at macro level (community change), Political protests, 230
207,222-32 Poorhouses, 68
community development model, Poor laws, 41, 67
224-26 Population aging, 32, 299
community practice, 232 Population dependency ratio, 300
models of, 223-31 Population health, 305
social action model, 22 4, 22 9-31 Poverty, 34, 237-64, 239
social planning model, 224, Aboriginal peoples
228-29 children, 3 57
at mezzo level, 207, 215-22 women, 356
building knowledge, 216-1 7 among seniors, 315
committing to, 217-18 causes of, 25 2
developing a vision, 216 depth of, 241
evaluating change, 220-21 economic costs of, 251
identifying the need for change, effects of, 245-51
215-16 asset building, 256
implementing, 218 cycle of poverty, 248-50
individual change, 218-20 food insecurity, 246
preparing for, 216-18 homelessness, 246-48, 24 7
social work approach to feminization of, 24 2-43
organizational change, in globalization era, 113-14,450
221-22 guaranteed income and, 83-84
systemic change, 220 measurements of, 239-41
at micro level, 207-14 organized responses to, 25 1-63
family services, 210-13 employment insurance, 254-56
programs for individuals, 209-10 food security, 259-61

NEL
550 • INDEX

Poverty (continued) Progressive tax system, 92

housing security, 257-59 Progressive universalism, 17
poverty-reduction plans, 261-63 Project funding, 13 7
social assistance, 253-54 Protecting Canada's Immigration System
two-pronged approach, 252-53 Act, 378
persistence of, 241 Protestant work ethic, 66, 68
piecemeal versus holistic approach Provincial and territorial governments,
to, 50 public sector and, 125
populations at risk of, 241-45 Provincialization, 109-10
risk factors of, 242 Provincialized social policy, 99-100
structural, 252 Provincial Nominee Program, 380
United Nations definition of, 35 Provisionally sheltered, 2 4 7
working with low-income and Psychosocial approach, 311-12
marginalized groups, 263-64 Public adoption, 293
Poverty rate, 240 Public debt, 92
Poverty reduction, 261-63 Public issues, 9
Prevention activities, 158-59 Public policies, 30
Primary prevention, 159, 290 Public programs, 124
Prince Edward Island, 6 7 Public relief, 67-68, 75, 76, 78
immigrants, 380 Public sector, 122, 124-25
Public Service Commission, 218-19 new public-voluntary relationship,
Principle of less eligibility, 6 7 135-36, 142
Private needs and issues, 9-10 Public social agencies, 149
Private pension plans and savings, 315
Private sector, 122 Qualitative measures, 221
Privatization, 110-1 1, 132-34, 138 Quality of life, declining, 113-14
Problems with formal organizations, 209 Quantitative measures, 221
Procedures, 163-64 Quebec, 42
Process model, 55 child-care system, 2 74
Professional helpers, 178-89. See also family policy, 270
Social workers history of social welfare in, 64-66
Professional identity, 184 poverty-reduction plan, 261
Professions, helping, 184 Quebec Pension Plan ( QPP), 82
Program eligibility, 13-1 7
Program evaluation, 162-63 Racialization, 382-83
Program planning, 161-62 Racism, 33
Programs and services, social welfare, immigrants and, 367-68,
10-17,450 382-83
approaches to provision of, 22-2 7 Radicalizing an agency, 221-22
eligibility, 13-1 7 Radical strategies, of interest groups, 46
ideologies and, 18-22 Ranstad Canada, 389-90
income security programs, 11-12 Reactive emotional distress, 209
social services, 12-13 Recent immigrants, 365-92, 367
universal programs, 15-17 countries of origin (2002-2011), 366
Progressive Conservatives (PCs), 93-95 Recession, 2 008-2009, 111-12, 448

NEL
 INDEX • 551

Reformers, 71 Royal Commission on the Economic

Refugees, 377-78 Union and Development
Regional differences, policymaking Prospects for Canada
process and, 41-4 2 (Macdonald Commission), 93
Registered Disability Savings Plan, 4 21 Royal Commission on the Status of
Regulation Women (RCSW), 85
of social service workers, 186-88 Russell, Bertrand, 148
of social work, 183-84
Rent-geared-to-income housing, 257 Sandwich generation, 199
Repealing policies, 58 Saskatchewan
Replacing policies, 58 Children Exposed to Violence in
Report Card on Canada (Conference Families Program, 287
Board of Canada), 113-15 Family Income Plan, 87
Report on Social Security for Canada immigrants, 380
(Marsh Report), 79--81 Saskatchewan Seniors Mechanism, 325
Reports, accountability, 140 Schools, residential, for Aboriginal
Reserves, 333 children, 335, 343, 346, 348-50
First Nations peoples living Scope of practice, 181
on-reserve, 351-53 Secondary prevention, 159, 2 90
Resettlement of refugees, 3 77 Second World War, 78, 79
Residential care, 321-22 Security, social problems and, 58-60
Residential centres, 151-5 3 Self-government, 339
Residential schools for Aboriginal Self-help groups, 194-97
children, 335, 343, 346, Semi-independent living services, 415
348-50 Senate, legislative process, 50-52
colonization and, 343-44 Senate Committee on Poverty, 84
Indian Residential Schools Settlement Senior High Program, 314
Agreement (IRSSA), 348 Seniors, 32 , 298-327
statement of apology by Prime age-friendly communities, 223, 301,
Minister Stephen Harper, 308-9
349-50 ageism and, 301-3
Residential school syndrome, 343 aging in place principle, 153
Residual approach to social welfare, 22-23 diversity of, 303-4
Respite services, 202 elder abuse, 316-17
Restricted practice activities, 185 gerontological social work, 326-27
Retirement income system, 313, 315 government initiatives and , 305-6
Review phase of policymaking. See guaranteed annual income (GAl), 84
Consultation and review phase housing and supports for
of policymaking independence,3 17-22
Right to participation, principle of, 294 home and community support,
Risk factors of poverty, 242 319-21
Rogers, Fred, 177 independent and supportive
Rogers , Kimberly, 165 housing, 318-19
Role performance difficulties, 209 residential care, 321-22
Roman Catholic Church, 66 income security for, 7 5

NEL
552 • INDEX

Seniors (continued) Shelter poverty, 246

living arrangements of, 318 Single Parent Association of
myths and facts about, 302 Newfoundland, 281
political activism and consultation, Social action, 224, 229-32
324-26 Social agencies, 148-75
poverty and, 24 3-44 basic functions of, 149
social connectedness, 313 community-based, 150-55
well-being of, 310-16 definition of, 148-49
disability and activity, 310-11 diversity, 170-72
health issues, 310 flexibility of, 169-70
mental health, 311-12 hierarchical structures, 168-69
work and participation, 322-26 innovation, 172
in workforce, 322-23 internal structures and functions,
Seniors' centres, 306, 308 155-66
Seniors' councils, 306-8 assessing sustainability of social
Seniors' groups, 301, 306-8 agencies, 156-57
Seniors' Secretariat, 326 community conditions and needs,
Service delivery, 129-34 156
alternative (ASD), 131-32 establishing the agency's direction,
privatization and, 132-34 158
Service delivery model (SDM), Ontario operational framework, 155,
Works, 164 158-66
Service jobs, 448 strategic framework, 155-58
Service providers, 177-203 organic models of organization,
links among professional and non- 167-68
professional helpers, 179 public, 149
non-professional helpers, 178 voluntary, 127, 149
professional helpers, 178-89 administrative overload, 138-40
See also Social workers advocacy efforts, 128, 140-41
Service sectors, 121-29 characteristics and functions of,
commercial sector, 122, 124 127-29
forging a new public-voluntary loss of autonomy and identity,
relationship, 135-36, 142 141-42
public sector, 124-25 mission of, 141-42
voluntary sector, 122, 124, 127-29 new funding mechanisms, 136-37
working poor, 126-27 new public-voluntary relationship,
Service silos, 167 135-36
Settlement practice, 390-92 Social agency volunteers, 189-90
Settlement process, 3 73-78 benefits of volunteering, 190-91
Settlement programs, 375-78 Social assistance, 253-54, 256
Settlement service-provider neoliberal attack on, 102-3
organizations (SSPOs), 375-77 Social capital, 10
Settlement workers, 390-92 Social casework, 210
Settlement Workers in Schools (SWIS) Social citizenship, 71
initiative, 385-86 Social conditions, 32

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 INDEX • 553

Social connectedness, 313 Social services, 12-13

Social deficit, 105-6 Social service workers, 186-89
Social democracy, 20-21 job prospects for, 186
Social economy, 122, 143-45 regulation of, 186-88
Social economy enterprises (SEEs), 144, rewards and challenges for, 188-89
4 19 scope of practice for, 18 7
Social engagement, 313 Social support, 3 13
Social exclusion, 33-34, 239 Social Union Framework Agreement,
Social financing, 138 43-44
Social groups, 2 13 Social welfare
Social group work, 213-14 meanings of, 4
Social housing, 318-19 scope and purpose of, 4-10
Social impact bond, 138 Social welfare policy, 29-60, 30
Social inclusion, 26 aims of, 30
Social innovation, 172 deciding on mix of policies, 49
Social insurance, 72, 80, 82 piecemeal versus holistic approach
Social investment approach, 26-27 to, 50
Socialism, 2 0-2 1 stages of development of, 31-60
Social isolation, 313 stage 1: identifying social
Social issue, 32 problems and issues, 31-34
Social justice, older people and, 305 stage 2: understanding social
Social knowledge, 34-36 issues and problems, 34-38
Social minimurn, 11, 80 stage 3: consulting and reviewing,
Social movements, 71 39-48
community change and, 230-3 1 stage 4: formalizing policy,
1960s and 1970s, 84-85 48-52
Social network, 313 stage 5: implementing policy,
Social planning, 228-29, 232 52-53
Social policy, 30 stage 6: evaluating policies, 53-60
amending, replacing, or repealing, Social welfare programs and services,
58-60 10-17,450
authorizing, 50-52 approaches to provision of, 22-2 7
non-binding, 52 eligibility, 13-1 7
See also Social welfare policy ideologies and, 18-22
Social policymakers, 31 income security programs, 11- 12
Social problems, 32 social services, 12-13
changing perceptions of, 33-34 universal programs, 15-17
defining and measuring, 3 7-38 Social welfare states, 24-25
Social program, 11 Social welfare system, primary functions
Social reformers, 71 of, 7-10
Social safety net, 22 Social work, 180
Social security, 79-8 1 with Aboriginal peoples, 361-62
Social service delivery, 129-34 education, 18 1-83
alternative (ASD), 131-32 with families with children, 295-96
privatization and, 132-34 gerontological, 326-2 7

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554 • INDEX

Social work (continued) Task Force on Disability Issues, 409

other helping professions compared Taxes
to, 184, 185 lower, 10 7-8
people with disabilities, 4 22-2 4 progressive tax system, 92
practice, 181 Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB)
regulation of, 183-84 and, 109
Social work approach to organizational Tax relief measures, 12
change,221-22 Telephone services, 153
Social workers, 180-84 "1 0 percent rule," 140
micro-level change and, 214 Termination policy, 163
professional identity of, 184 Territorial Formula Financing (TFF),
rewards and challenges for, 188-89 41-42
settlement practice, 390-92 Tertiary prevention, 159, 2 90
values and knowledge of, 180-81 Therapy groups, 196
Special Senate Committee on Aging, 203, Toronto, social planning initiatives, 228
300,303,304,315,316,323 Toronto Aboriginal Research Project,
Spousalabuse,285-87 354
Stakeholders, 39 Trade unions, 71-72
Statement of Reconciliation, 339 Traditional approaches to helping
Statement of the Government of Aboriginal peoples, 344
Canada on Indian Policy Traditional strategies of interest groups,
(White Paper), 33 7 46
Status Indians, 334, 33 7 Training, for facilitating individual
Status indicators, 5 change,218-20
Stepfamilies, 282-84, 283 Transnational corporations (TNCs), 446
Stigmatization, 23 Treaties, 33 7
Strategic framework, 155-58 Trudeau, Pierre Elliott, review of social
Street outreach, 153 welfare system under (1973),
Strengths-based approach, 295 86-87
Structural poverty, 252 Two-pronged approach to poverty,
Structural social work, 221 252-53
Subjective assessments of well-being, 5
Suicide, 31 1, 357 Underemployed, 255
Summative evaluation, 221 Undeserving poor, 23, 67
Supported living, 415 Unemployment, 450
Supportive housing, 319 activating the unemployed, 104-5
Supportive social environments, 313 Great Depression, 75-76
Sustainability of social agencies, 156-57 See also Employment Insurance;
SWOT analysis, 157 Unemployment Insurance
Systemic change, 220 Unemployment Insurance (UI) Act, 58, 78
replaced by Employment Insurance
Targeted cash transfers, 11 Act (1996), 98
Targeted programs, 13-15 See also Employment Insurance
Target of change, 207 Unemployment Insurance Act (1940),
Target population, 156, 162 78

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 INDEX • 555

Unemployment rate, 254 Visible minorities, 366

UNICEF, 267, 272-73, 378 Vision of success, in organizational
United Nations, 267 change,2 16
Charter Committee on Poverty Vision statement, 158
Issues, 106 Voluntary organizations, seniors',
Committee on the Rights of the 306-8
Child,294 Voluntary sector, 122, 124, 127-29
Convention on the Rights of the social economy and, 143
Child (CRC), 293-94 Voluntary Sector Initiative (VSI), 135
Convention on the Rights of Persons Voluntary Sector Roundtable, 135
with Disabilities (CRPD), Voluntary social agencies, 127, 149
412-14 administrative overload, 138-40
Declaration on the Elimination of advocacy efforts, 128, 140-41
Violence against Women, 3 7 characteristics and functions of,
disabilities and, 408 127-29
Geneva Convention, 377-78 loss of autonomy and identity,
Indigenous peoples recognized by, 338 141-42
International Convention on the mission of, 141-42
Elimination of All Forms of new funding mechanisms,
Racial Discrimination, 382 136-37
International Plan of Action on new public-voluntary relationship,
Ageing, 305 135-36
poverty as redefined by, 35 See also Social agencies
youth, 276 Volunteer Canada, 192, 193
Universal cash transfers, 11 Volunteers (volunteerism), 178
Universal Child Care Benefit (UCCB), agency, 189-90
11, 17,109,274 benefits of volunteering, 190-9 1
Universal programs, 15-17 barriers to, 193
Unpaid caregivers, 198-202 government support of, 192-93
government support of, 202-3 mandatory (voluntolds), 191-92
impacts of caregiving, 201 older people, 323-24
services for, 200, 202
Unsheltered homeless, 2 4 7 WCG International, 133-34
Urban Aboriginal Strategy (UAS), 353 Welfare state retrenchment, 92
Urbanization, 223 Welfare states, 24-25
Welfare-to-work programs (workfare), 104
Values, social work, 180 Welfare wall, 253
Value statements, 158 Well-being, measuring, 5-7
Vancouver, B.C., "anti-homeless" bylaws, White Paper (Statement of the
60 Government of Canada on
Vancouver Coastal Health, 202 Indian Policy), 33 7
Violence Women
family, 285-94 Aboriginal, 354-56
against women, 3 7, 38, 285-8 7, 402 disability and, 402-3
Aboriginal women, 3 55 immigrant, 386-87

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556 • INDEX

Women (continued) Workhouses, 68

poverty and, 24 2-4 3 Working Paper on Social Security in
shift from CAP to CHST, 101 Canada (1973 report), 86-87
violence against (woman abuse), 37, Working poor, 84, 255
38,285-87,402 Work-life balance, 170, 171
Aboriginal women, 3 55 Workplace diversity, 170-71
Women in Need Society (Calgary), 144, World Elder Abuse Awareness Day, 316
145 World Health Organization's (WHO)
Women's liberation (or feminist) elder abuse as defined by, 316
movement, 84-85 Global Age-Friendly Cities Project,
Women's rights movement, 73 308
Work camps, during Great Depression, World Summit for Social Development
76-77 (1995), 445
Workers
with disabilities, 4 17-19 Young old (seniors), 303
immigrant, 387-90 Youth. See Children and youth
Workers' compensation, 72, 42 1 Youth engagement approach, 278
Workforce, seniors in, 322-23 Youth policy, 276, 278

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