Ubc - 1971 - A8 B37

AFRICAN RURAL URBAN MIGRATION
A DECISION MAKING PERSPECTIVE
by
PHILIP F. W. BARTLE
B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1965
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
i n t h e Department
of
A n t h r o p o l o g y and S o c i o l o g y
We a c c e p t t h i s t h e s i s a s c o n f o r m i n g t o t h e
required standard
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

J a n u a r y , 1971
In presenting this thesis in p a r t i a l fulfilment of the requirements for
an a d v a n c e d degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that
the L i b r a r y shall make it freely available for r e f e r e n c e and study.
I f u r t h e r agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis
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by h i s representatives. It is understood that copying or publication
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written permission.
Depa r t m e n t
The U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia
V a n c o u v e r 8, C a n a d a
Date j Jlf>,& (jp

ABSTRACT
Rural-urban m i g r a t i o n i s fundamentally a demographic phe-
nomenon. I t s h o u l d be a l s o open t o a n a l y s i s a t t h e l e v e l o f indivi-
d u a l d e c i s i o n making as w e l l as the demographic l e v e l so common i n
the l i t e r a t u r e . The i n d i v i d u a l a c t s or operates w i t h i n a social
and p h y s i c a l environment. He p e r c e i v e s some of the i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l -
a b l e t o him c o n c e r n i n g the v a r i o u s dimensions of h i s environment.
He a c t s w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o h i s p e r c e p t i o n and h i s m a n i p u l a t i o n of t h a t
information.
An o b s e r v e r cannot d i r e c t l y p e r c e i v e the p r o c e s s o f a West
A f r i c a n making d e c i s i o n s . However he c o u l d note r e l e v a n t i n f o r m a t i o n
w h i c h may be a v a i l a b l e to a m i g r a n t . The o b s e r v e r could then note
the migrant's actions. From t h e s e two s e t s of d a t a the observer
might s u r m i s e about t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s . This
might be c a l l e d the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e . From
t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e of the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l a s e t o f axioms can be con-
s t r u c t e d t o g e n e r a t e a number of hypotheses c o n c e r n i n g migration.
A v a i l a b l e l i t e r a t u r e on r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n A f r i c a ,
p l u s some from o t h e r g e o g r a p h i c a r e a s f o r c o m p a r i s o n , i s examined
w i t h r e s p e c t to t h e hypotheses g e n e r a t e d . As most of the d a t a r e f e r
t o o v e r a l l movements, a c e r t a i n t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the d a t a i s r e -
q u i r e d t o make them u s e f u l t o the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l of a n a l y s i s
attempted i n t h i s t h e s i s . Most of the s o u r c e d a t a s u p p o r t the f o u r

(Abstract) ii
c a t e g o r i e s o f hypotheses I have developed b u t a few n o t a b l e exceptions
provide a u s e f u l reexamination o f t h e f o r m a l approach o f t h i s thesis.
A f t e r o u t l i n i n g t h e p e r s p e c t i v e and a p p l y i n g i t t o m i g r a t i o n
l i t e r a t u r e I t u r n e d t o study a l o c a l i s e d s e t t i n g i n West A f r i c a . The
ethnographic environment o f Kwawu m i g r a n t s i s d e s c r i b e d from census
data and p e r s o n a l r e c o l l e c t i o n . The s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environments
o f t h e Kwawu t r a d i t i o n a l a r e a and o f A c c r a , t h e c a p i t a l c i t y t o w h i c h
most Kwawu m i g r a t e * a r e d e s c r i b e d as i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e t o a hypo-
thetical individual. T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by a n example o f a p a r t i c u l a r
individual i na transitory state. The a g g r e g a t e data r e l a t e d t o t h e
d i f f e r e n t i a l m i g r a t i o n o f Kwawu a r e examined and a demonstration
model i s g e n e r a t e d from t h e I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e
t o i n d i c a t e t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h i s approach i s p r e d i c t i v e .
The i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s , o r I n f o r m a t i o n -
d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e i s o u t l i n e d i n Chapter One and i s r e l a t e d
i n Chapter Two t o r e l e v a n t l i t e r a t u r e . C h a p t e r s T h r e e , F o u r , and
F i v e p a r a l l e l t h e I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e ; Chapter
Three d e a l s w i t h Kwawu e t h n o g r a p h i c i n f o r m a t i o n ; Chapter Four i s a
d e s c r i p t i o n o f one Kwawu i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n s ; and Chapter F i v e
r e l a t e s the r e s u l t i n g a c t i o n s o f Kwawu m i g r a n t s . The problems o f
r e l a t i n g aggregate data t o i n d i v i d u a l experiences and t h e problems
o f i n t e g r a t i n g p e r s o n a l and l i b r a r y s o u r c e s of information are
b r i e f l y examined i n a s.ummary c h a p t e r .
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract i
Table o f Contents i i i
L i s t o f Diagrams v i i
L i s t of Tables viii
L i s t o f Maps ix
Introduction 1
U r b a n i z a t i o n and R u r a l - U r b a n M i g r a t i o n 1
Importance o f M i g r a t i o n t o Urban Growth 2
Causes o f R u r a l - U r b a n M i g r a t i o n 4
Economic F a c t o r s i n D e c i s i o n s 8
CHAPTER ONE
The F o r m a l P e r s p e c t i v e 14
The I n d i v i d u a l 14
Information-Decision-Action 16
A Symbolic Shorthand 17
Needs and O b l i g a t i o n s 20
R u r a l O r i g i n s o f Urban D e c i s i o n s 21
A l t e r n a t i v e Choices 24
V a r i a t i o n s i n Information 25
The E n v i r o n m e n t a l Context o f t h e I n d i v i d u a l
Decision 27
iv
CHAPTER TWO
The L i t e r a t u r e 33
C a t e g o r i e s of Causes 33
C a t e g o r i z i n g Source Data 36
C o s t s of Remaining 37
R e l i g i o n (Sub-hypothesis l.A) 37
E d u c a t i o n (Sub-hypotheses l . B and I.C) 38
Modern C o s t s ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s I.D) 39
P r o d u c t i v e Costs (Sub-hypothesis l . E ) 40
E d u c a t i o n i n the L i t e r a t u r e ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s l . B ) 41
M i s f i t s ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s I.C) 43
A f r i c a n Examples 46
New Urban C o s t s i n the V i l l a g e ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s I.D) 48
B e n e f i t s of M i g r a t i n g to a C i t y 50
I n f o r m a t i o n ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s 2.A) 50
E d u c a t i o n ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s 2.B) 54
Life Style Similarity ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s 2.C) 56
Wage O p p o r t u n i t i e s ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s 2.D) 58
Non-Wage O p p o r t u n i t i e s ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s 2.E) 63
B e n e f i t s of Remaining 66
B e n e f i t s of Harvest 67
B e n e f i t s of Residence 67
S e c u r i t y as a B e n e f i t 68
Costs of M i g r a t i n g 70
T r a d i t i o n s and F a m i l y H i s t o r i e s o f R u r a l - U r b a n
Migration 71
M i d d l e P l a c e s and C o s t s of R u r a l - U r b a n M i g r a t i o n 74
R u r a l T r a i n i n g and F a m i l i a r i t y w i t h Urban C o n d i t i o n s 74
C o n c l u s i o n s Drawn From the L i t e r a t u r e Survey 76
V
CHAPTER THREE
Information 78
The E t h n o g r a p h i c Environments o f a Kwawu M i g r a n t .

The R u r a l A r e a (Kwawu) 82
Nkawkaw 86
Occupations 87
White C o l l a r 91
Agriculture 92
Blue C o l l a r 96
The Urban A r e a ( A c c r a ) 98
The City 98
The I.D.A. P e r s p e c t i v e Versus t h e E t h n o g r a p h i c
Information 106
CHAPTER FOUR
Decision 107
Kwaku t h e B l a c k s m i t h
Some Notes on a P e r s o n a l H i s t o r y
The Individual 107
H i s Name 109
The P e o p l e He Knows 110
His'Work 110
H i s Home 111
His Training 111
Kwaku and t h e I n f o r m a t i o n - D e c i s i o n - A c t i o n P e r s p e c t i v e 118
C o s t s o f Remaining 119
Benefits of Migrating 119
B e n e f i t s o f Remaining 121
Costs o f M i g r a t i n g 121
The F i t o f t h e Model 122
vi
CHAPTER FIVE
Action 124
Where t o Go?
Kwawu Net M i g r a t i o n P a t t e r n s : a D e m o n s t r a t i o n Model 124
Dis tance 136
Familiarity 136
Urbanization 138
The P r e d i c t i v e Index 140
Improving t h e P r e d i c t i v e Model 143
CHAPTER SIX
M e t h o d o l o g i c a l Note 145
Relevance of the P e r s p e c t i v e
Sources o f Data and T h e i r I n t e r p r e t a t i o n 145
Appendices 149
References 151
vii
LIST OF DIAGRAMS
1 Schematic View of D e c i s i o n P r o c e s s 19
2 Three Fundamental F a c e t s of the I.D.A. P e r s p e c t i v e 22-23
3 Expected S c a t t e r g r a m A s s o c i a t i o n s 133
4 C a t e g o r i z a t i o n of Spoken Kwawu 137

viii
LIST OF TABLES
1 I n c r e a s e i n Urban P o p u l a t i o n i n Ghana: 1921-1960 2
2 Nkawkaw (Demographic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) 1960 88
3 Income D i s t r i b u t i o n i n R e l a t i o n t o Neighborhood 101
4 Comparison o f C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e P o p u l a t i o n of
Ghana and t h a t o f t h r e e L a r g e s t Towns 1960 103
5 D i f f e r e n t i a l Access to S c h o o l i n g by T r i b e , A c c r a 1954 105
6 R e g i o n a l D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Kwawu i n Ghana 126
7 Index o f Kwawu M i g r a t i o n i n Ghana A g a i n s t S e l e c t e d

C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f Ghanaian Census Enumeration
Areas (Correlations) 132
8 Kwawu M i g r a t i o n R e l a t e d to Inverse of D i s t a n c e o f
Migration (Regression) 135
9 Kwawu M i g r a t i o n R e l a t e d t o S o c i o - C u l t u r a l S i m i l a r i t y
(Regression) 139
10 Kwawu M i g r a t i o n R e l a t e d t o Ghanaian U r b a n i z a t i o n
(Regression) 142
ix
LIST OF MAPS
1 Census Map o f L o c a l A u t h o r i t i e s 78
2. S o u t h e r n Ghana (Showing Major Kwawu V i l l a g e s ) 81
3 Predominant T r i b e i n t h e A r e a (Ghana) 97
4 S k e t c h o f t h e Kwahu T r a d i t i o n a l A r e a 112
5 V i l l a g e s i n t h e Kwahu A r e a 114
6 G e o g r a p h i c a l D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Urban D e n s i t y (Ghana) 141

Acknowledgement
I am g r a t e f u l to t h e f o l l o w i n g persons f o r t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e ,
w i t h o u t w h i c h I c o u l d not have produced t h i s t h e s i s . Mr. Mumtaz A h k t a r ,
Mr. Kwame Appah, Nana K o f i B e d i a k o , Dr. C y r i l Belshaw, Mr. P e t e r Boateng,
Mr. A p p l e B u t t e r , Dr. Raymond F i r t h , M i s s Donna G r a d i n , Dr. George Gray,
Mrs. V e r o n i c a H a t c h , Dr. H a r r y B. Hawthorn, F r . Clement H o t z e , Dr. H e l g a
J a c o b s o n , Mrs. M a i r i J o r g e n s o n , Mr. P h i l Lange, Mrs. Daryn L e w i s ,
Mrs. G a l e L e P i t r e , Dr. M a r t i n M e i s s n e r , Mr. A l b e r t O f o s u - A s i e d u , M i s s
Dorothy P i p e r , Mr. Robert P o k r a n t , Dr. R o b i n R i d i n g t o n , Mrs. J o a n S e l b y ,
Mr. George Sodah Ayenor, M i s s Susanne S t o r i e , M i s s Sharon S u t h e r l a n d ,
Mr. V i c t o r U j i m o t o , Dr. W i l l i a m E. W i l l m o t t , Dr. George W i n t e r , and
S r . P a t r i c i a Wiesner. They a r e i n no way r e s p o n s i b l e f o r my errors.

INTRODUCTION
The I n d i v i d u a l O p e r a t i n g W i t h i n Systems
R u r a l D e c i s i o n s and Urban M i g r a n t s
(Introduction) 1
T h i s p r o c e s s ( U r b a n i z a t i o n ) has s e v e r a l d i s t i n c t c h a r a c -
teristics: e c o n o m i c a l l y , the s t r u c t u r e of p r o d u c t i o n
changes and an i n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n of w o r k e r s a r e i n -
v o l v e d i n n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l a c t i v i t i e s and have u n e q u a l
a c c e s s t o economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s ; p o l i t i c a l l y , bureau-
c r a t i c machinery and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e c o n t r o l a r e becoming
more e x t e n s i v e ; l e g a l l y , c o n f l i c t i n g c l a i m s a r e e x p r e s s e d
i n c o n t r a c t u a l r a t h e r t h a n i n s t a t u s arrangements. I n -
d u s t r i a l u r b a n i z a t i o n i s thus more than a s h i f t i n g of
p e o p l e from c o u n t r y t o c i t y , from l a n d bound t o urban
o c c u p a t i o n s , and more t h a n i n c r e a s i n g p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y
and economic d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . I t e n t a i l s a l s o change
i n d i s t r i b u t i o n of power, i n t e r e s t s , i n s t i t u t i o n a l
arrangements, norms of c o n d u c t , and s o c i a l v a l u e s , and
as a p a r t i c u l a r p r o c e s s of i n c r e a s i n g c o m p l e x i t y , c a n -
not be i s o l a t e d from the more g e n e r a l c o n t e x t of s o c i a l
growth.
U r b a n i z a t i o n and R u r a l - U r b a n M i g r a t i o n
Two major f a c t o r s i n f l u e n c e West A f r i c a ' s r a p i d urban growth.
F i r s t , the n a t u r a l p o p u l a t i o n growth r a t e has increased i n recent
y e a r s as the a p p l i c a t i o n s of modern t e c h n o l o g y have l o w e r e d m o r t a l i t y
and m o r b i d i t y but have not overcome an h i s t o r i c a l l y f u n c t i o n a l r e l u c -
t a n c e to lower b i r t h r a t e s . Yet t h i s does not account f o r most West
A f r i c a n urban i n c r e a s e . Second, the urban p o p u l a t i o n i s i n c r e a s i n g
as a r e s u l t of m i g r a t i o n from r u r a l areas.
T a b l e 1 i n d i c a t e s the r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n of Ghana where t h e
p e r c e n t a g e of urban d w e l l e r s has i n c r e a s e d f r o m l e s s t h a n 8% of the
t o t a l population to more t h a n 23% w i t h i n f o r t y y e a r s .
1. Kuper, H i l d a . U r b a n i z a t i o n and M i g r a t i o n i n West A f r i c a . Uni-

v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a , B e r k e l e y , 1965, page 1.
(Introduction) 2
TABLE 1
INCREASE I N URBAN POPULATION I N GHANA: 1921-1960
1921 1948 1960
Urban* P o p u l a t i o n 181,000 538,000 1,551,000
Rural Population 2,296,000 4,118,000 6,727,000
% of P o p u l a t i o n i n
urban areas 7.9% 13.0% 23.1%
* D e f i n e d as " p e o p l e l i v i n g i n a r e a s o f o v e r 5,000 inhabitants".
Source: Birmingham et a l . (1966:192).
The Importance of M i g r a t i o n t o Urban Growth
Table 1 indicates t h a t the Ghanaian urban p o p u l a t i o n i s i n -
c r e a s i n g more r a p i d l y than i s the r u r a l . That this increment i s ac-
c o u n t e d f o r more b y m i g r a t i o n t h a n b y n a t u r a l c a u s e s m i g h t b e indi-
c a t e d i n s e v e r a l ways. F o r p r e s e n t p u r p o s e s , t h r e e s e t s o f demo-
graphic data are o f f e r e d i n support of t h i s statement: age struc-
tures, fertility d i f f e r e n t i a l s , and birthplaces.
If t h e i n c r e a s e i n t h e u r b a n a r e a s w e r e due to n a t u r a l causes,
t h e n a demographer would e x p e c t t o f i n d an age distribution consis-
tent with that found i n the r e s t of the country. I f the increase
w e r e due t o m i g r a t i o n , h o w e v e r , he w o u l d expect to f i n d a g r e a t e r
p r o p o r t i o n of persons of employable ages i n the urban than i n t h e
rural areas. This second demographic s t r u c t u r e proves t o be the

(Introduction) 3
case. I n I960, 45% o f Ghana's t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n was under 15 y e a r s
of age, b u t i n the urban c e n t r e s of Kumasi, S e k o n d i , and A c c r a , t h e
p r o p o r t i o n s of c h i l d r e n under 15 were 42%, 40% and 39% r e s p e c t i v e l y
(Birmingham, 1967:129, t a b l e 3.11). F u r t h e r m o r e , assuming t h a t p e r -
sons of employable ages i n c l u d e d a l l t h o s e , and o n l y t h o s e , between
the ages of 15 and 44, t h e n the p e r c e n t a g e of such i n d i v i d u a l s was
c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r i n the t h r e e major urban a r e a s t h a n i n the t o t a l
p o p u l a t i o n ; 51% i n each o f the t h r e e c i t i e s , but o n l y 43% i n Ghana
as a whole (Birmingham, 1967:129, t a b l e 3.11).
S i m i l a r i n d i c a t o r s can a l s o be found i n f e r t i l i t y differ-
e n t i a l s measured by the r a t i o s o f c h i l d r e n under t h e age of f i v e p e r
thousand women aged 15 t o 44. The r a t i o f o r a l l o f Ghana i s 886 p e r
thousand, b u t i n urban c e n t r e s of o v e r 5,000 i t i s o n l y 816. The
r a t i o f o r r u r a l Ghana i s 908, but i n Kumasi i t drops t o 827, i n
T a k o r a d i t o 729, and i n A c c r a t o 769 (Birmingham, 1967:101, table
2.18). These f i g u r e s i n d i c a t e t h a t fewer c h i l d r e n a r e b o r n i n urban
than i n r u r a l areas. Higher r u r a l b i r t h r a t e s i n d i c a t e t h a t higher
urban growth r a t e s a r e due t o m i g r a t i o n from r u r a l a r e a s t o urban
areas.
The t h i r d p i e c e o f demographic d a t a — that of b i r t h p l a c e
— becomes s i g n i f i c a n t when i t i s seen s i m u l t a n e o u s l y w i t h the f i r s t
two i n d i c a t o r s . The 1960 census found t h a t 80% of Ghanaians still
l i v e d i n t h e i r b i r t h p l a c e , but t h i s p i c t u r e of r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y i n
the c o u n t r y as a whole i s s h a r p l y upset when s e t a g a i n s t the f i n d i n g s

(Introduction) 4
w i t h i n p a r t i c u l a r towns. F o r example, o n l y 51% of t h e p o p u l a t i o n i n
A c c r a r e p o r t i n g t o the census was b o r n i n t h e A c c r a r e g i o n . The
p r o p o r t i o n f o r Sekondi and Kumasi was 6 6 % and 58% (Birmingham, 1967:
129, t a b l e 3.11), somewhat h i g h e r than t h a t o f A c c r a , but f a r below
the n a t i o n a l f i g u r e .
Complementing each o t h e r i n t h e i r f i n d i n g s , t h e s e three
s i m p l e i n d i c a t o r s p o i n t t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t urban growth i n Ghana
i s r a t h e r t h e r e s u l t o f m i g r a t i o n than of n a t u r a l i n c r e a s e .
Causes o f R u r a l - U r b a n Migration
R u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n poses i n t e r e s t i n g problems t o b u s i n e s s -
men, p o l i t i c i a n s , s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s , and t o t h e m i g r a n t s themselves
(Boque, 1959:491). I t may be l o o k e d a t as a p r o c e s s and t h e p r o d u c t
of e c o l o g i c a l o r s o c i a l f o r c e s . The i n t e n t i o n h e r e however, i s t o
examine t h e r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n p r o c e s s from t h e p e r s p e c t i v e of
how t h e s e f o r c e s a f f e c t an i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n about m i g r a t i o n .
The m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n e q u a l l y i n c l u d e s t h e d e c i s i o n t o remain.
When t h e f o c u s o f a study i s on t h e c i t y t h e m i g r a n t s a r e seen t o
come from a number of a r e a s . When t h e f o c u s i s on a p a r t i c u l a r a r e a ,
where most such d e c i s i o n s a r e made, m i g r a n t s a r e seen t o have c h o i c e s
o f a number o f p l a c e s t o go, a s w e l l as the c h o i c e t o n o t migrate
at all.
P e o p l e move from p l a c e A t o p l a c e B because they see d i f -
f e r e n c e s between p l a c e A and B, b u t a l s o because they see s i m i l a r i -

(Introduction) 5
ties. The choice to migrate due t o p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n c e s may be
s e e n as a c h o i c e t o m a x i m i s e b e n e f i t s . The choice to migrate rela-
ted to p e r c e i v e d s i m i l a r i t i e s may be s e e n as a c h o i c e t o minimise
costs. Migrants move f r o m A t o B because they see in B something
d i f f e r e n t but not too d i f f e r e n t : different enough to w a r r a n t a move
but not so d i f f e r e n t t o be uncomfortably alien.
T h e r e h a v e b e e n a number o f p u b l i s h e d s t u d i e s o f W e s t
African urbanization. These have g i v e n t h r e e c l a s s e s of "macro"-
l e v e l explanations f o r demographic changes: a diffusionist perspec-
t i v e i n c l u d i n g c o l o n i a l and m e t r o p o l i t a n i n f l u e n c e ; an evolutionary
p e r s p e c t i v e of a d a p t i n g t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s ; or geographic, economic
cum ecological explanations. The first s e e s town g r o w t h as b e i n g a
result of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s t r u c t u r e s i n c l u d i n g c i v i c c e n t e r s trans-
p l a n t e d f r o m c o l o n i a l m e t r o p o l i s e s w h i c h a r e e a g e r l y s o u g h t by the
r u r a l n a t i v e s who rush to f i l l the town. This p e r s p e c t i v e permeates
the e x p l a n a t i o n s of Auger's ( 1 9 6 8 ) Congo s t u d y , Ampene's ( 1 9 6 6 ) study
of Obuasi, Ghana, Crowder (1968), Denis (1966), Epstein (1967),
Gamble's (1964) s t u d y o f Kenema, S i e r r a L e o n e , G u l l i v e r ' s (1966)
South A f r i c a study, Horvath's (1968) E t h i o p i a n s t u d y , Karmon (1967),
Ransom ( 1 9 6 5 ) a n d Zaremba (1967).
The s e c o n d "macro" l e v e l p e r s p e c t i v e f i n d s i t s r o o t s in
the i d e a t h a t u r b a n i z a t i o n , or p a r t i c u l a r forms o f i t , and structures
arising from u r b a n i z a t i o n , stem from t r a d i t i o n a l p a t t e r n s . This
a p p r o a c h can be used s i m u l t a n e o u s l y w i t h the f i r s t view. Traditional

(Introduction) 6
forms of u r b a n i z i n g o r of r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n have been v a r i o u s l y
described: by A k i n o l a (1967) who sees l i t t l e c l e a r - c u t d i f f e r e n c e
between r u r a l and urban Yoruba, by Bascom (1959) who a l s o r e f e r s t o
Yoruba u r b a n i z a t i o n , by G l e a v e (1966) who sees t r a d i t i o n a l hill
s e t t l e m e n t s adapted t o town l i v i n g a f t e r the Europeans imposed
peace, by Cohen (1969) who d i s c u s s e d Hausa t r a d i t i o n s i n Yoruba
towns, by Mabogunge, (1962, 1968) who s u g g e s t s t h a t some t r a d i t i o n a l
urban forms a r e d y s f u n c t i o n a l i n t h a t they may be " p a r a s i t i c " urban
growth, by N z i m i r u (1965) who r e p o r t s t h a t Igbo urban m i g r a t i o n i s ,
among o t h e r t h i n g s , due t o Igbo " p r o g r e s s i v e n e s s " , by S i d d l e (1968)
who, l i k e G l e a v e , t r a c e s S i e r r a Leone war town p a t t e r n s t o town liv-
ing, by Udo (1967) who d e s c r i b e s t h r e e c e n t u r i e s of C a l a b a r history,
by Van V e l s o n who sees Tonga m i g r a t i o n as a c o n t i n u i t y f a c t o r , by
Zaremba (1964) who d e s c r i b e s t r a d i t i o n a l c i t i e s such as Kano, Ibadan,
and Kumasi, and by Henderson (1966) who compares urban E f i k and Igbo.
T r a d i t i o n a l u r b a n i z a t i o n as a f o c u s of a n a l y s i s l e a d s t o
two more c o n c e r n s : m i g r a t i o n i t s e l f as a t r a d i t i o n a l a c t i v i t y , and
cyclical ( r u r a l - u r b a n - r u r a l ) m i g r a t i o n w i t h concomitant dual r o l e
individuals. Barbour (1965) p r o v i d e s f o u r r u r a l - r u r a l m i g r a t i o n
examples: Moslem p i l g r i m s from West A f r i c a who s e t t l e d i n the Sudan;
' M a i l o ' w o r k e r s a t t r a c t e d to Buganda; Western movements of Akuapem
cocoa f a r m e r s i n Ghana; and Southbound I g b i r a m i g r a t i o n s i n N i g e r i a .
Nzimiro (1965) mentions Igbo f i f t e e n t h c e n t u r y m i g r a t i o n s of p e o p l e
i n s e a r c h of l a n d and freedom from t h e B e n i n Obas. Oppong (1967)

(Introduction) 7
a n a l y s e s d i f f e r e n t i a l m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n s i n two k i n d s of N o r t h e r n
Ghanaian communities, where t h e r e may be c e n t r a l i s e d p o l i t i c a l sys-
tems w i t h h i g h l o c a l male m i g r a t i o n and acephalous communities with
exogamous p a t r i c i a n s h a v i n g female movement a t m a r r i a g e . Alverson
(1967) notes the e x t e n t of c y c l i c m i g r a t i o n comparing European and
A f r i c a n , and suggests methods of e x a m i n a t i o n . Ampene (1967) exam-
ines d i f f e r e n t types of c y c l i c m i g r a t i o n and r e l a t e s i t t o home t i e s .
Elkan (1968) r e l a t e s c y c l i c m i g r a t i o n to town growth i n E a s t A f r i c a .
Gutkind (1965) i n d i c a t e s how c y c l i c m i g r a t i o n shapes urban networks.
Mayer (1962, 1965) d i s c u s s e s townsmen who "continue t h i n k i n g of the
h i n t e r l a n d . . . a s t h e i r permanent home," and G u l l i v e r (1957) shows how
c y c l i c migration i s functional i n r u r a l society.
E x p l a n a t i o n s which examine s o c i e t a l needs and r e l a t e be-
h a v i o r to the environment's c a p a b i l i t y to s a t i s f y these needs a r e
c l a s s e d as e c o n o m i c - e c o l o g i c a l . T h i s i s the approach i n Acquah's
(1958) study of A c c r a . Apthorpe (1958), Armstrong and McGee (1968),
Badouin (1966), E l k a n (1960), Forde (1967), Gaveh (1961), G u t k i n d
(1965), Kuper (1965), Moses (1967), and V i l l i e n - R o s s i (1966) a l l
r e f e r to economic d e c i s i o n s and geographic c o n s t r a i n t s . Further to
t h i s , Badouin (1966), D e s c l o i t r e s (1965) and Gluckman see these con-
s t r a i n t s as a form of t e c h n i c a l determinism, where t e c h n o l o g i c a l
changes r e s u l t i n s o c i a l changes. A l t h o u g h Badouin r e f e r s to psycho-
l o g i c a l f a c t o r s o n l y Imoagene (1967) s p e c i f i c a l l y r e f e r s to need
d i s p o s i t i o n s a p a r t from o b j e c t i v e economic d e t e r m i n a n t s . Caldwell

(Introduction) 8
(1968) r e f e r s to a number of s o c i o l o g i c a l f a c t o r s from h i s empirical
study and Guichard (1968) d r a f t s a t y p o l o g y of seven f a c t o r s . These
a u t h o r s w i l l be examined i n more d e t a i l i n Chapter Two, but nowhere
i n the l i t e r a t u r e on A f r i c a n r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i s d e c i s i o n making
specifically analysed.
Economic F a c t o r s in Decisions
Human a c t i o n s such as m i g r a t i o n are often considered to
have a p u r e l y p s y c h o l o g i c a l or economic or s o c i o l o g i c a l or political
cause. In f a c t , human a c t i o n i s the r e s u l t of the i n t e r r e l a t i o n of
a l l t h e s e causes ( B e i j e r , 1963). A l l human a c t i o n has a political
aspect. L i k e w i s e i t a l l has economic, p s y c h o l o g i c a l and s o c i o l o g i -
cal aspects. An i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n to m i g r a t e cannot be attribu-
t e d to a cause t h a t can be c l a s s i f i e d i n t o one of t h e s e categories
e x c l u s i v e of any other. The d e c i s i o n i s p s y c h o l o g i c a l as i t i s done
by a human i n d i v i d u a l r e l a t i n g to some p s y c h i c p r o c e s s w i t h i n him-
self. I t has p o l i t i c a l a s p e c t s i n t h a t the d e c i s i o n a f f e c t s and is
a f f e c t e d by aims and expressions of power by o t h e r humans. It i s
f u t i l e to attempt to c a t a l o g u e m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n s , and then r e p o r t
t h a t economics i s more important t h a n s o c i o l o g y , or p o l i t i c s i s more
important than p s y c h o l o g y i n e x p l a i n i n g action.
Some w r i t e r s who concern themselves w i t h m i g r a t i o n in
A f r i c a d i v i d e reasons f o r m i g r a t i o n i n t o economic and non-economic.
T h i s i s a f a l s e dichotomy. A l l d e c i s i o n s , a n a l y t i c a l l y speaking, are

(Introduction) 9
u l t i m a t e l y economic. Economics i s concerned w i t h the p r o d u c t i o n and
a l l o c a t i o n of something c a l l e d w e a l t h , which i s s o c i a l l y d e f i n e d as
h a v i n g a measure of u t i l i t y and a measure of s c a r c i t y . Wealth i s
sometimes thought of as c o n s i s t i n g of goods and s e r v i c e s , but ulti-
mately the v a l u e of a good i s i n the s e r v i c e i t p r o v i d e s . Writers
l e s s f a m i l i a r w i t h economics tend t o see as economic, o n l y t h a t which
has a p r i c e t a g . T h i s i s an e t h n o c e n t r i c o v e r s i g h t on the p a r t of
p e o p l e who a r e f a m i l i a r o n l y w i t h western systems of a l l o c a t i o n ,
which depend to a l a r g e extent on a medium o f exchange and a market
system of r a t e f i x i n g . In l a r g e s e c t o r s o f western s o c i e t i e s , and
i n many non-western s o c i e t i e s t h e r e i s a l l o c a t i o n of w e a l t h ( t h e r e -
f o r e economic a c t i v i t y ) not based on a market system, or even on a
monetary medium of exchange. D e c i s i o n s o f m i g r a t i o n a r e based on
the s a t i s f a c t i o n of d e s i r e s , or expected income, r e l a t e d to m i n i m i -
z a t i o n of d i s l i k e s , or lower c o s t s . I n t h i s a n a l y t i c a l sense a l l
d e c i s i o n s have an economic d i m e n s i o n to them, whether or not they
may a l s o be c l a s s i f i e d as p s y c h o l o g i c a l , s o c i o l o g i c a l and so on.
Gulliver (1955:32) f o r example s e p a r a t e s " b r i g h t lights"
reasons from economic, and s u g g e s t s t h a t "economic n e c e s s i t y i s a l -
most always t h e r e a l c a u s e . " The p e r c e p t i o n , on the p a r t of t h e
i n d i v i d u a l , o f greener f i e l d s elsewhere, however i s no l e s s "eco-
nomic" than what G u l l i v e r c l a s s e s as economic (e.g., wages), r e -
gardless, of how " r e a l " such p e r c e p t i o n i s as a cause f o r m i g r a t i o n .
Mitchell (1959:32) makes a s i m i l a r dichotomy of economic f a c t o r s as

(Introduction) 10
a series of personal events which "triggers o f f his decision to go".
He goes farther to suggest that personal rather than economic rea-
sons operate independently of the "underlying f a c t o r s " which he says
are "economic." He distinguishes between incidence and rate of mi-
gration and suggests that personal considerations account for the
incidence of r e a l urban migration while economic factors account
for the rate of migration.

2
Gugler (1969) takes up this economic/non-economic dicho-
tomy although he does not agree that non-economic factors should be
lumped together. He does not state e x p l i c i t l y that "economic" means
anything to do with money, f o r example, tax payment time as a time
to migrate (p. 143), but the assumption i s made covertly so that he
does not even consider that decisions a f f e c t i n g the a l l o c a t i o n of
scarce resources — that i s , economic decisions — are included i n
what he c a l l s non-economic. Later (p. 148), Gugler names some non-
economic factors. He refers to Watson (1958:70) who reported that
older men directed their attention to positions of p o l i t i c a l impor-
tance within the r u r a l community. Gugler suggests that t h i s mini-
mises p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n cash economy, which i s acceptable, but surely
these are economic decisions. He r e f e r s to Balandier (1955:222)
who reports that the person who has " f l e d the v i l l a g e " — and Gugler
c a l l s this a non-economic migration decision — weakens urban-rural
ties. The prediction that an i n d i v i d u a l leaving a v i l l a g e due to
2. See Appendix 1.
(Introduction) 11
high personal c o s t s of o s t r a c i s m does not encourage o t h e r s to follow
i s not d e n i e d , but fleeing the v i l l a g e was the r e s u l t of an economic
decision. Gugler r e p o r t s that Garbett (1967:312) found t h a t men in-
c a p a b l e of advancing t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n a t r a d i t i o n a l system tended
to c o n t i n u e to work i n wage l a b o r f o r as l o n g as p o s s i b l e . Garbett's
data may be c o r r e c t but to suggest t h a t r e s u l t a n t weakening of rural-
urban t i e s i s non-economic i s f a u l t y analysis. Gugler suggests that
because members of h i g h income groups m a i n t a i n v i l l a g e connections
such t i e s a r e s o c i a l and not economic (p. 148). This indicates a
m i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the term economic. The t i e s have both a social
and i n economic dimension. Income i s not measured i n t o t a l l y mone-
t a r y terms: income c o n s i s t s of a n y t h i n g which i s consumed, which
i s r e l a t i v e l y s c a r c e , and relatively useful. Wealth i n c l u d e s the
personal satisfaction of p l e a s i n g a god or an e l d e r i n the family
whether time, money, or l a b o r i s spent oh the p r o d u c t i o n of that
satisfaction. I t i s not s u r p r i s i n g , i n terms of economic a n a l y s i s ,
to d i s c o v e r t h a t urban r e s i d e n t s who d e s i r e and can a f f o r d to main-
t a i n l i n k s w i t h the v i l l a g e i n what Gugler c a l l s 'non-economic" a c -

:
tivity. Gugler concludes (p. 155) by saying t h a t economic f a c t o r s
a r e more important than non-economic f a c t o r s i n c a u s i n g rural-urban
migration and an aggregate l a b o r f u n c t i o n t a k i n g economic and non-
economic f a c t o r s i n t o account can be constructed. His further
a n a l y s i s i s not d e n i e d , so long as "economic" i s read to mean wage-
monetary-exchange-economic:
(Introduction) 12
Among the causes both of rural-urban migration and of

the maintenance of urban-rural ties economic factors
are of major importance. Analysis has, however, to
include non-economic factors. Empirically these are
more important i n the case of urban-rural ties.
An aggregate labour supply function taking economic

and non-economic factors into account can be estab-
lished. Under present-day conditions i n Subsaharan
Africa i t can at no stage be expected to be backward-
sloping.
The incidence of rural-urban migration and of urban-

rural ties i s determined by the differential impact of
collective forces on different individuals. Personal
history determines which individual has at a given point
in time the characteristics that are socially determined
to lead to departure to the town or to return to a
rural home.
Where a pattern, be i t of rural-urban migration or of

the maintenance of urban-rural ties, is established i n
a given society i t often receives normative support,
and the frequency of deviance i s thus reduced. In the
case of rural-urban migration, data are available to
show that such norms disappear rapidly once economic
conditions have changed. (Gugler, 1969:155)
There is a danger i n categorizing causes of acti-
vity into economic and non-economic. A l l decisions to migrate are
decisions affecting the allocation of scarce and useful incomes and
as such are economic. The insistence of a consistent use of the word
economic i s not simply an exercise in pedantry. The implication
that economic refers only to wage income implies that cultures with-
out money lack economics, yet they do produce and allocate wealth.
The assumption may further suggest that non-western i s equivalent
to non-economic and possibly non-rational as economy is concerned
with allocation decisions. Further, i f this false dichotomy i s

(Introduction) 13
p e r s u e d t o t h e p o i n t where economic f a c t o r s a r e s a i d t o be more impor-
t a n t i n r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n t h e n i t might be supposed t h a t there
was no u r b a n i z a t i o n o r r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n w i t h o u t economy (read
"money" i n s t e a d o f "economy"). T h i s i s t h e a s s u m p t i o n i n s o many
s t a t e m e n t s w h i c h t a l k about " t h e impact o f t h e money economy...."
This s e r i o u s l y departs from t h e e m p i r i c a l a r c h a e o l o g i c a l d a t a indi-
c a t i n g e x t e n s i v e non-western u r b a n i z a t i o n i n West A f r i c a and C e n t r a l
America. Economics, and economic d e c i s i o n s a r e n o t equated w i t h
markets and money d e c i s i o n s . M i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n s , as a l l a l l o c a -
t i o n d e c i s i o n s , a r e made w i t h r e s p e c t to a combined m a x i m i z a t i o n of
e x p e c t e d p e r s o n a l g r a t i f i c a t i o n and m i n i m i z a t i o n o f e x p e c t e d p e r -
sonal d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . To u n d e r s t a n d m i g r a t i o n t h e n , i t i s n e c e s s a r y
t o i n c l u d e an e x a m i n a t i o n o f d e c i s i o n making from t h e i n d i v i d u a l
perspective.
CHAPTER ONE
The Formal Perspective
Information Decision Action
Weighing Costs and B e n e f i t s
The C h o i c e : Go o r No-Go
(The F o r m a l P e r s p e c t i v e ) 14
I t seems, t h e n , t h a t the study of a t o w n - p l u s - h i n t e r l a n d

f i e l d , w i t h i t s c i r c u l a t i n g p e r s o n n e l , cannot w e l l hope
to p r o c e e d as the a n a l y s i s of "a s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , " and
t h a t the quest f o r an a l t e r n a t i v e method o f approach
would be j u s t i f i e d . A r e a s o n a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e method,
i t i s here s u g g e s t e d , would be to b e g i n a t the study of
the m i g r a n t persons t h e m s e l v e s , by mapping out t h e i r
networks of r e l a t i o n s from the p e r s o n a l or e g o c e n t r i c
p o i n t o f v i e w , as w e l l as n o t i n g t h e i r p a r t s i n the
v a r i o u s s t r u c t u r a l systems.^
The I n d i v i d u a l
In attempting to employ Mayer's " r e a s o n a b l e a l t e r n a t i v e
method" t h e l a c k of p r i m a r y data p r o v i d e s a s e r i o u s o b s t a c l e . There
i s v e r y l i t t l e o b s e r v a t i o n w r i t t e n about an i n d i v i d u a l ' s s u b j e c t i v e
m o t i v e s r e l e v a n t to West A f r i c a n r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n . I t i s pos-
s i b l e however, to f o r m u l a t e a p e r s p e c t i v e and examine secondary d a t a ,
c o l l e c t e d f o r r e a s o n s o t h e r t h a n to emphasize the i n d i v i d u a l . From
t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e a model can be c o n s t r u c t e d on w h i c h one may generate
hypotheses to be used to i l l u m i n a t e l i t e r a t u r e p r e s e n t l y a v a i l a b l e .
The i n d i v i d u a l cannot be viewed as a c t i n g w h o l l y indepen-
d e n t l y of s o c i a l processes. R a t h e r , he o p e r a t e s w i t h i n , and h i s
a c t i o n s r e l a t e t o , such processes i n a s i g n i f i c a n t and observable
manner. Confronted by c e r t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n — be i t f a c t s , t h e o r i e s ,
p r o p o s i t i o n s , o r , even, s u p p o s i t i o n s — he e v a l u a t e s , w e i g h s , a r r i v e s
1. P h i l i p Mayer, "Migrancy and the Study of A f r i c a n s i n Towns",

A m e r i c a n A n t h r o p o l o g i s t , V o l . 64, 1962, p. 579. Reprinted i n
A f r i c a ; S o c i a l Problems of Change and C o n f l i c t , r e a d i n g s s e l e c t e d
and e d i t e d by P i e r r e L. Van Den Berghe, C h a n d l e r , San F r a n c i s c o ,
1965.
(The Formal P e r s p e c t i v e ) 15
a t a judgment and makes a c h o i c e r e s o l v i n g both s u b j e c t i v e and objec-
tive conflicts. From t h i s c h o i c e he moves to h i s d e c i s i o n and subse-
quent a c t i o n . While the i n t e r n a l , s u b j e c t i v e workings of an indivi-
dual's d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g a r e n e i t h e r o b s e r v a b l e nor measurable, b o t h
the information a v a i l a b l e to him, and the a c t i o n he takes, can be
noted. By a s c e r t a i n i n g the "input" or information a v a i l a b l e to the
i n d i v i d u a l and noting the "output" or r e s u l t i n g a c t i o n , some ob-
servations regarding the i n t e r m e d i a t e stage — the d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g —
may be inferred. Let t h i s t h r e e f o l d view or p e r s p e c t i v e of decision-
making i n an i n d i v i d u a l be c a l l e d the Information-Decision-Action
Perspective, or the I.D.A. T h i s may be used f i r s t as an explanatory,
and l a t e r developed i n t o a p r e d i c t i v e device.
In making a c h o i c e between two a l t e r n a t i v e s , the i n d i v i d u a l
weighs i n f i n e b a l a n c e the b e n e f i t s and opposing c o s t s he expects
will a c c r u e to h i s d e c i s i o n . Here, b e n e f i t s and costs a r e meant to
comprise a f u l l complement of c r e d i t s and d e m e r i t s , not merely mone-
t a r y betterment or l o s s . Benefits certainly include an income adequate
to support a s a t i s f a c t o r y l i f e - s t y l e , but they a l s o i n c l u d e such i n -
tangibles as p r e s t i g e , status, the l e i s u r e to enjoy and value a
b e a u t i f u l sunset o r a h i g h l i f e c o n c e r t , the g i v i n g and receiving of
l o v e and happiness w i t h i n the circle of f a m i l y and friends. Costs
include d e t r i m e n t s measured i n monied terms, but, also, loneliness,
f a t i g u e , l a c k of s t a t u s , the unaesthetic home and view, foregone
p l e a s u r e and foregone l e i s u r e . A s u b s t a n t i v i s t economist, trained

i n a c u l t u r e emphasizing t h e market v a l u e o f b e n e f i t s and c o s t s , m i g h t
o v e r l o o k more nebulous f a c t o r s . Not so a Ghananian or any i n d i v i d u a l
i n h e r i t i n g a t o t a l and i n t e g r a t e d approach t o v a l u e s when f a c e d w i t h
a p e r s o n a l c h o i c e between v i l l a g e and c i t y .
Information-Decision-Action
The s i m p l e s t I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n model t o employ
would r e l a t e t o an i n d i v i d u a l l i v i n g i n a r u r a l a r e a and p r e s e n t e d
w i t h the c h o i c e o f m i g r a t i n g t o o n l y one urban c e n t r e . He would
have o n l y f o u r b a s i c f a c t o r s t o c o n s i d e r : the b e n e f i t s of migrating,
the c o s t s o f m i g r a t i n g , t h e b e n e f i t s o f r e m a i n i n g , and t h e c o s t s o f
remaining. The i n t e r a c t i o n and r e l a t i v i t y o f t h e s e f o u r f a c t o r s a r e
important. The i n d i v i d u a l would choose t o m i g r a t e i f t h e
b e n e f i t s o f moving t o t h e c i t y p r e s e n t e d a g a i n over t h e t o t a l sum
of the other t h r e e . I f t h e two h a l v e s o f t h e e q u a t i o n appeared e q u a l ,
however, and t h e i n d i v i d u a l were caught i n a s t a t e o f i n d e c i s i o n , a
r i s e i n any one o f t h e f a c t o r s r e l a t i v e t o t h e o t h e r t h r e e might r e -
s o l v e t h e dilemma. F o r example, new i n f o r m a t i o n c o n c e r n i n g t h e bene-
f i t s o f m i g r a t i o n would t r i g g e r a d e c i s i o n i n f a v o u r o f g o i n g provided
t h a t t h e o t h e r t h r e e remained c o n s t a n t r e l a t i v e t o t h e new i n f o r m a -
tion. Conversely, t h e d e c i s i o n t o remain i n the r u r a l a r e a would
be s u b j e c t t o t h e same r e l a t i v i t y and m a n i p u l a t i o n o f t h e p l u s and
minus q u a l i t i e s o f t h e f o u r b a s i c f a c t o r s . An i n d i v i d u a l presented
w i t h h i g h e r b e n e f i t s a t t a c h e d t o m i g r a t i o n r e l a t i v e to r e m a i n i n g ,
might s t i l l r e m a i n i f the c o s t s of m i g r a t i n g were v e r y much h i g h e r than
the c o s t s of r e m a i n i n g . A l l four factors arV calculated simul-
taneously .
A S y m b o l i c Shorthand
A l l of t h e s e f a c t o r s c o n s i s t o f a g g r e g a t i o n s . Without
u s i n g money as the measure, i t i s d i f f i c u l t to w e i g h t h e relative
i m p o r t a n c e of each b e n e f i t and, each c o s t . Each i n d i v i d u a l g i v e s h i s
own d i f f e r i n g e v a l u a t i o n * to each f a c t o r , but the r e l a t i o n s h i p between
t h e f o u r remains t h e same. For t h e sake of c l a r i t y a v e r y elementary
mathematical formula i s o f f e r e d . I t does not m a t t e r w h i c h of t h e f o u r
f a c t o r s i s d i v i d e d , added or s u b t r a c t e d , the most i m p o r t a n t t h i n g to
n o t e i s t h a t the c h o i c e i n v o l v e s the magnitude of the f o u r f a c t o r s
r e l a t i v e to each o t h e r . The i n d i v i d u a l must d e c i d e whether the oppor-
t u n i t y of g o i n g to a cinema i s w o r t h the n o i s e o f lorries.
T h i s may be r e p r e s e n t e d s y m b o l i c a l l y f o r the sake of bre-
vity. Examine Diagram One. L e t C be the a g g r e g a t e of c o s t s w h i c h
an i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e s as a c c r u i n g to a p a r t i c u l a r a c t i o n . Let C v
then be the c o s t s of r e m a i n i n g i n a v i l l a g e , and be the c o s t s of
m i g r a t i n g t o , and l i v i n g i n a c i t y . L e t B be the a g g r e g a t e of bene-
f i t s w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l r e g a r d s as a c c r u i n g to a p a r t i c u l a r a c t i o n .
Let B v t h e n be the b e n e f i t s of r e m a i n i n g i n a v i l l a g e , and B c be the
b e n e f i t s of m i g r a t i n g t o , and l i v i n g i n , a c i t y .
(The F o r m a l Perspective) 18
The r a t i o B /C
v v will represent the r e l a t i o n s h i p between
the b e n e f i t s and the costs of remaining in a village. The ratio
B /C c c will represent the r e l a t i o n s h i p between the b e n e f i t s and costs
of migrating to and l i v i n g in a city. An i n c r e a s e in the ratio
B/C indicates that benefits are rising relative to costs; a decrease
indicates that costs are rising relative to benefits.
Given only one city t o w h i c h a n i n d i v i d u a l may m i g r a t e , the
basic hypothesis supposes that a decision to go w i l l result if the
benefit of migrating is greater than i t s costs and a l s o greater than
t h e sum o f remaining less the costs of remaining. This may b e more
easily visualised with a simple mathematical e q u a t i o n where D i s the
decision to go or not to go:
• sc S B c
u — _
S"B
v
> C >C
c *=- v
If D is positive the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l choose to m i g r a t e to the city.
If D is negative or zero the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l choose to remain in
the v i l l a g e . A zero r e s u l t means all four factors equalize or ne-
gate each o t h e r , resulting i n a non-choice or a non-decision — the
individual s t a y s w h e r e he is.
The i n d i v i d u a l decides He d e c i d e s to
to go if: remain if:
D> 0 D < 0
Diagram 1 19
SCHEMAT/C V/EW OF DEC/S/OA/ PROCESS
I
ABOUT THE <r~X ~*ABOUT THE
J
/A/COME COSTS /A/COME COSTS

OR OR OR OR
SEA/EF/TS OUTLAY SEA/EF/TS OUTLAY
i i ' i i
i i I 4
B B B 8 cc cc BBB a cc c c
A G G & G A T / O A/ OF V A L U £ S
66, EC* ECy
&AT/Q W £ / G H / A/ G
B /Cc c
DEC/ S / O N
D-B /C C C "Sy/Cy
D>0
/F RAT/O D /$ A<fOGE THAN /F /SAT/O O /S LESS THAA/
ZERO OR EQUAL TO ZERO
CHOOSE TO SO CHOOSE TO STAY
GO A C T / O A/ HO GO
MORE /N FOR MA 7/OA/ AS A RESULT RATE OF /A/FOR MAT/ON ACCRET/OH
OF ACT/OA/ CONSTANT
R>ATZO O /NCREASES WHEN: (OTHER FACTORS CONSTANT)

B -BENEF/TS
v PERCE/VED TO ACCRUE TO REMA/N4NG //V THE V/L%AGE.
C -COSTS PERCE/VED TO ACCRUE TO REMA/N/NG
¥ /H THE V/LLAGE.
. Bv/C-RAT/O OF THE ABOVE TWO.
S —BENEFITS PERCEIVED TO ACCRUE TO M/GRA TING TO THE C/TV
e
C -COSTS PERCE/VEO TO ACCRUE TO M/GRAT/NG

e TO THE CfTY.
Bc/CtrRAT/O OF THE ABOVE TWO.
B AND C ARE NOT VALUES MEASURABLE BV AJOA/EY, BUT ARE PERCE/VEO/
AND EVALUATED BY THE DECtS/ON MAKER AS AGGREGAT/ONS OF '
/NFORMA T/OM
Needs and Obligations
Information, i n the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n perspec-
t i v e does not o n l y i n c l u d e data on expected income o r c o s t s accord-
ing to predetermined or o b j e c t i v e c r i t e r i a . I t i n c l u d e s new wants
o r newly p e r c e i v e d ends or g o a l s . These ends may be immaterial:
s t a t u s e s , i d e a s , a e s t h e t i c views; or m a t e r i a l : cinema v i e w i n g , beer
consumption, t e l e v i s i o n . I f these hew g o a l s a r e p e r c e i v e d and inter-
n a l i z e d the D f o r m u l a , as i l l u s t r a t e d i n the diagram above, changes.
I f they a r e not p e r c e i v e d the want or d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n l e v e l remains
lower. I f they become new g o a l s , arid I f the c i t y i s thought to be
the o n l y , or most expedient channel of a c c e s s i o n then the v a l u e of
D r i s e s and the p r o b a b i l i t y of a move to the c i t y i n c r e a s e s . I f the
c i t y i s p e r c e i v e d to be a b a r r i e r to such new g o a l s , e.g., aesthetic
view i s l i m i t e d , then the v a l u e f o r c o s t s of m i g r a t i n g to the c i t y
(C )
£ r i s e s and the D v a l u e drops d e c r e a s i n g the p r o b a b i l i t y of a
move to the c i t y .
These needs a l s o i n c l u d e s u b s t a n t i v e o r b a s i c metabolic
needs such as f o o d and sleep. I f the c i t y i s seen to be more capable
of p r o v i d i n g these needs, v i a j o b , money income, and a s s i s t a n c e from
relatives to s u s t a i n w h i l e first i n the c i t y , then the D v a l u e i n -
c r e a s e s and there i s a higher p r o b a b i l i t y of a move. I f these needs
a r e thought of as becoming more s c a r c e , o r l e s s e a s i l y s a t i s f i e d i n
the r u r a l a r e a , a g a i n the tendency i s to m i g r a t i o n .

A n o t h e r form o f i n f o r m a t i o n i s i n t h e s o c i a l d i m e n s i o n .
Debts, and o b l i g a t i o n s t o d e i t i e s , a n c e s t o r s , and r e l a t i v e s i n t h e
r u r a l a r e a may r e q u i r e a n i n d i v i d u a l t o r e m a i n . T h i s i s so i f by
p r e v i o u s i n t e r n a l i z e d i n f o r m a t i o n t h e i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s such r e p a y -
ment i s good. He g a i n s , o r hopes t o g a i n s a t i s f a c t i o n by p a y i n g
such debts o r f u l f i l l i n g such o b l i g a t i o n s . Then t h e r e i s a h i g h e r
tendency t o r e m a i n i n the n a t a l a r e a . I f , on t h e o t h e r hand, t h e
i n d i v i d u a l has n o t i n t e r n a l i z e d such p r e v i o u s i n f o r m a t i o n , o r t h e
i n t e r n a l i z a t i o n was i n c o m p l e t e , he may p e r c e i v e a move as a n avenue
o f debt a v o i d a n c e . T h i s means t h e B e n e f i t a g g r e g a t e o f a go d e c i -
s i o n i s r a i s e d , and t h e p r o b a b i l i t y o f a move i s h i g h e r .
R u r a l O r i g i n s o f Urban D e c i s i o n s
M i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n s a r e n o t made o n l y i n t h e home v i l l a g e .
An i n d i v i d u a l v i s i t i n g a c i t y i s exposed t o a g r e a t d e a l o f i n f o r m a -
t i o n o f w h i c h he may h i t h e r t o have been unaware. He may see t h i n g s
w h i c h he d i s l i k e s , and f e e l t h a t they would be t o o much o f a c o s t t o
him i f he were t o l i v e i n t h e c i t y . He may s e e t h i n g s w h i c h he l i k e s ,
and f e e l t h a t they might o u t w e i g h t h e c o s t s o f l i v i n g i n t h e c i t y , i f
he c o u l d g a i n a c c e s s t o them as a r e s u l t o f h i s l i v i n g I n t h e c i t y .
An i n d i v i d u a l may l e a v e a v i l l a g e w i t h t h e i n t e n t i o n o f r e t u r n i n g
and y e t s t a y i n t h e c i t y . He might l e a v e t h e v i l l a g e w i t h t h e i n -
t e n t i o n o f s t a y i n g away and y e t r e t u r n a f t e r a b r i e f r e s i d e n c e i n t h e
city. The m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n , a s r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e f o r m u l a i n D i a -
gram 1 i s i n a continuous s t a t e o f change as new i n f o r m a t i o n i s
perceived.
Diagram 2
The Three Fundamental F a c e t s o f the I.D.A. P e r s p e c t i v e
INFORMATION Information a v a i l a b l e to Includes d e s i r e s , goals,and

the i n d i v i d u a l can be aims w h i c h a r e d i s c o v e r e d a t
n o t e d by t h e o b s e r v e r . various times.
I n f o r m a t i o n and v a l u e s I n c l u d e s l e g i t i m a t e bounda-
g i v e n to the i n f o r m a t i o n r i e s w i t h i n w h i c h he may a c t
p e r c e i v e d by t h e i n d i v i - to s a t i s f y those wants and
d u a l can o n l y be i n - needs.
ferred.
I n c l u d e s l i m i t a t i o n s t o and
costs of that s a t i s f a c t i o n
w i t h i n the v i l l a g e .
Includes o p p o r t u n i t i e s w i t h -
i n the v i l l a g e to s a t i s f y
those needs and wants.
Includes o p p o r t u n i t i e s w i t h -
i n t h e urban a r e a s w h i c h
a r e seen t o be c a p a b l e o f
s a t i s f y i n g those d e s i r e s .
Includes l i m i t a t i o n s t o
that s a t i s f a c t i o n i n the
urban a r e a s .
DECISION The d e c i s i o n cannot be Includes weighing of r a t i o s
observed o r otherwise o f p e r c e i v e d b e n e f i t s and
d i r e c t l y perceived. hopes t o p e r c e i v e d c o s t s ,
o u t l a y s and l i m i t a t i o n s f o r
As the n a t u r e o f an o r - the p r e s e n t r u r a l p l a c e o f
ganism c a n be i n f e r r e d r e s i d e n c e and f o r t h e p o t e n -
by o b s e r v i n g a s t i m u l u s t i a l f u t u r e urban p l a c e o f
and a r e s p o n s e , t h e na- residence.
D. t u r e of a d e c i s i o n can
Includes choosing according
be i n f e r r e d , a l t h o u g h
to a s e t of e v a l u a t i v e c r i -
in a less satisfactory
t e r i a which a r e c o n s t i t u t e d
manner, by o b s e r v i n g
of p r i o r i n f o r m a t i o n .
i n p u t ( i n f o r m a t i o n ) and
output ( a c t i o n ) which B a l a n c i n g b e n e f i t s and c o s t s
a r e l i n k e d v i a t h a t de- t o d e c i d e between a GO and a
cision. NO-GO c h o i c e .
Continued
Diagram 2 ( c o n t i n u e d )
The Three Fundamental F a c e t s o f t h e I.D.A. P e r s p e c t i v e
ACTION Positive action implies P o s i t i v e a c t i o n i n c l u d e s two

t h a t a d e c i s i o n has been parts:
made t o p u r s u e t h a t
action. a) L e a v i n g t h e v i l l a g e might
be c a l l e d "from" a c t i o n .
N e g a t i v e a c t i o n may i m p l y
that a d e c i s i o n not to b) Going t o a c i t y might
A. a c t has been made. be c a l l e d " t o " a c t i o n .
N e g a t i v e a c t i o n may i m p l y N e g a t i v e a c t i o n i s non-
that a decision t c a c t a c t i o n : remaining i n the
was made but f u r t h e r village.
i n f o r m a t i o n may have
a c t e d as a b a r r i e r t o
that a c t i o n p r i o r to
the d e c i s i o n being
implemented.
Alternative Choices
The s i m p l e go/no-go p e r s p e c t i v e , w i t h an i n d i v i d u a l i n a
r u r a l a r e a c h o o s i n g to r e m a i n o r t o m i g r a t e , can now be expanded.
There i s no s i m p l e dichotomy: r u r a l and urban. Conditions vary.
The i n d i v i d u a l may be on an i s o l a t e d homestead. He c o u l d choose
t o r e m a i n or go to any one of a number of nearby h a m l e t s , or slightly
l a r g e r v i l l a g e s , o r l a r g e r towns, o r c i t i e s . There a r e a number o f
migratory a l t e r n a t i v e s . I n d i v i d u a l s i n s m a l l v i l l a g e s might choose
to r e m a i n o r m i g r a t e t o a l a r g e r v i l l a g e , a town o r a c i t y . Indi-
v i d u a l s may l i v e i n towns and might choose to r e m a i n o r to m i g r a t e
to a l a r g e r town o r a c i t y . A l l of t h e s e might be c l a s s e d as rural
urban m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n s . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i n each o f them t h e c h o i c e
i s not s i m p l y between g o i n g and s t a y i n g . I t i s between r e m a i n i n g
o r moving t o one o f any number o f a r e a s .
The m a t h e m a t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n of the d e c i s i o n must now be
expanded t o :
( S B - S C ) , ( S B - S C ) . (S.B-5LC)
_ cl; , c2 , . .., cn
1 , 2 , . . . ,n >B -5TC > B -> C ^B C
U s i n g t h e same symbols as i n Diagram 1 and where n r e p r e s e n t s the
number o f known a l t e r n a t i v e s to r e m a i n i n g i n a p a r t i c u l a r a r e a , and
t h e c h o i c e between D,, D„, o r D i s the choice D such t h a t the

1 2' n g
ratio:
> B - > C
~ g — g
B *,5T C
v <=—- v
i s the h i g h e s t o f t h e known a l t e r n a t i v e s . I f a l l of the r a t i o s a r e
e q u a l t o o r l e s s than z e r o , he would choose to remain. In t h i s
mathematical e x p r e s s i o n , zero i s a r b i t r a r i l y s e t t o be e q u i v a l e n t
to t h e s t a t e where an i n d i v i d u a l i s i n d i f f e r e n t t o going or remain-
i n g , but momentum and f r i c t i o n r e s u l t i n h i s remaining. Seen as
f o r c e s , t h e aggregate f o u r f a c t o r s c o u l d be seen as always a c t i n g
so as t o reduce t h e v a l u e of D to z e r o . I n t h i s sense t h e formula
c o u l d always be seen as an e x p r e s s i o n of dynamic e q u i l i b r i u m o f a
minus number approaching zero.
V a r i a t i o n s i n Information
A f u r t h e r c o n s i d e r a t i o n r e q u i r e s another m o d i f i c a t i o n of
the s i m p l e s t , m e c h a n i s t i c formula. The c o n t e n t of much i n f o r m a t i o n
which i n f l u e n c e s t h e d e c i s i o n o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y
perceived a t a proximal time p r i o r to t h e a c t i o n . Examples of l o n g
time d i f f e r e n c e s between I n f o r m a t i o n and A c t i o n (thus assumed t o
be between I n f o r m a t i o n and D e c i s i o n ) , i n c l u d e i n f o r m a t i o n a c q u i r e d
d u r i n g the i n d i v i d u a l ' s e a r l y l i f e which i s i n t e r n a l i z e d i n t o such
o b l i g a t o r y parameters as w i l l r e s t r i c t h i s l a t e r d e c i s i o n making."
T h i s i n f o r m a t i o n a f f e c t s i n t e r n a l i z e d v a l u e s which the i n d i v i d u a l
c o n s i d e r s as l i m i t s t o h i s means — i n a means-ends d e c i s i o n . Prior
i n f o r m a t i o n can a c t as a framework f o r subsequent d i r e c t information
p e r t a i n i n g t o t h e d e c i s i o n ( f o r example: " I would go to the c i t y

except I must s t a y i n t h e v i l l a g e and care f o r my grandmother",
" I wouldn't be so keen t o l i v e i n the c i t y but I want t o g e t o u t o f
t h i s p l a c e where my u n c l e makes such demands on me.")
C e r t a i n l y the i n f o r m a t i o n r e p o r t e d by a s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t
p r e s e n t e d h e r e , i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y e x a c t l y t h e same as t h e i n f o r m a -
t i o n p e r c e i v e d by a l l or even any of t h e m i g r a n t individuals. Ob-
s e r v e d i n f o r m a t i o n , thought t o be a v a i l a b l e to t h e i n d i v i d u a l may
be r e c o r d e d , y e t t h e i n d i v i d u a l may p e r c e i v e o n l y a p a r t of t h e
i n f o r m a t i o n , o r p o s s i b l y none of i t , or he may p e r c e i v e o t h e r i n -
f o r m a t i o n p e r t i n e n t t o h i s d e c i s i o n but not r e c o r d e d by the o b s e r v e r .
He s c r e e n s and f i l t e r s h i s p e r c e p t i o n i n v e r y c o m p l i c a t e d ways.
The I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e i s n e c e s s a r i l y a mechan-
i s t i c o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l ' s a c t u a l p e r c e p t i o n p r o -
cess. Both t h e o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n and t h e m e c h a n i s t i c v i e w a r e use-
f u l however, as l o n g as t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n s a r e a c c e p t e d , and c o n s i d e r e d .
The o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n a l l o w s f o r c l a r i t y f o r f u r t h e r , more c o m p l i c a -
ted d e s c r i p t i o n s . The m e c h a n i s t i c v i e w a l l o w s f o r c e r t a i n mathema-
t i c a l manipulations, f r o m i t s s i m p l e s t t o i t s more complex forms,
the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e i s n o t meant t o be a
r e p r o d u c t i o n o f any s o - c a l l e d " r e a l i t y " but i s o n l y a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n
o f a few c o n c e p t s .
The E n v i r o n m e n t a l C o n t e x t of t h e I n d i v i d u a l D e c i s i o n
I n o r d e r t o f o c u s on t h e i n d i v i d u a l o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n a
system o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l d i m e n s i o n s , i n c o n t r a s t t o a s t u d y o f t h o s e
dimensions t h e m s e l v e s , i t i s n e c e s s a r y now t o d i g r e s s s l i g h t l y , t o
i n d i c a t e t h e n a t u r e o f t h o s e systems, w i t h i n w h i c h t h e i n d i v i d u a l
acts. The systems may be more o r l e s s f i x e d i n s t r u c t u r e . Some a r e
more v a r i a b l e over t i m e and g e o g r a p h i c c l i n e . A t some l e v e l o f
a n a l y s i s t h e a g g r e g a t i o n s and i n t e r - r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f i n d i v i d u a l
a c t i o n s comprise some o f t h o s e systems. A t another l e v e l those
systems themselves i n t e r - r e l a t e t o comprise t h e t o t a l s o c i a l and
p o l i t i c a l environment. I t i s s u f f i c i e n t here t o o u t l i n e those s y s -
tems and i n d i c a t e t h e p o s s i b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p s between them and t h e
i n d i v i d u a l r a t h e r t h a n t o make a d e f i n i t i v e a n a l y s i s o f t h e s t r u c -
t u r e and dynamics o f those systems.
F i r s t there a r e the r e l a t i v e l y constant environmental
conditions. These a r e i n a sense e x t e r n a l t o t h e c u l t u r e , a l t h o u g h
not e x t e r n a l t o i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e p t i o n . Such c o n t i n g e n t c o n d i t i o n s
i n c l u d e t h e e c o l o g i c a l o r p h y s i c a l environment, c l i m a t e and l a n d
forms. These c o n d i t i o n s , n o t d i r e c t l y v a r i a b l e w i t h c u l t u r a l v a r i -
a t i o n s a r e roughly p a r a l l e l t o the c l a s s i c a l economists' p r o d u c t i v e
category, Land, i . e . , t h o s e a s p e c t s o f p r o d u c t i v e f a c t o r s w h i c h
a r e e x t e r n a l t o t h e economic system. Second, and somewhat more v a r -
i a b l e , i s t h e sum o f demographic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . T h i s , the product

of p a s t e d u c a t i o n a l and s o c i a l a c t i v i t i e s , i n c l u d e s the aggregate
c a p a b i l i t i e s , t o o l s , t r a i n i n g , s k i l l s and e n e r g i e s o f the p e o p l e .
These a c t i v i t i e s a r e r e l a t e d t o the h i s t o r i c a l dimension, t h a t s e r -
i e s o f events which l e a d s to a p a r t i c u l a r structure at a particular
time. To some extent i t i s p a r a l l e l t o the c l a s s i c a l economists'
productive category, c a p i t a l , o r those a s p e c t s o f p r o d u c t i v e fac-
t o r s which a r e the r e s u l t of p r i o r human a c t i v i t y . The t h i r d clas-
s i c a l productive category i s l a b o u r , and i n a f o r m a l i s t approach t o
economics t h a t c o u l d i n c l u d e a l l the p r o d u c t i v e human c h a r a c t e r i s -
t i c s l i s t e d below which r e l a t e to t h e s o c i a l environment o f an i n -
d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n maker.
Another dimension o f t h e s o c i a l environment w i t h i n which
an i n d i v i d u a l operates i s r e f l e c t e d i n t h e extent to which t h e r e i s
c o m p e t i t i o n or c o - o p e r a t i o n i n the s o c i e t y . The i n d i v i d u a l ' s ethi-
cal criteria will reflect that of h i s s o c i e t y . T h i s dimension may
be examined from the i n d i v i d u a l p e r s p e c t i v e i n two ways. First,
an i n d i v i d u a l i n t e r n a l i s e s h i s own c o m p e t i t i v e and c o - o p e r a t i v e cri-
t e r i a , and h i s own s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r o c e s s e s may be seen as the i n f o r -
mation f a c e t o f t h e I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e . Second,
an i n d i v i d u a l who i s weighing c o s t s and b e n e f i t s must c o n s i d e r h i s
d e s i r e s i n terms o.f a c c e p t e d norms and parameters o f a c t i o n . H i s
understanding o f t h e extent o f c o - o p e r a t i o n o r c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e
s o c i e t y must be i n c l u d e d i n h i s c a l c u l a t i o n s .
(The Formal Perspective) 29
An i n d i v i d u a l g e n e r a l l y a c t s i n a manner which he knows
w i l l be a c c e p t a b l e w i t h i n h i s s o c i e t y . I f h i s s o c i e t y ' s reward f o r
co-operation i s personal s a t i s f a c t i o n , the i n d i v i d u a l w i l l a c t f o r
personal satisfaction. H i s income i s i n terms o f rewards from
o t h e r s who r e i n f o r c e the e t h i c he has i n t e r n a l i z e d . He may, o f
course a c t c a l c u l a t i n g the degree o f c o s t as w e l l as the degree o f
reward.
A s i m i l a r r e l a t i o n s h i p e x i s t s between a n i n d i v i d u a l and
that s o c i o - c u l t u r a l dimension which might be d e s i g n a t e d as t h e s t r u c -
t u r e o f h a b i t s o r customs. Components of t h i s system i n c l u d e life
styles, t a s t e s i n f o o d , a r t , c l o t h i n g , l i t e r a t u r e , and a r c h i t e c -
t u r e as w e l l as m o r a l s , i d e o l o g i e s , and o t h e r c u l t u r a l v a l u e s . The
i n d i v i d u a l , as he grows up, r e c e i v e s information about the r e l a t i v e
value of a l t e r n a t i v e habits or patterned actions. The e x t e n t to
which he conforms t o s o c i a l mores r e f l e c t s h i s d e c i s i o n s regarding
probable b e n e f i t s or costs i n terms o f p e r s o n a l s a t i s f a c t i o n and/or
s o c i a l reward o r o s t r a c i s m .
There i s f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n needed by the i n d i v i d u a l .
He must, a t l e a s t i n t u i t i v e l y i f not e x p l i c i t l y , know something o f
the s t r u c t u r e , o r p r o c e s s e s of s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l systems w i t h i n which
he may a c t . He must ask, "What i s t h e e x t e n t , the f u n c t i o n , and
the dynamics o f t h e e d u c a t i o n a l structure?", "What i s the n a t u r e o f
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , power, p r e s t i g e , and i n f l u e n c e i n t h e s o c i e t y ? " ,
"What l e g a l s t r u c t u r e s p r o v i d e rewards o r punishments f o r a l t e r n a t i v e

actions?" He must make h i s d e c i s i o n s i n accordance with h i s i n f o r -
mation about t h e s e as s o c i a l i z a t i o n p r a c t i c e s . He must a c q u i r e eco-
nomic i n f o r m a t i o n about the s u b s t a n t i v e c o s t s and b e n e f i t s of v a r i o u s
activities, including migration. Then he mus^t r e l a t e h i s own r e -
sources and h i s own needs o r d e s i r e s t o t h e economic environment.
He must see the s o c i e t y ' s range of a c c e p t a b l e g o a l s , t h e r e l a t i v e
emphasis on immediate o r f u t u r e s a t i s f a c t i o n o f each. He must then
r e l a t e h i s own g o a l s t o a l t e r n a t i v e environments and a l t e r n a t i v e
g o a l s , and h i s r e l a t i v e capabilities for f u l f i l l i n g these g o a l s .
Complementary t o g o a l s a r e t h e k i n d s and e x t e n t o f s t r e s s i n each
environment. The i n d i v i d u a l may seek to minimise t e n s i o n , aîd h i s
decision-making, i n terms o f the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s -
p e c t i v e , might be seen as s t r e s s m i n i m i z a t i o n r a t h e r than g o a l maxi-
mization. E i t h e r way, h i s c h o i c e r e p r e s e n t s t h e maximum r a t i o of
benefits to costs. The i n d i v i d u a l i s both a f f e c t e d by, and a f f e c t s
the extent and nature o f s t r e s s i n a s o c i a l system.
F i n a l l y , he needs i n f o r m a t i o n about changes i n t h e s o c i a l
structure. To what extent can he count on k i n groups t o s a t i s f y
c e r t a i n needs o r d e s i r e s , or a l t e r n a t i v e l y depend on newer s t r u c -
tures? These might be a r e f l e c t i o n of the s o c i e t y becoming more
differentiated. To what e x t e n t a r e c o r p o r a t e groups segmented and
independent, such as c l a n s or v i l l a g e s , o r i n t e g r a t e d and i n t e r d e -
pendent, such as b u r e a u c r a c i e s , o r c o r p o r a t i o n s ? To what extent
does each a l l o w f o r the whole range o f s o c i a l human p a r t i c i p a t i o n ?

I n a s o c i e t y where t h e extended f a m i l y i s becoming of secondary
i m p o r t a n c e and formal organizations a r e becoming of greater impor-
tance, t h e i n d i v i d u a l must a c t i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h his information
about t h e s e s t r u c t u r a l changes and processes.
The focus of the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n perspective
is on t h e i n d i v i d u a l . I t seeks to i s o l a t e the d e c i s i o n making pro-
c e s s o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l by r e l a t i n g h i s i n f o r m a t i o n to h i s a c t i o n s .
However t h e i n d i v i d u a l does n o t o p e r a t e i n a vacuum. His informa-
t i o n c o n s i s t s of h i s perceptions of the various dimensions of social
and p h y s i c a l environment noted above. His actions also a f f e c t
that environment.
To examine the i n d i v i d u a l o p e r a t i n g w i t h i n a s o c i a l envi-
ronment, i t i s e a s i e r t o assume t h a t v a r i a b l e s i n t h a t environment
are first held constant. T h e n one m i g h t e x a m i n e how an individual
c h o o s e s a s he i s e x p o s e d to v a r i a t i o n i n that environment. One must
a l w a y s remember t h a t the environment as w e l l as t h e i n d i v i d u a l ' s
perception of i t i s constantly changing. O n l y i n an a n a l y t i c s e n s e ,
not i n a p e r s o n a l l y h i s t o r i c sense, i s the environment of a p o t e n t i a l
migrant ever s t a t i c . As external conditions change, he may or may
not perceive new information which w i l l a f f e c t h i s d e c i s i o n to r e -
m a i n o r t o go. The i n d i v i d u a l can be though o f as a u n i t i n a vary-
ing multidimensional environment. He i s exposed to varying infor-
mation about the changing c o n d i t i o n s of that environment and the
potential environments. He p e r c e i v e s a n d i n t e r n a l i z e s some o f that

(The Formal Perspective) 32
information. He balances that information as he receives i t and
compares i t to prior information. He acts according to h i s percep-
t i o n and consideration of that information.

CHAPTER TWO
The L i t e r a t u r e
Weighing C o s t s and B e n e f i t s
The Go/No-Go C h o i c e
Information
Decision
Action
(The L i t e r a t u r e ) 33
M i g r a t i o n i s due t o many causes: i t i s impossible to

a s s e s s the r e l a t i v e v a l u e of economic, s o c i a l or psy-
c h o l o g i c a l motives. I t i s encouraged and o r g a n i z e d by
the a u t h o r i t i e s and employers i n some c o u n t r i e s ; i n
o t h e r s i t i s spontaneous, sometimes even c l a n d e s t i n e .
Categories of Causes
As I have w r i t t e n above, the i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n to m i g r a t e
i s i n essence an economic d e c i s i o n , where economic i m p l i e s t h e b r o a d -
e s t concept encompassing w e a l t h a l l o c a t i o n , a concept not hampered
by w e s t e r n e t h n o c e n t r i c l i m i t a t i o n s such as the equating o f "economic"
with "monetary". The m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n i s a c h o i c e based on expec-
t e d r e t u r n s and expected expenses o f v a r i o u s courses of a c t i o n . The
weighing o f these r e t u r n s and expenses i s based on the i n f o r m a t i o n
r e l a t e d t o each course which the i n d i v i d u a l considers.
There a r e b a s i c a l l y four c a t e g o r i e s of information i n the
simple Go/No-Go p e r s p e c t i v e of o n l y one a v a i l a b l e c i t y . The c h o i c e
depends on i n f o r m a t i o n about i n c r e a s e d b e n e f i t s t o g o i n g , decreased
c o s t s to g o i n g , i n c r e a s e d c o s t s of s t a y i n g and decreased benefits
of s t a y i n g , each r e l a t i v e t o the other three c a t e g o r i e s . As ex-
p l a i n e d i n the p r e v i o u s chapter, i n t h e expanded p e r s p e c t i v e t h e
c h o i c e of remaining or m i g r a t i n g t o one of any number o f known c i t i e s
depends upon t h e h i g h e s t r a t i o o f b e n e f i t s to c o s t s f o r each o f t h e
1. J . D e n i s , "The Towns o f T r o p i c a l A f r i c a " (Summary), Civilizations,

V o l . 16, No. 1, 1966 , p . 43.
known c h o i c e s . F o r t h e sake of s i m p l i c i t y and c l a r i t y 3 however, i n
t h i s chapter the s i m p l e r "model" i s used. I n f o r m a t i o n r e p o r t e d by
o t h e r o b s e r v e r s f o r other purposes i s regrouped here under the f o u r
c a t e g o r i e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n t o which a p r o s p e c t i v e migrant has a c c e s s .
These f o u r c a t e g o r i e s a r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the f o u r hypotheses and
t h e i r converses. As i n Diagram 1, C r e p r e s e n t s c o s t s , B r e p r e s e n t s
b e n e f i t s , and D r e p r e s e n t s the r a t i o o f B e n e f i t s and Costs of mi-
g r a t i n g and remaining.
CATEGORY ONE: I n f o r m a t i o n about c o s t s o f remaining i n the v i l l a g e :
HYPOTHESIS 1
Other f a c t o r s c o n s t a n t , an i n c r e a s e i n c o s t s r e l a t e d to r e -
maining ( X ) » w i l l r e s u l t i n an i n c r e a s e i n t h e value, of
c
v
D, and i n c r e a s e t h e p r o b a b i l i t y o f a Go d e c i s i o n .
Conversely:
Other f a c t o r s c o n s t a n t , a decrease i nJ c w i l l result i na

v
decrease i n the v a l u e o f D, and decrease the p r o b a b i l i t y of
a Go d e c i s i o n .
CATEGORY TWO: I n f o r m a t i o n about b e n e f i t s o f g o i n g to the c i t y :
HYPOTHESIS 2
Other f a c t o r s c o n s t a n t , an i n c r e a s e i n b e n e f i t s r e l a t e d t o
migrating, ( > B ) , r e s u l t i n an i n c r e a s e i n the v a l u e of D,

c
and i n c r e a s e the p r o b a b i l i t y of a Go d e c i s i o n .
(The Literature) 35
Conversely:
Other factors constant, a decrease i n B w i l l result i n a

— c
decrease i n the value of D, and decrease the p r o b a b i l i t y of
a Go decision.
CATEGORY THREE: Information about benefits of remaining i n the
village:
HYPOTHESIS 3
Other factors constant, a decrease i n benefits related to
remaining 0]> B ), w i l l result i n an increase i n the value of
D 3 and increase the p r o b a b i l i t y of a Go decision.
Conversely:
Other factors constant, an increase in*> B w i l l result i n a

. ~ v
decrease i n the value of D, and increase the probability of
a No-go decision.
CATEGORY FOUR: Information about costs of going to the c i t y :
HYPOTHESIS 4
Other factors constant, a decrease i n costs related to mi-
grating (<EC ), w i l l r e s u l t i n an increase i n the value of

c
D, and increase the p r o b a b i l i t y of a Go decision.
Conversely:
Other factors constant, an increase i n ^ ; w i l l result
i n a decrease i n the value of D, and increase the proba-
b i l i t y of a No-go decision.
A l l f a c t o r s r e l a t e d t o an i n d i v i d u a l ' s c h o i c e t o go o r r e m a i n , be-
l o n g t o one or more of t h e f o u r c a t e g o r i e s above. The d e c i s i o n
does n o t r e s t on t h e a b s o l u t e q u a n t i t y of any one of t h e f o u r f a c t o r s ,
but on t h e s t r e n g t h o f each w i t h r e s p e c t t o each o t h e r . When t h e
c h o i c e i s among many a l t e r n a t i v e s t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between e x p e c t e d
b e n e f i t s and expected c o s t s f o r each p o s s i b l e a c t i o n , remains t h e
same. I n d i v i d u a l s a c t so as t o i n c r e a s e t h e r a t i o o f e x p e c t e d bene-
f i t s to expected c o s t s .
C a t e g o r i z i n g Source Data
The l i t e r a t u r e on r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n does n o t e x p l i -
c i t l y r e f e r t o these c a t e g o r i e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n . However, each
a u t h o r has examined f a c t o r s r e l a t e d t o the a c t i o n o f m i g r a t i n g b o t h
a t t h e s o c i a l and i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l o f a n a l y s i s . The " c a u s e s " r e -
l a t e d t o demographic movements w i l l h e r e be b r o k e n down and r e -
examined i n t h e l i g h t o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l p e r s p e c t i v e . Two questions
s h o u l d be kept i n mind. How does t h e i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e these
"causes" of migration? How does he r e a c t o r respond to informa-
t i o n r e l a t e d to h i s d e c i s i o n to migrate? References c i t e d i n t h i s
c h a p t e r a r e o f t e n r e p e a t e d because the causes of m i g r a t i o n o f f e r e d
o f t e n f i t i n t o more than one o f t h e f o u r c a t e g o r i e s i n t h i s b e n e f i t -
cost a n a l y s i s .
(Costs o f Remaining) 37
C o s t s o f Remaining (Hypothesis 1)
Assuming t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l has no o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h
causes h i s e v a l u a t i o n o f b e n e f i t s o f r u r a l l i f e and h i s e v a l u a t i o n s
o f c o s t s and b e n e f i t s o f an a l t e r n a t i v e l i f e i n a more urban setting
to change, then new i n f o r m a t i o n about h i s p e r c e i v e d c o s t s o f r e m a i n -
i n g i n t h e v i l l a g e w i l l r e s u l t i n a new r a t i o between t h e f a c t o r s
and a d i f f e r e n t tendency t o m i g r a t e . I f the i n d i v i d u a l feels that
c o s t s of l i v i n g i n the v i l l a g e a r e r i s i n g r e l a t i v e t o t h e o t h e r fac-
t o r s , he would f e e l more i n c l i n e d t o l e a v e . I f he f e e l s t h a t h i s
c o s t s a r e d e c r e a s i n g r e l a t i v e t o o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n , he would p r o -
b a b l y be more c o n t e n t t o remain. These c o s t s range from a g e n e r a l
f e e l i n g of d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n t o a s p e c i f i c empty stomach.
Religion (Sub-hypothesis l.A)
If through r e l i g i o u s c o n v e r s i o n an i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s he
cannot i d e n t i f y w i t h r u r a l l i f e and t h e predominant r e l i g i o u s be-
l i e f s o f t h e v i l l a g e he may f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t to remain. This
would n o t be t h e case i f he became a C h r i s t i a n when t h e v i l l a g e was
predominantly Christian o r i f he became a Moslem i f t h e v i l l a g e
was p r e d o m i n a n t l y Moslem. I t i s not conversion per se which leads
t o c o s t s w h i c h may r e s u l t i n a c h o i c e t o l e a v e . I t i s a conversion
w h i c h s e t s an i n d i v i d u a l a p a r t f r o m t h e dominant r e l i g i o u s , ideolo-
g i c a l and e t h i c a l b e l i e f s and p r a c t i c e s o f h i s p r e s e n t environment

(Costs of Remaining) 38
and which results in "costs" of ostracism or a feeling of being a
misfit. Perhaps the same generalized feeling of wanting new or
different experiences may be expressed i n two ways: conversion to
an alien religion and migration to an alternative environment, but
both can be seen as action resulting in costs attributed to the status
quo.
Education (Sub-hypotheses l.B and I.C)
If through an educational experience an individual begins
to perceive himself as being something other than a rural villager,
his assessment of his costs of remaining w i l l rise. In western
cultures two kinds of educational experiences lead to ostracism.
The high achiever i s ostracised and called pejorative names such as
"egghead". The low achiever may not be capable of gaining even
medium grades, and thus suffer the patronizing term "slow learner".
An individual may be capable of conforming to the requirements of the
authorities who decide his grades and progress record, but a general
feeling of dissatisfaction with seemingly arbitrary restrictions may
be expressed in being both a misfit and a poor scholar, and eventu-
ally i n migration. Thus costs of being labelled abnormal are f e l t
by those who do well and those who do poorly as measured by institu-
tional education standards. An individual who perceives these as
costs, or as hardships, even i f he does not articulate them as such,
w i l l be more likely to make a decision to migrate. On the other hand

the i n d i v i d u a l who does not f i n d the c o s t s of c o n f o r m i n g t o the
"educational" requirements, and who tends to have a p r o g r e s s record
c l o s e r t o the mode or mean of the peer group, w i l l f i n d l e s s o s t r a -
cism. He t h e n e x p e r i e n c e s lower c o s t s i n r e m a i n i n g i n a r u r a l com-
munity. The i n d i v i d u a l who i s a t e i t h e r end of the educational
achievement s c a l e i n Western s o c i e t i e s may p e r c e i v e t h a t s m a l l e r com-
m u n i t i e s have h i g h e r i n f o r m a l c o n t r o l s than the hoped f o r cosmopoli-
t a n , " f r e e r " urban s e t t i n g s . T h i s may a l s o be i n e f f e c t to some ex-
t e n t i n West A f r i c a n communities.
Modern Costs (Sub-hypothesis I.D)
I f a West A f r i c a n l i v i n g i n the v i l l a g e f i n d s he has new ob-
l i g a t i o n s w h i c h a r e i n a sense more connected t o "urban l i v i n g "
(as d e s c r i b e d by L o u i s W i r t h , 1938), t h e n he might f i n d i t n e c e s s a r y
t o go e l s e w h e r e to seek means o f c o v e r i n g h i s c o s t s . For example,
an i n d i v i d u a l might never have been r e q u i r e d to use much c u r r e n c y ,
producing most of what he consumes, and r e l y i n g on f a m i l i a l o b l i g a -
t i o n s and a s a l e of s u r p l u s p r o d u c t s to p r o v i d e what he c o u l d not
produce. He might t h e n be f a c e d w i t h new monetary o b l i g a t i o n s . A
t a x may be i n t r o d u c e d . T r a d i t i o n a l o b l i g a t i o n s such as dowry or
f u n e r a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s , f o r m e r l y s u p p l i e d i n the form of f o o d , a l c o h o l ,
f o w l , g o l d d u s t , or c l o t h , might now be expected i n the form o f cash.
He may d e s i r e an a r t i c l e such as a t r a n s i s t o r r a d i o t h a t can o n l y be

obtained with cash. New m o n e t a r y costs may f o r c e a n i n d i v i d u a l to
seek a l t e r n a t i v e forms of covering those costs, s u c h as wage em-
ployment. This employment may b e s e e n t o b e m o r e e a s i l y found in
t h e commerce a n d i n d u s t r y of urban areas. He may n o t w i s h to remain
i n an urban a r e a but w h i l e living in the rural area with its escala-
ting costs he d e c i d e s to move.
Productive Costs (Sub-hypothesis l.E)
New c o s t s may a r i s e in the r u r a l area, not necessarily as
a result of information from urban a r e a s . Crops might fail and costs
of raising f o o d may i n c r e a s e as a result. P o p u l a t i o n may increase
and more l a b o r and c a p i t a l intensive techniques be needed f o r produc-
tion. Costs of capital, labor, a n d l a n d may r i s e , relative to the
income d e r i v e d from l i v i n g in a rural area, and these rising costs
may c a u s e the individual to decide to m i g r a t e . In order to keep up
with the market, a cocoa f a r m e r may n e e d t o introduce chemical ferti-
lizers, or insecticides, or h e may b e f o r c e d t o destroy much o f his
cocoa p l a n t a t i o n to eradicate a certain blight, and t h e s e costs may
help him to decide to leave the land. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , when crops
a r e good a n d new c o s t s of p r o d u c t i o n can e a s i l y be c o v e r e d t h e indi-
vidual is less tempted to leave for greener fields.
These i n d i v i d u a l perspective interpretations of rising
rural costs leading t o more m i g r a t i o n from r u r a l areas are supported
t o some extent by a g g r e g a t e studies of migration.

Education (Sub-hypothesis l.B)
If through having a higher than average education, one
i n d i v i d u a l has a high probability of migrating then a higher pro-
b a b i l i t y of a number of individuals having more education w i l l be
expressed as a larger proportion of them migrating. Brunner (1957),
i n a review of a l l p r i o r migrations, found that better educated
persons migrate longer distances and to larger c i t i e s . Later stu-
dies seem to concur. In 1957 Pihlblad and Gregory noted the high
correlations of education and professional t r a i n i n g and the s t a t i s -
t i c a l tendency of high school graduates i n small Missouri towns
(a) to migrate, (b) to migrate longer distances, and (c) to migrate
to larger rather than smaller c i t i e s . The study was done on i n f o r -
mation about 3,415 persons who had graduated ten years p r i o r to the
study. The following year Ramsay and Anderson (1958) noted that
migrants were younger and more educated than non-migrants, and the
most common occupational categories of migrants were professional
and technical. They had studied migration i n and out of New York
state using census data from 1870 to 1940. Hamilton's study, also
i n 1958, of North Carolina migrants indicated that for the whole
population the rates of migration are correlated with the l e v e l of
education. However he found that f o r the population i n the 20 to
34 year age group, net migration from r u r a l areas was most associa-
ted with extremes i n education. This supports the t h e o r e t i c a l

( C o s t s o f Remaining) 42
c o n t e n t i o n t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s burdened w i t h s c h o o l performance more
d i s t a n t f r o m t h e i r peer groups' modal performance would f e e l c o s t s
of o s t r a c i s m and be more tempted t o l e a v e t h e i r n a t a l community i n
s e a r c h o f one w i t h l i g h t e r s o c i a l c o n t r o l s . Marshal (1959), using
census d a t a t o a n a l y s e W i s c o n s i n p o p u l a t i o n changes, n o t e d a h i g h
c o r r e l a t i o n between c o m p l e t i o n o f e d u c a t i o n and m i g r a t i o n t o c i t i e s .
I n A m e r i c a t h e c o n t e n t i o n seems t o be s u p p o r t e d . Rose (1958:420)
n o t e d t h e c o r r e l a t i o n between m i g r a t i o n d i s t a n c e and s t a t u s . Later,
i n a study o f f o u r r u r a l Alabama c o u n t i e s , Huie (1962) observed
t h i s tendency and d e c r i e s t h e l o s s o f t r a i n e d and b e t t e r educated
p e o p l e from t h o s e r u r a l a r e a s as a r e s u l t of d i f f e r e n t i a l emigra-
tion.
Lijfering (1959), i n a study o f 1,934 ex-elementary p u p i l s
of 262 c o u n t r y s c h o o l s i n the N e t h e r l a n d s , noted four important
correlations: i n t e l l i g e n c e s c o r e s i n c r e a s e d w i t h (a) m i g r a t i o n t o
more urban a r e a s , (b) m i g r a t i o n over l o n g e r d i s t a n c e , ( c ) l e v e l o f
e d u c a t i o n and (d) degree o f s o c i a l s t a t u s o f o c c u p a t i o n s .
One n o t e o f c a u t i o n however. This very s u b s t a n t i a l data
on m i g r a t i o n and e d u c a t i o n a l i n d i c e s , showing a p o s i t i v e aggregate
s t a t i s t i c a l c o r r e l a t i o n , does not mean t h e i n d i v i d u a l s may n e c e s -
s a r i l y express their migration decisions p r i o r to t h e i r migration.
I n a s t u d y of 260 farm h o u s e h o l d s , r e p r e s e n t i n g a t e n p e r cent ran-
dom sample of Stevens County, Washington, Roy (1961) found t h e l e v e l
o f a s p i r a t i o n s t o l e a v e farms f o r urban l i f e was n o t c o r r e l a t e d

e i t h e r t o e d u c a t i o n or t o a d d i t i o n a l non-farm s k i l l s o f t h e i n f o r -
mants. U n f o r t u n a t e l y Roy d i d n o t o b t a i n d a t a on subsequent m i g r a -
t i o n a c t i o n s o r t h e p a r t o f those p e o p l e s t u d i e d . I f their actions
c o r r e l a t e d w i t h o t h e r s t u d i e s one might a t f i r s t be tempted t o
ask about h i s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l technique. However, a t h e o r e t i c a l
s p e c u l a t i o n may be a l l o w e d . Persons who say they w i l l l e a v e find
that t h e i r neighbors r e a c t n e g a t i v e l y , a s k i n g what t h e m i g r a n t
f i n d s wrong w i t h h i s home. A p o t e n t i a l m i g r a n t may h e s i t a t e t o
voice h i s d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n w i t h h i s p r e s e n t environment even t o a
s o c i o l o g i s t , due t o a n t i c i p a t e d c o s t s o f d i s a p p r o v a l by community
or f a m i l y members.
Misfits (Sub-hypothesis I.C)
Somewhat r e l a t e d t o t h e c o s t s o f r e m a i n i n g i na village
due to or c o i n c i d i n g w i t h educational experiences a r e the costs of
f e e l i n g a l i e n even w h i l e a n a t i v e o f t h e community. The r e f e r e n c e
t o o s t r a c i s m o f b o t h h i g h e d u c a t i o n a l a c h i e v e r s and low e d u c a t i o n a l
a c h i e v e r s was made above. Whether West A f r i c a n v i l l a g e boys tease
t h e i r mates who e x c e l o r do p o o r l y beyond some t h r e s h o l d i s y e t
t o be documented b u t would n o t p r o v e s u r p r i s i n g i f demonstrated.
There i s some s u b s t a n t i v e data l i n k i n g m i g r a t i o n w i t h a l i e n a t i o n .
L i j t e r i n g , as mentioned e a r l i e r , n o t e d c o r r e l a t i o n s n o t o n l y w i t h
e d u c a t i o n b u t w i t h I.Q. Duncan (1956:434) n o t e d t h a t c i t i e s seemed
t o a t t r a c t t h e extremes i n i n t e l l i g e n c e , i n p h y s i c a l t r a i t s , and i n
s o c i a l ranking. I have a Kwawu f r i e n d who i s q u i t e t a l l , over s i x
f e e t , w h i l s t I would guess t h a t Kwawu a d u l t men average o n l y five
feet. T h i s f r i e n d has c o n f i d e n t i a l l y a r t i c u l a t e d on a number o f o c -
casions h i s f e e l i n g s of d i s t r e s s a t being teased f o r being "abnormal".
As a consequence he was a p p l y i n g h i m s e l f d i l i g e n t l y to becoming a
lawyer so he c o u l d l i v e i n A c c r a and not have to l i s t e n t o t h e j e e r s
of h i s mates. He wanted to r e t u r n o n l y a t f e s t i v a l time, Christmas,
E a s t e r , and Afahwe, and then i n a b i g Mercedes c a r s c no one c o u l d
see h i s l o n g l e g s . Ostracism i s no mean c o s t i n the i n d i v i d u a l
perspective.
Martinson (1955), u s i n g the B e l l Adjustment Inventory,
Kuder P r e f e r e n c e Record and t h e C a l i f o r n i a T e s t o f P e r s o n a l i t y i n a
survey o f 1,289 graduates o f Minnesota h i g h s c h o o l s , found t h a t f u -
t u r e r u r a l urban m i g r a n t s were l e s s w e l l a d j u s t e d t o f a m i l y and
community and b e t t e r a d j u s t e d to high schools. He suggested t h a t f o r
them t h e h i g h s c h o o l was the symbol o f t h e o u t s i d e world o f academic,
l i t e r a r y , and s c i e n t i f i c p u r s u i t s . However i n d i v i d u a l s might become
c a t e g o r i z e d as m i s f i t s i n t h e i r r u r a l community, the p s y c h i c costs
i n v o l v e d o f t e n r e s u l t i n t h e i r s e e k i n g a l t e r n a t i v e modes o f l i v i n g ,
o r a l t e r n a t i v e environments.
Lee (1958), i n a study o f 56,000 persons admitted to New
York mental i n s t i t u t e s f o r t h e f i r s t time, r e p o r t e d that a f t e r con-
t r o l l i n g f o r age, sex, and c o l o r , a h i g h c o r r e l a t i o n e x i s t e d be-
tween m i g r a t i o n and mental d i s e a s e f o r both the t o t a l o f psychoses

and f o r each s p e c i f i c psychosis. He goes on to discuss p o s s i b l e r e -
l a t i o n s h i p s between migration and- mental disease:
The same f a c t o r s that impel migration may also r e s u l t

i n mental disease, or the early stages of mental d i -
sease may be accompanied by migration.
Robins and O'Neal (1958) made a study of 524 persons admitted to a
p s y c h i a t r i c c l i n i c between 1924 and 1929, and a c o n t r o l group from
the same neighborhoods, sex categories and b i r t h years, f o r Cauca-
sians w i t h I.Q.'s of over 80. They compared 30 year h i s t o r i e s of
c l i n i c p a t i e n t s and a c o n t r o l group. They found that problem chil-
dren, a f t e r t h i r t y years, had contributed s i g n i f i c a n t l y to crime,
divorce, v i o l e n t death by homicide or s u i c i d e , to mental h o s p i t a l
populations, and were much more i n c l i n e d to migrate than the c o n t r o l
group. Not a l l data l i n k s a l i e n a t i o n with migration however. Migran-
cy d i d not seem as c l o s e l y r e l a t e d to delinquency when the migrants
were probably not the ones who made the d e c i s i o n to move, that i s
c h i l d r e n of migrating parents. In f a c t , Savitz (1960),in a study
of 890 Negroes i n one of the four highest j u v e n i l e delinquency areas
of P h i l a d e l p h i a found:
The P h i l a d e l p h i a n born population engaged i n delinquency

to a greater extent than d i d a migrant cohort of the
same age exposed to a s i m i l a r " r i s k " of delinquency.
This study i s not exactly conclusive because i t does not compare
those "migrant cohorts" w i t h t h e i r peers i n the communities from
which they migrated. These studies generally support the hypothesis
that costs of being a m i s f i t , r e s u l t i n emigration decisions.

A f r i c a n Examples
Some A f r i c a n s t u d i e s i n d i c a t e d how r i s i n g c o s t s o f v i l -
lage l i f e contribute to decisions to leave. N z i m i r o (1965:121) noted
t h a t r i s i n g c o s t s o f f a r m i n g c o n t r i b u t e d t o d e s i r e s t o m i g r a t e and
(1965:123) the d e s i r e o f educated e l i t e s t o f i n d new occupations,
i n d i c a t e d t h a t c o s t s i n t h e form o f c a s h o u t l a y s o r d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n
were f a c t o r s o f t h e m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n . Caldwell's (1968:363) d a t a
i n d i c a t e d t h a t h i g h e r educated Ghanaians tended t o m i g r a t e t o c i t i e s
more than l e s s e d u c a t e d . T h i s s u p p o r t s t h e e a r l i e r t h e s i s (Sub-
hypothesis l.B) that d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n r e l a t e d to higher educational
status i s a cost a s s o c i a t e d w i t h remaining i n the v i l l a g e .
W i n t e r (1955:38) n o t e d t h a t Bwamba i n f o r m a n t s c i t e d a
number o f c o s t s w h i c h c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e i r d e c i s i o n s t o l e a v e their
village. " T r o u b l e a t home" was c i t e d most o f t e n . Informants f e l t
bounded a t home and c o u l d n o t f u l f i l l t h e i r d e s i r e s t o see p l a c e s .
F r i c t i o n w i t h i n t h e i r f a m i l y , t r o u b l e w i t h t h e i r n e i g h b o r s , and b e i n g
s u s p e c t e d o f p r a c t i c i n g w i t h c r a f t were a l s o c i t e d . These examples
i n d i c a t e t h a t c o s t s r e l a t e d t o unhappiness o f l i v i n g i n t h e v i l l a g e
c o n t r i b u t e d t o d e c i s i o n s t o go t o t h e c i t y .
An i n d i v i d u a l who has c e r t a i n o b l i g a t i o n s w h i c h might be
thought o f as t r a d i t i o n a l i n form o r cause, may p e r c e i v e t h e c i t y as
b e i n g a p o t e n t i a l environment f o r c o v e r i n g such c o s t s (Sub-hypothesis
l.E). Schapera (1947:142) n o t e d t h a t t h e K g a t l a , as soon as c a s h
became a c c e p t a b l e for bridewealth payment i n each v i l l a g e , would

a l l o w young men t o go t o a c i t y t o e a r n c a s h . T h i s ensured a f l o w
of urban r e s o u r c e s i n t o t h e v i l l a g e s .
Banton (1957:47) i n h i s s t u d y o f Freetown noted t h a t second
to t h e a t t r a c t i o n o f wages, freedom from t h e c o n t r o l o f v i l l a g e
e l d e r s , was most c i t e d by youths as a r e a s o n f o r m i g r a t i n g t o t h e
city. The young S i e r r a Leoneans f r e q u e n t l y quoted a p h r a s e : "Make
I go Freetown, make I go f r e e . " Sometimes t h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n would
be c a l l e d non-economic, b u t as emphasized i n t h i s t h e s i s , i n t h e
d e c i s i o n making framework i t c e r t a i n l y i s economic. "Freedom" i n
those terms i s a s c a r c e commodity o r s e r v i c e w h i c h i s d e s i r e d . As
such i t i s w e a l t h . I n d i v i d u a l s i n v i l l a g e s may b e l i e v e t h a t they can
o b t a i n more o f t h i s w e a l t h i f t h e y r e - l o c a t e t h e i r r e s i d e n c e . Thus
they a c t i n accordance w i t h a d e s i r e t o i n c r e a s e t h e r a t i o o f bene-
f i t s r e l a t i v e to costs. "Freedom" h e r e c a n be thought o f a s an
economic " b e n e f i t " o r consumer good, a p a r t from any m e t a p h y s i c a l
or s o c i o l o g i c a l d i m e n s i o n i t may have.
B a l a n d i e r (1955:42) c i t e d c a s e s where m i g r a n t s t o B r a z z a -
v i l l e d e c i d e d t o come when t h e i r p o s i t i o n s became u n t e n a b l e t h r o u g h
"non-economic f a c t o r s . " The most common c a s e s were i n d i v i d u a l s who
were a c c u s e d o r s u s p e c t e d o f murder, a d u l t e r y , o r w i t c h c r a f t . But
i n d i v i d u a l s who have t o l i v e i n a s o c i a l environment where t h e y a r e
o s t r a c i s e d , h a s s l e d by t h e i r n e i g h b o r s o r t h e a u t h o r i t i e s , find
p s y c h i c c o s t s h i g h enough t o c o n s i d e r moving t o t h e c i t y when anony-
m i t y t o some e x t e n t r e p r e s e n t s lower c o s t s .
G u g l e r (1969:139) argued t h a t b a r r e n women would be t h e
f i r s t females t o l e a v e a r u r a l community because " w i t h o u t children
they a r e i n a weak economic and s o c i a l p o s i t i o n . 1 1

The c o s t s o f l i v -
i n g i n a s o c i a l environment w h i c h rewards p r o d u c e r s o f c h i l d r e n i s
a c o n t r i b u t i n g f a c t o r t o t h e d e c i s i o n by an i n d i v i d u a l t o l e a v e that
environment when u n a b l e t o conform t o t h a t v i l l a g e e x p e c t a t i o n o r r e -
quirement. The i n d i v i d u a l thus s i t u a t e d might p e r c e i v e t h e c i t y as
b e i n g an environment where c o s t s such as o s t r a c i s m a r e lower (Sub-
hypothesis I.C). R i s i n g v i l l a g e costs contribute to the d e c i s i o n
to l e a v e . A l i e n a t i o n and o s t r a c i s m a r e i n c l u d e d i n such c o s t s .
New "Urban C o s t s " i n t h e V i l l a g e ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s I.D)
As w e l l as o b v i o u s c o s t s t o t h e r u r a l v i l l a g e r t h e r e a r e
o t h e r c o s t s t h a t make themselves f e l t . These t o some e x t e n t can be
seen as " o b j e c t i v e " by t h e s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s . Batton (1947:21)
n o t e d t h a t due t o s a l e s and t r a n s f e r o f l a n d , N i g e r i a n s and Ghanaians
were becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y dependent upon wage e a r n i n g s . I t i s not
too d i f f i c u l t t o t h i n k o f a r u r a l v i l l a g e r who f i n d s c l a n o r s t o o l
l a n d i n c r e a s i n g l y d i f f i c u l t t o use and u s u f r u c t r i g h t s d i m i n i s h i n g
w i t h l a n d a l i e n a t i o n . He then seeks a wage e a r n i n g o c c u p a t i o n near-
by, o r e v e n t u a l l y i n t h e c i t y . Drought o r crop f a i l u r e might a l s o
r e s u l t i n h i s i n a b i l i t y t o make a l i v i n g . Costs o f i r r i g a t i o n ,
f e r t i l i z a t i o n , o r i n s e c t i c i d e s becomes t o o much f o r him t o see con-

t i n u i n g v i l l a g e r e s i d e n c e as v i a b l e a c t i o n . T r a d i t i o n a l c o s t s such
as c o n s a n g u i n e a l and/or a f f i n a l o b l i g a t i o n s may be a burden on an
individual. I f they become p a y a b l e i n cash o r goods and he i s un-
a b l e t o produce on t h e l a n d he may seek t o l i v e e l s e w h e r e , o r he may
go t o t h e c i t y o n l y l o n g enough t o c o l l e c t s u f f i c i e n t c a s h t o pay
for a dowry o r an o b i t u a r y ceremony.
Gugler (1968:464) noted t h a t among o t h e r c a u s e s , new ob-
l i g a t i o n s caused by t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f c e r t a i n t a x p o l i c i e s i n
r u r a l a r e a s , a r e among t h e c o n s i d e r a t i o n s made by r u r a l r e s i d e n t s
l e a v i n g f o r urban a r e a s t o seek wage employment. These new c o s t s
o r new g o a l s not e a s i l y f i l l e d g i v e n r u r a l r e s o u r c e s , a r e n o t s i m p l y
related to migration. Badouin (1966) suggested t h a t more a t t e n t i o n
be p a i d t o changes i n p s y c h o l o g i c a l a t t i t u d e s of r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n s .
The i n d i v i d u a l must f i r s t p e r c e i v e c o s t s t o a c t on them.
New U r b a n - l i k e c o s t s , c a s h demands, t a x e s , educational
c o s t s , f a m i l i a l o b l i g a t i o n s , and even f e e l i n g s o f a l i e n a t i o n from
t h e n a t a l community, can be t a k e n i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n when s e e k i n g
an i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e m i g r a t i o n p r o c e s s . R e l a t i v e to the i n d i -
v i d u a l ' s perception of h i s b e n e f i t s of remaining, h i s costs of mi-
g r a t i n g t o t h e c i t y , and h i s b e n e f i t s o f m i g r a t i n g t o a c i t y , he
would be more prone t o m i g r a t e i f t h e whole a g g r e g a t i o n of h i s v i l -
l a g e c o s t s , as he f e e l s them, become g r e a t e r .
(City Benefits) 50
B e n e f i t s of M i g r a t i n g to a C i t y (Hypothesis 2)
I f we c o u l d t e m p o r a r i l y assume t h a t a n i n d i v i d u a l has no
o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n t o e n a b l e him t o r e - e v a l u a t e t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p
between c o s t s and b e n e f i t s o f l e a v i n g o r s t a y i n g , t h e n a d d i t i o n a l
i n f o r m a t i o n about b e n e f i t s a c c r u i n g t o a move t o the c i t y would r e -
s u l t i n a h i g h e r r a t i o of b e n e f i t s t o c o s t s and would tend t o i n -
c r e a s e t h e p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t he would migrate.
Information (Sub-hypothesis 2.A)
One o f t h e more i m p o r t a n t " b e n e f i t s " a c c r u i n g t o an i n d i -
v i d u a l g o i n g t o a n urban environment, i s t h e f e e l i n g o f b e i n g a t ease
t h a t comes from a knowledge o r a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h a t environment.
T h i s i n c l u d e s knowledge o f p i t f a l l s t h a t may be found i n t h e c i t y ,
f o r t h a t knowledge r e s u l t s i n t h e c a p a b i l i t y o f d e v e l o p i n g tactics
t o a v o i d those p i t f a l l s . I f t h e p i t f a l l s a r e j u d g e d t o be t o o many
or too important t h e n o f c o u r s e the c o s t s a c c r u i n g t o t h e move would
be a s s e s s e d as t o o h i g h r e l a t i v e t o t h e b e n e f i t s . Paradoxically
though, i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e s e c o s t s , i s a n a s s e t n o t a l i a b i l i t y ,
as i t i n c r e a s e s t h e b e n e f i t / c o s t r a t i o a c c r u i n g t o a move.
P r i o r t o t h e move t o a c i t y , a n i n d i v i d u a l r e c e i v e s infor-
m a t i o n about t h e b e n e f i t s t h a t might a c c r u e t o h i s move t h e r e . He
may g e t t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n v i a a number o f c h a n n e l s — returned migrants,
urban c i v i l s e r v a n t s and businessmen i n h i s town, h i s teachers.

(City Benefits) 51
l e t t e r s from u r b a n r e l a t i v e s , r a d i o , o r h i s own t r i p t o t h e c i t y .
A few g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s s e r v e t o i n t r o d u c e the e f f e c t s o f such i n f o r -
m a t i o n on the d e c i s i o n o f an i n d i v i d u a l . O f t e n i n c r e a s e d informa-
t i o n i t s e l f , has a n e f f e c t o f i n c r e a s i n g f a m i l i a r i t y . This famili-
a r i t y may be thought o f as a b e n e f i t i n t h e b e n e f i t / c o s t decision
and i t serves t o increase the p o s s i b i l i t y of a d e c i s i o n to leave.
Also t h i s information i n c l u d e s d a t a about new g o a l s and new hopes
w h i c h may be s a t i s f i e d by m i g r a t i o n . The c i t y may s e r v e as a
c h a n n e l f o r s a t i s f y i n g g o a l s and hopes o r i g i n a t i n g a l s o i n t h e r u r a l
environment. O b l i g a t i o n s and d e b t s w h i c h might be c l a s s e d as
t r a d i t i o n a l might be seen a s p a y a b l e , o r a v o i d a b l e i f a decision to
l e a v e f o r t h e c i t y i s made. Further, the c i t y a f f o r d s opportunities.
These a r e i n t h e form o f wage o p p o r t u n i t i e s , consumer o p p o r t u n i t i e s ,
and non-wage o p p o r t u n i t i e s . The knowledge o f a t r a n s i t o r y e n v i r o n -
ment w i t h i n the c i t y f o r example may s e r v e t o d i m i n i s h any a p p r e -
h e n s i o n o f t h e unknown. Such a n environment may t a k e t h e form o f a
g h e t t o - l i k e s o c i e t y w i t h i n t h e c i t y , o f f e r i n g c u l t u r a l c o n t a c t s and
c o n t i n u i t y f o r t h e immigrant from t h e v i l l a g e . A l l of these things
c o n s t i t u t e i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h an i n d i v i d u a l may t h i n k o f as b e i n g
benefits accruing t o a d e c i s i o n to m i g r a t e .
Caldwell (1968) found t h a t t h e p r o p e n s i t y o f r u r a l Ghana-
ians to migrate to c i t i e s increased both w i t h respect t o geographi-
c a l p r o x i m i t y , and l e v e l o f e d u c a t i o n o f t h e p o t e n t i a l m i g r a n t s . This
i s s i m i l a r t o t h e f i n d i n g s o f Brunner (1957) and P i h l b l a d and Gregory

(City Benefits) 52
(1957) n o t e d above. T h i s demographic phenomenon t r a n s l a t e d i n t o
i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n making i n d i c a t e s t h a t f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h t h e c i t y ,
i n d i c a t e d by c l o s e n e s s t o t h e c i t y and amount of u r b a n i n f o r m a t i o n
i n t h e form o f f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n , c a n be c o n s i d e r e d as i n c r e a s e d
b e n e f i t s o r p o s s i b l y lower p s y c h i c c o s t s r e l a t e d t o t h e move.
Smith (1956) i n a study of 157 f a m i l i e s i n I n d i a n e a p o l i s ,
concluded t h a t l a c k of s p e c i f i c i n f o r m a t i o n c o n t r i b u t e d t o g e o g r a p h i -
c a l immobility. He p r e d i c t e d t h a t employment i n f o r m a t i o n , i f d i r e c -
t e d t o l a r g e segments o f s o u t h e r n Negro A m e r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n s , would
r e s u l t i n p r e s e n t l y unemployed o r underemployed Negroes m i g r a t i n g more
t h a n those i n the n o r t h , o r more than those i n C a u c a s i a n segments of
the s o u t h e r n U.S. p o p u l a t i o n . I n f o r m a t i o n about o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n -
c r e a s e s t h e b e n e f i t r a t i o , as w e l l as i n f o r m a t i o n p e r s e .
Payne (1956) n o t e d t h a t G e o r g i a s c h o o l b o y s tended t o r e f e r
t o i n f o r m a l i n t e r p e r s o n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s as s o u r c e s o f i n f o r m a t i o n
when choosing f u t u r e urban r e s i d e n c e and o c c u p a t i o n s . Familiarity
w i t h a p a r t i c u l a r urban s o c i a l environment, as a b e n e f i t o f m i g r a t i n g
may weigh as h i g h i f n o t h i g h e r than the c o l d e r c a l c u l a t i o n s o f t h e
p u r e l y monetary r e t u r n s a c c r u i n g t o such a d e c i s i o n . Payne noted
t h e absence of r e f e r e n c e by h i s i n f o r m a n t s t o formal occupational
counselling. Formal e d u c a t i o n a l i n f o r m a t i o n i s l e s s f a m i l i a r and
less trustworthy.
D e s c l o i t r e s (1965) c o n t r a s t e d European development w i t h
A f r i c a n development, but t h e c o n t r a s t does not r e p u d i a t e t h e u n i v e r -

(City Benefits) 53
s a l i t y of the r e l a t i o n s h i p between b e n e f i t i n f o r m a t i o n and r u r a l u r -
ban m i g r a t i o n . He n o t e d t h a t t h e " t r a n s i s t o r precedes the t o o l " and
suggests, i n c o n t r a s t t o European economic development and social
change, t h a t c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n i n A f r i c a precedes mechanization.
T h i s he s a i d w i l l r e s u l t i n c o n s i d e r a b l e s o c i a l change w i t h o u t the
r e l a t i v e accompanying t e c h n i c a l p r o g r e s s . Subsumed however i n t h i s
s o c i a l change a r e m i g r a t o r y movements w h i c h a r e r o o t e d i n individual
d e c i s i o n s to move on t h e b a s i s of urban i n f o r m a t i o n gleaned from
the t r a n s i s t o r radio. A f r i c a n migrants t h u s have more a c c e s s to
town i n f o r m a t i o n and l e a v e more as a r e s u l t of s e e k i n g new opportuni-
t i e s than as a r e s u l t of b e i n g r e p l a c e d by machines on the farms.
The c h a n n e l s whereby a v i l l a g e r e s i d e n t may g a i n access to
urban i n f o r m a t i o n a r e m a n i f o l d . Read (1942:610) n o t e d t h a t the ma-
j o r i t y of t e m p o r a r i l y u r b a n i z e d A f r i c a n s m a i n t a i n e d links with their
villages. Van V e l s o n (1960:265) i n a study o f r u r a l Tonga of M a l a w i
noted t h a t a b s e n t v i l l a g e r s s t i l l had a s t a k e i n v i l l a g e a f f a i r s and
p l a y e d s o c i a l r o l e s d e s p i t e t h e i r absence.. Gugler's 1968 and 1969
s t u d i e s have a l r e a d y been c i t e d . E a r l i e r , Gugler (1965) had noted
d u a l l o y a l t i e s o f urban r e s i d e n t s who maintained links with their
v i l l a g e s i n eastern Nigeria. Read (1942:605) suggested t h a t the
great m a j o r i t y of t e m p o r a r i l y urbanized A f r i c a n s maintained some
l i n k s w i t h t h e i r v i l l a g e s of o r i g i n . Ampene (1967) p o i n t e d out that
t h e r e were two k i n d s of urban r u r a l c o n n e c t i o n s from O b u a s i , a g o l d
mining town i n Ghana t o t h e v i l l a g e s from w h i c h much of t h e p o p u l a t i o n

(City Benefits) 54
came. Dagomba, Dagartey and o t h e r migrant wage l a b o r e r s from t h e
n o r t h most o f t e n s t a y f o r j u s t under f i v e y e a r s b e f o r e r e t u r n i n g .
Akans, Ewes, Adangbes and o t h e r s from t h e s o u t h o f Ghana u s u a l l y s t a y
much l o n g e r , but r e t u r n home a t l e a s t once, and on t h e a v e r a g e , t w i c e
a year. Alverson (1967) developed a t i m e s e r i e s a n a l y s i s of A f r i c a n
c y c l i c migration. There a r e many more r e f e r e n c e s to c i r c u l a r migra-
t i o n , temporary urban r e s i d e n c e , and c o n t i n u e d urban r u r a l l i n k s o f
migrants, i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e about A f r i c a .
C i r c u l a r m i g r a t i o n combined w i t h urban r u r a l communication
l i n k s l e a d s t o a g r e a t e r f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h c e r t a i n urban c o n d i t i o n s
on t h e p a r t of r u r a l r e s i d e n t s . Temporary m i g r a t i o n l e a d s t o more
c i t y i n f o r m a t i o n i n t h e v i l l a g e w h i c h i n t u r n l e a d s t o more m i g r a t i o n ,
p a r t o f w h i c h i s temporary m i g r a t i o n . To know t h a t t h e r e a r e f r i e n d s
and r e l a t i v e s l i k e h i m s e l f who s u r v i v e i n t h e c i t y i n c r e a s e s t h e bene-
f i t e s t i m a t i o n i n t h e eyes o f a d e c i s i o n maker c o n t e m p l a t i n g city
life. L a t e r , when examining c i t y c o s t s I w i l l show t h a t i n f o r m a t i o n
and f a m i l i a r i t y have t h e d u a l f u n c t i o n s o f l o w e r i n g c i t y c o s t s and
increasing city benefits.
Education (Sub-hypothesis 2.B)
C l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e e f f e c t of i n c r e a s e d i n f o r m a l i n f o r -
m a t i o n c a u s i n g a h i g h e r tendency t o m i g r a t e , more f o r m a l s o u r c e s of
i n f o r m a t i o n a l s o i n c r e a s e an i n d i v i d u a l ' s f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h c i t y life.
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One of t h e s e more f o r m a l channels i s p u b l i c e d u c a t i o n . J u s t as h i g h e r
e d u c a t i o n a l achievements r e s u l t i n the c o s t of o s t r a c i s m a s s o c i a t e d
w i t h s t a y i n g i n t h e v i l l a g e , so do t h e s e e d u c a t i o n a l e f f e c t s r e s u l t
i n g r e a t e r i n f o r m a t i o n about a more c o s m o p o l i t a n , urban l i f e style.
An i n d i v i d u a l may f e e l more q u a l i f i e d t o cope i n a c i t y and be more
apt to i d e n t i f y w i t h t h e v a l u e s i n an urban m i l e a u i f he has had a c -
cess t o c e r t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n i n h i s f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n . Already noted
i n t h e f i r s t category,, r u r a l c o s t s , were Hamilton's (1958) study of
N o r t h C a r o l i n a m i g r a n t s , Hine's (1962) study o f f o u r Alabama coun-
ties, Lijfering's (1959) s t u d y of N e t h e r l a n d s m i g r a n t s , Brunner's
(1957) r e v i e w , M a r s h a l l ' s (1959) a n a l y s i s of W i s c o n s i n census data,
P i h l b l a d and Gregory's (1957) s t u d y o f M i s s o u r i g r a d u a t e s , Ramsey
and Anderson's (1958) study o f New York m i g r a n t s , and C a l d w e l l ' s
(1965) s t u d y of Ghanaian r u r a l urban m i g r a n t s . A l l of t h e s e found a
r e l a t i v e l y h i g h c o r r e l a t i o n between e d u c a t i o n a l achievements and
migration to c i t i e s . T h i s i s somewhat the f i n d i n g s of Stub (1962:80)
who r e p o r t e d t h a t p r o f e s s i o n a l s and managers tended t o m i g r a t e l o n g e r
d i s t a n c e s t h a n do lower s t a t u s m i g r a n t s . I t i s a l s o s u b s t a n t i a t e d by
A l l e n , Buck, and Winn (1955) who found r u r a l P e n n s y l v a n i a y o u t h
m i g r a t i o n to be r e l a t e d t o I.Q. A n o t e of c a u t i o n i s needed though.
The f o r m a l c h a n n e l s may n o t be as i m p o r t a n t as i n f o r m a l c h a n n e l s ,
as Payne (1956) c i t e d above, n o t e d . The f o r m a l e d u c a t i o n however
may p r o v i d e more i n f o r m a t i o n of a g e n e r a l i s e d and a b s t r a c t n a t u r e
which may r a i s e the b e n e f i t c a l c u l a t i o n i n the e s t i m a t e s of an indi-

(City Benefits) 56
v i d u a l c o n s i d e r i n g a move t o t h e c i t y . The i n f o r m a l i n f o r m a t i o n i s
probably more c o n c r e t e and s p e c i f i c , and i s c i t e d i n r e f e r e n c e t o a
c h o i c e t o move t o a p a r t i c u l a r r e s i d e n c e , n o t m e r e l y t o a c i t y .
Life Style Similarity ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s 2.C)
B e n e f i t s o f l i v i n g i n an a l i e n environment a r e much lower
t h a n those a c c r u i n g t o an environment t h a t i s somewhat s i m i l a r t o
t h e i m m e d i a t e l y p r i o r , f a m i l i a r , environment. J u s t a s e d u c a t i o n and
o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n makes t h e i n d i v i d u a l p r e p a r e d f o r t h e c i t y so do
r u r a l - l i k e e n c l a v e s make t h e c i t y p r e p a r e d f o r t h e i n d i v i d u a l . When
t h e r e a r e a r e a s i n t h e c i t y w h i c h might be c a l l e d g h e t t o s , o r what
Hanna (1967) c a l l e d "middle p l a c e s " , they f u n c t i o n so as t o t r a n s m i t
information necessary f o r r e - s o c i a l i z a t i o n of the migrant. Hanna
found t h a t m i g r a n t s tended t o come f i r s t t o t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e " m i d d l e
p l a c e " when they came t o a c i t y . I n f a c t he found t h a t l i n k s i n
t h e s e p l a c e s were o f t e n s t r o n g e r w i t h t h e v i l l a g e t h a n w i t h modern
sectors of the c i t y . A move t o such a p l a c e might even be s o c i o l o g i -
c a l l y c a t e g o r i s e d as r u r a l - r u r a l m i g r a t i o n r a t h e r than r u r a l - u r b a n
migration. Abu-Lughod (1961) u s i n g 1947 E g y p t i a n census d a t a n o t e d
t h a t most m i g r a n t s t o C a i r o went t o subcommunities w h i c h provided
comforting s i m i l a r i t i e s t o t h e former r u r a l l i f e s t y l e of t h e m i -
grants. Ampene (1967). c i t e d e a r l i e r , n o t e d t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t r i b a l
a s s o c i a t i o n s i n Obuasi. Gutkind (1965:57) r e p o r t e d t h a t Ganda mov-
i n g i n t o Mulaga found e x t e n s i v e k i n n e t w o r k s , and found t h a t urban-

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i z a t i o n was r a t h e r an e x t e n s i o n of Ganda s o c i e t y . The e f f e c t i s n o t
e q u i v a l e n t i n a l l m i g r a t i n g c u l t u r e s however. G u t k i n d a l s o found
t h a t non-Ganda found i t n e c e s s a r y t o c o n s t r u c t a " s p e c i f i c urban
way of l i f e " and tended t o be l i n k e d w i t h " a s s o c i a t i o n based n e t -
w o r k s " r a t h e r than " k i n - b a s e d networks". The e f f e c t i s a l s o v a r i e d
r e l a t i v e to c l a s s s t r u c t u r e . Blumberg (1959) i n a s t u d y c o n s i s t i n g
o f 133 i n t e r v i e w s found t h a t Negro M i g r a n t s t o P h i l a d e l p h i a tended t o
go to p l a c e s where they c o u l d r e i n f o r c e k i n t i e s o r c r e a t e pseudo
k i n t i e s i f they were of l e s s s o c i a l l y m o b i l e lower c l a s s e s . How-
ever they tended t o b r e a k k i n t i e s and r e l y more on a s s o c i a t i o n s i f
they were more upwardly m o b i l e and m i d d l e c l a s s . The e f f e c t i s
v a r i e d so as t o have more c o m m e r c i a l l y opportune e f f e c t s i n West
Africa. Cohen (1969) f o r example, wrote how Hausa have adapted tra-
d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l l i n k s t o d e v e l o p an i n f o r m a l system of l o n g d i s -
t a n c e t r a d e between Yoruba c i t i e s . Other i n d i c a t i o n s a r e numerous.
Mayer (1962) n o t e d t h e p r o p e n s i t y f o r many A f r i c a n m i g r a n t s t o East
London t o e n c a p s u l a t e themselves w i t h " t r i b a l - l i k e " r e l a t i o n s h i p s i n
t h e c i t y and P a r k i n (1969) r e p o r t e d t h e p e r s i s t e n c e of t h e impor-
t a n c e of e t h n i c and k i n t i e s i n t h e A f r i c a n c i t y ward he s t u d i e d .
Gans (1962:8) r e p o r t e d a s i m i l a r I t a l i a n m i d d l e p l a c e i n B o s t o n .
G a r i q u e (1956:1090) d e s c r i b e d a s i m i l a r F r e n c h Canadian example.
The p e r s i s t e n c e of " g h e t t o - l i k e " communities and e t h n i c s e c t o r s o f
c i t i e s e n j o y i n g much human g e o g r a p h i c m o b i l i t y i s f u r t h e r indication
o f the t r e n d . What i s i m p o r t a n t here i s t h e e f f e c t of t h e s e m i d d l e

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p l a c e s on t h e i n d i v i d u a l d e c i s i o n maker. Such e n c l a v e s have c l o s e
communication l i n k s t o t h e r u r a l a r e a from w h i c h t h e m i g r a n t popu-
l a t i o n came. I n f o r m a t i o n about t h e s e more c o m f o r t a b l e , familiar
s p o t s w i t h i n t h e a l i e n c i t y g e t s back t o t h e r u r a l r e s i d e n t s . If
i n f o r m a t i o n i s such t h a t t h e s e e n c l a v e s look l e s s f r i g h t e n i n g , the
i n d i v i d u a l ' s " b e n e f i t o f m i g r a t i n g " assessment w i l l r i s e , and i n c r e a s e
h i s p r o b a b i l i t y of migrating to the c i t y .
Wage O p p o r t u n i t i e s ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s 2.D)
The most o f t - c i t e d a t t r a c t i o n t o A f r i c a n c i t i e s , i s t h e
hope f o r wage e a r n i n g s . Most o f t h e p e o p l e who do t h e c i t i n g
are p e o p l e who have been s o c i a l i z e d and t r a i n e d i n a w e s t e r n
c u l t u r e , one w h i c h l a y s a h i g h v a l u e on t h e w o r t h of a monetary i n -
come. I t has been s t r e s s e d here t h a t income i s n o t e q u i v a l e n t t o
wages nor i s monetary income an i n d e x n e c e s s a r i l y h i g h l y c o r r e l a t e d
to w e a l t h consumption. C o n s e q u e n t l y when i t i s suggested t h a t i n -
come, o r t h e sum of b e n e f i t s a c c r u i n g t o urban m i g r a t i o n , i s a major
f a c t o r i n t h e d e c i s i o n t h i s i s n o t t o equate income w i t h wages o r a
salary. S t i l l , many w r i t e r s n o t e t h a t money i s e v a l u a t e d h i g h l y i n
A f r i c a n w e a l t h e s t i m a t i o n s and as a r e s u l t o f w e s t e r n i n f l u e n c e , i t s
estimation i s r i s i n g . One c a n t h e n p o i n t out t h a t t h e q u a n t i t y of
money p e r p e r s o n i s h i g h e r i n more dense p o p u l a t i o n s , o r c i t i e s , than
i n l e s s dense, or r u r a l a r e a s . Money i s c o n c e n t r a t e d i n these areas.

(City Benefits) 59
Thus i n d i v i d u a l s may move t o t h e s e h i g h e r c o n c e n t r a t i o n s of money i n
the hopes of g e t t i n g some.
As e a r l y as f o r t y y e a r s ago Batton (1930:100) had noted
t h a t more and more N i g e r i a n s and Ghananians were becoming w h o l l y
dependent on wage e a r n i n g s , and later (1947:21) e x p l a i n e d t h i s as
b e i n g a r e s u l t of the i n t r o d u c t i o n of s a l e s and t r a n s f e r s of l a n d .
Shapera (1947:142) r e p o r t e d t h a t K g a t l a would a l l o w young men to go
t o town t o e a r n cash, e n s u r i n g a c a s h f l o w of urban r e s o u r c e s into
the v i l l a g e . S i n c e the second World War, Eames (1954) s t u d i e d mi-
g r a n t s from Madhopur, a v i l l a g e i n s o u t h e a s t Uttar Pradesh, I n d i a .
He n o t e d t h a t i n f o r m a n t s gave r e a s o n s f o r m i g r a t i n g as b e t t e r wages
and ease i n f i n d i n g employment. These may have been r e a s o n s f o r
migrating to the c i t y but they d i d not seem to be reasons f o r s t a y -
i n g , as he a l s o found t h a t o n l y 13 of the 91 f a m i l i e s seemed t o have
a d j u s t e d t o c i t y l i f e and t h a t 60 per c e n t had been t h e r e f o r l e s s
t h a n 5 y e a r s w h i l e o n l y 5 per c e n t had s t a y e d over 15 y e a r s . About
the same t i m e , i n A f r i c a , R i c h a r d s (1954:64) n o t e d t h a t l a b o r e r s i n
Buganda were a t t r a c t e d from t h e i r farms because they were surrounded
by consumption and l e a r n e d t o d e s i r e wages. Three y e a r s l a t e r Banton
(1957:48) r e c o r d e d t h a t y o u t h s t r e s s e d t h a t money, b e i n g "more eas-
i l y come by" was an i m p o r t a n t c o n s i d e r a t i o n i n t h e i r move to Freetown.
Four y e a r s l a t e r , a few w r i t e r s n o t e d t h e e f f e c t of wage
a t t r a c t i o n s on o t h e r c o n t i n e n t s . I p s e n (1958) argued t h a t the mass
r u r a l u r b a n m i g r a t i o n i n Germany had i t s r o o t s i n i n d u s t r i a l agglom-

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e r a t i o n r a t h e r than i n r u r a l c o n d i t i o n s . Saville (1958) c i t e d c e n t r a -
l i z a t i o n of employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s c o u p l e d w i t h s t e a d y d e c l i n e i n
work and unemployment i n r u r a l communities as major f a c t o r s i n E n g l i s h
and Welsh m i g r a t i o n i n t h e l a s t 150 y e a r s . Nash (1958:455) sees
r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n b a s i c a l l y as a response t o the quest f o r b e t -
t e r income s o u r c e s . He c i t e s t h e d i s e q u i l i b r i u m between s u p p l y and
demand as the fundamental f a c t o r . Ramsey and Anderson (1958) found
t h a t New Y o r k S t a t e m i g r a n t s tended t o have more l a b o r f o r c e p a r t i -
c i p a t i o n t h a n t h e non-migrant p o p u l a t i o n . However, a word of c a u -
t i o n i s necessary here. Ramsey and Anderson a l s o found a s l i g h t
tendency f o r m i g r a n t s t o have a lower median o f incomes t h a n non-
migrants. So t h e hope f o r wages may be a f a c t o r i n the m i g r a t i o n
d e c i s i o n , but the r e s u l t i n g a c t i o n may not n e c e s s a r i l y r e s u l t i n
t h a t hope b e i n g f u l f i l l e d . T h i s a t t r a c t i o n of wages combined w i t h
a c t i o n t h a t l e a d s t o lower t h a n e x p e c t e d wages, m a n i f e s t s i t s e l f
i n a number o f ways. K e y f i t z (1965) n o t e d t h e predominance of t e r -
t i a r y employment i n South and Southeast A s i a . He found t h i s to be a
p o l i t i c a l l y s t a b i l i z i n g f a c t o r even i f not " e c o n o m i c a l l y r a t i o n a l . "
The a t t r a c t i o n o f wage l a b o r t o towns not c o u p l e d w i t h i n d u s t r i a l
growth has l e d t o t h e predominance of t e r t i a r y s e c t o r s i n many dev-
e l o p i n g c o u n t r i e s , not o n l y i n West A f r i c a . Lambert (1965:169) f o r
example n o t e s t h e tendency of m i g r a n t s i n L a t i n A m e r i c a , to make f o r
t e r t i a r y sectors. Auger (1968) r e p o r t e d t h e same f o r Congo. People
may come t o c i t i e s i n s e a r c h of wages even i f t h i s r e s u l t s i n what

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s u b s t a n t i v i s t economists may c a l l i n e f f i c i e n t a l l o c a t i o n of r e s o u r c e s .
M i g r a n t s u n a b l e to get r e g u l a r j o b s i n p r i m a r y or secondary industries
end up hawking r e t a i l goods on t h e s t r e e t s . However, most w e s t e r n
o b s e r v e r s s t i l l see wages as the urban a t t r a c t i o n .
A r d e n e r , Edwin and S h i r l e y (1960:250) c o n c l u d e d f o r ex-
ample t h a t t h e o v e r r i d i n g cause of r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n i n the
Cameroons was t h e "power of economic f a c t o r s " . By t h i s they d i d not
mean by "economic" any u n i v e r s a l d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s , as s t r e s s e d
i n this thesis. They meant monetary a t t r a c t i o n s . T h i s view was
c o n f i r m e d by G u l l i v e r (1960) who said:
The men l e a v e home t o o b t a i n money, m a t e r i a l w e a l t h ; they

do not l e a v e i t i f a r e a s o n a b l e s t a n d a r d i s o b t a i n a b l e
by l a b o u r and e n t e r p r i s e a t home.
T h i s v i e w a l s o permeates the l i t e r a t u r e on m i g r a t i o n i n Europe. Kem-
p i n s k i (1961), f o r example, speaks o f "economic p u l l f a c t o r s " when
he t a l k s of East German m i g r a n t s who go t o c i t i e s i n s e a r c h of wages
and t h e n not f i n d i n g them, m i g r a t e t o o t h e r c o u n t r i e s .
Four y e a r s l a t e r w r i t e r s on A f r i c a o f f e r e d o b s e r v a t i o n s
f o r comparison. N z i m i r o (1965:125) c i t e d a d e s i r e on the p a r t of
Igbo educated e l i t e s to f i n d new o c c u p a t i o n s as a major m i g r a t i o n
consideration. Descloitres (1965), as c i t e d above, observed t h a t
c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n preceded m e c h a n i z a t i o n and q u e s t i o n e d the a p p l i c a -
b i l i t y of Western economic models. He suggested t h a t t h e d e s i r e
f o r wage l a b o r may precede any i n c r e a s e i n wage employment o p p o r t u -
n i t i e s due t o t e c h n o l o g i c a l developments. The f o l l o w i n g y e a r a few

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arguments were made i n f a v o r o f wages b e i n g t h e major drawing power
of c i t i e s . Ampene (1966) p r i o r t o h i s 1967 s t u d y r e p o r t e d on t h e
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e growth of O b u a s i , i n s o u t h e r n Ghana, a town w h i c h ,
he s a i d , owes i t s growth t o the e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a g o l d mine.
Gamble (1966) saw t h e r a p i d e x p a n s i o n Lunsarj, S i e r r a Leone, as a
r e s u l t of t h e j o b o p p o r t u n i t i e s of an open c a s t i r o n mine. Otten-
b e r g (1966:190) saw N i g e r i a n urban growth as due t o commercial a t -
t r a c t i o n s , m i n i n g and t r a d e . H u t t o n (1966) w r o t e t h a t the o v e r r i d i n g
f a c t o r of m i g r a t i o n was, a g a i n , "economic" f a c t o r s . G u g l e r (op. c i t . :
464) n o t e d t h a t among o t h e r c a u s e s , r u r a l r e s i d e n t s when l e a v i n g f o r
urban a r e a s seek employment f o r wages. Badouin (op. c i t . ) , however,
i n summing up the L e w i s and Barber t h e o r y and i t s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t
economic growth i n urban a r e a s r e s u l t s i n " p u l l " , suggested t h a t
t h i s i s not a p p l i c a b l e t o A f r i c a n r u r a l u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . He n o t e d
t h a t changes i n p s y c h i c a t t i t u d e s of r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n i s more a t t h e
r o o t o f the cause of t h i s m i g r a t i o n . V i l l i e n - R o s s i (1966:5) pub-
l i s h e d d a t a which s u p p o r t s t h i s , as she shows the p e r s i s t e n c e of
urban m i g r a t i o n i n s p i t e of urban unemployment i n F r e n c h West A f r i c a .
B y l s (1967), i n a s t u d y of l a b o r m i g r a t i o n i n F r e n c h West
A f r i c a found t h a t " f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h market economics" was an impor-
t a n t f a c t o r i n the r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n . He n o t e d the
v e r y low demand f o r l a b o r w h i c h was o v e r l o o k e d o r i g n o r e d by m i g r a n t s
who sought work. T h i s he found as fundamental to e x c e s s i v e l a b o r
t u r n o v e r and low wages i n West A f r i c a . The a t t r a c t i o n of wage l a b o r

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seems t o be more apparent than r e a l . This i s further substantiated
by unemployment f i g u r e s from urban and r u r a l a r e a s i n Ghana. Bir-
mingham (1967:56, t a b l e 1,21), f o r example, c a l c u l a t e d t h a t 27 p e r -
cent o f unemployed urban p e o p l e were i n t h e 20-24 y e a r age group
w h i l e o n l y 18 p e r c e n t o f t h e r u r a l unemployed were i n t h a t age group.
S i m i l a r d i f f e r e n c e s a c c r u e t o t h e 25-29 y e a r age group;15%:8%, and t o
t h e 30-34 y e a r age group; 9%:5%. The l a r g e r t h e c i t y , t h e l a r g e r
t h e p e r c e n t a g e of t h e l a b o r f o r c e was r e c o r d e d as unemployed and
a c t i v e l y s e e k i n g work. Comparable t o a 4% unemployment r a t e f o r
t h e whole o f Ghana, A c c r a t h e l a r g e s t c i t y had 10% unemployed w h i l e
Kumasi t h e second l a r g e s t had 8% unemployed and S e k o n d i - T a k o r a d i had

2
an unemployment r a t e o f 9%.
Non-Wage B e n e f i t s ( S u b - h y p o t h e s i s 2.E)
There a r e numerous i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t m i g r a n t s see w e a l t h
a c c r u i n g t o a move t o t h e c i t y , i n f a r more ways t h a n a monetary
acquisition. Some have a l r e a d y been mentioned. The p o s i t i v e c o r -
r e l a t i o n between e d u c a t i o n and r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n s u b s t a n t i a t e d
by Brunner (1957), C a l d w e l l (1968) i n Ghana, H a m i l t o n (1958), Huie
(1962), L i j f e r i n g (1959), M a r s h a l (1959), M a r t i n s o n (1958), P i h l b l a d
and Gregory (1957), Ramsey and Anderson (1958) and Roy (1961) c i t e d
e a r l i e r i n t h i s c h a p t e r , a l l i n d i c a t e t h a t new goods, new i d e n t i t i e s ,
Y. See T a b l e i n Chapter Three.

(City Benefits) 64
new a s p i r a t i o n s , a s s o c i a t e d w i t h e d u c a t i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e s l e a d t o the
hope t h a t new r o l e s , new o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r " b e t t e r " l i f e s t y l e s , were
o f f e r e d by c i t i e s . The e x i s t e n c e of "middle p l a c e s " and the d a t a
p r o v i d e d by Blumberg (1959), Cohen (1969), Mayer (1962), P a r k i n (1969),
Abu-Lughod (1961), Ampene (1967), G u t k i n d (1965), Hanna (1967) i n d i -
cate " b e n e f i t s " of c e r t a i n c i t y l i f e styles.
In h i s s t u d y of Bwamba economy, W i n t e r (op. c i t . : 3 8 ) found
t h a t few urban m i g r a n t s i n Uganda had money uppermost i n t h e i r minds.
They l o o k e d a t the c i t y as a p l a c e which had b e n e f i t s r e l a t e d to
freedom and anonymity. G u t k i n d (1965a:128) noted t h a t r u r a l urban
m i g r a t i o n opened up new c h o i c e s of r e l a t i o n s h i p s t o t h e i n d i v i d u a l .
L a t e r (1965b:4) he stated:
The f o c u s b e h i n d change and m o d e r n i z a t i o n a r e not

r o o t e d i n r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n but r a t h e r i n a v e r y
w i d e s p r e a d d e s i r e to seek a l t e r n a t i v e ways of making a
living.
Y e t he i n d i c a t e d t h a t the p e r c e p t i o n of those o p p o r t u n i t i e s a r e not
l i n k e d to the s t a t i s t i c a l r e p o r t s . To t h e c o n t r a r y :
Even today the unemployed i n most A f r i c a n towns con-

s t i t u t e between 12 p e r c e n t and 22 p e r c e n t of t h e urban
population. (1965:5)
Later,Imoagene (1967:380) noted t h a t N i g e r i a n s who migrated from
J e s s e , a v i l l a g e community i n M i d w e s t e r n N i g e r i a , t o S a p e l e , an i n -
d u s t r i a l town, were more m o t i v a t e d by what he c a l l e d " p s y c h o - s o c i a l
f a c t o r s of change i n m i g r a n t s ' need d i s p o s i t i o n " t h a n by "objective
economic f a c t o r s . " T h i s i s s i m i l a r t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n reached by

(City Benefits) 65
B a d o u i n , c i t e d above and G u g l e r (op. c i t . : 4 6 4 ) . The c i t y was p e r -
c e i v e d by t h e i n d i v i d u a l t o be c a p a b l e of f i l l i n g t h e new needs more
r e a d i l y than t h e v i l l a g e . An example o f such non-monetary b e n e f i t s
was noted above where Gugler (op. c i t . ? 1 3 7 ) r e p o r t e d t h a t b a r r e n
women would be t h e f i r s t t o m i g r a t e . They might p e r c e i v e t h e c i t y
as b e i n g an environment where t h e r e i s more freedom, i n t h e form o f
anonymity. Thus t h e c i t y p r o v i d e s b e n e f i t s .
M i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n s based on wage o p p o r t u n i t i e s do n o t
always y i e l d r e s u l t s as a n t i c i p a t e d . I t can be f a i r l y s a f e l y stated
t h a t a n t i c i p a t e d wage b e n e f i t s a c c r u i n g t o an i n d i v i d u a l moving from
a r e l a t i v e l y r u r a l a r e a t o a more urban one a r e more i m p o r t a n t than
t h e a v a i l a b i l i t y of wages p e r s e .
( B e n e f i t s of Remaining) 66
B e n e f i t s of Remaining (Hypothesis 3)
Assuming t h e r e were no f u r t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n about c o s t s or
b e n e f i t s accruing to migrations and t h a t c o s t s of r e m a i n i n g were the
same, i f an i n d i v i d u a l p e r c e i v e d t h a t h i s o v e r a l l income were d i m i n -
i s h i n g he would c o n s i d e r means of r e c t i f y i n g the s i t u a t i o n . Migra-
t i o n i s one of such means. Lower r u r a l income, b o t h m a t e r i a l and
o t h e r w i s e , s h o u l d r e s u l t i n m i g r a t i o n from r u r a l a r e a s . T h i s seems
to be the c a s e as r e p o r t e d by most s t u d i e s i n w e s t e r n cultures.
Martinson (op. c i t . ) f o r example, found M i n n e s o t a m i g r a n t s who
moved, l e s s i d e n t i f i e d w i t h and a d j u s t e d t o t h e i r r u r a l environment.
They were b e t t e r a d j u s t e d t o t h e h i g h s c h o o l , symbol of the o u t s i d e
w o r l d of academic, l i t e r a r y and s c i e n t i f i c p u r s u i t s , t h a n to t h e i r
families and t h e i r community. Lower p s y c h i c income a c c r u i n g t o
rural l i f e resulted i n t h e i r seeking a l t e r n a t i v e environments. The
same h o l d s f o r more s u b s t a n t i v e m a t e r i a l i s t i c income. Kempinski
(op. c i t . ) n o t e d a "push" f a c t o r as b e i n g a f a l l i n farm l a b o r r e -
quirements, r e s u l t i n g i n l e s s r u r a l employment i n B e l g i u m , and thus
i n r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n . F i n d i n g l e s s monetary income r u r a l resi-
dents sought work elsewhere. Lower r u r a l income, r e l a t i v e to o t h e r
c o s t s and b e n e f i t s , results i n m i g r a t i o n from the r u r a l a r e a s . He
saw t h i s b o t h as r i s i n g c i t y b e n e f i t s and as l o w e r i n g urban benefits.
Saville (1958:63) saw a steady d e c l i n e i n employment i n r u r a l com-
m u n i t i e s as a major f a c t o r i n r u r a l exodus i n Wales.

B e n e f i t s of Harvest
Gulliver (op. c i t . ) a l s o noted t h a t m i g r a t i o n i n s o u t h e r n
A f r i c a had most of i t s impetus i n y e a r s of poor c r o p s , and t h e n came
mostly from poor a r e a s . P e o p l e were l e s s i n c l i n e d t o m i g r a t e from
the r u r a l a r e a s when c r o p s were good. T h i s s u b s t a n t i a t e s the third
h y p o t h e s i s of t h i s t h e s i s . I t i s c o n t r a d i c t o r y , however, t o the r e -
s u l t s of a study made by C a l d w e l l (op. c i t . : 3 6 5 ) w h i c h showed a
h i g h e r p r o p e n s i t y f o r urban m i g r a t i o n amongst t h o s e West A f r i c a n
r u r a l r e s i d e n t s who were b e t t e r o f f than f o r t h o s e who were l e s s
w e l l t o do. These c o n t r a s t i n g i n d i c a t i o n s , however, a r e not n e c e s -
s a r i l y mutually e x c l u s i v e . A more w e l l - t o - d o r u r a l r e s i d e n t i n West
A f r i c a would be more f a m i l i a r w i t h urban l i f e s t y l e s and be more
prone to m i g r a t e . T h i s agrees w i t h H y p o t h e s i s 2. Then a g a i n , a
g i v e n p o p u l a t i o n , a t a time o f f a i l u r e of r u r a l r e s o u r c e s , would
seek a l t e r n a t i v e incomes. W i t h i n a g i v e n a r e a and d u r i n g a p a r t i c u -
lar crop s t a t u s people w i t h more knowledge o f urban l i f e would tend
to m i g r a t e more than those who had l i t t l e o r none. T h i s agrees w i t h
Hypothesis 3. G i v e n a c e r t a i n knowledge o f the c i t y , an individual
would be more prone to move than d u r i n g bad times.
B e n e f i t s of Residence
E l k a n (1959) noted how on n o n - a l i e n a b l e communal l a n d usu-

3
f r u c t r i g h t s i n A f r i c a depended s o l e l y on o c c u p a t i o n . He p o i n t e d
3. T h i s i s u n t r u e i n many p a r t s o f A f r i c a , even i n " t r a d i t i o n a l "

areas.
( B e n e f i t s o f Remaining) 68
out t h a t t h i s r e s u l t e d i n no compensation b e i n g p a i d to m i g r a n t s f o r
v a c a t i n g the l a n d . G i v e n the h y p o t h e s i s g e n e r a t e d above, we could
p r e d i c t a h i g h e r r a t e of d e c i s i o n s to remain because b e n e f i t s o f
remaining on the l a n d were h i g h e r . An i n d i v i d u a l had access to land
o n l y i f he s t a y e d . But i n A f r i c a t h i s s i t u a t i o n r e s u l t e d i n c i r c u -
l a r m i g r a t i o n r a t h e r than i n r e m a i n i n g i n the v i l l a g e . Africans
thus tended to v i e w wage employment i n the c i t y as temporary. One
a t f i r s t would e x p e c t to f i n d l e s s m i g r a t i o n where l e s s r u r a l land
i s s a l a b l e , and more m i g r a t i o n where t h e r e a r e compensations f o r
v a c a t i n g the l a n d . I n A f r i c a , i n s t e a d o f l e s s m i g r a t i o n , the m i g r a -
t i o n i s l e s s permanent.
Foster (1968) d i s a g r e e d w i t h a w i d e l y h e l d a s s u m p t i o n t h a t
education caused r i s i n g e x p e c t a t i o n s w h i c h t h e n caused r u r a l u r b a n
m i g r a t i o n and thus unemployment due to l a c k of w h i t e c o l l a r jobs.
T h i s p o i n t was r a i s e d i n H y p o t h e s i s 1 and H y p o t h e s i s 2. Foster s a i d
t h a t s c h o o l l e a v e r s w i l l take manual j o b s d e s p i t e t h i s a s s u m p t i o n
h e l d about them, but even these manual j o b s a r e unavailable.
S e c u r i t y as a B e n e f i t
G i v e n t h e I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e one would
e x p e c t p e o p l e w i t h a background o r t r a d i t i o n o f urban l i f e to be
more prone to m i g r a t i o n to the c i t y . T h i s i s examined more f u l l y i n
the f o l l o w i n g and f i n a l h y p o t h e s i s . However G u t k i n d (1968:44) n o t e s :

We s h o u l d n o t i g n o r e t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e i s f a r l e s s
o r g a n i z e d v i l l a g e l i f e i n E a s t than i n West A f r i c a and
hence r u r a l y o u t h can move more r e a d i l y to t h e urban
a r e a s o f t h e E a s t than t o those o f West A f r i c a . . . .
This d i r e c t l y c o n t r a d i c t s a hypothesis w i t h i n t h i s t h e s i s which
s t a t e s t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l would be more prone t o m i g r a t e g i v e n more
urban i n f o r m a t i o n , t h a t i s i f he has grown up i n a c u l t u r e w i t h
some urban t r a d i t i o n . A t t h e same time t h i s i n d i c a t e s t h a t an i n -
d i v i d u a l i s more prone t o l e a v e a v i l l a g e i f i t i s i n c a p a b l e , i n h i s
eyes, o f p r o v i d i n g enough expected b e n e f i t s . S e c u r i t y i s one such
b e n e f i t , and more e a s i l y found i n t h e v i l l a g e w i t h a c l a n s t r u c t u r e .
Monetary income a l s o poses problems i n terms of t h e A f r i -
can a p p l i c a b i l i t y o f t h i s h y p o t h e s i s . Nash (1958) argued t h a t s u p p l y
and demand d i s e q u i l i b r i u m l e a d s t o a f a l l i n p r o f i t and i n income
levels i n agriculture. T h i s i s caused by o v e r s u p p l y o f a g r i c u l t u r a l
p r o d u c e , and i n f l e x i b i l i t y o f a g r i c u l t u r a l o u t p u t . This i n turn
leads to m i g r a t i o n . H i s argument however, does n o t d i r e c t l y apply
to West A f r i c a . P r i c e s o f farm produce a r e r i s i n g , even r e l a t i v e t o
capital costs. T h i s i s p a r t l y due t o u r b a n i z a t i o n , and a g r e a t e r
demand on t h e market f o r f o o d produce. Food s h o r t a g e s o f t e n have t o
be met by i m p o r t i n g . The w e s t e r n model o f e x p l a n a t i o n does n o t f i t .
I n c r e a s e i n wage l a b o r r a i s e s demand f o r f o o d . Rural migration r e -
duces s u p p l y o f f o o d . P r i c e s and thus p r o f i t s on f o o d production
a r e r i s i n g , n o t f a l l i n g , and y e t t h e r e i s s t i l l r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n .
(Costs o f M i g r a t i n g ) 70
Costs o f M i g r a t i n g (Hypothesis 4)
Assuming t h a t an i n d i v i d u a l has no o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h
causes h i s e v a l u a t i o n 6 f b e n e f i t s o f urban l i f e and h i s e v a l u a t i o n s
o f c o s t s and b e n e f i t s o f r e m a i n i n g i n a r e l a t i v e l y r u r a l s e t t i n g to
change, t h e n new i n f o r m a t i o n about h i s p e r c e i v e d c o s t s o f m i g r a t i n g
to a c i t y w i l l r e s u l t i n a new r a t i o between t h e f a c t o r s and a d i f -
f e r e n t tendency t o m i g r a t e . I f the i n d i v i d u a l f e e l s that costs of
m i g r a t i n g to and l i v i n g i n a c i t y a r e f a l l i n g r e l a t i v e t o t h e o t h e r
t h r e e f a c t o r s then he would be more prone t o l e a v e . I f he f e e l s t h a t
such c o s t s a r e r i s i n g r e l a t i v e t o o t h e r i n f o r m a t i o n , he would p r o -
b a b l y be more c o n t e n t t o remain. Such c o s t s c o u l d range from a gen-
e r a l f e e l i n g o f a p p r e h e n s i o n t o a s p e c i f i c knowledge o f h i g h r e n t s .
I f an i n d i v i d u a l has grown up i n a c u l t u r a l m i l i e u where
m i g r a t i o n i s common such c o s t s would be l o w e r . M i g r a t i o n would be
a more a c c e p t a b l e a c t i o n t h e n i n a l e s s s e d e n t a r y society. This
environment may i n c l u d e h i s p r i m a r y s o c i a l i z a t i o n environment, h i s
f a m i l y , h i s c l a n , h i s t r i b e , o r so on. I f an i n d i v i d u a l t h e r e f o r e i s
of an e t h n i c group w i t h a m i g r a t i o n t r a d i t i o n , o r has a f a m i l y w i t h
a h i s t o r y o f m i g r a t i o n , he would p r o b a b l y see m i g r a t i o n c o s t s as
lower than o t h e r w i s e . As J . C l y d e M i t c h e l l (1959:12) s t a t e d :
The n o r m a t i v e system o f t h e s o c i e t y i s one o f t h e axes

a l o n g w h i c h the m o t i v a t i o n o f l a b o r m i g r a t i o n o p e r a t e s .
The same a p p l i e s t o a f a m i l y o r e t h n i c t r a d i t i o n o f urban
living. As w i t h a t r a d i t i o n o f m i g r a t i o n , a h i s t o r y o f urban life

i n t h e m i l i e u o f an i n d i v i d u a l l o w e r s t h e p e r c e i v e d c o s t s o f h i s own
a n t i c i p a t e d urban r e s i d e n c e . F r i e n d s and f a m i l y t a l k about m i g r a -
t i o n o r urban e v e n t s . F a m i l i a r i t y lowers the psychic c o s t s . Elders
r e l a t e t h e i r own p a s t a c t i o n s and the i n d i v i d u a l sees t h a t p e o p l e
he knows were a b l e to do i t . He t h e r e f o r e i s l e s s l i k e l y t o t h i n k
i t strange t h a t he do i t .
Such f a m i l i a r i t y i n c l u d e s knowledge o f c e r t a i n l i f e s t y l e s
a s s o c i a t e d w i t h m i g r a t i o n and w i t h c i t y l i f e . A greater understand-
i n g o f money, o f wages, o f market t r a n s a c t i o n s i n c r e a s e s t h e m o b i l i t y
of an i n d i v i d u a l . The same a p p l i e s t o a l l h a b i t s more a s s o c i a t e d
w i t h t h e c i t y and c i t y life.
Traditions and F a m i l y H i s t o r i e s o f R u r a l Urban M i g r a t i o n
There a r e a number o f s t u d i e s w h i c h i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e r e i s
more tendency f o r an i n d i v i d u a l t o m i g r a t e t o t h e c i t y i f he comes
from a f a m i l y o r e t h n i c c a t e g o r y more prone t o m i g r a t e o r more fam-
i l i a r w i t h urban l i f e s t y l e s . S t a t i s t i c a l p r o o f s however tend t o be
s e l f - f u l f i l l i n g prophesies u n l e s s c a r e f u l l y examined. To say f o r
example t h a t Igbo's tend t o l i v e i n c i t i e s more than o t h e r West
A f r i c a n e t h n i c groups l i v e i n c i t i e s because they have a l w a y s tended
t o do s o , i s not much o f a c a u s a l e x p l a n a t i o n . There i s no d i r e c t
consequence o f r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n o f any i n d i v i d u a l ' s b e i n g an
Igbo. T h i s i s n o t an h y p o t h e t i c a l example; N z i m i r o (1965) p o i n t e d

(Costs o f Migrating) 72
out t h a t Igbo have a h i g h e r r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n r a t e than any
o t h e r e t h n i c group. Causes of Igbo d e c i s i o n s must be found o u t s i d e
anything i n t r i n s i c to b e i n g Igbo.
As e a r l y as f i f t e e n y e a r s ago W i n t e r (op. c i t . : 3 8 ) suggested
one way i n which t r a d i t i o n a l m i g r a t i o n was r e l a t e d to u r b a n i z a t i o n .
P r i o r to the f o r m a t i o n of c o m m e r c i a l c e n t e r s , Bwamba i n d i v i d u a l s
found m i g r a t i o n an escape when v i l l a g e s i t u a t i o n s became u n b e a r a b l e .
P s y c h i c c o s t s l e a d to m i g r a t i o n as i n H y p o t h e s i s 1. Now, however,
such i n d i v i d u a l s s e e k i n g escape see l i f e e a s i e r i n the anonymity of
a c i t y r a t h e r than i n the r e - a d j u s t m e n t to a s i m i l a r nearby v i l l a g e
as i n the p a s t . A t r a d i t i o n of m i g r a t i o n r e s u l t s i n low migration
costs f o r i n d i v i d u a l s .
Shapera (1947:116) noted t h a t t r a v e l was a form of initia-
t i o n i n t o manhood i n the Bechuanaland P r o t e c t o r a t e . I n Botswana
t r a v e l to a c i t y i s a r e c e n t l y a c c e p t a b l e custom. Akinola (op. c i t . )
sees Yoruba r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n l e s s as a consequence of westerni-
z a t i o n and commercial m o d e r n i z a t i o n but more of an e x t e n s i o n of tra-
d i t i o n a l urban l i f e s t y l e . Yoruba, he r e p o r t s , r e f l e c t such t r a d i -
t i o n s i n t h e i r semantic c a t e g o r i e s . C l e a v e (1966:39) mentions how
h i l l settlements were abandoned a f t e r c o l o n i s t s stopped wars. Used
t o such "urban" l i f e , y e t w i t h o u t the need f o r p r o t e c t i o n from a t -
t a c k , A f r i c a n s then t r a n s p o s e d a t r a d i t i o n of m i l i t a r y - u r b a n l i f e to
commercial-urban l i f e i n r e c e n t times. S i d d l e (1968) t r a c e d the
h i s t o r y and d e c l i n e of war towns i n S i e r r a Leone. They a r e being

r e p l a c e d by commercial towns i n i m p o r t a n c e . This i s simply a matter
of a d a p t a t i o n . P e o p l e used t o "urban" l i f e o f p r e c o l o n i a l times
found t h a t t h e major i m p o r t a n c e , d e f e n c e , was superceded by a new
i n t e r e s t , commerce.
Barbour's (1965) f o u r examples o f r u r a l - r u r a l migrations
has a l r e a d y been c i t e d i n the I n t r o d u c t i o n .
C a l d w e l l (op. c i t . ) found t h a t Ghanaians were more i n c l i n e d
to migrate t o a c i t y i f t h e i r f a m i l y had a m i g r a t i o n p a t t e r n , as w e l l
as f o r t h e r e a s o n s noted e a r l i e r . Ameyaw (1966) i n d i c a t e d how t h e
Kwawu l o c a t e d themselves i n t h e p r e s e n t Kwawu a r e a by m i g r a t i n g from
Adanse, K e n k y i r a , Tena, B r e t u o , Asona, and A s h a n t i . They a r e s t i l l
moving, as i n d i c a t e d i n the f o l l o w i n g c h a p t e r s . Boahen (1966) n o t e d
how t h e Akan, i n c l u d i n g Kwawu c o m p r i s i n g two-thirds of the population
of Ghana, o r i g i n a t e d as a r e s u l t o f "Negroes m i g r a t i n g t o t h e Dahomey
Gap i n t h e t h i r d m i l l e n i u m B.C., and moving i n t o t h e f o r e s t r e g i o n s
from t h e Bono-Takyiman-Gyaman r e g i o n s . Abner Cohen (op. c i t . ) n o t e d
how Hausas i n Yoruba towns use e t h n i c customs from r u r a l s o c i e t y t o
d e v e l o p a p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n w h i c h e s t a b l i s h e d economic c o n t r o l s
over l o n g d i s t a n c e t r a d e i n c e r t a i n commodities. These adaptations
to modern urban l i f e were t h e d i r e c t consequences o f e t h n i c t r a d i -
tions. Rural-urban m i g r a t i o n i n v o l v e s low c o s t s f o r i n d i v i d u a l s i n
c u l t u r e s t h a t have h i s t o r i e s and t r a d i t i o n s o f m i g r a t i o n .
M i d d l e P l a c e s and C o s t s o f R u r a l Urban M i g r a t i o n
The lower c o s t s a c c r u i n g to c i t y l i f e where m i d d l e p l a c e s
e x i s t was noted above as h i g h e r b e n e f i t s a c c r u i n g to urban m i g r a t i o n .
Hanna (1967), Abu-Lughod (1961), Ampene (1967), Eames (1954), G u t k i n d
(1965), Blumberg (1959), Cohen (1969), Mayer (1962), and P a r k i n were
already c i t e d . I t i s here t h a t i t i s d i f f i c u l t t o s e p a r a t e lower
c o s t s from g r e a t e r b e n e f i t s g i v e n the frameworks and p e r s p e c t i v e s
i n which these authors wrote.
R u r a l T r a i n i n g and F a m i l i a r i t y w i t h Urban C o n d i t i o n s
F a m i l i a r i t y w i t h urban l i f e s t y l e l o w e r s the c o s t o f c i t y
living. Such c o s t s i n c l u d e those of f i n d i n g work. Acqua (1958:65)
noted t h a t the m a j o r i t y of jobs i n manufacturing i n A c c r a r e q u i r e d
s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d labor. Persons from s o u t h e r n Ghana and
A s h a n t i had more t r a i n i n g and exposure t o such o c c u p a t i o n s and filled
them, whereas persons from the n o r t h w i t h l e s s exposure to s k i l l e d
j o b s took m e n i a l o c c u p a t i o n s . Ampene (1967) was c i t e d above. The
c l o s e r t i e s of t h e s o u t h e r n e r s to t h e i r r u r a l homes were l i n k e d to
more permanent urban l i f e s t y l e . P o s s i b l y as r u r a l r e s i d e n t s they
were more f a m i l i a r w i t h urban l i f e due to the more f r e q u e n t v i s i t s
of p r i o r m i g r a n t s , so they f e l t "more a t home" when they went to
Obuasi. As a l r e a d y n o t e d , B y l s (1967) found i n Francophone A f r i c a
t h e tendency f o r persons f a m i l i a r w i t h market economy to m i g r a t e i n

(Costs of Migrating) 75
s e a r c h of wage l a b o r , D o r j a h n (1967) noted i n h i s 1962-63 study of
t r a d i t i o n a l entrepreneurs i n Madburaho, S i e r r a Leone, t h a t most t r a d e s -
men were s i n g l e , had t r a v e l l e d w i d e l y and were r e c e n t immigrants.
Jyrkila (1958) i n h i s study of F i n n i s h y o u t h n o t e d t h a t m i g r a n t s in
c i t i e s w i t h some c i t y background were b e t t e r a d j u s t e d than migrants
w i t h r u r a l backgrounds. Gugler (1968:480) found t h a t r u r a l urban
m i g r a t i o n r e s u l t e d i n more wage income i n r u r a l a r e a s w h i c h r e s u l t e d
t h e n ,in more r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n . C a l d w e l l (op. c i t . ) n o t e d t h a t
t h e p r o p e n s i t y to m i g r a t e t o c i t i e s i n Ghana i n c r e a s e s w i t h the prox-
i m i t y t o a l a r g e r town. T h i s i n d i c a t e d t h a t more i n f o r m a t i o n from
t h e c i t y was channeled to p o t e n t i a l migrants so as t o a l l o w them t o
become more f a m i l i a r w i t h urban r e q u i r e m e n t s . He n o t e d t h a t the pro-
p e n s i t y a l s o i n c r e a s e s w i t h p o p u l a t i o n s i z e of the r u r a l center.
I n t e r p r e t e d i n the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e , i n d i v i d u a l s
i n l a r g e r r u r a l c e n t e r s a r e more f a m i l i a r w i t h c i t y l i f e than i n d i v i -
duals i n smaller r u r a l centers. This f a m i l i a r i t y leads to a greater
tendency t o m i g r a t e to a c i t y . He f u r t h e r n o t e d t h a t the propensity
to m i g r a t e t o c i t i e s a l s o i n c r e a s e d w i t h the e c o n o m i c a l w e l l - b e i n g
of the m i g r a n t or p o t e n t i a l m i g r a n t . T h i s would suggest t h a t migrants
a r e more d i s p o s e d to move to urban a r e a s (where p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e
monetary economy i s almost mandatory) i f they a r e b e t t e r o f f substan-
t i v e l y and more f a m i l i a r w i t h wage economics a s s o c i a t e d w i t h urban
life. M i g r a t i o n f o r such i n d i v i d u a l s does not r e p r e s e n t a b i g jump
from a non-monetary economy but an easy a d a p t a t i o n , t h e p s y c h i c costs

(Costs o f Migrating) 76
of w h i c h a r e much l o w e r . C a l d w e l l a l s o found t h e m i g r a t i o n propen-
s i t y a l s o i n c r e a s e d w i t h the l e v e l of e d u c a t i o n of the migrant.
Costs a r e lower f o r the i n d i v i d u a l more f a m i l i a r w i t h c i t y l i f e due
to contact w i t h teachers, reading of books a and a l s o a g r e a t e r i d e n -
t i f i c a t i o n w i t h a more c o s m o p o l i t a n way of l i f e . However t h i s obser-
v a t i o n must be tempered w i t h a f u r t h e r f i n d i n g of C a l d w e l l . Occupa-
t i o n s were of minor s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e i n r u r a l urban m i g r a t i o n
patterns. Such data t o some e x t e n t negates t h i s h y p o t h e s i s , o r a t
l e a s t does not support i t .
However, the fundamental h y p o t h e s i s s t i l l applies: a de-
c r e a s e i n the p e r c e i v e d c o s t s a c c r u i n g t o a move to a more urban
a r e a i n c r e a s e s the r e l a t i v e v a l u e of such m i g r a t i o n , and increases
the p r o b a b i l i t y o f such a c t i o n .
Conclusions Drawn From the L i t e r a t u r e Survey
I t i s easy to see why "push" f a c t o r s have c o l l a p s e d i n t o
one category. R u r a l push i s u s u a l l y seen as a l o w e r i n g of the cap-
a b i l i t y o f r u r a l a r e a s to s a t i s f y the needs of t h e r e s i d e n t s . This
must be seen a n a l y t i c a l l y as a change i n o p p o s i t e d i r e c t i o n s of two
factors: an i n c r e a s e i n the c o s t s of r e m a i n i n g , and a d e c r e a s e i n
the b e n e f i t s of r e m a i n i n g . As m i g r a n t s a r e exposed to new ideas,
new forms o f income, new o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n the b r o a d e s t sense t h e i r
g o a l s may be thought t o have i n c r e a s e d . The f a i l u r e of the rural

economy and e c o l o g y t o s a t i s f y t h e s e g o a l s may be thought o f as a
r e l a t i v e decrease i n b e n e f i t s . The i n c r e a s e i n p e r c e i v e d hardship
r e l a t e d to remaining may be thought o f as a r e l a t i v e r i s e i n c o s t s .
Both o f these c a n be c a t e g o r i z e d i n t h e same " r u r a l - p u s h " f a c t o r o f
r u r a l u r b a n m i g r a t i o n , h i g h e r c o s t s , lower b e n e f i t s .
There a r e two l e s s o n s t o l e a r n f r o m t h e e x a m i n a t i o n of the
l i t e r a t u r e with respect to the i n d i v i d u a l perspective. F i r s t , mone-
t a r y and non-monetary incomes p l a y s i m i l a r r o l e s i n e x p l a i n i n g i n -
d i v i d u a l decision-making. Second, one might p r e d i c t a d e c i s i o n t o
r e m a i n g i v e n a w e s t e r n c o n t e x t b u t might f i n d , g i v e n s i m i l a r informa-
t i o n v a l u e s , temporary o r c i r c u l a r m i g r a t i o n i n s t e a d o f no m i g r a t i o n .
C i r c u l a r m i g r a t i o n i s an A f r i c a n a d a p t a t i o n t o combined f o r c e s l e a d i n g
to m i g r a t i n g from t h e r u r a l a r e a s and r e m a i n i n g i n the r u r a l areas.
The g e n e r a l h y p o t h e s i s s t i l l i s a v a l i d framework f o r e x p l a n a t i o n i n
that a d e c i s i o n to migrate i s more l i k e l y when an i n d i v i d u a l p e r -
c e i v e s a r e l a t i v e d e c r e a s e i n the monetary o r non-monetary b e n e f i t s
a c c r u i n g t o h i s s t a y i n the r u r a l area.
Rising v i l l a g e costs, lowering v i l l a g e b e n e f i t s , r i s i n g
c i t y b e n e f i t s , and l o w e r i n g c i t y c o s t s a r e a l l i n t e r r e l a t e d f a c t o r s .
A l l four contribute to i n d i v i d u a l ' s decisions to migrate. Some f a c -
t o r s , such as i n c r e a s e d urban i n f o r m a t i o n , a r e d i f f i c u l t t o c a t e g o r -
i z e as e i t h e r i n c r e a s e d urban b e n e f i t s o r d e c r e a s e d urban c o s t s , b u t
i n e i t h e r c a t e g o r y r a i s e the b e n e f i t - c o s t r a t i o o f t h e m i g r a t i o n d e c i -
sion. L i k e w i s e as o t h e r c a t e g o r i e s sometimes o v e r l a p , i t i s d i f f i c u l t
t o a s s e s s whether a f a c t o r i s a r i s e i n c o s t o r a d e c r e a s e i n b e n e f i t s .
CHAPTER THREE
Information
The P h y s i c a l and S o c i a l Environment
The Environments o f a Kwawu M i g r a n t

Map 1 CEA/SL'S MAP OF LOCAL AU7HO&/T/ES 73
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(Information) 79
West A f r i c a i s more than a l o c a l e f o r urban s t u d i e s ; i t

i s a frame o f r e f e r e n c e f o r e x p l o r i n g n o n - i n d u s t r i a l ,
a g r i c u l t u r a l , and commercial based c i t i e s . ^
I n West A f r i c a t h e r e a r e a g r e a t number o f v i l l a g e s from
w h i c h m i g r a n t s l e a v e , and many a r e a s of v a r y i n g urban s t a t u s , t o
w h i c h m i g r a n t s choose t o go. The i m p l i e d p e r m u t a t i o n s a r e t o o
numerous t o l i s t i n d e t a i l h e r e . I n s t e a d , one c i t y and one r u r a l
a r e a i n Ghana a r e t a k e n as examples. See Map One, "Census Map o f
L o c a l A u t h o r i t i e s " on page 78. People migrate to that c i t y from
many o t h e r a r e a s than from t h e one r u r a l a r e a named h e r e , and t h e y
a l s o m i g r a t e from t h a t r u r a l a r e a t o p l a c e s o t h e r than t h e c i t y des-
c r i b e d here. The d e s c r i p t i o n s o f t h e s e two a r e a s i s o f f e r e d b o t h
as example and as a d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g environment type w i t h i n which
the i n d i v i d u a l makes a c h o i c e . The i n f o r m a t i o n i s o f f e r e d i n t h i s
c h a p t e r t o s e r v e two p u r p o s e s . The f i r s t i s t o p r o v i d e d a t a c o r r e s -
ponding to t h e I n f o r m a t i o n a s p e c t o f t h e I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n
model. The i n f o r m a t i o n p e r c e i v e d a s s i m i l a t e d and weighed by any one
d e c i s i o n maker i n t h e a r e a , o f c o u r s e , cannot be e x a c t l y t h e same as
p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s t h e s i s s i n c e no a l l o w a n c e i s made f o r t h e i n d i v i -
dual s u b j e c t i v e response. However, t h e s e d a t a do c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e
"Information" aspect of the Information-decision-action p e r s p e c t i v e .
The second purpose i s to p r o v i d e t h e r e a d e r w i t h some r e l e v a n t ethno-
g r a p h i c d a t a about t h e f i e l d so he may be f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e p h y s i c a l
and s o c i a l environment.
1. Simms, R.F., U r b a n i z a t i o n i n West A f r i c a , A Review of C u r r e n t

L i t e r a t u r e . E v a n s t o n , 1965, p. x i i i .
(Information) 80
The r u r a l a r e a chosen h e r e i s t h e Kwawu t r a d i t i o n a l a r e a .
Kwawu i s i n a t r o p i c a l farm and r a i n f o r e s t t e r r a i n p a r t l y on a
h i l l y p l a t e a u ( a l t i t u d e 1000 f e e t ) and on e i t h e r side of i t . Most
of t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n l i v e i n a number o f s m a l l v i l l a g e s . There
i s one l a r g e town i n Kwawu c a l l e d Nkawkaw w h i c h might be c a l l e d a n
i n t e r m e d i a t e p o i n t i n a r u r a l urban continuum. About one hundred
m i l e s south i s the c l o s e s t c i t y : Accra. See Map Two on page 81.
The continuum o f r u r a l t o urban t h e n , i n t h i s example, comprises
v i l l a g e s i n r u r a l Kwawu, Nkawkaw t h e town, and A c c r a t h e c i t y . The
s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environments o f each o f t h e s e w i l l be b r i e f l y
sketched.
CHAPTER THREE A
The R u r a l A r e a
Kwawu P h y s i c a l and S o c i a l Environment
The Environment From Which Kwawu M i g r a t e

(Kwawu) 82
There were no p e a s a n t s b e f o r e t h e f i r s t cities.
The Kwawu Environment
The Kwawu a r e a i s s i t u a t e d i n s o u t h e r n Ghana, i n t h e Eas-
t e r n Region. I t i s e a s t of A s h a n t i and west o f t h e V o l t a R e g i o n .

2
The p e o p l e l i v e on t h e Kwahu p l a t e a u , and on t h e Afram p l a i n s t o
the n o r t h and west o f t h e p l a t e a u . See Map Three, "Predominant Tribe
i n Each A r e a " , on page 97. P r i o r t o t h e r i s e o f A s h a n t i , the p e o p l e
of the a r e a l i v e d f i r s t i n caves and l a t e r i n v i l l a g e s i s o l a t e d from
each o t h e r . A t t h e time o f t h e Adanse d i s t u r b a n c e s , as A s h a n t i was
b e i n g formed, O s e i Twum, moved i n t o t h e a r e a and r u l e d near A k w a t i a .
V a r i o u s T w i - s p e a k i n g c l a n s f l e e i n g t h e D e n k y i r a , or l o s i n g l a n d i n
Adanse, m i g r a t e d t o t h e a r e a . I t was t h e n named Okwa'u. The Tena
and t h e B e r e t u o from Mampong A s h a n t i f i r s t moved t o A s h a n t i Bekwai
and t h e n moved as one c l a n t o Mampong A k r o f o n s o . The c l a n t h e n be-
came i n v o l v e d i n d i s p u t e s w i t h S a h a n t i i n Kodiabe and i n Hwidiem
(Ashanti Akim). They t h e n moved t o Dwerebe h i l l i n Kwawu, and from
t h i s m i l i t a r y vantage p o i n t d e v a s t a t e d Awere and r u l e d i n Abene.
L a t e r immigrants came t o Abene from Akwamu i n 1733. The Aduana c l a n
1. R e d f i e l d , R o b e r t , The P r i m i t i v e World and I t s T r a n s f o r m a t i o n s .

I t h i c a , New Y o r k , C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1953, p. 31.
2. Both Kwawu and Kwahu r e f e r t o t h e same group. As Okwa'u was t r a n s -
c r i b e d i n t o a Roman A l p h a b e t the "'" was r e p l a c e d by a "h". As
E n g l i s h i s pronounced t h e Kwawu s p e l l i n g i s c l o s e r t o what t h e peo-
p l e s a y . Ghana government documents o f t e n use b o t h , w i t h one o r
the o t h e r i n p a r e n t h e s e s , o r e l s e e i t h e r . The Kwahu s p e l l i n g ap-
p e a r s more f r e q u e n t l y on m i s s i o n and b u s i n e s s documents, and on
government maps. The "Kwawu" s p e l l i n g i s used here t o r e f l e c t
t h e p e o p l e ' s p r o n u n c i a t i o n . "Kwahu" i s used t o r e f e r t o p l a c e
names and census a r e a s thus d e s i g n a t e d .
(Kwawu) 83
s e t t l e d i n Obo. The Asona s e t t l e d a t Mpraeso. The l a s t major group
o f immigrants were t h e Oyoko from A s h a n t i f l e e i n g from Opoku Ware's
elders. They s e t t l e d a t A t i b i e , near Mpraeso. The Kwawu a l l i e d w i t h
the A s h a n t i t o f i g h t Akyem Kotoku, and A t a r a F i r a m . W i t h t h e Sager-
a n t i war, t h e Kwawu seceded from A s h a n t i , y e t have m a i n t a i n e d amicable
terms ever s i n c e . This h i s t o r i c a l a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h A s h a n t i accounts
f o r many s i m i l a r i t i e s between Kwawu and A s h a n t i . Both speak Twi
dialects. See Diagram 4, " C a t e g p r i z a t i o n o f Spoken Kwawu", on page

3
137. Rattray was s u r e enough about t h e s i m i l a r i t i e s t h a t when he
c o l l e c t e d A s h a n t i t a l e s , f o r t h e most p a r t he g o t them from Kwawu
informants.
Kwawu i n more r u r a l s e t t i n g s s t i l l do n o t tend t o l i v e i n
i s o l a t e d homesteads. L i k e most Akans they l i v e i n v i l l a g e s c o n t a i n -
i n g more than one, and up to seven o r e i g h t exogamous m a t r i l i n e a l
clans. A standard ethnography, such as R a t t r a y , s h o u l d g i v e a more
comprehensive d e s c r i p t i o n . Single nuclear family dwelling units
are rare. More common a r e compounds surrounded by rooms o f v a r y i n g
s i z e s f o r members o f t h e abusua o r m a t r i c l a n , and f o r c o o k i n g and
so on. The c e n t e r o f t h e compound i s open, y e t e n c l o s e d by rooms
or a w a l l . The a r c h i t e c t u r a l d e s i g n , p l u s t h e use o f s w i s h , c l a y ,
b u i l d i n g m a t e r i a l s r a t h e r t h a n b o t a n i c a l f o r e s t p r o d u c t s b o t h suggest
3. R a t t r a y , R.S., A k a n - A s h a n t i F o l k T a l e s . O x f o r d , C l a r e n d o n P r e s s ,
1930. F o r f u r t h e r e t h n o g r a p h i c d a t a on A s h a n t i s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e
see R a t t r a y , R.S., A s h a n t i . O x f o r d , C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1923.
(Kwawu) 84
t r a d i t i o n s r e a c h i n g back t o a p r e - f o r e s t , savannah e x i s t e n c e . Nev-
e r t h e l e s s , a h i s t o r y o f u r b a n - l i k e r e s i d e n c e i s p a r t o f Kwawu c u l t u r e .
Few p e o p l e l i v e on i s o l a t e d homesteads, w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f an o c -
c a s i o n a l "hamlet" w h i c h may be t e m p o r a r i l y o c c u p i e d by a few p e o p l e
near a n i s o l a t e d farm d u r i n g seasons when c o n t i n u o u s d a i l y work i s
r e q u i r e d f o r a week o r two. Another e x c e p t i o n o f i s o l a t e d l i v i n g i s
a h a n d f u l o f f e t i s h p r i e s t s who l i v e a p a r t from Kwawu v i l l a g e s . In
a l l , however, Kwawu a r e used t o u r b a n - l i k e v i l l a g e life.
Some o f t h e v i l l a g e s on the t o p of t h e Kwawu escarpment
include: Abene, one o f t h e f i r s t Kwawu v i l l a g e s t o be founded;
Awere, w h i c h p l a y e d a n i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n e a r l y Kwawu h i s t o r y ; A b e t i f i
(literally "palm t r e e - h i g h " i n Twi) w h i c h has t h e h i g h e s t a l t i t u d e o f
the v i l l a g e s on t h e Kwawu escarpment; Mpraeso, w h i c h i s on most maps
because o f i t s i m p o r t a n c e t o t h e Americans who b u i l t a paved road
from Nkawkaw so as t o b r i n g b a u x i t e o u t d u r i n g t h e war; Obo, w h i c h
was founded i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y by a woman, Gyemfa Kyaade ( t h e
c h i e f o f Obo, Nana K o f i B e d i a k o , Kwawu N i f a h e n e , adopted me as h i s
s o n ) ; Obomeng, ( l i t e r a l l y , "on t h e way t o Obo", i n T w i ) , sometimes
c a l l e d t h e " f u n e r a l town" due t o t h e d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e number o f
p e o p l e b u r i e d t h e r e (as e x p l a i n e d l a t e r ) ; T a f o o r Kwahu-Tafo mentioned
l a t e r as t h e hometown o f Kwaku t h e b l a c k s m i t h ; and Takwa, somewhat
to t h e e a s t o f t h e o t h e r v i l l a g e s and near t h e n o r t h e a s t edge o f t h e
scarp. Some o f t h e v i l l a g e s down on t h e p l a i n s on t h e n o r t h e a s t
s i d e o f t h e escarpment i n c l u d e : Adawso, now a s m a l l f e r r y p o r t and

(Kwawu) 85
f i s h i n g v i l l a g e due t o t h e f l o o d i n g of t h e Afram and t h e c r e a t i o n of
t h e V o l t a Lake; A d u f u a , Aframso, Mankron, S e i d u , and T i r i b u m , w h i c h
were d i s p l a c e d by t h e r i s e of t h e Afram making the V o l t a Lake; and
Worobong, w h i c h grew as a r e s u l t of the d i s p l a c e m e n t . F u r t h e r out
on the Afram p l a i n s a r e the v i l l a g e s o f Abomasalafuo, Aseyensu,
Bonkrom, F a s o , K w e s i a d a i , Mopta, Santaboma, and Sumsei. Many Kwawu
have moved out on t h e Afram p l a i n s and a c r o s s t o t h e n o r t h e a s t e r n
b o r d e r o f N o r t h Kwahu, near Kpandu i n the V o l t a R e g i o n , and a l s o as
f a r as J a s i k a n , i n t h e Buem K r a c h i a r e a of the V o l t a R e g i o n , near
t h e Togo b o r d e r . The 1960 census r e p o r t e d 53,780 Kwawu l i v i n g i n
South Kwahu enumeration a r e a w h i c h i n c l u d e s the v i l l a g e s on t h e e s -
carpment, as w e l l as Nkawkaw and t h e nearby s m a l l v i l l a g e s on the
southwest s i d e of t h e s c a r p . I n N o r t h Kwawu, w h i c h i n c l u d e s most
o f t h e A f r a m p l a i n s as f a r e a s t as the V o l t a R i v e r , t h e r e were 38,500
Kwawu. Of the 1,490 Kwawu i n the V o l t a R e g i o n , 1,040 l i v e d i n the
Buem K r a c h i enumeration a r e a b o r d e r i n g on the Afram, w h i c h i n c l u d e s
Jasikan.
S k i n n e r (1965:69) i n d i c a t e s t h e e f f e c t of t h e r e t u r n i n g
m i g r a n t , o f f e r i n g p r e s e n t s , and h a v i n g h i s p r a i s e sung by m i n s t r e l s .
The income a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t r a v e l and o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n urban a r e a s i s
c o n t e m p l a t e d by the v i l l a g e r who t h i n k s he t o o may g e t such w e a l t h ,
such p r e s t i g e by g o i n g t o t h e c i t y . I n Kwawu, t h e s u c c e s s e s of t h e
r u r a l urban m i g r a n t a r e v i s i b l e e v e r y day. E l a b o r a t e two s t o r i e d
houses and compounds w i t h cement p a t i o s and g a l v a n i z e d r o o f s a r e

(Kwawu) 86
abundant i n Kwawu v i l l a g e s . Most o f them, t h e r e c e n t l y b u i l t ones,
have been e r e c t e d f o r s u c c e s s f u l Kwawu businessmen who l i v e away
i n some c i t y . Most o f t h e y e a r they a r e o c c u p i e d by r e l a t i v e s and
a few n o n - k i n t e n a n t s such as t e a c h e r s and p o s t a l c l e r k s from o t h e r
areas. The owner o r b u i l d e r may r e t u r n once o r t w i c e a y e a r t o
spend two.weeks d u r i n g C h r i s t m a s , Afahwe, o r E a s t e r f e s t i v a l . A l l
y e a r t h e houses and some o f t h e i r r e s i d e n t s s y m b o l i z e to the r u r a l
v i l l a g e r the o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f the c i t y life.
Nkawkaw
Kwaku Otomfuo, who i s mentioned l a t e r , has h i s shop a t
Nkawkaw. The 1960 census r e p o r t e d t h a t i t had a p o p u l a t i o n o f
16,627. T h i s i s f a r i n excess o f 3,106 i n 1931 o r 5,043 i n 1948 a s
r e p o r t e d i n t h e 1948 Census (p. 1 3 1 ) . The town s e r v e s as a major
stop f o r t h e t r a i n w h i c h r u n s from A c c r a t o Kumasi. During the sec-
ond w o r l d war l a r g e t r u c k s would come down the c l i f f s i d e b r i n g i n g
b a u x i t e from Mpraeso, s i x m i l e s away, up on t h e Kwawu escarpment, t o
the t r a i n s t a t i o n f o r shipment t o the c o a s t . The town i s a commer-
c i a l center f o r the area. I t b o a s t s t h r e e banks, two b a r s , many d r y
goods shops and s i x p e t r o l s t a t i o n s . I t i s a l s o on t h e highway be-
tween Kumasi, s e v e n t y - f i v e m i l e s n o r t h , and A c c r a , one hundred m i l e s
south.
Nkawkaw i s n o t a t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e . There i s no t r u e
chief. Many o f t h e r e s i d e n t s c o n s i d e r Obomeng, a s m a l l v i l l a g e three

(Kwawu) 87
m i l e s away, up on the escarpment, t o be the p l a c e o f t h e i r official
b i r t h and b u r i a l . C h i l d r e n a r e b o r n i n Nkawkaw, many a t t h e C a t h o l i c
H o s p i t a l , y e t the p e o p l e r e f e r t o Obomeng as t h e i r "home town".
Strangers o f t e n r e f e r t o Obomeng as " t h e f u n e r a l town" a s t h e number
of f u n e r a l s i n t h a t v i l l a g e seem much too numerous f o r such a s m a l l
place. As p e o p l e d r i v e f r o n Nkawkaw, up t h e s c a r p t h r o u g h Obomeng
to o t h e r p a r t s o f Kwawu more o f t e n than n o t a f u n e r a l i s i n p r o c e s s .
I t i s u s u a l l y t h a t o f a r e s i d e n t o f Nkawkaw. Obomeng s e r v e s more o r
l e s s a s t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s e a t o f Nkawkaw.
Not a l l Nkawkaw r e s i d e n t s a r e Kwawu but t h e 1960 census
l i s t s e t h n i c c a t e g o r i e s o n l y f o r enumeration a r e a s , n o t towns. Only
3,998 o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n was b o r n i n Nkawkaw (see t a b l e ) . Another
6,890 came from o t h e r p a r t s o f South Kwawu, and 4,937 came from
other regions or other c o u n t r i e s . Most o f t h e non-Kwawu a r e l a b o r e r s
f r o m the n o r t h , Dagomba, D a g a r t e h , e t c . , Hausa and Yoruba t r a d e r s
from N i g e r i a , and Ewe, F a n t i , and Ga m i g r a n t s from o t h e r p a r t s o f
s o u t h e r n Ghana. Nkawkaw, l i k e most West A f r i c a n towns ( L l o y d , 1967:
110), i s a b u s t l i n g , c o s m o p o l i t a n , c o l o r f u l , West A f r i c a n town.
Occupations
Kwawu have a r e p u t a t i o n i n Ghana f o r being good t r a d e r s .
T h i s , i t i s s a i d , i s why they have m i g r a t e d t o so many p l a c e s . If
you a s k p e o p l e anywhere i n Ghana, they w i l l t e l l y o u Kwawu go t o

(Kwawu) 88
Nkawkaw (Demographic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) 1960
Nkawkaw District Rom.Cath. U.A. C.

Town Treasury Zongo M i s s i o n Bungalow
Characteristic M F M F M F M F M F
A l l ages 7890 7737 1270 1274 547 450 292 276 700 647
Age:
Below one year 330 346 61 57 16 13 19 18 32 38
1-4 y e a r s 1167 1214 214 218 56 72 32 37 114 98
5-9 y e a r s 978 1180 177 232 59 64 43 28 64 90
10-14 y e a r s 846 978 160 145 52 41 27 34 46 65
15-24 y e a r s 1592 1593 232 249 87 100 66 64 113 128
25-44 y e a r s 2231 1821 320 292 184 125 80 55 239 174
45-64 y e a r s 585 478 87 69 69 27 22 29 64 46
Over 65 161 127 19 12 24 8 3 11 28 8
Born i n :
This l o c a l i t y 1957 2041 401 423 167 177 70 74 163 164
Other l o c a t i o n ,
same r e g i o n 3098 3792 533 632 91 125 130 148 132 153
Other r e g i o n 1746 1471 222 163 115 101 62 42 213 202
Other A f r i c a n
country 1076 426 114 56 177 47 27 7 190 128
Other C o n t i n e n t 11 7 0 0 0 0 3 5 2 0
Schooling:
Over 6 y e a r s 6155 5900 956 947 453 347 227 216 537 488
6-14 y e a r s :
Never a t t e n d e d 372 851 73 156 36 54 10 20 54 101
Past attendance 62 102 11 11 1 1 2 4 1 5
Present a t t e n -
dance 1152 928 214 158 52 32 44 33 38 26
Over 15:
Never a t t e n d e d 2401 3118 347 508 321 228 65 107 354 327
Past attendance 1837 750 251 87 38 24 82 46 79 25
Present atten-
dance 331 151 60 27 5 8 24 6 11 4
Employment:
T o t a l age 15 over 4569 4019 658 622 364 260 171 159 444 356
Employed t o t a l 3864 2584 553 315 336 173 143 124 392 223
Agriculture 1021 684 190 122 61 32 40 57 78 19
Unemployed 206 71 40 10 5 2 1 1 11 3
Homemaker 59 1070 2 266 9 65 1 25 20 121
Other 440 294 63 31 14 20 26 9 21 9
(Kwawu) 89
Salva-
tion
Army Rest Presby
Clinic Mission Market House Miss ;ion
Characteristic M F M F M F M F M F
A l l ages 1145 1057 909 973 1374 1457 892 804 761 791
Age:
Below one y e a r 45 46 27 37 64 61 30 38 36 38
1-4 y e a r s 156 173 144 141 200 214 118 124 133 137
5-9 y e a r s 152 160 115 156 168 214 96 109 104 127
10-14 y e a r s 109 139 102 137 165 212 101 127 84 78
15-24 y e a r s 219 219 221 207 312 306 184 170 158 150
25-44 y e a r s 361 242 232 221 353 333 284 192 178 187
45-64 y e a r s 82 57 56 56 93 100 63 31 49 63
Over 65 21 21 12 18 19 17 16 13 19 19
Born i n :
This l o c a l i t y 258 220 237 222 332 388 132 146 202 227
Other l o c a l i t y ,
same r e g i o n 445 548 387 493 638 827 386 432 356 434
Other r e g i o n 261 197 218 241 237 203 272 202 146 120
Other A f r i c a n
country 180 92 66 17 163 37 102 24 57 18
Other C o n t i n e n t 1 0 1 0 4 2 0 0 0 0
Schooling:
Over 6 y e a r s 911 796 714 758 1074 1140 721 618 562 590
6-14 y e a r s :
Never a t t e n d e d 51 109 36 102 56 153 29 98 27 58
Past attendance 12 17 9 17 13 25 9 11 4 11
Present atten-
dance 163 131 148 137 228 206 136 103 127 102
Over 15:
Never a t t e n d e d 352 419 205 354 375 547 225 305 157 323
Past attendance 290 103 265 127 337 173 285 87 210 78
Present a t t e n -
dance 41 17 51 21 65 36 37 14 37 18
Employment:,
T o t a l age 15 over 683 539 521 502 777 756 547 406 404 419
Employed t o t a l 595 381 424 338 639 506 461 236 321 288
Agriculture 171 85 104 49 179 132 94 76 104 112
Unemployed 21 18 19 4 58 20 35 9 16 4
Homemaker 1 99 8 87 2 183 2 130 14 94
Other 66 41 70 73 78 47 49 31 53 33
(Kwawu) 90
b o t h l a r g e and s m a l l towns t o s e t up shops s e l l i n g canned goods, d r y
goods, o r c o n s t r u c t i o n m a t e r i a l . Y e t i f one were t o l o o k f i r s t a t
Ghana census t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l d a t a would seem t o c o n t r a d i c t t h i s
reputation. Only a s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n of t h e Ghana p o p u l a t i o n a r e
t r a d e r s ; f a r below what t h e r e p u t a t i o n would i n d i c a t e . Out o f a
male o c c u p a t i o n a l f o r c e o f 67,810 engaged as s a l e s w o r k e r s , i n -
c l u d i n g p r o p r i e t o r s , o n l y 2,249 a r e Kwawu. Out o f 278,540 female
t r a d e r s o n l y 3,850 o f them a r e Kwawu. I f l e s s than two p e r c e n t
of Ghanaians engaged i n t r a d e a r e Kwawu i t would seem t h i s repu-
tation i s unsubstantiated. B u t Kwawu c a n be e x c e l l e n t t r a d e r s , and
t h i s i s r e l a t e d to t h e i r h a v i n g m i g r a t e d t o so many p l a c e s . To
understand t h i s i t i s necessary t o b r i e f l y examine t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l
s t r u c t u r e o f Kwawu r a t h e r t h a n i t s p r o p o r t i o n i n the whole economy.
The Ghanaian l a b o u r f o r c e c o n s i s t s o f 1,573,170 men and
987,670 women. Kwawu men i n t h e l a b o u r f o r c e account f o r 24,860 o r
6.3 p e r c e n t o f t h e male w o r k f o r c e . Kwawu women account f o r 22,740
o r 4.3 p e r c e n t o f t h e female w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n . F o r t h e sake o f
c o n s i s t e n c y , t h e p r o p o r t i o n s o f men o r women i n v a r i o u s occupational
c a t e g o r i e s a r e c a l c u l a t e d a s p e r c e n t a g e s o f t h e t o t a l male o r female
l a b o u r f o r c e s f o r a l l o f Ghana o r f o r t h e Kwawu p o p u l a t i o n . This i s
t o compare t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e o f Kwawu w i t h t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l
s t r u c t u r e o f a l l o f Ghana.
(Kwawu) 91
White C o l l a r
Whereas only 3 percent of the Ghana male working popula-
t i o n i s classed as professional, 5.3 percent of employed Kwawu are
p r o f e s s i o n a l l y employed. Of this category, only 1.3 percent of the
Ghanaian working population are teachers, while almost twice the
proportion of Kwawu, 2.5 percent, are so employed. Draughtsmen and
related technicians account for only .57 percent of the t o t a l male
working population while they account for 1.81 percent of the Kwawu
male working population. Administrators account for only 0.8 percent
of the t o t a l working population while they account for 1.3 percent
of the Kwawu male working population. Of these, Kwawu tend more to
take government (.56 versus .30) rather than commercial (.12 versus
.21) posts. The proportion of Kwawu c l e r i c a l workers i s almost twice
as high as the proportion of a l l Ghanaian clerks. Only 2.5 percent
of a l l Ghanaian men are c l e r i c a l workers yet 4.9 percent of employed
Kwawu are classed as c l e r i c a l workers. While only 0.3 percent of
the female Ghanaian labour force are clerks, the proportion of Kwawu
women who are clerks i s twice as high, 0.6 percent.
The 2,240 Kwawu men employed i n sales account f o r 9 percent
of the Kwawu male working population whereas the 278,540 men i n sales
i n Ghana account for only 4 percent of the Ghanaian male employed
population. However Kwawu women tend less than a l l Ghanaian women
to take sales jobs. For the whole population the proportion i s

(Kwawu) 92
28.2 p e r c e n t w h i l e f o r Kwawu i t i s o n l y 18.3 p e r c e n t . The a b s o l u t e
number o f salesmen and p r o p r i e t o r s o f o t h e r e t h n i c c a t e g o r i e s may
be h i g h e r , b u t t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f Kwawu men engaged i n s m a l l shop-
k e e p i n g i s much h i g h e r . This substantiates the reputation that
Kwawu men have f o r g o i n g t o v a r i o u s o t h e r towns o u t s i d e Kwawu t o

i
set up r e t a i l outlets.
Agriculture
The p r o p o r t i o n o f farmers i n t h e t o t a l Ghanaian l a b o u r f o r c e
and i n t h e Kwawu w o r k i n g p o p u l a t i o n i s r o u g h l y t h e same. Sixty-
two p e r c e n t o f a l l employed Ghanaian men a r e farmers and 58.1 p e r -
cent o f a l l Kwawu w o r k i n g men a r e f a r m e r s . But v e r y few Kwawu a r e
engaged f u l l - t i m e i n t r u c k f a r m i n g ; 5 p e r c e n t compared w i t h t h e n a -
t i o n a l f i g u r e o f 29 p e r c e n t . The m a j o r i t y o f Kwawu farmers a r e cocoa
farmers. Whereas o n l y 20 p e r c e n t o f t h e Ghanaian l a b o u r f o r c e i s en-
gaged i n the cocoa i n d u s t r y , 45 p e r c e n t o f t h e Kwawu l a b o u r f o r c e i s
i n v o l v e d i n cocoa p r o d u c t i o n . Cocoa growing i s q u i t e p r o f i t a b l e and
Kwawu have a r e p u t a t i o n f o r b e i n g r e l a t i v e l y w e a l t h y . Much o f t h e
p r o f i t g a i n e d i n cocoa f a r m i n g i s r e i n v e s t e d i n r e t a i l business.
While men p r e f e r cocoa f a r m i n g , Kwawu women a r e more o f t e n engaged
i n t r u c k c r o p p i n g and m a r k e t i n g t h e produce.
Farming o t h e r than cocoa i s l e s s i m p o r t a n t t o Kwawu. Of
t h e 5,800 men and 660 women engaged i n l i v e s t o c k and p o u l t r y manage-

(Kwawu) 93
ment i n Ghana, o n l y 20 Kwawu a r e c l a s s e d as such. A l l o f them r a i s e
chickens. The r a i n f o r e s t c l i m a t e and t h e t s e t a e f l y make c a t t l e
r a i s i n g almost i m p o s s i b l e i n Kwawu. No Kwawu a r e c l a s s e d as f i s h e r -
men a c c o r d i n g t o t h e census but t h i s has changed s i n c e t h e census
was t a k e n i n 1960. When t h e dam was b u i l t t h e V o l t a R i v e r f l o o d e d
t h e Afram p l a i n s f o r m i n g a l a r g e s h a l l o w l a k e i d e a l f o r f i s h . Since
1965, t h e government o f Ghana has been s e n d i n g a d v i s o r s , m a i n l y Ewes
from t h e V o l t a r e g i o n , t o come and f i s h i n N o r t h Kwawu on t h e Afram
p l a i n s , and t e a c h t h e Kwawu, many of whose farms were f l o o d e d , how
t o e x p l o i t t h i s new source o f w e a l t h . The f i s h p r o d u c t i o n has ex-
ceded most p r e d i c t i o n s as a r e s u l t o f these efforts.
One o f t h e most i n t e r e s t i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l o c c u p a t i o n s i s
palm wine t a p p i n g . The sap o f t h e o i l palm t r e e , because o f i t s
h i g h y e a s t content ferments v e r y q u i c k l y . The r e s u l t i n g palm wine
i s a v e r y r e f r e s h i n g and i n e x p e n s i v e a l c o h o l i c beverage. The 1960
census r e p o r t e d 6,820 palm wine t a p p e r s , 100 o f Whom were women. In
Akan t r a d i t i o n , palm wine t a p p i n g i s r e s e r v e d f o r men, and 80 o f
t h o s e women a r e o f Guan, Ewe o r N i g e r i a n e t h n i c groups. The 6,720 men
who t a p palm wine account f o r l e s s than o n e - h a l f o f one p e r c e n t o f
t h e Ghanaian male l a b o u r f o r c e , but t h e 250 Kwawu palm wine t a p p e r s
account f o r over one p e r c e n t o f Kwawu employed l a b o u r . The 1960
census r e p o r t e d z e r o females engaged i n t h i s a g r i c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t .

(Kwawu) 94
Blue C o l l a r
Manual l a b o u r o c c u p a t i o n s account f o r a r e l a t i v e l y s m a l l
p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e Kwawu employed p o p u l a t i o n . Only 0.24 p e r c e n t o f
the male Kwawu w o r k i n g f o r c e a r e m i n e r s o r quarrymen w h i l e over 2
p e r c e n t o f t h e w o r k i n g males o f Ghana a r e so employed. However s i x
and a h a l f p e r c e n t o f Kwawu men a r e r o a d t r a n s p o r t d r i v e r s w h i l e t h e
n a t i o n a l p r o p o r t i o n i s o n l y a l i t t l e over t h r e e p e r c e n t . Most o f
the Kwawu men employed i n t r a n s p o r t a r e t a x i d r i v e r s o r i n t e r - u r b a n
passenger Benz bus o p e r a t o r s . The Kwawu o v e r a l l p r o p o r t i o n o f c r a f t s -
men i s s l i g h t l y l o w e r t h a n t h e n a t i o n a l p r o p o r t i o n , 13.7 p e r c e n t
v e r s u s 18.7 p e r c e n t . Kwawu p r o p o r t i o n s i n c r a f t s exceed t h e n a -
t i o n a l p r o p o r t i o n o n l y i n t a i l o r i n g ; 5.4 p e r c e n t v e r s u s t h e 2.0
percent n a t i o n a l p r o p o r t i o n . G e n e r a l l y Kwawu have a low p r o p o r t i o n
i n b l u e c o l l a r o c c u p a t i o n s , f a l l i n g q u i t e f a r below i n c a r p e n t r y (0.7
v e r s u s 3.2); b r i c k l a y i n g (0.7 v e r s u s 2 . 0 ) ; u n s p e c i f i e d unskilled
l a b o u r (1.5 v e r s u s 4 . 9 ) ; and i n domestic s e r v i c e (0.12 v e r s u s 0.59
percent). A p a r t from t a i l o r s and t a x i d r i v e r s , Kwawu men tend t o be
l e s s r e p r e s e n t e d i n manual and s k i l l e d o c c u p a t i o n a l c a t e g o r i e s . The
p r o p o r t i o n s f o r women a r e r o u g h l y t h e same except t h a t Kwawu women
have a s l i g h t l y h i g h e r t h a n n a t i o n a l p r o p o r t i o n i n c r a f t c a t e g o r i e s ,
11.3 p e r c e n t v e r s u s t h e n a t i o n a l 10.3 p e r c e n t . They a r e much more
h i g h l y r e p r e s e n t e d i n domestic s e r v i c e o c c u p a t i o n s t h a n Kwawu men o r
e i t h e r men o r women i n t h e t o t a l l a b o u r f o r c e . A p p r o x i m a t e l y 2.3

(Kwawu) 95
p e r c e n t o f employed Kwawu women a r e employed i u s e r v i c e , s p o r t and
r e c r e a t i o n , w h i l e t h e p r o p o r t i o n s f o r Kwawu men, a l l men, and a l l
women, a r e 1.3, 2.5, and 1.6 p e r c e n t r e s p e c t i v e l y . In general the
p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e Kwawu employed p o p u l a t i o n w h i c h i s engaged i n
b l u e c o l l a r o c c u p a t i o n s i s lower t h a n i n t h e Ghana employment d i s t r i -
bution.
The p e r c e n t a g e s i n t h e above seven paragraphs were c a l c u -
l a t e d from Ghana P o p u l a t i o n Census,, " S e l e c t e d O c c u p a t i o n o f Employed
Persons (Aged 15 and Over) by Sex and T r i b e (Major g r o u p s ) " , Special
Report E , T r i b e s i n Ghana, t a b l e 26, pa£es 114-115, A c c r a , 1964. They
i n d i c a t e c e r t a i n t r e n d s o f Kwawu o c c u p a t i o n a l p r e f e r e n c e s . Kwawu
tend t o be r e p r e s e n t e d i n some o c c u p a t i o n s more r e l a t i v e t o t h e whole
p o p u l a t i o n o f Ghana, and i n some o c c u p a t i o n s l e s s . They tend t o f a -
vour p r o f e s s i o n a l , t e c h n i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and c l e r i c a l occupa-
tions. They a r e w e l l r e p r e s e n t e d i n e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l o c c u p a t i o n s . They
a r e l e s s r e p r e s e n t e d i n a g r i c u l t u r a l o c c u p a t i o n s w i t h t h e n o t a b l e ex-
c e p t i o n o f cocoa f a r m i n g . T h i s cash c r o p p i n g a c t i v i t y t a k e s l e s s
y e a r round p h y s i c a l e f f o r t , r e q u i r e s a f a i r b i t o f p l a n n i n g and y i e l d s
high returns. These p r o f i t s t e n d t o be r e a l l o c a t e d , s u p p o r t i n g p e t t y
e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a c t i v i t i e s such as t a x i d r i v i n g , t a i l o r i n g and shop
keeping. The Kwawu do n o t tend t o f i l l manual s k i l l e d o r u n s k i l l e d
o c c u p a t i o n s except those which have been r e g a r d e d t r a d i t i o n a l l y as
h a v i n g h i g h e r p r e s t i g e - a t t a c h e d t o them, such as palm wine t a p p i n g
and Kente weaving. The Kwawu might as a group r a t e h i g h e r than t h e
whole of Ghana on an o c c u p a t i o n a l p r e s t i g e s c a l e .
(Kwawu) 96
This o c c u p a t i o n a l s t r u c t u r e i n d i c a t e s a Kwawu preference
for occupations w h i c h a r e more commonly f o u n d i n c i t i e s , o r i n those
v i l l a g e s w h i c h have elements o f w e s t e r n u r b a n i z a t i o n such as t a x i
t r a n s p o r t and shops and o r g a n i z a t i o n s r e q u i r i n g c l e r i c a l labour.
The r e p u t a t i o n Kwawu h a v e f o r b e i n g good t r a d e r s i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d
by two s e t s o f d a t a . The f i r s t , out of a small population w i t h i n
Ghana t h e y have a g r e a t e r concentration of t r a d i n g occupations, and
u n l i k e most o t h e r G h a n a i a n s , f e w Kwawu o u t s i d e t h e Kwahu a r e a , a r e
engaged i n o t h e r occupations such as farming. Second, they a r e
s u c c e s s f u l , and t h i s i s more i m p o r t a n t than absolute n u m b e r s , when
it comes t o r e p u t a t i o n s . I t i s important t o keep these occupational
tendencies i n m i n d when l a t e r examining m i g r a t i o n decisions of i n -
dividuals .
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CHAPTER THREE B
The Urban A r e a
A c c r a P h y s i c a l and S o c i a l Environment
The Environment t o Which Some Kwawu M i g r a t e

(Accra) 98
I n v i l l a g e s t u d i e s one i s n o r m a l l y d e a l i n g w i t h p e o p l e o f
o n l y one t r i b e . I n towns one meets p e o p l e from a dozen
d i f f e r e n t t r i b e s i n t h e course o f t h e d a y . . . m i n i s t e r s o f
r e l i g i o n , Muslim teachers, primary school teachers, c i v i l
s e r v a n t s , bank c l e r k s , dispensex's, n a t i v e d o c t o r s , ''cow-
b o y s " ( i d l e young men), t h i e v e s , p o l i c e i n f o r m e r s , good-
time g i r l s ( r a h r a h g i r l s ) , t r a d i t i o n a l b l a c k s m i t h s , s k i l l e d
a r t i s a n s d e a l i n g w i t h E u c l i d earth-moving equipment and
d i e s e l locomotives, laboratory a s s i s t a n t s , self-confessed
w i t c h e s , r i c h t r a d e r s . . . m u l t i p l e forms o f s e g m e n t a t i o n
and s t r a t i f i c a t i o n . ^
The City
I n o r d e r t o p r o v i d e u s e f u l d a t a t o examine the I n f o r m a t i o n -
d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e c e r t a i n q u e s t i o n s must be asked o f t h e
a r e a t o w h i c h most Kwawu m i g r a n t s go. What i s t h e human p o p u l a t i o n ,
and i t s major i n d u s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s ? What p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e p o p u l a -
t i o n migrated there? From where d i d they come? How many a r e from
Kwawu? What a r e t h e o c c u p a t i o n s of Kwawu and o t h e r m i g r a n t s ? What
t r a v e l and t r a d e l i n k s a r e t h e r e w i t h Kwawu? How f a r i s i t by r a i l ?
By road? I n s h o r t what a r e t h e Accra-Kwawu communication l i n k s ?
A c c r a i s t h e c a p i t a l o f Ghana. I t has a p o p u l a t i o n o f
388,396 a c c o r d i n g to the 1960 census. I t s major i n d u s t r i e s a r e r e -
l a t e d t o i t s p o s i t i o n as nerve c e n t e r f o r p o l i t i c s and commerce. I t
i s s e r v e d by Tema, a s e a - p o r t , and most o c c u p a t i o n s a r e of a l i g h t
i n d u s t r i a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e , or c l e r i c a l nature.
1. Gamble, D a v i d P., "Kenema, A growing town i n Mende Country."

B u l l e t i n , S i e r r a Leone G e o g r a p h i c a l S o c i e t y , May 1964, p. 254.
(Accra) 99
One of the most comprehensive d e s c r i p t i o n s of A c c r a was
p u b l i s h e d by l o n e Acqua i n 1958, A c c r a Survey. He notes the f o l l o w -
i n g e t h n i c migrant occupational structure:
I t w i l l be seen t h a t the m a j o r i t y of farmers and f i s h e r -

men were Gas and Adangmes. Of the 14% Gas and 14%
Adangmes, more than 10% were f i s h e r m e n .
The manufacturing i n d u s t r i e s composed f o r the most p a r t

s e m i - s k i l l e d and s k i l l e d workers. They came mainly
from t r i b e s from s o u t h e r n Ghana and A s h a n t i .
In the b u i l d i n g {rade, t r i b e s from s o u t h e r n Ghana p r e -

dominated f o l l o w e d by t r i b e s from A s h a n t i .
5 (p. 65)
In the p u b l i c s e r v i c e o c c u p a t i o n s , t r i b e s from N o r t h e r n
Ghana c o n t r i b u t e d almost as many persons as d i d Southern
Ghana and A s h a n t i t r i b e s . They were engaged as p o l i c e -
men or i n u n s k i l l e d work ( s a n i t a r y l a b o u r e r s , watchmen
and messengers). L a c k i n g e d u c a t i o n , i t i s i n e v i t a b l e
t h a t persons from these n o r t h e r n t r i b e s s h o u l d be con-
f i n e d to such work. T r i b e s from Southern Ghana and
A s h a n t i c o n t r i b u t e on the other h a n d the educated
;
workers i n c l e r i c a l , e x e c u t i v e and a d m i n i s t r a t i v e p o s t s ,
(p. 66)
Another s o u r c e of data about A c c r a i s Birmingham et a l . (1966: 101)
who state:
. . . i n the s p e c i f i c case of A c c r a the endowment of human

c a p i t a l f a r outruns i t s share of the urban p o p u l a t i o n
of the c o u n t r y . Only 25% of the urban p o p u l a t i o n of Ghana
l i v e d i n A c c r a C D . i n 1960 but i t c o n t a i n e d 34% of p e r -
sons who had a t t e n d e d i n s t i t u t i o n s of f u r t h e r e d u c a t i o n ,
52% of the d i r e c t o r s and managers, 58% of the bookkeepers,
accountants and c a s h i a r s . The c o n c e n t r a t i o n of human cap-
i t a l i n the A c c r a area i s much l e s s i n r e s p e c t of t e c h -
n i c a l s k i l l s , mechanics, and d r i v e r s , a l t h o u g h the p e r -
centage of e l e c t r i c i a n s i n the r e g i o n s i s e q u a l to t h a t
of a l l people w i t h h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n .
The c i t y c f A c c r a i s on the A t l a n t i c coast. I t was a fish-
i n g v i l l a g e c o m p r i s i n g Ga p e o p l e . See Map 3, "Predominant T r i b e i n

(Accra) 100
t h e A r e a " on page 97. Ga s p e a k e r s b e l o n g t o a language group Ga-
Adangbe, q u i t e d i s s i m i l a r t o Akan. Ga-Adangbe i n c l u d e Krobo who
n e i g h b o r Akuapem on the west and Ewe on t h e e a s t . See Diagram 4,
" C a t e g o r i z a t i o n of Spoken Kwawu" on page 137. Ga-Adangbe a r e s a i d t o
have come f r o m the Congo and N i g e r i a . T h e i r language and social
s t r u c t u r e a r e more r e l a t e d t o Yoruba t h a n Akan. They may have come
b o t h o v e r l a n d and v i a t h e ocean. They a r e good boatmen and f i s h e r m e n ,
and t r a d i t i o n a l t a l e s speak of them a r r i v i n g from the s o u t h by s e a ,
q u i t e w i t h i n t h e p r o b a b l e sea r o u t e from N i g e r i a . Akan on the o t h e r
hand a r e s a i d t o have come from t h e N o r t h .
The s t o r y of how A c c r a was named was r e l a t e d to me by an
Okyeame, or Akan l i n g u i s t . The Ga c a l l e d themselves a f t e r a c e r t a i n
ant — i n t h e Adangbe language c a l l e d Ga. T h i s ant l e f t everyone
a l o n e i f n o t p r o v o k e d , but i f d i s t u r b e d would be a f o r m i d a b l e enemy.
The Ga c a l l e d themselves such. When t h e Europeans came t o t h e c o a s t
they met f i r s t w i t h the F a n t i , f u r t h e r w e s t , who speak Akan. The
same a n t i n Akan i s c a l l e d Nkran" and the F a n t i s c a l l e d t h a t t h e p l a c e
o f the a n t , Nkran'. Over t h e y e a r s as t h e P o r t u g u e s e , Dutch, and
B r i t i s h mispronounced t h e name, the p l a c e became known as A c c r a .
Still, i n Twi i t i s c a l l e d Nkrang.
A c c r a became the c a p i t a l of the G o l d Coast under British
r u l e , and a l t h o u g h not o r i g i n a l l y p o p u l a t e d by t h e most dominant
group, t h e Akans, i t was soon p o p u l a t e d by s t r a n g e r s from Europe
and f r o m a l l p a r t s of A f r i c a .
(Accra) 101
The 1960 c e n s u s d o e s n o t i n c l u d e t h e e t h n i c c a t e g o r i z a t i o n
of towns. However, e t h n i c d i s t r i b u t i o n o f r e g i o n s i s provided.
Accra r e g i o n i n Ghana i n c l u d e s t h e c i t y a n d s u r r o u n d i n g areas. About
80% of the population i nAccra Region l i v e i nAccra o r Tema. In
t h a t r e g i o n a r e 1 0 , 9 2 0 Kwawu p e r s o n s . This i s t h e l a r g e s t number o f
them o u t s i d e t h e 1 0 4 , 1 3 0 w i t h i n t h e E a s t e r n R e g i o n w h i c h contains
Kwawu. Slightly more t h a n h a l f , 52.0% of those Kwawu i n A c c r a R e -
g i o n a r e men. This i s f a r above t h e n a t i o n a l a v e r a g e o f 47.9% and
the E a s t e r n Region p r o p o r t i o n of 46,8%. The r e l a t i v e l y high ratio
o f Kwawu men t o Kwawu women i n A c c r a Region i n d i c a t e s occupational
preference. I t i s contrasted to Ashanti Region the only region
w h e r e Kwawu women o u t n u m b e r Kwawu men (m = 4 9 . 8 % ) , p o s s i b l y due t o
the a t t r a c t i o n s o f Kumasi m a r k e t i n g , t h e g r e a t e r n e e d o f Kwawu wo-
men f o r c u l t u r a l familiarity, g r e a t e r o p p o r t u n i t y f o r male filled
occupations i nAccra, or a combination of these.
T h o s e Kwawu women who do go t o A c c r a , f o r t h e m o s t p a r t go
to t r a d e i n one o f t h e l a r g e open a i r m a r k e t s s u c h a s M a k o l a m a r k e t .
One l e s s e r known m a r k e t i n A c c r a i s a t Kwawu c o r n e r , w h e r e one c a n
go t o meet m a r k e t t r a d e r s , l o r r y drivers, and a s s o c i a t e d people t o
learn the latest gossip o f Kwawu. A miniature e x p a t r i a t e Kwawu com-
munity i s i n the middle of Accra. I t i s not w i t h i n t h e scope o f t h e
present e n d e a v o u r t o e x a m i n e Kwawu c o r n e r t o any depth, suffice to
note that i t e x i s t s and serves to f a c i l i t a t e t h e A c c r a - K w a w u com-
munication systems.
D i f f e r e n t i a l Access to S c h o o l i n g by T r i b e
A c c r a , 1954
Percentage o f
Estimated Actual Child Estimated
Estimated P r o p o r t i o n of Child Population C h i l d Popula-
Percentage of Population C h i l d r e n of Population Attending t i o n Attending
A c c r a Popula- i n Accra, 6-5 i n group, 6-15 i n School School i n
Tribe t i o n i n 1948* 1954** 1948* 1954*i!:* 1954**** 1951*****
Ga 51.6 99,100 22.9 22,700 20,594 91.0
Ewe 11.1 21,300 19.5 4,150 1,656 40.0
Fanti 5.2 9,900 20.5 2,050 1,957 96.0
Nigerian 4.7 9,000 13.4 1,200 769 64.0
Hausa 3.4 6,500 13.1 850 609 72.0
Ashanti 1.7 3,200 18.6 600 436 72.0
Adangbe 2.8 5,400 22.0 1,200 1,253
Akuapem 2.2 4,200 18.4 750 717 96.0
Kwahu 2.0' 3,800 20.9 800 112 14.0
Zabarima 1.8 3,400 5.0 150 0
Others 13.5 25,900
Total 191,000
* Computed from Gold Coast Census of P o p u l a t i o n

** Based on the assumption that p o p u l a t i o n p r o p o r t i o n s remained constant and u s i n g 191,000 as
the estimated p o p u l a t i o n f o r 1954, c a l c u l a t e d to the n e a r e s t hundred.
Assuming 1948 p r o p o r t i o n s , c a l c u l a t e d to the nearest f i f t y .
D e r i v e d from Acqua.
***** C a l c u l a t e d to the n e a r e s t whole number.
Source: Foster (1965:120).

(Accra) 103
Comparison of C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the Population of Ghana

and that of Three Largest Towns, 1960
( A l l Figures as Percentages)
Sekondi
Ghana Accra Kumasi Takoradi
Age Groups:
(as proportion of a l l
population)
0-14 45 39 42 40
15-24 17 22 23 21
25-44 26 29 20 30
45-64 o 8 6 8
65+ 3 2 1 1
Sex R a t i o s ;
A l l population 102 114 112 117
25-44 years age 101 152 143 152
Birthplace:
population)
Same Region 80 51 58 66
Another Region 12 32 30 18
Another Country 8 17 12 16
Schooling:
i n age group)
6-14 years of age
Never 56 31 41
Past 4 3 4 2
Present 40 66 56 60
15+ years of age
Never 80 52 62 58
Past 16 41 32 36
Present 4 7 6 6
Economic A c t i v i t y :
over 15 years of age)
Unemployed 4 10 8 9
Employed 69 63 69 65
Employed i n A g r i c u l t u r e 62 3 7 7
Continued
(Accra) 104
C o m p a r i s o n o f C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e P o p u l a t i o n o f Ghana
a n d t h a t o f T h r e e L a r g e s t Towns, 1 9 6 0 ( c o n t i n u e d )
( A l l F i g u r e s as Percentages)
Sekondi
Ghana Accra Kumasi Takoradi
Economic A c t i v i t y ;
(continued...)
(as p r o p o r t i o n o f females
o v e r 15 y e a r s o f a g e )
Females f u l l y o c c u p i e d
w i t h home d u t i e s 36 32 32 41
Source: B i r m i n g h a m , W.I. N e u s t a d t , E.N. Omaboe, A S t u d y o f C o n t e m -

p o r a r y G h a n a , V o l u m e One, Some A s p e c t s o f S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e .
George A l l e n and Unwin, London, 1 9 6 6 , page 199, T a b l e 3:11.
(Accra) 105
Accra e x i s t s i n the minds of Kwawu v i l l a g e r s . I t beckons
to them with i t s busy s t r e e t s , cosmopolitan population and urban
attractions. Kwawu i n d i v i d u a l s may not see the s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e of
Accra the same way as presented i n the tables i n t h i s chapter, but
they know i t i n t h e i r own terms.
Every day Accra seems to c a l l . In the l o r r y park d r i v e r s
and t h e i r mates c a l l , "Accra, Cra. Cra, Cra."

; The t r a i n goes to
Accra. The two newspapers come from Accra, The w i r e l e s s i s broad-
cast from Accra. The store goods come from Accra. The j e t s overhead
w i l l land i n Accra. The cocoa i s sent to Accra. A l l this i s infor-
mation that every p o t e n t i a l migrant absorbs i n h i s personal
b e n e f i t - c o s t perspective.
CHAPTER THREE C
The I.D.A. P e r s p e c t i v e Versus the E t h n o g r a p h i c I n f o r m a t i o n
Information:
Sources
Modes
Content
(Information) 106
An i n d i v i d u a l i n t h e s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environment of
Kwawu i s e x p o s e d t o much i n f o r m a t i o n r e l e v e n t t o m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n
making. He i s i n a n a r e a w h e r e h i s t o r i c a l l y t h e r e h a s b e e n much
mobility. He c a n s p e a k a l a n g u a g e , T w i , u n d e r s t o o d by p e o p l e tothe
South, West, and N o r t h o f him. S o c i a l s t r u c t u r e i n these areas a r e
r e l a t e d , a n d even t h o s e t o t h e e a s t a r e n o t so d i s s i m i l a r so as to
make h i m f e e l u n c o m f o r t a b l e . He g r o w s up i n a s o c i a l environment
where e n t r e p r e i i e u r s h i p i s emphasised. Occupations he i s f a m i l i a r
w i t h a r e more f r e q u e n t l y trading; or i f agricultural,cocoa cash
cropping rather than t r a d i t i o n a l subsistence cropping. He i s e x p o s e d
through school, through immigrants i n c l e r i c a l positions> through
newspaper and r a d i o , and t h r o u g h r e l a t i v e s t h a t h a v e g o n e a n d come,
to v a r i o u s a s p e c t s o f commercial urban life. To t h e n o r t h - w e s t i s
K u m a s i a town o f A k a n s , and t o t h e s o u t h i s a l a r g e cosmopolitan
city, Accra. Both these o f f e r a t t r a c t i o n s and a l s o costs. He com-
b i n e s t h e i n f o r m a t i o n he has about this s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n -
ment w i t h t h e i n f o r m a t i o n h e h a s a b o u t h i s own c a p a b i l i t i e s a n d d e s i r e s ,
so a s t o d e c i d e i f he w i l l remain i n Kwawu o r go e l s e w h e r e .
CHAPTER FOUR
Kwaku t h e B l a c k s m i t h
Decision
Some Notes on a P e r s o n a l H i s t o r y
(Kwaku) 107
The c a u s e o f a s o c i a l o r i n d i v i d u a l phenomenon i s n e v e r
a n o t h e r s o c i a l o r i n d i v i d u a l phenomena a l o n e , b u t a l w a y s
a c o m b i n a t i o n o f a s o c i a l a n d a n i n d i v i d u a l phenomenon."''
The Individual
No one person i s t y p i c a l of migrants o r Kwawu. I t would
be v a l u a b l e , however, t o examine i n d e p t h the v a l u e s and considera-
t i o n s o f a number o f i n d i v i d u a l s living in relatively r u r a l areas who
are p o t e n t i a l urban migrants. T h i s w o u l d n e c e s s i t a t e a r a t h e r com-
p l i c a t e d methodology. Q u e s t i o n n a i r e s a l o n e might not b r i n g a valid
r e s u l t as a s t r o n g empathy b e t w e e n o b s e r v e r and potential migrant
w o u l d be needed to b r i n g out t h e h i g h l y p e r s o n a l o p i n i o n s and atti-
tudes upon w h i c h the latter based h i s c h o i c e . This i s not to say
that Caldwell's (1969) s t u d y of u r b a n i s a t i o n i s i n v a l i d , but p r i v a t e
c o n s i d e r a t i o n s o f c o s t s and b e n e f i t s not e a s i l y admitted to a stran-
g e r w o u l d be e v e n more d i f f i c u l t to e l i c i t by t h e f o r m a l and official-
looking questionnaire. Yet i n the i n d i v i d u a l based Information-
d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n perspective these very considerations are fundamental.
It w o u l d be u s e f u l i f i t w e r e p o s s i b l e t o make a detailed
s t u d y o f a number o f m i g r a n t s and non-migrants w i t h regard to such
f a c t o r s as e x t e n t and t y p e of e d u c a t i o n , t h e i n f o r m a t i o n upon w h i c h
they a c t e d and i t s validity, t h e economic and c u l t u r a l c l i m a t e of the
1. Thomas, W.I. a n d F l o r i a n Z u a n i c k i , P o l i s h P e a s a n t i n E u r o p e a n d
A m e r i c a , N.Y., A l f r e d K n o p f , 1 9 2 7 . R e p r i n t e d by D o v e r , 1958,
Vol. 1, p . 44.
(Kwaku) 108
cities chosen, the extent t o w h i c h some h a d a l r e a d y b e e n e x p o s e d t o
u r b a n i z a t i o n by p r e v i o u s v i s i t s , a n d numerous o t h e r i m p o r t a n t vari-
ables. This would r e q u i r e a t l e a s t a year o f residence i n a rural
a r e a , o b t a i n i n g t h e t r u s t and t h e c o n f i d e n c e o f a number o f p o t e n t i a l
m i g r a n t s , and n o t i n g t h e i r c o n s i d e r a t i o n s and f o l l o w i n g through their
moves t o more u r b a n a r e a s . Until I c a n make s u c h a s t u d y i t i s
necessary f o r me t o r e l y o n o t h e r s o u r c e s o f data as census statis-
tics, previous s t u d i e s , and p e r s o n a l r e c o l l e c t i o n s o f a friendship
w i t h one p a r t i c u l a r , t r a n s i t i o n a l person, Kwaku. His decision i s
ambivalent; both t o go a n d t o remain.
I met Kwaku when I was t e a c h i n g e c o n o m i c s a t S t . P e t e r ' s
Secondary S c h o o l , i n Nkwatia, Kwawu. T h e s c h o o l i s a Roman C a t h o l i c
mission s c h o o l , supported b y t h e Ghana G o v e r n m e n t . During t h e week
that I joined the s t a f f , t h e headmaster asked Kwaku t o come a n d r e -
p a i r some p l u m b i n g f i x t u r e s i n my s t a f f b u n g a l o w . Kwaku a n d I became
close friends. He t a u g h t me m o s t o f w h a t I know o f t h e T w i l a n g u a g e
a n d we s p e n t a l o t c f time t o g e t h e r when I was n o t t e a c h i n g a n d h e
was n o t b l a c k s m i t h i n g . I introduced him to the western pastime of
t r a v e l l i n g o n l y f o r the sake o f t r a v e l l i n g , o f s e e i n g t h e country-
s i d e , and o f m e e t i n g o t h e r p e o p l e . We w e n t a s f a r a s Cote d'lvoire
w h e r e we met some f r i e n d s he h a d n o t s e e n f o r many y e a r s . He taught
me many o f t h e f i n e r p o i n t s o f A k a n e t i q u e t t e a n d I came t o a p p r e -
ciate t h e c o u r t e s y , g r a c i o u s n e s s , and diplomacy o f West A f r i c a n s .
Kwaku d o e s n o t r e m a i n anonymous i n t h i s s t u d y , a n d a s a r e s u l t I m u s t
(Kwaku) 109
s u p p r e s s a number o f b e n e f i t a n d c o s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s w h i c h h e h a d
o c c a s i o n t o make. I c h o o s e Kwaku a s a n i n d i v i d u a l i n this chapter
on d e c i s i o n s because he r e p r e s e n t s a t y p e , a n example, and a friend
w i t h o u t whom I w o u l d h a v e h a d l i t t l e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f Kwawu.
His Name
His full name i s P e t e r Kwaku B o a t e n g . He i s s o m e t i m e s
a d d r e s s e d a s Otomfuo. Peter i sh i s Christian name a n d i s m o s t com-
monly used by t h e C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s . A few of t h e Americans and
other 'Europeans' a t Nkwatia would c a l l him P e t e . One o f t h e C a n a -
d i a n s a t t h e s c h o o l d u b b e d h i m ' P e t e t h e P l u m b ' a n d t h e name i s s t i l l
used. Kwaku i s h i s d a y name. L i k e most Akans,Kwaku had an o u t d o o r i n g
ceremony on t h e e i g h t h day a f t e r h e was b o r n . The A.kans h a v e a s e v e n
d a y week a n d b e i n g b o r n o n a W e d n e s d a y , h e was a d m i t t e d t o b e i n g h u -
man o n t h e f o l l o w i n g Wednesday when h e h a d l i v e d o n e f u l l round o f
weekdays. So h e was c a l l e d Kwaku, t h e name g i v e n t o m a l e s b o r n o n
Wednesday. Boateng i s what he c a l l s h i s f a m i l y name.
U n l i k e t h e E u r o p e a n s who h a v e a p a t r i l i n e a l s u r n a m e , t h e
A k a n s who a r e m a t r i l i n e a l , h a v e no s u r n a m e , n e i t h e r a r e t h e y a d -
dressed according t o t h e i r abusua o r m a t r i c l a n . However t h e y do h a v e
names o t h e r than t h e i r d a y names. D u r i n g Kwaku's o u t d o o r i n g ceremony,
his f a t h e r g a v e h i m t h e name B o a t e n g . Ke was t h u s named a f t e r a man
whom h i s f a t h e r a d m i r e d a n d w i s h e d Kwaku t o e m u l a t e . T h i s man g o t
the name B o a t e n g i n a l i k e manner f r o m h i s f a t h e r . Faced w i t h European

(Kwaku) 110
nomenclature when f i l l i n g o u t forms, most Akans g i v e t h i s k i n d of
name as a surname. Kwaku thus says h i s f a m i l y name i s Boateng.
He i s sometimes a d d r e s s e d as Otomfuo which means "black-
s m i t h " , an o c c u p a t i o n i n West A f r i c a which preceded by t h r e e hundred
y e a r s the b r i n g i n g o f the knowledge of the manufacture o f i r o n to Eur-
ope by m i s s i o n a r i e s from the middle e a s t . The name, Otomfuo, r i g h t l y
belongs o n l y t o those who reduce i r o n o x i d e t o i r o n , but Kwaku who
o n l y works w i t h i r o n , but does n o t produce it, is still c a l l e d Otomfuo.
The People He Knows
Kwaku has a w i f e by a C a t h o l i c m a r r i a g e . He i s s e p a r a t e d
from her and the m i s s i o n a r i e s r e p o r t a lawyer i n Rome i s t r y i n g to
have the m a r r i a g e a n n u l l e d . Kwaku never t o l d me t h i s ; I found i t
out v i a a mutual friend. He p r e s e n t l y has a w i f e , Ama, by a t r a d i -
t i o n a l m a r r i a g e , and t h i s i s a c c e p t e d by t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s who would
marry them i f h i s p r e v i o u s , b a r r e n marriage became a n n u l l e d . When
he speaks o f h i s w i f e he r e f e r s o n l y to Ama, by whom he has t h r e e
children.
His Work
Three a p p r e n t i c e s l i v e w i t h him. Their families have g i -
ven Kwaku some t r a d i t i o n a l g i f t s , a f o w l , some a l c o h o l and a s m a l l
sum o f money. He p r o v i d e s t h e i r food and teaches them some s k i l l s on

(Kwaku) 111
t h e f o r g e and a n v i l and w i t h h i s p l u m b i n g t o o l s . I n r e t u r n they help
Kwaku w i t h t h e l a b o u r r e q u i r e d to r u n h i s shop and sell any tools and
artifacts t h a t t h e y make.
H i s Home
Kwaku's home t o w n , T a f o , i s a v i l l a g e on the escarpment.
He has h i s b l a c k s m i t h s h o p i n Nkawkaw. I t i s i n a compound s h a r e d by
a number o f o t h e r a r t i s a n s a n d craftsmen: a welder, a p a i n t e r , an
e l e c t r i c i a n , an automotive mechanic. They each a c c e p t v a r i o u s jobs
and refer to t h e i r compound m a t e s t h o s e j o b s o r p a r t s o f j o b s which
they c a n n o t do. Kwaku o n c e r e n t e d a r o o m i n Nkawkaw, b u t now he has
c o m p l e t e d b u i l d i n g a h o u s e on the o u t s k i r t s o f t h e town. Unlike
t h e e n c l o s e d w a l l e d compound common t o A k a n v i l l a g e s , Kwaku has
b u i l t a house which resembles t h e bungalows i n the m i s s i o n s from the
outside. The i n s i d e i s designed like t h e more common A k a n h o u s e s .
When he g o e s t o T a f o he s t a y s i n a house b e l o n g i n g to h i s m a t r i c l a n .
It i s a b o u t f o u r t e e n m i l e s f r o m Nkawkaw t o T a f o and about twelve
m i l e s f r o m Nkawkaw t o N k w a t i a , a l s o on t h e s c a r p w h e r e Kwaku came
t o f i x my plumbing.
His Training
Kwaku d i d n o t f i n i s h middle school. He can r e a d and write
i n Twi, u s i n g t h e Roman a l p h a b e t developed by the Basel m i s s i o n a r i e s

A/OAPTH KWAHU
aun
AFRAM PLAINS
SOUTH KWAHU
SKETCH OF THE KWAHU T&AD/T/ONAL AREA

(Kwaku) 112
i n Akuapem. He speaks Kwawu-Twi and can make himself understood i n
other Akan d i a l e c t s i n c l u d i n g the d i s t a n t l y r e l a t e d Agni i n Cote
d'lvoire. He speaks a few sentences of Hausa, Ga and p i d g i n French.
He does not speak as f l u e n t E n g l i s h as an educated Ghanaian. He
seldom uses p i d g i n E n g l i s h unless speaking to Northerners or Niger-
ians. Instead he speaks h i s own form of English with a f a i r l y l i m i -
ted grammar and vocabulary;, but admirably f l e x i b l e and expanded by
h i s use of ingenious circumlocutions, r e f l e c t i n g h i s a b i l i t y to be
a n a l y t i c a l , observant and p a t i e n t . He might be c a l l e d a l i t e r a t e ,
educated, though unschooled, man.
He learned blacksmithing as an apprentice, and l a t e r , upon
becoming a C a t h o l i c , learned plumbing s k i l l s from a C a t h o l i c bro-
ther. He f e e l s rather obligated to the C a t h o l i c missions but h i s
f e e l i n g s appear somewhat ambivalent. His f e e l i n g of o b l i g a t i o n r e -
f l e c t s the t r a d i t i o n a l , Akan regard of an a r t i s a n for h i s master,
but he does not r e l a t e t h i s regard to an i n d i v i d u a l brother. The
C a t h o l i c missionaries have, seemingly, many aspects of the Akan
matriclan — they address each other as "Father"', "Brother", or
" S i s t e r " , and l i v e together but do not marry. Kwaku p r o j e c t s h i s
t r a d i t i o n a l o b l i g a t i o n s of h i s master onto the lineage of h i s master.
They do not respond, however, i n q u i t e the same ways as members of an
Akan m a t r i c l a n .
Since there i s more p r o f i t i n plumbing than i n blacksmith-
i n g , he t r i e s to buy plumbing f i x t u r e s but they are scarce i n Nkawkaw.

(Kwaku) 113
Such b u s i n e s s enterprise requires a trip to A c c r a , 104 miles from
Nkawkaw, i n v o l v i n g , a b o u t t e n t o t w e l v e h o u r s t r a v e l l i n g time in a
Benz p a s s e n g e r bus. Under t h e circumstances he usually continues
blacksmithing.
The C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n a r i e s i n Nkawkaw, t h o s e at nearby
Nkwatia, and the Sisters at t h e h o s p i t a l i n Nkawkaw, h i r e h i m on
contract f o r t h e i r plumbing j o b s . The same O r d e r i n t h e C a t h o l i c
church sends s i s t e r s to r u n a h o s p i t a l , and a Father to run a church
n e a r b y i n Nkawkaw. I t sends Fathers to r u n a s c h o o l at Nkwatia.
T h e r e i s a m i s s i o n and a midwifery at Tafo, Kwaku's home t o w n , and
there are missions, training institutes, s c h o o l s , m i d w i f e r i e s , hos-
pitals, and numerous o t h e r m i s s i o n a c t i v i t i e s of the S o c i e t y of the
D i v i n e Word (S.V.D.) a n d Missionary Sisters Servants of the Holy
Spirit (S.S.p.S.) Order, i n o t h e r r e g i o n s i n Ghana. Kwaku has
w o r k e d a t a few of these, i n c l u d i n g the headquarters at Accra, and
t h e m i s s i o n w h e r e he was trained. To my k n o w l e d g e he has not worked
at t h e S e v e n t h Day A d v e n t i s t h o s p i t a l i n M p r a e s o , w h i c h i s on the
road between the C a t h o l i c m i s s i o n s i n Tafo, Nkwatia, and Nkawkaw.
When he w o r k s f o r m i s s i o n s he u s u a l l y w o r k s f o r C a t h o l i c ones.. They
o f t e n p r o v i d e him w i t h the necessary plumbing f i x t u r e s but pay him
w h a t he c o n s i d e r s low f e e s . He o f t e n makes h i m s e l f " s c a r c e ' by

5
being
a t a f u n e r a l or a t another j o b when t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s s e n d w o r d that
he i s needed. Often he i s a v a i l a b l e as s o o n a s he i s called, and,
at other t i m e s , h i s e x c u s e s mean o n l y d e l a y a s h e eventually reports

JAS/KAN %
£ A S T c " # / V \ £ £ G / ON
KOFOP/OUA
VILLAGES /A/ T/VE KWAWU AREA

(Kwaku) 115
f o r work. Such h e s i t a t i o n s , d e l a y s and e v e n t u a l r e v e r s a l s a r e due
to t h e s o c i a l and economic p r e s s u r e s p u t upon h i m t o s u c c e e d as an
entrepreneur.
Kwaku's p r e s e n t w i f e , Ama, i s f r o m T a f o . When Kwaku rented
a s t o r e o n t h e m a i n s t r e e t o f Nkawkaw s h e s t a y e d in it. P r i o r to
that she stayed i n a compound room w h i c h Kwaku r e n t e d before he s t a r t e d
b u i l d i n g h i s house. During t h e d a y Kwaku c o u l d n o t b e a r o u n d t h e
store. He was u s u a l l y a t h i s s h o p , o r o u t d o i n g p l u m b i n g j o b s , o r
attending various functions i n the d i s t r i c t . I t i s n o t an unmixed
blessing t o h a v e a non-wage e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l a r t i s a n o c c u p a t i o n . He
is free to leave a t any time w i t h o u t a s k i n g permission f r o m a n em-
p l o y e r , b u t h i s r e l a t i v e s a n d f r i e n d s know t h i s a n d demands f o r f u n -
e r a l a n d s u c h f u n c t i o n s a r e made a c c o r d i n g l y . M o s t A k a n men feel
obliged to give t h e i r w i v e s some money a s c a p i t a l s o t h a t they may
trade. Kwaku h a s g i v e n Ama some money t o b u y i n g r e d i e n t s f o r pas-
tries, and she o f t e n buys and r e s e l l s bread o r canned goods. As s h e
m u s t s t a y a t t h e s t o r e s h e c a n n o t go t o t h e l a r g e o p e n a i r m a r k e t t o
sell. I n h i s s t o r e she a l s o s e l l s plumbing f i x t u r e s or v a r i o u s tools
such as k n i v e s , l a d l e s , a n d h o e s , made b y Kwaku a n d t h e a p p r e n t i c e s .
Kwaku makes t h e s e i n r e s p o n s e t o a n a n t i c i p a t e d demand. A t t h e open-
i n g o f t h e r a i n y s e a s o n h e makes h o e s f o r t h e f a r m e r s t o b u y when they
start tending their land. He makes t h e o t h e r t o o l s when h e s e e s
that they w i l l sell well. Ama s e l l s them a t t h e s t o r e , a n d s i t s
outside selling t h e bread o r canned goods. W h i l e Kwaku was b u i l d i n g

(Kwaku) 116
the house and c o u l d n ' t a f f o r d to rent another room t h e y l i v e d i nthe
s m a l l back room o f t h e s t o r e . S i n c e t h e h o u s e became h a b i t a b l e t h e y
h a v e moved t h e r e .
M o s t A k a n women a r e e x p e c t e d to care f o r t h e i r children.
B e c a u s e t h e r e i s no f a r m l a n d a v a i l a b l e i n Nkawkaw, Ama cannot farm
to r a i s e f o o d so she must depend on h e r p r o f i t s from selling a t the
s t o r e t o buy f o o d f o r t h e c h i l d r e n . Kwaku a n d Ama e a r n m o r e t h a n many
Kwawu, a l t h o u g h n o t a s much a s p r o f e s s i o n a l s , a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , a n d
s u c c e s s f u l cocoa farmers.
A l t h o u g h h e makes no o u t w a r d s i g n s , Kwaku m u s t c a l c u l a t e
c o n s t a n t l y as an e n t r e p r e n e u r . T h e j o b s t h a t Kwaku g e t s a t h i s s h o p
are i r r e g u l a r i n f r e q u e n c y and r e m u n e r a t i o n . His blacksmithing busi-
n e s s may b e s l a c k a n d h i s f u n d s l o w a n d h e w o u l d b e more p r o n e t o
t a k i n g a lower p a i d j o b . T h i s w o u l d b e more l i k e l y if, a t t h e same
time he had i n c u r r e d some o b l i g a t i o n s such as g i v i n g g i f t s a t b i r t h s
or f u n e r a l s . O f t e n one o f t h e p r i e s t s w o u l d t a k e h i m t o A c c r a t o g e t
p a r t s f o r the plumbing j o b , a n d h e c o u l d u s e t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o go
to a l s o purchase plumbing p a r t s w i t h what s p a r e cash he has saved,
so a s t o do o t h e r j o b s i n Nkawkaw. H i s monetary remuneration i n
t a k i n g a j o b a t a m i s s i o n w o u l d b e l o w , c o m p a r e d t o some s m i t h i n g
j o b s a t h i s shop. However i f i t i n v o l v e s s u p p l e m e n t i n g his ability
t o do p l u m b i n g j o b s o u t s i d e o f t h e m i s s i o n he w i l l b e more inclined
to take the m i s s i o n j o b .
(Kwaku) 117
Kwaku a n d t h e p r i e s t s w o u l d n o t p u t i t t h i s way. They
m i g h t s a y t h a t he h a s c e r t a i n o b l i g a t i o n s to t h e church. The p r i e s t s
might see those o b l i g a t i o n s i n terms o f h i s r e l i g i o u s obligations.
Kwaku m i g h t s e e t h o s e o b l i g a t i o n s i n terms of o b l i g a t i o n s toh i s
former master's c l a n . He d o e s n ' t c o m p l a i n t o t h e p r i e s t s a b o u t l o w
r e m u n e r a t i o n , b u t he l e t s i t b e known. The p r i e s t s h a v e mentioned
t h a t Kwaku d o e s n o t seem t o b e c h a r g i n g a s much a s t h e y m i g h t have
expected. They would c e r t a i n l y not offer t o pay h i m more i f he
makes a l o w b i d . They might e x p l a i n h i s l o w b i d s by s a y i n g t h a t he
is c h a r g i n g a c c o r d i n g t o a wage s t r u c t u r e o f many y e a r s ago b e f o r e
i n f l a t i o n when he was t r a i n e d . S i n c e they have a s m a l l budget and
must m a x i m i s e t h e y w o u l d n o t f i n d i t to t h e i r advantage to o f f e r
Kwaku a h i g h e r p r i c e i f he makes a l o w b i d .
Kwaku i s a n e n t r e p r e n e u r h a l f - w a y b e t w e e n his rural vil-
l a g e o f T a f o . and t h e C i t y o f A c c r a . He i s h a l f - w a y b e t w e e n t h e abusua
s o c i a l structure of h i s history, and. c a p i t a l i s t a n d C h r i s t i a n society
of the western world. Kwaku l i v e s i n a t r a n s i t i o n a l state geographi-
cally, culturally, socially, and e c o n o m i c a l l y . He i s a r u r a l urban
migrant i n s o much a s he l e f t KwawuTafo t o go t o Nkawkaw. He i s n o t
a r u r a l u r b a n m i g r a n t i n s o much a s he was e x p o s e d t o l i f e and be-
came f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e c i t y ways o f A c c r a b u t c h o s e n o t t o m i g r a t e
there. H i s r u r a l - - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n was n o t a s i m p l e go/no-go
d e c i s i o n b u t i n v o l v e d a n d i s i n v o l v i n g many c o m p l e x f a c t o r s . The m i -
g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n i s o n l y one o f a whole complex o f d e c i s i o n s t h a t make
up h i s l i f e i n an u r b a n i z i n g environment.
CHAPTER FOUR B
Kwaku and the I n f o r m a t i o n - D e c i s i o n - A c t i o n P e r s p e c t i v e
Decisions: P r e d i c t i o n or Explanation?
(Kwaku) 118
Kwaku and the I.D.A.
Some q u e s t i o n s a r i s e as to the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of p u t t i n g
i n only one example i n a f o r m a l a n a l y s i s . The keynote here i s "ex-
ample" i n t h i s case, because the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n pers-
pective (I.D.A.) c a l l s f o r t r a c i n g through many f a c e t s of d e c i s i o n s
of a number of p e o p l e . Kwaku i s used here as a d e m o n s t r a t i o n . How
then does I.D.A. p e r s p e c t i v e , as an a b s t r a c t , apply to an i n d i v i d u a l ?
Can i t be used to p r e d i c t f u t u r e a c t i o n , or e x p l a i n p a s t action?
Given enough examples of p a s t data and past a c t i o n , c o u l d f u t u r e ac-
t i o n of an i n d i v i d u a l be p l o t t e d ? Kwaku was born i n T a f o , a small
village. He l i v e s i n Nkawkaw, a much l a r g e r commercial town. He
has had some e x p e r i e n c e i n A c c r a the c a p i t a l , and a few o t h e r West
A f r i c a n towns. Was h i s move from Tafo to Nkawkaw r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a -
tion? Is h i s p r e s e n t s e r i e s of t r i p s to A c c r a p a r t of rural-urban
migration? W i l l he develop c l o s e r l i n k s w i t h Accra? Could those
c l o s e r l i n k s , or l o n g e r s t a y s be understood as urban m i g r a t i o n ? Will
he move to Accra? Is c o m p e t i t i o n too g r e a t t h e r e , or c o s t s too high
f o r a permanent move? Would he then c o n s i d e r an i n t e r m e d i a t e sized
alternative: Kumasi? W i l l he r e t u r n to Tafo? These q u e s t i o n s could
be answered by f i e l d work. I t i s here p o s s i b l e o n l y to examine b r i e f l y
the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of the four b a s i c hypotheses to what i s known
about t h i s one individual.

(Kwaku) 119
Costs o f Remaining (Hypothesis 1)
Kwaku i s n o t what c o u l d be c l a s s e d as a m i s f i t . Costs
a s s o c i a t e d w i t h o s t r a c i s m a r e l o w . He completed a few y e a r s o f p r i -
mary s c h o o l but t h e q u e s t i o n , as i n Chapter Two, o f doing w e l l o r
d o i n g p o o r l y i n s c h o o l cannot h e r e be used as an e x p l a n a t i o n o f
a d e c i s i o n to migrate. Kwaku i s i n t e l l i g e n t but n o t a g e n i u s . His
school career d i d not r e s u l t i n many o b s e r v a b l e costs. The same
a p p l i e s to r e l i g i o u s conversion. Kwaku i s v e r y p r a g m a t i c . He be-
came a C a t h o l i c and h i s d e c i s i o n was n e c e s s a r i l y mixed w i t h h i s t r a i n -
i n g as a plumber. Yet c o n v e r s i o n t o C a t h o l i c i s m i n h i s v i l l a g e i s
not something w h i c h l e a d s t o o s t r a c i s m c o s t s . Costs o f r u r a l life
d i d r i s e f o r Kwaku as he became more i d e n t i f i e d w i t h town l i v i n g due
to b l a c k s m i t h and plumbing t r a i n i n g . U n l i k e most Tafo r e s i d e n t s ,
f a r m i n g p l a y s a v e r y s m a l l p a r t i n Kwaku's t h o u g h t s , aspirations, or
activity. S u b s t a n t i v e c o s t s o f f a r m i n g p e r se d i d n o t r i s e f o r
Kwaku, as i n the t h i r d h y p o t h e s i s of Chapter Two, but t h e c o s t of
"being a f a r m e r " c o u l d w e l l have been h i g h e r f o r him. Kwaku was
f a r from b e i n g a c r i m i n a l l e a v i n g Tafo t o a v o i d c o s t s of a s s o c i a t e d
penalties.
B e n e f i t s of M i g r a t i n g (Hypothesis 2)
Kwaku l e a r n e d about many "urban" t h i n g s as a r e s u l t o f h i s
a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the Brothers. Increased u r b a n i n f o r m a t i o n as i n

(Kwaku) 120
Chapter Two resulted i n f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h urban l i f e f o r him. Know-
l e d g e , e v e n o f t h e p i t f a l l s , was an a s s e t f o r him and contributed
to the m i g r a t i o n b e n e f i t aggregate. His t r a i n i n g , education and
exposure to cosmopolitan life styles increased his identification
w i t h urban l i f e s t y l e s and resulted in a re-identification such
t h a t he v a l u e d i n c o m e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h u r b a n l i f e . City l i f e had
more b e n e f i t s i n t h e f o r m o f f a m i l i a r Kwawu c u s t o m s i n m o s t o f Nkawkaw,
and i n an a r e a o f A c c r a called Kwawu C o r n e r , o r Kwawu M a r k e t , to
w h i c h he t o o k me, h e h a s many a c q u a i n t a n c e s . Kwaku d i d n o t see
working for a firm, f o r wages, as an unmixed b e n e f i t . He liked
working f o r the p r i e s t s , but would not consider being employed i n a
firm. He f e l t he w o u l d be t o o t i e d by wages. The monetary income
was v a l u e d , but above a l l he p r e f e r r e d the independence of entre-
preneurship. T h i s c o n s i d e r a t i o n may have been an i m p o r t a n t factor
i n h i s going from Tafo t o Nkawkav?, b u t n o t a l l t h e way to Accra,
w h e r e i t was more d i f f i c u l t t c e s t a b l i s h ar. i n d e p e n d e n t s m i t h shop.
The e f f e c t o f p r o x i m i t y on the d e c i s i o n (Caldxêll, 1968)
as n o t e d i n Chapter Two, is difficult to assess i n the case of one
individual. Kwaku's " c l o s e n e s s " t o t h e c i t y i s more e a s i l y explained
as s o c i a l p r o x i m i t y , through C a t h o l i c church c o n t a c t s , or l o r r y fares,
r a t h e r t h a n as the 100 m i l e s o r so t o A c c r a . o r t h e 12 m i l e s from
Tafo t o Nkawkaw, w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e t h e g e o g r a p h i c measures of proxi-
mity. The f a c t o r o f i n c r e a s e d i n f o r m a t i o n seems t o a c c o u n t f o r most
of the " b e n e f i t of m i g r a t i n g " . v a l u e of h i s d e c i s i o n . T h i s was more

(Kwaku) 121
important than education i n i t s formal i n s t i t u t i o n a l context, as
p r e d i c t e d i n Chapter Two.
B e n e f i t s of Remaining (Hypothesis 3)
Kwaku, as m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , d i d n o t i d e n t i f y himself as a
farmer. H i s income, i n terms o f s u b s t a n t i v e and p s y c h o l o g i c a l a c -
quisition r e l a t e d to farming, was t h e r e f o r e l o w i n T a f o . A bad crop
t h e r e f o r e c o u l d n o t a c c o u n t f o r Kwaku's move t o Nkawkaw. Dislike of
farming could. Caldwell's f i n d i n g s n o t e d a b o v e , are. s u b s t a n t i a t e d ,
b e c a u s e K w a k u , due t o h i s p l u m b i n g a n d s m i t h i n g a c t i v i t i e s had a
higher income r e l a t i v e to h i s Tafo peers. Kwaku d i d n o t c l a i m abusua
(matriclan) land i n Tafo, finding e n o u g h n o n - f a r m i n c o m e i n Nkawkaw.
He d i d a r r a n g e t o g e t a s m a l l p l o t o f l a n d o u t s i d e Nkawkaw h o w e v e r ,
w h e r e he b u i l t a d i s t i n c t l y n o n - A f r i c a n ( n o t e x a c t l y b u t somewhat
resembling W e s t e r n ) house t o l i v e i n w h i l e he w o r k e d a t h i s shop i n
Nkawkaw. Falling f a r m i n c o m e c a n n o t e x p l a i n Kwaku's m i g r a t i o n s o much
as the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h a non-rural oriented l i f e style.
Costs of Migrat-ing (Hypothesis 4)
Travel f o r t h e s a k e o f t r a v e l was a n o v e l c o n c e p t t o Kwaku
when I s u g g e s t e d we t a k e a t w o - w e e k h o l i d a y a n d t r a v e l to the Cote
d'lvoire. He was e x c i t e d b y t h e new i d e a o f t o u r i s m and gave h i s
wife e n o u g h money t o l a s t , a n d away we w e n t . But I f o u n d t h a t travel

(Kwaku) 122
f o r other reasons was n o t f o r e i g n t u Kwaku o r o t h e r Kwawu. En r o u t e
we met many r e l a t i v e s a n d a c q u a i n t a n c e s , some h e h a d s e e n when a s a
c h i l d h i s f a t h e r had taken w i t h him w h i l e t r a v e l l i n g to trade, others
who h a d s i n c e m i g r a t e d f r o m Kwawu. I n every t o w n o r v i l l a g e we w e n t ,
w h e r e t h e r e was some c o m m e r c i a l a c t i v i t y we met Kwawu, m o s t l y tra-
d e r s , b u t some c l e r k s a n d m i n o r o f f i c i a l s . H o s t o f them indicated
t h a t t h e y h a d gone t h e r e f r o m Kwawu. Very few were b o r n elsewhere.
Kwaku h a d g r o w n up i n a n e n v i r o n m e n t o f much g e o g r a p h i c a l mobility
related t o commerce. Y e t Tafo itself seemed a q u i e t , u n e x c i t i n g
town. People h e knew h a d t r a v e l l e d . For him the cost of migrating
w o u l d be l o w r e l a t i v e t o what i t w o u l d b e f o r someone i n a more iso-
lated village. F a m i l i a r i t y w i t h urban l i f e styles, and w i t h residence
away f r o m t h e n a t a l v i l l a g e ensured such low costs,, and i n terms o f
the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e (I.D.A.), r e s u l t e d in a
higher value.
The F i t o f t h e M o d e l
lio a b s t r a c t , o r g e n e r a l i t y a g r e e s e n t i r e l y w i t h examples
of an i n d i v i d u a l n a t u r e . However, c e r t a i n d i s p a r i t i e s f r o m t h e I.D.A.
i n Kwaku's case, apart from those mentioned above, c a l l for a re-
examination of the p e r s p e c t i v e . The most i m p o r t a n t v a r i a n t i s the
"once o n l y " n a t u r e of the p e r s p e c t i v e . Kwaku d i d n o t s i m p l y l i v e i n
Tafo a n d d e c i d e t o go o r n o t go t o A c c r a . He was e x p o s e d t o v a r y i n g
(Kwaku) 123
f a c e t s o f u r b a n l i f e many t i m e s . He p r e s e n t l y l i v e s a t a n inter-
m e d i a t e u r b a n a r e a , Nkawkaw, b u t h a s b e e n i n c r e a s i n g h i s c o m m u n i c a -
tion with Accra. T h i s i s no s i m p l e dichotomy, Rural-Urban, but a
process of f i n d i n g o u t how t o l i v e i n an i n c r e a s i n g l y cosmopolitan
world. T h e r e a r e many i n t e r m e d i a t e p o i n t s a n d n o a b s o l u t e s a t e i t h e r
end.
Another important d i f f e r e n c e i s the v a r i a n c e between t h e
d e c i s i o n a s i t i s made b y a n i n d i v i d u a l , and t h e l o g i c of i t s solu-
tion. The p r o c e s s o f d e c i d i n g happens over time w h i l e the d e c i s i o n
formula o f f e r e d here i s a s t r u c t u r e w i t h i n which v a r i a b l e s can a l t e r
over time.
The final d i f f e r e n c e h a s t o do w i t h n e t a n d g r o s s migra-
tion. Looking a t net migration s t a t i s t i c s often overlooks the pro-
cess o f a n i n d i v i d u a l ' s moving back and f o r t h , from v i l l a g e to city
and t o w n a s Kwaku d i d , a n d d o e s . T h e p i c t u r e o n e g e t s f r o m only-
studying aggregates differs f r o m t h a t w h i c h one g e t s from studying
one individualin t h a t same process.

CHAPTER F I V E
Where t o Go?
Action
Kwawu N e t M i g r a t i o n Patterns
A Demonstration Model
(Where to Go) 124
Limited empirical data do not support the hypothesis

that migration i s proportional to the population of
the c i t y of destination, nor that i t i s inversely pro-
portional to the distance of migration."''
The I.D.A. perspective consists of three parts: Informa-
t i o n , Decision, Action. Chapter Three, Four and Five attempt to
give Kwawu examples of each of those three parts. Chapter Three
indicates the information a v a i l a b l e to a Kwawu about the r u r a l and
urban areas. Chapter Four gives an example of a p a r t i c u l a r i n d i v i -
dual's decision process. This chapter attempts to focus on the
aggregate action of Kwawu to see i f such demographic data, as a v a i l -
able, i s useful for examining the i n d i v i d u a l decision making process.
It seeks to ask where have Kwawu people migrated, and i n the l i g h t
of the I.D.A. perspective, "why"? From the perspective a demonstra-
tion model i s constructed to test this data.
Kwawu have migrated to every region i n Ghana, and within
each to almost every census enumeration area. They have also l e f t
the country to go to Nigeria, Cote d ' l v o i r e , Togo, Dahomey, Great
B r i t a i n and America. I t i s d i f f i c u l t here to estimate the number of
Kwawu who go to each area outside Ghana. However i t i s possible to
indicate where they have gone within Ghana, using the 1960 census.
The Kwawu developed as a separate ethnic entity i n what i s now the
Eastern Region, i n two census enumeration areas: North Kwahu and
1. Stewart, Charles T.,"Migration as a Function of Population and

Distance", American S o c i o l o g i c a l Review, Vol. 25, June 1960, pp.
347-356.
(Where t o Go) 125
S o u t h Kwahu. T h e w h o l e o f Kwawu t r a d i t i o n a l s t a t e l i e s w i t h i n these
two areas. The t a b l e p r o v i d e d indicates the regions t o w h i c h Kwawu
o r t h e i r r e c e n t a n c e s t o r s have migrated.
Looking a t t h e t a b l e i t becomes o b v i o u s t h a t Kwawu h a v e
not gone i n e q u a l n u m b e r s t o e a c h r e g i o n i n G h a n a . I f an explana-
tion i soffered for this d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n d i s t r i b u t i o n , by draw-
i n g on a f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h t h e a r e a , c e r t a i n f a c t o r s m i g h t be i s o l a t e d
b y b e i n g made e x p l i c i t . These f a c t o r s might then be i n t r o d u c e d into
the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e as I n f o r m a t i o n available
t o a d e c i s i o n maker, and a d e m o n s t r a t i o n model c o u l d be generated
from t h e p e r s p e c t i v e . These f a c t o r s c o u l d then be t e s t e d a g a i n s t
an i n d i c a t o r of A c t i o n so as to develop a predictive tool.
M o s t Kwawu l i v e i n the Eastern Region. The e a s t e r n R e g i o n
contains the census enumeration regions North Kwahu a n d S o u t h Kwahu,
i n which the t r a d i t i o n a l s t a t e o f Kwawu d e v e l o p e d . I f Kwawu h a v e
migrated t o o t h e r p a r t s o f t h e E a s t e r n R e g i o n i t may b e p a r t i a l l y
e x p l a i n e d by s o c i a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l p r o x i m i t y o f t h e a r e a s . Within
t h e E a s t e r n R e g i o n o u t s i d e o f Kwahu, o n e w o u l d e x p e c t Kwawu t o m i -
g r a t e t o t h e l a r g e s t town, K o f o r i d u a , and t h i s i s t h e case. Apart
f r o m t h e t r a d i t i o n a l a r e a , m o s t Kwawu, 2 , 3 6 0 , l i v e i n New J u a b e n i n
w h i c h K o f o r i d u a i s s i t u a t e d , o r i n E a s t A k i m Abuakwa, 2,500, w h i c h
borders S o u t h Kwahu. Most o f t h e p e o p l e of the Eastern Region a r e
Akans and speak d i a l e c t s o f T w i which a r e s i m i l a r t o t h e Kwawu d i a -
lect. Geographical p r o x i m i t y and urban a t t r a c t i o n s account f o r much
migration.
Regional Distribution of Kwawu i n Ghana
Urban
% Kwawu who % Pop. i n
No. of Kwawu No., of Kwawu are male centers 5,000+
Region 1948 1960 Notes (1960) (1960)
Ghana t o t a l 79,313 131,970 47.9% 23%
Eastern Region 69,647* 104,130 Region of Origin 46.8 20
Accra Region 2,686 10,920 Major urban area 52.0 80
Ashanti Region 3,198 8,590 Most:similar, s o c i a l 49.8 25
structure, f a i r l y
urban, borders Kwawu
Western Region 2,437* 3,840 Related s o c i a l 56.3 26
structure, f a i r l y
urban, further away
Brong Ahafo 239 2,748 Similar s o c i a l 51.7 16
structure, r u r a l ,
further away
Volta Region 759 1,490 Different s o c i a l 53.4 13
structure, borders
Kwawu, r u r a l .
Norther Regions 67 2.60 Very different c u l - 61.5
ture, most distant,
rural
Source: Ghana Census 1948 (p. 131). Ghana Census 1960. Last column: Birmingham et a l . , 1967,
Vol. 2, p. 47, Table 1:15. Eastern Region i n 1948 included Birim (K=67,285) and Akuapem
New Juaben (K=2,262). Western Region i n 1948 included Ahanta Nzima (K=257), Cape Coast
(1,456), Sefui (86) and Wassaw-Aowin (640).
(Where t o Go) 127
The region with t h e s e c o n d l a r g e s t number o f Kwaxvu i s t h e
Accra Region. I t i s very small i n area b u t i t i n c l u d e s the' c i t y o f
Accra. Within t h i s r e g i o n Kwawu a r e more l i k e l y t o go t o t h e c i t y
t h a n t o Ga-Dangbe a n d S h a i r u r a l o u t s k i r t s . The r e g i o n i s t h e t r a -
d i t i o n a l home o f A d a n g b e g r o u p s w h i c h a r e q u i t e d i s t i n c t linguisti-
c a l l y and c u l t u r a l l y from Akan. The b i g g e s t indicator of this i s
that t h e Adangbe groups a r e p a t r i l i n e a l w h i l e Akan a r e m a t r i l i n e a l .
The city itself, h o w e v e r , i s more c o s m o p o l i t a n , and about one-fifth
of t h e p o p u l a t i o n a r e Akan speakers. The f a c t o r s a c c o u n t i n g f o r
Kwawu m i g r a t i o n t o A c c r a a r e overwhelmingly f a c t o r s connected t o
its u r b a n c h a r a c t e r , f o l l o w e d b y i t s d i s t a n c e t o Kwawu a n d t h e e x t e n t
of f a m i l i a r life styles i n the c i t y .
The region with the t h i r d l a r g e s t number o f Kwawu i s t h e
Ashanti Region. This r e g i o n has even c l o s e r h i s t o r i c a l and c u l t u r a l
t i e s w i t h Kwawu t h a n o t h e r p a r t s of the Eastern Region. Most o f t h e
Kwawu who do go t h e r e , go t o K u m a s i t h e s e c o n d l a r g e s t c i t y i n Ghana.
Again, urban a t t r a c t i o n s coupled w i t h s o c i a l and g e o g r a p h i c a l proxi-
mity help t o e x p l a i n why t h e r e a r e f e w e r Kwawu i n t h e A s h a n t i Region
than i n the Accra R e g i o n a n d t h e E a s t e r n R e g i o n , b u t more Kwawu t h a n
in the remaining regions. N o t e t h e r a t i o s o f men t o women. Kwawu
women o u t n u m b e r t h e men. The d i f f e r e n c e i s g r e a t e s t a t t h e p o i n t o f
origin. M o r e men m i g r a t e t h a n women. Women a r e more l i k e l y to travel
to trade. T h e y t e n d more t o t r a v e l t o a r e a s w h i c h h a v e o u t d o o r m a r -
k e t s , f a m o u s i n Ghana f o r t h e i r w e a l t h y " m a r k e t mammies". Kwawu

(Where t o Go) 128
women who do t r a v e l t o t r a d e a r e more a t t r a c t e d t o m a r k e t s w h i c h a r e
g e o g r a p h i c a l l y a n d s o c i a l l y p r o x i m a t e t o t h e i r home. Kwawu men, even
t r a d e r s a r e n o t as a t t r a c t e d t o outdoor markets of the traditional
sort. I f t h e y m i g r a t e t o t r a d e t h e y s e t up s m a l l r e t a i l shops rather
t h a n t r a d e i n open a i r m a r k e t s . T h u s Kwawu women o u t n u m b e r Kwawu men
in the A s h a n t i and E a s t e r n Regions. Another reason f o r t h e d i f f e r -
ences i n t h e male-female ratios i s t h a t t h e men m i g r a t e t o a r e a s w h i c h
have fewer e t h n i c s i m i l a r i t i e s , such as A c c r a , because they a r e a t -
tracted t o c e r t a i n o c c u p a t i o n s such as shopkeeping and c l e r i c a l work,
w h i c h do n o t r e q u i r e t h e comfort and s e c u r i t y p r o v i d e d by w e l l known
p a t t e r n s o f i n t e r a c t i o n as i n Akan outdoor markets. Where t h e men
o u t n u m b e r t h e women t h e m o s t i s i n t h e N o r t h e r n R e g i o n s w h e r e f e w
Kwawu m i g r a t e , w h e r e c u s t o m s a r e most u n f a m i l i a r , and where urban
o p p o r t u n i t i e s a r e the fewest.
The r e g i o n w h e r e t h e f o u r t h l a r g e s t Kwawu p o p u l a t i o n h a s
gone i s t h e W e s t e r n R e g i o n . A k a n s s u c h a s t h e F a n t i and t h e N z i m a
live i n the Western R e g i o n , and these a r e about a s s i m i l a r tothe
Kwawu a s a r e t h e B o r o n a n d t h e A g n i ( A n y i ) who l i v e i n t h e Brong Ahafo
Region. However t h e W e s t e r n R e g i o n i s o n t h e c o a s t , h a s h a d more
historical exposure t o a n d c o n t a c t w i t h E u r o p e , a n d i s more u r b a n .
Faced w i t h two a r e a s w h i c h a r e a p p r o x i m a t e l y t h e same d i s t a n c e away,
and a p p r o x i m a t e l y a s s i m i l a r i n customs a n d l a n g u a g e , t h e Kwawu t e n d
t h e n t o move t o t h e a r e a w h i c h i s more u r b a n . Thus t h e Brong Ahafo
R e g i o n i s f o u r t h o n t h e s c a l e i n T a b l e IV.1 w h i l e the Western Region
is third.
(Where t o Go) 129
The V o l t a R e g i o n i s a n i n t e r e s t i n g a r e a . This region
borders p a r t l y o n Kwawu a n d i s g e n e r a l l y q u i t e close. However,
relatively f e w Kwawu h a v e m i g r a t e d t o t h a t r e g i o n . Within the r e -
gion, f e w e r Kwawu h a v e m i g r a t e d t o t h e more u r b a n c o a s t a l s o u t h ,
a n d m o r e h a v e m i g r a t e d t o Buem--Krachi i n the north. T h e Kwawu m i -
g r a t i o n d i f f e r e n t i a l h e r e must be e x p l a i n e d b y c u l t u r a l similarity
r a t h e r t h a n by d i s t a n c e o r urban o p p o r t u n i t i e s . Most o f t h e p e o p l e
in t h e V o l t a r e g i o n a r e Ewes. Many a r e G a - d a n g b e a n d many a r e G u a n .
These groups have l a n g u a g e s and customs which a r e very d i f f e r e n t from
Akan t r i b e s s u c h a s Kwawu. Only i n Buem-Krachi i s there a large pro-
p o r t i o n o f Akans, the Krakye. I t i s q u i t e e a s y f o r a Kwawu living
on t h e A f r a m p l a i n s i n N o r t h Kwahu, t o c r o s s t h e l a k e a n d l i v e i n
Buem.
The a r e a s t o w h i c h t h e l e a s t number o f Kwawus m i g r a t e a r e
i n the Northern Region. A l m o s t t w i c e a s many Kwawu men a s Kwawu
women go t c t h e N o r t h e r n R e g i o n s . These areas are r e l a t i v e l y very
rural. T h e y a r e t h e f u r t h e s t i n Ghana f r o m Kwawu a n d t h e p e o p l e
differ t h e m o s t f r o m Kwawu i n l a n g u a g e a n d c u s t o m s .
Looking a t this d e s c r i p t i v e account of t h e d i f f e r e n c e s i n
Kwawu m i g r a t i o n , three independent v a r i a b l e s seem t o b e m o s t evident.
These v a r i a b l e s c a n be seen as i n f o r m a t i o n p e r c e i v e d by t h e i n d i v i d u a l
d e c i d i n g where o r i f t o m i g r a t e . These v a r i a b l e s are: 1) the extent
to w h i c h each a r e a o f f e r s urban b e n e f i t s , 2) the extent to which the
cost of getting t h e r e i s l o w , a n d 3) the extent to which the culture

(VThere t o Go) 130
of each a r e a i s s i m i l a r t o t h e c u l t u r e o f t h e home a r e a , It i s
difficult to decide a t t h i s point which v a r i a b l e i s most important
but t h e degree o f urban o p p o r t u n i t i e s seems t o a c c o u n t f o rthe great-
est part of the migration. The e x t e n t t o w h i c h the host areas a r e
similar i n s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e t o t h e home a r e a seems t o b e m o r e impor-
t a n t f o r Kwawu women t h a n f o r Kwawu men.
Combining t h e hypotheses with a l i m i t of four variables, a
d e m o n s t r a t i o n model c a n be c o n s t r u c t e d . U s i n g some e l e m e n t a r y r e -
gression techniques t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between a c t i o n and i n f o r m a t i o n
can be i n d i c a t e d . T h i s xrould be e x p r e s s e d i n the form o f Y =
f (X , X , X ) . L e t t h e d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e b e t h e number o f Kwawu
JL A _>
who m i g r a t e to a p a r t i c u l a r area. L e t t h e three independent variables
be: extent t o which t h e areas a r e urban, distance to the area from
Kwawu, a n d t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h Kwawu may b e f a m i l i a r w i t h t h e l a n -
guage a n d customs o f t h e a r e a .
Given t h e n a t u r e . o f t h e v a r i a b l e s and t h e sources o f t h e
d a t a , t h e i n d i c a t o r s o f t h e s e f o u r v a r i a b l e s must be d i s t o r t i o n s a n d
representations of the variables. A few o f these d i s t o r t i o n s a r e
l i s t e d here. No c e n s u s data on recant migrations e x i s t . The 1960
census lists t h e number o f Kwawu i n 69 r e g i o n s o f G h a n a , b u t d o e s
not i n d i c a t e t h e p r o p o r t i o n who h a v e m i g r a t e d i n e a c h o r who h a v e b e e n
born i n each. However 5 u s i n g t h e t o t a l number o f Kwawu i n e a c h r e -
g i o n r a t h e r t h a n o n l y t h e number who h a v e m i g r a t e d t o a n a r e a , does
not r e s u l t i n a s e r i o u s m i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n f o r two r e a s o n s . First,

(Where t o Go) 131
t h e Kwawu d e v e l o p e d fairly r e c e n t l y as a n independent group separate
f r o m t h e A s h a n t i o r o t h e r A k a n who f o r m e d t h e Kwawu. Thus t h e t o -
t a l number o f Kwawu i n e a c h r e g i o n r e p r e s e n t t h e people o r progeny
of people who h a v e m i g r a t e d t o each p o s t - c o l o n i z a t i o n census divi-
sion. Second 3 the i n d i c a t o r , i f u s e d i n r e g r e s s i o n a n a l y s i s i s more
v a l u a b l e i f concerned with the d i f f e r e n t i a l o r v a r i a t i o n i n immigra-
t i o n t o each o f t h e areas, r a t h e r than t o t h e a b s o l u t e number o f m i -
grants. Thus a r e l a t i v e l y h i g h Kwawu p o p u l a t i o n i n a n y r e g i o n o t h e r
t h a n Kwawu i n d i c a t e s a l s o a r e l a t i v e l y high migration to that area.
The e x t e n t t o w h i c h a r e g i o n i s u r b a n m u s t a l w a y s be a n approximation
when u s i n g c e n s u s d a t a . D e n s i t y may n o t b e v a l i d because a very u r -
ban a r e a may b e i n c l u d e d w i t h i n b o u n d a r i e s encompassing v a s t unoccu-
pied areas. For purposes of approximation however, a crude indicator
c o n s i s t i n g o f the percentage of people living i n centers o f over some
a r b i t r a r y number o f p e o p l e i ssufficient. This i s reasonable as long
as the boundaries encompass s i m i l a r g e o g r a p h i c a l a r e a s and p o p u l a t i o n s .
As a r o u g h m e a s u r e o f t h e d i s t a n c e f r o m Kwawu t o e a c h r e g i o n , a
straight line d i s t a n c e , m e a s u r e d o n t h e map, f r o m t h e c e n t e r o f Kwawu
to t h e c e n t e r o f each r e g i o n i s iidequate. Straight line distances
a r e n o t t h e same a s e c o n o m i c d i s t a n c e s . Roads a l m o s t n e v e r go i n
straight lines. Costs o f t r a v e l p e r m i l e a r e much l o w e r i n Southern
Ghana t h a n i n N o r t h e r n Ghana due t o a more e f f i c i e n t infrastructure.
T h i s a g a i n i s n o t a s e r i o u s d i s t r a c t i o n t o t h e model so l o n g a s t h e
indicator i s t o be used f o r r e g r e s s i o n a n a l y s i s . What i s i m p o r t a n t

(Where t o Go) 132
Simple C o r r e l a t i o n Table
I n d e x o f Kwawu M i g r a t i o n i n Ghana A g a i n s t S e l e c t e d
C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f Ghanaian Census Enumeration Areas
Number o f % of
Kwawu Kwawu
D i s t a n c e i n d e x , (map s t r a i g h t lines) -0.299 -0.423
Inverse distance index 0.404 0.529
Total population 0.580 0.027
Number o f A k a n Speakers 0.200 0.056
Number o f T w i S p e a k e r s 0.216 0.133
Number o f A k a n S p e a k e r s p l u s T w i S p e a k e r s 0.570 0.219
Percent o f Akan speakers 0.024 0.163
Percent o f Twi speakers 0.150 0.254
P e r c e n t Twi p l u s Akan 0.172 0.338
No. i n d i v i d u a l s r e s . i n c e n t e r s o v e r 5,000 p o p . 0.812 0.308
No. i n d i v i d u a l s r e s . i n c e n t e r s o v e r 10,000 p o p . 0.780 0.322
Number o f wage e m p l o y e d individuals 0.778 0.274
Index o f urban s i z e (Sum o f a b o v e t h r e e ) 0.802 0.316

% individuals r e s . i n c e n t e r s o v e r 5,000 p o p . 0.328 0.454
Percentage index o f urban size 0.303 0.413
Numerical Migration Index:
( A k a n + T w i s p e a k e r s ) ( P o p . o v e r 5,000 + P o p , o v e r 1 0 , 0 0 0 + Wage E a r n e r s )
(distance)
0.853 0.311
EXPECTED SCA TTEPG&AM ASSOC/AT/ONS
B,%>0
1 01.
• bi
B >0
3
FAM/L/AP/TY OFKWAHU mm CUSTOMS*SOCIAL STPUCTUPE

IN EACH APEA
NOTE:-SIMPLE L/NEAP PE6PESS/0/VS ONLY.

-MULT/PLE WEAP PE6PESS/0N /S MOT
Sb'/TABLE FOP W0 0/MENS/OMAl
6PAPK/CAL gEPPESENTATJOM.
(Where t o Go) 134
i s not the absolute distance but the r e l a t i v e d i f f e r e n c e s i n d i s -
tances between t h e p o t e n t i a l c h o i c e s open t o an i n d i v i d u a l . The
same a p p l i e s t o a n i n d i c a t o r o f s i m i l a r i t y o f language and h a b i t s .
The p e r c e n t a g e o f p e o p l e i n each a r e a who speak Akan d i a l e c t s i s o n l y
an a p p r o x i m a t i o n o f t h e degree t o w h i c h a Kwawu m i g r a n t may be fam-
i l i a r w i t h the c u l t u r e . P e o p l e who speak Nzima i n t h e Western Re-
g i o n would be c l a s s e d as Akan y e t have more d i f f e r e n t customs t h a n
have t h e Akuapem who a r e c l o s e r t o the Kwawu b o t h s o c i a l l y and
geographically s y e t b o t h a r e c l a s s e d as Akan. For regression analy-
s i s t o be v a l i d t h e i n d i c a t o r s must i n d i c a t e t h e degree t o w h i c h t h e
v a r i a b l e s v a r y w i t h each o b s e r v a t i o n which i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y t h e
a b s o l u t e measure o f t h e v a r i a b l e .
The dependent v a r i a b l e i s t h e e x t e n t of Kwawu m i g r a t i o n
to each a r e a as i n d i c a t e d by t h e v a r i a t i o n i n numbers o f Kwawu i n
each a r e a . The independent v a r i a b l e s a r e . degree t o w h i c h each
a r e a i s urban, d i s t a n c e t o each a r e a , and s i m i l a r i t y of c u l t u r e o f
t h e p e o p l e i n each a r e a . The v a r i a t i o n i n t h e s e t h r e e independent
v a r i a b l e s i s measured by: 1) p e r c e n t o f p o p u l a t i o n l i v i n g i n c e n -
t e r s o f over 10,000, 2) d i s t a n c e from t h e c e n t e r o f Kwawu t o t h e cen-
t e r o f each a r e a , and 3) p e r c e n t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n i n each a r e a w h i c h
speaks a n Akan language. The s o u r c e s f o r each o f t h e s e i s found i n
the 1960 census o f Ghana.

(Where t o Go)
Simple L i n e a r R e g r e s s i o n Table
Kwawu M i g r a t i o n R e l a t e d t o I n v e r s e o f D i s t a n c e o f M i g r a t i o n
Y = A 2 + Cx 2
Where:
Y = Number o f Kwawu i n each census enumeration a r e a
x,, = I n v e r s e o f t h e d i r e c t l i n e d i s t a n c e from t h e c e n t e r o f
Kwahu t o t h e c e n t e r o f each o t h e r census d i v i s i o n
= Constant f o r the r e g r e s s i o n
C = C o e f f i c i e n t o f independent v a r i a b l e x„
592.4 = A r i t h m e t i c mean o f Y
1450 = Standard d e v i a t i o n of Y
1,463 = A r i t h m e t i c mean o f x 2
1.064 = Standard deviation of x 2
A = -2.13 ( s t a n d a r d e r r o r = 279.2)
C = 5^55 ( s t a n d a r d e r r o r = 15,480)
r 2
= 0.163
F.prob. = 0.0000
(Where to Go) 136
Distance
The number of Kwawu i n each of the 67 census areas was
taken as an i n d i c a t i o n of the number of Kwawu who had migrated there
from the two Kwawu census areas. This was set as the dependent
variable. The f i r s t independent variable was distance. As distance
from Kwawu increased i t was predicted that fewer Kwawu would mi-
grate. See Diagram 3, page 133, Part 2. This was the case. The
c o r r e l a t i o n for Kwawu and distance was -0.30, which i s low, but con-
sidering the very crude measure of distance, straight l i n e s on a map,
this was not surprising. A second independent variable, the inverse
of the distance, as measured by the f i r s t method, was correlated with
Kwawu and i t was found to be higher: 0.41. This was used for sub-
sequent computations.
Familiarity
The second independent variable, extent to which the area
i s s i m i l a r i n s o c i a l structure to Kwawu, was indicated i n an i n t e r -
esting way. Greenberg (1965:50) has already shown the relationship
between language, i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and s o c i a l alignment i n multi-
l i n g u a l urban s i t u a t i o n s . The number of Akan speakers plus the num-
ber of Twi speakers — as noted i n the 1960 census document Tribes
i n Ghana (Special Report E) was used as an indicator. Kwawu-Twi i s
a d i a l e c t of Twi. Twi i s an Akan language. See Diagram 4,"Categori-
zation of Spoken Kwawu", on page 137. The indicator thus calculated

CATEGO&tZAT/OA/ OF SPOKEN KWAWU
GC/&MA
AKAN GA-ADANGBE P/IAPA
TW/ FANT/-TW/ GA XYAM8U
FA NT/ KOMKOA'KA
KWAWU AOANGBE Y0PU8A
(KWAHU)
8/MO8A
ADA
AG ON A
ASANTE /GBO
5HA/
(ASHAA/T!)
NZEMA KWBO
A//AFO NZEMA- MOLE

EVALUE
EWE DAYOM8A
BOgOA/ AHANTA
A/ANUA48A
6UAN
BAA/DA
ANY/-8AWLE EFl/TU
WAL6A
SAHW/
ASE/V CSEFW/J AWUW DAGA8A
(DA6A&TE)
A Oh//A/ KYEPEPONG 81//ISA

OANKY/QA
(DENCMteA) A/ANKANSI
8AWLE LAGTE
GU&ENS/
WASA KYOKOSJ
ANUM-BOSO
HA USA
GONGYA
(G'ONJA)
FU/AN/
(Where t o Go) 138
was as i f z e r o p o i n t s were g i v e n t o each non-Akan speaker, one p o i n t
were g i v e n t o each Akan b u t non-Twi s p e a k e r , and two p o i n t s were g i -
ven t o each Twi speaker. The a g g r e g a t e o f p o i n t s i n each census
a r e a was used as t h e i n d i c a t o r o f t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e a r e a might
be f a m i l i a r t o a p o t e n t i a l Kwawu m i g r a n t . See Diagram 3, page 133,
P a r t 3. I n t e r e s t i n g l y enough the "Akan" v a r i a b l e c o r r e l a t e d w i t h a
c o e f f i c i e n t o f 0.20 and t h e "Twi"' c o r r e l a t e d s l i g h t l y h i g h e r w i t h
0.22 b u t t h e combined i n d e x o f e t h n i c s i m i l a r i t y had a c o e f f i c i e n t
o f 0.57.
Urbanization
S t i l l u s i n g census enumeration a r e a s , i t was d i f f i c u l t t o
b u i l d i n an i n d e x o f u r b a n i z a t i o n and r e m a i n t h e o r e t i c a l l y c o n s i s -
tent . So f o r each a r e a p o i n t s were a g a i n g i v e n t o i n d i v i d u a l s , as
i n the e t h n i c s i m i l a r i t y i n d i c a t o r : zero p o i n t s f o r each p e r s o n
l i v i n g i n c e n t e r s o f l e s s than 5,000 p o p u l a t i o n , one p o i n t i f he
l i v e d i n a c e n t e r o f over 5,000 o r two p o i n t s i f he l i v e d i n a cen-
t e r o f over 10,000, and one e x t r a p o i n t i f he earned a wage income
no matter where he l i v e d . Thus r e l a t i v e s i z e of urban c e n t e r s , and
a l s o wage employment c o u l d be combined as an i n d e x of u r b a n i z a t i o n

n
i.
i n each census a r e a . Even though t h e r e a r e o t h e r measures o f "urban-
2. See Map 6, " G e o g r a p h i c a l D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Urban D e n s i t y " on page

141. T h i s was c o n s t r u c t e d by c a l c u l a t i n g t h e p e r c e n t o f p o p u l a -
t i o n l i v i n g i n c e n t e r s o f over 5,000 p o p u l a t i o n u s i n g 1960 Census
d a t a , and s h a d i n g each census enumeration a r e a w i t h t h e a p p r o p r i -
ate density.
(Where t o Go) 139
Simple L i n e a r R e g r e s s i o n T a b l e
Kwawu M i g r a t i o n R e l a t e d t o S o c i o - C u l t u r a l Similarity
Y = A3 + Dx 3
Where:
Y = Number o f Kwawu i n each census d i v i s i o n , (dependent
variable)
= S o c i o - c u l t u r a l s i m i l a r i t y i n d e x (independent v a r i a b l e )
i n each census d i v i s i o n a p o i n t each p e r i n d i v i d u a l who:
speaks any Akan language
speaks Twi
D = C o e f f i c i e n t o f independent v a r i a b l e , x
A^ = Constant f o r the r e g r e s s i o n
592.4 - A r i t h m e t i c mean o f Y
1450 = Standard d e v i a t i o n of Y
53670 - A r i t h m e t i c mean o f x ^
59260 = Standard d e v i a t i o n of x.
A = -156.3 (standard e r r o r = 198.6)
D = 0.0140 (standard e r r o r = 0.0025)
r 2
= 0.325
F.prob. - 0.0000
(Where to Go) 140
ness' t h i s indicator should roughly correspond to the v a r i a t i o n be-

!
tween the census areas of whatever might be measured as urbanization.
See Diagram 3, Part 1, page 133. The number of persons l i v i n g i n
centers of over 5,000 correlated with a c o e f f i c i e n t of 0.81. This
was the highest of the degrees of relationship with Kwawu migration.
The number of persons l i v i n g i n centers of over 10,000 correlated
to Kwawu migration with a c o e f f i c i e n t of 0.78, a l i t t l e lower. The
number of paid employees was just s l i g h t l y lower than 0.78 (0.7779)
and the index of urbanization, used i n further calculations corre-
lated with a c o e f f i c i e n t of 0.80.
The Predictive Index
Combining the three indicators into one index which i s
the multiple of the degree of urbanness, the extent of ethnic simi-
l a r i t y and the inverse of distance, Kwawu migration correlated with
a c o e f f i c i e n t of 0.85. By combining the three variables into a
multiple regression formula a predictive formula was calculated:
with Kwawu migration as the dependent v a r i a b l e , the constant was
-507.8, the urbanization index independent variable c o e f f i c i e n t was
0.01, the inverse of the distance was 0.43 and ethnic similarity
was 0.48 with an F p r o b a b i l i t y f o r the whole equation of 0.0000,but
the r squared was 0.74. Combining the indications as the degree of
urbanness m u l t i p l i e d by the degree of ethnic s i m i l a r i t y divided by
the distance from Kwawu, the F p r o b a b i l i t y was again 0.0000 but the
'CAL D/STA?/8L/r/ON OF LW3AN DFMS/TY
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(Where t o Go) 142
Simple L i n e a r R e g r e s s i o n T a b l e
Kwawu M i g r a t i o n R e l a t e d t o Ghanaian Urbanization
Y = A + Bx
Where:
Y = Number o f Kwawu i n each census division
A = Constant f o r t h e r e g r e s s i o n
B = C o e f f i c i e n t o f independent v a r i a b l e , x
x = Urban Index:
Number o f p e o p l e i n c e n t e r s o v e r 5,000, p l u s
Number o f p e o p l e i n c e n t e r s over 10,000, p l u s
Number o f wage employees
592.4 - A r i t h m e t i c mean of c, (dependent variable)
1450 - Standard d e v i a t i o n o f Y
46200 = A r i t h m e t i c mean o f X, (independent v a r i a b l e )
109,300 - Standard d e v i a t i o n of x
A - 101.36
B - 0.011
r 2
= 0.642
F.prob. = 0.0000
(Where to Go) 143
r squared was 0.73. This may be roughly translated as saying that
about three-quarters of the v a r i a t i o n can be "explained" i n terms of
each formula, and given an area with a c e r t a i n degree of urbanness,
a c e r t a i n degree of ethnic s i m i l a r i t y to Kwawu and a c e r t a i n distance
from Kwawu, one could predict how many Kwawu would have migrated to
that area. This conclusion d i r e c t l y contradicts Stewart (1960:356)
who reported:
Limited empirical data do not support the hypothesis

that migration i s proportional to the population of the
c i t y of destination, nor that i t i s inversely propor-
t i o n a l to the distance of migration.
If his data had been less limited, i f he had used a formal rather
than an empirical approach, and i f he had seen migration from the
i n d i v i d u a l perspective, he might have come up with another conclu-
sion.
Improving the P r e d i c t i v e Model
There i s no doubt that with better indicators of the three
indexes, a highly p r e d i c t i v e formula could be calculated. The " d i s -
tance" v a r i a b l e i s highly suspect. Simple straight l i n e distances
on a map from the rough center of Kwawu to the rough center of each
census area i s very crude. Road distances vary tremendously. For
example i t i s only forty or f o r t y - f i v e miles due East by a i r from
the center of Kwawu to the center of the Ho census d i s t r i c t . But to
get there by l o r r y , i t i s one hundred miles f i r s t from Nkawkaw South-

(Where t o Go) 144
e a s t to A c c r a , then about one hundred m i l e s N o r t h e a s t a g a i n from
A c c r a t o the town o f Ho. D i r t roads c o s t more i n terms o f discom-
f o r t , t i m e , and l o r r y p r i c e s , than paved highways. Most p e o p l e m i -
g r a t i n g from Kwawu t o t h e nearby Kpandu a r e a o f t h e V o l t a r e g i o n p r o -
b a b l y do not m i g r a t e the whole d i s t a n c e from t h e c e n t e r o f Kwawu t o
t h e c e n t e r o f Kpandu, b u t s i m p l y a few m i l e s a c r o s s t h e b o r d e r . A
b e t t e r i n d i c a t o r o f d i s t a n c e than s t r a i g h t l i n e map d i s t a n c e s used i n
t h i s model, would be t h e l o r r y p r i c e s from c e n t e r t o c e n t e r . Simi-
l a r c r i t i c i s m c o u l d e a s i l y be l a i d a g a i n s t t h e " s i m i l a r i t y " indica-
t o r and t h e "urban" i n d i c a t o r . I t i s s u r p r i s i n g , i n f a c t , t h a t such
crude measures, t h e o n l y ones p o s s i b l e t o o b t a i n w h i l e i n Vancouver,
c o u l d show such h i g h p r e d i c t i v e v a l u e s . G i v e n an o p p o r t u n i t y t o
collect d a t a w i t h i n t h e c o u n t r y , even b e t t e r r e s u l t s should a c c r u e .

CHAPTER S I X
Methodological Note
Relevance of the Perspective
Sources of Data and T h e i r Interpretation

(Methodological Note) 145
The approach taken i n this endeavour was fraught with p i t -
falls. However, they proved tc be h e u r i s t i c a l l y useful. When the
study was undertaken, certain d i f f i c u l t i e s were expected. Most of
the data available did not lend themselves to the i n d i v i d u a l pers-
pective. Migration data tend to be demographic, and reports i n the
l i t e r a t u r e tend to examine them as s o c i o l o g i c a l , p o l i t i c a l , economic
or e c o l o g i c a l . Given the traditions of these d i s c i p l i n e s , struc-
tures, networks or processes were always sought. Yet migration does
not lend i t s e l f to these t r a d i t i o n a l examinations. To understand
migration one must combine these "macro" views with the understand-
ing of an individual's decision. Further problems were expected:
reliance on personal memory; reliance on a few notes i n a diary,
written at a time when research was not an objective; reliance on
l i b r a r y sources i n a l i b r a r y dedicated to Asian rather than A f r i c a n
c o l l e c t i o n s , resulted i n sketchy data. The most d i f f i c u l t method-
o l o g i c a l problem rested on the fact that the experience of deciding
to migrate from a West A f r i c a n v i l l a g e cannot be transmitted as an
experience to the observer of that migration. These problems were
expected. More became apparent.
The Information-decision-action perspective cannot be used
very well to make predictive statements about urbanization, that i s ,
about the growth of c i t i e s or increase of c i t y ways. It can be used
to help understand urbanization a l i t t l e more. The Information-
decision-action perspective can be also used to develop a model to

p r e d i c t r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n , one f a c e t of u r b a n i z a t i o n , as w e l l as
to h e l p understand the p r o c e s s of r u r a l - u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . The Infor-
m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n f o r m a l p e r s p e c t i v e i s v e r y simple but the
s i m p l i c i t y i s deceptive. From i t the f o u r hypotheses or axioms can
be e a s i l y f o r m u l a t e d so as to generate a whole s e r i e s of subhypotheses,
some of which were mentioned i n the chapter on the l i t e r a t u r e , Chapter
Two. Yet the m i g r a t i o n d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s i s much more c o m p l i -
cated. The scope of t h i s t h e s i s was not l a r g e enough to explore
some of the more i n t e r e s t i n g c o m p l i c a t i o n s . For example the relation-
s h i p between a c t i o n and i n f o r m a t i o n , and how the l a t t e r i n f l u e n c e s the
former, as w e l l as v i c e v e r s a as mentioned above, would be v e r y inter-
esting. The o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t the D formula tends to be negative,
m i g r a t i o n r e s u l t i n g from a p o s i t i v e number, and l e a d i n g to a new res-
i d e n c e w i t h a new n e g a t i v e D c o u l d have been expanded. T h i s may have
r e s u l t e d i n a whole new dimension of hypotheses r e l a t e d to a dynamic
e q u i l i b r i u m model where D always tends to approach zero, and i s always
minimized by a c t i o n s . Another weakness n o t seen u n t i l the p r o j e c t
was underway, was the d i f f e r e n t i a l e f f e c t of i n f o r m a t i o n on the de-
c i s i o n depending on the mode of t h a t i n f o r m a c i o n channel, be i t news
media or r e t u r n e d or c i r c u l a r m i g r a n t s . Nor was the phenomenon of
information i t s e l f — both n e g a t i v e and p o s i t i v e — e x p l o r e d i n depth
as a f a c e t of the b e n e f i t aggregation.
In the examination of the l i t e r a t u r e the t h e s i s r e j e c t s the
s u g g e s t i o n t h a t any one f a c t o r i s more important as a "cause", than

another. A d e c i s i o n i s based on t h e b a l a n c i n g o f aggregates i n t h e
four categories. The d a t a i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e were s i m p l y fitted into
each category. The f o u r f a c e t s o f t h e d e c i s i o n a c t a s a s y n t h e s i s
of a l l other o b s e r v a t i o n s . Some a p p a r e n t c o n t r a d i c t i o n s t o t h e h y -
potheses generated from t h e I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e
were b r i e f l y examined. None d i s p r o v e d a n y h y p o t h e s e s y e t a l l , b y
their "macro" n a t u r e were d i f f i c u l t here t o f i t i n t o this "micro" or
individual l e v e l of a n a l y s i s .
In t h e Kwawu e x a m p l e , C h a p t e r s T h r e e , F o u r , Five, thei n -
f o r m a t i o n d a t a was s k e t c h y due t c l a c k o f d a t a . The environments
of Tafo, the r u r a l area e x a m p l e , Nkawkaw, t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e t o w n , a n d
Accra, the c i t y , a r e a l l p e r c e i v e d d i f f e r e n t l y by d i f f e r e n t potential
and r e a l i z e d migrants, as w e l l as t h e observer and reader. The i n -
dividual c i t e d c o u l d n o t be used as a type o r as a model, y e t be-
c a u s e he was n o t k e p t a n o n y m o u s , more p e r s o n a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s enter-
ing into t h e decision, making process c o u l d n o t be i n c l u d e d . A bet-
ter examination, done w i t h f i e l d research should i n c l u d e a number o f
anonymous i n d i v i d u a l s t u d i e s i n d e p t h f o r c o m p a r i s o n . As a s k e t c h o f
an a c t u a l i n d i v i d u a l t h e example p r o v e d a d i f f i c u l t f i t into the
Information-decision-action perspective. One man i s n o t a simple
model; he i s a complex s o c i o - b i o l o g i c a l o r g a n i s m . The A c t i o n " example
a g a i n was h a m p e r e d b y l a c k o f d a t a a n d l a c k o f s o u r c e s of data. Yet
it produced a s u r p r i s i n g l y high p r e d i c t i v e c a p a b i l i t y . This acts as
a n a r g u m e n t f o r much more i n t e n s i v e s t u d y using the individual decision-

making as the framework f o r o b s e r v a t i o n and a n a l y s i s . I t i s espe-
cially suited for migration. T r a d i t i o n a l a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l approaches
do not l e n d themselves to such a study o f s o c i a l change. This
approach i s n e c e s s a r y .
APPENDICES
Appendix I
OFFER OF M/GgATO&Y LA80UJS FgOM .ONE PEG/ON
Wm
Ws
Sn Ss Sm
S - supply of lobour
Ws ™ woge providing workers subs/sconce minimum.
YVm~ wage securing moxim supply of labour
Sn - supply for non-economic reasons
Ss ~ Sn p/us supply of those vsho cannot subsist in rural economy
Sm~ maximum supply
Source•
Gugler, Joseph,
*On the Theory of Qurol - Orb on Migration; The Cose of Subsaharon Africa" in Migration
edited by J.A. Jackson, Cambridge, Sociological Studies 2, Un/vers/ty Press,
Cambridge /969,
p , /S4 oc/opfed from
Muhlenberg, Fried rich,
IVondergrbeit in Sjidofriko : /Jrsachen eins Arbeitsmorfrfpfydnomens
Quo/isfischer ft/irfschaffsgese/lschaf/en (Stufgart) IPS7, p. 220.
150
APPENDIX I I
Urban F e r t i l i t y D i f f e r e n t i a l s as M e a s u r e d by
Child-Woman R a t i o s
( C h i l d r e n , 0-4, per 1,000 females 15-44)
Urban d i f f e r e n c e
from Regional
C-W T o t a l area C-W ratio,
Urban Area Ratio or Region Ratio pereen
A l l urban All population

population* 816 o f Ghana 886 - 8
A l l urban All rural

population 816 population 908 -10
Accra** 769 All population 886 -13

of Ghana
Kumasi 827 Ashanti 1,006 -12
Takoradi 792 W e s t e r n and Central 903 -12
Cape C o a s t 797 W e s t e r n and Central 903 -12
Koforidna 797 Eastern 924 -14

Nkawkaw*** 895 Eastern 924 - 3
Sunyani 907 Brong Ahafo 1,017 -10
Ho 672 Volta 865 -22
Tamale 788 Northern and Upper 756 + 4
Bawku 763 Northern and Upper 756 + 1
* P o p u l a t i o n i n c e n t e r s w i t h 5,000 o r more i n h a b i t a n t s .
** Accra m u n i c i p a l i t y ; not A c c r a Capital District.
*** C a l c u l a t e d from t a b l e i n Chapter Four.
Source: Birmingham (1967:102) T a b l e 2.18.

151
APPENDIX I I I
C r o s s N a t i o n a l C o r r e l a t i o n s w i t h Urban P o p u l a t i o n
Correlation
Listed Correlated Variable coefficient
on on number & & no. o f D e f i n i t i o n o f cross
page^ P 8
a e 3 code name^ obs. national variable
67 267 9 PC20 100 120 Percent of population i n
urban a r e a s o f o v e r 20,000
population.
69 269 19 GGEM 82 18 Employed by g e n e r a l govern-
ment, s o c i a l s e c u r i t y and
p u b l i c e n t e r p r i s e s as per-
cent o f w o r k i n g age popu-
lation.
175 279 52NONA 78 75 N o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employ-
ment as a p e r c e n t a g e o f
w o r k i n g age p o p u l a t i o n .
217 283 63 PSED 72 115 P r i m a r y and secondary
school p u p i l s as a percent
of p o p u l a t i o n aged 5-19.
175 279 50 LFAG -72 92 Percentage o f labour f o r c e
employed i n a g r i c u l t u r e .
149 277 44 GNPC 71 110 Gross N a t i o n a l P r o d u c t p e r
capita.
196 281 57 L I F E 71 69 L i f e expectancy - females
a t age z e r o .
107 272 31 NEWS 69 115 D a i l y newspaper c i r c u l a t i o n
per 1,000 p o p u l a t i o n .
202 283 59 PHYS -69 114 Inhabitants per p h y s i c i a n .
28 265 3 WAGE 69 76 Wage and s a l a r y e a r n e r s
as a p e r c e n t o f w o r k i n g
age p o p u l a t i o n .
118 274 35 RADS 68 109 Radios p e r 1,000 p o p u l a t i o n .
184 280 53 INDY 67 76 Employment i n i n d u s t r y as
a p e r c e n t a g e o f w o r k i n g age
population.
Continued
152
Correlation
Listed Correlated Variable coefficient
on on „ number & , & no. o f D e f i n i t i o n of cross
3 , 4 ,
Page 2
page code name obs. national variable
172 278 49 GPAG -67 73 P e r c e n t a g e o f g r o s s domes-
t i c product o r i g i n a t i n g i n
agriculture.
221 283 64 L I T 66 109 Percentage l i t e r a t e of
p o p u l a t i o n aged 15-64.
111 273 32 DOML 65 68 Items o f domestic m a i l p e r
capita.
207 282 60 HOSP -62 117 Inhabitants per h o s p i t a l
bed.
128 275 38 CINE 62 96 Cinema a t t e n d e n c e p e r
capita.
213 283 62 HIED 56 100 Students e n r o l l e d i n h i g h e r
e d u c a t i o n p e r 100,000
population.
118 274 37 TELE 54 67 T e l e v i s i o n s e t s p e r 1000
population.
111 273 33 FOML 54 66 Items o f f o r e i g n m a i l p e r
capita.
132 275 39 LANG 54 61 Speakers o f dominant l a n -
guage as a p e r c e n t o f pop-
ulation.
248 287 74 CHRS 50 95 A l l c h r i s t i a n s as a p e r -
cent o f t o t a l p o p u l a t i o n .
34 265 5 BRTH -50 80 L i v e b i r t h s p e r 1,000
population.
231 284 67 IMMG 50 39 Immigrants p e r 1,000
population.
1. S o u r c e : R u s s e t t , B.M. e t a l . ( e d s . ) , World Handbook o f P o l i t i c a l

and S o c i a l I n d i c a t o r s .
2. Page i n R u s s e t t on w h i c h names o f c o u n t r i e s and v a l u e o f v a r i a b l e
found.
3. Page i n R u s s e t t on w h i c h c o r r e l a t i o n w i t h PC20 i s f o u n d .
4. V a r i a b l e number and code name a s s i g n e d by R u s s e t t .
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AFRICAN RURAL URBAN MIGRATION

A DECISION MAKING PERSPECTIVE

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

an a d v a n c e d degree at the U n i v e r s i t y of B r i t i s h Columbia, I agree that

the L i b r a r y shall make it freely available for r e f e r e n c e and study.

I f u r t h e r agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis

for scholarly p u r p o s e s may be g r a n t e d by t h e Head o f my D e p a r t m e n t or

by h i s representatives. It is understood that copying or publication

of this thesis for financial gain shall not be a l l o w e d w i t h o u t my

Date j Jlf>,& (jp

Rural-urban m i g r a t i o n i s fundamentally a demographic phe-

nomenon. I t s h o u l d be a l s o open t o a n a l y s i s a t t h e l e v e l o f indivi-

d u a l d e c i s i o n making as w e l l as the demographic l e v e l so common i n

the l i t e r a t u r e . The i n d i v i d u a l a c t s or operates w i t h i n a social

and p h y s i c a l environment. He p e r c e i v e s some of the i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l -

a b l e t o him c o n c e r n i n g the v a r i o u s dimensions of h i s environment.

An o b s e r v e r cannot d i r e c t l y p e r c e i v e the p r o c e s s o f a West

A f r i c a n making d e c i s i o n s . However he c o u l d note r e l e v a n t i n f o r m a t i o n

w h i c h may be a v a i l a b l e to a m i g r a n t . The o b s e r v e r could then note

the migrant's actions. From t h e s e two s e t s of d a t a the observer

might s u r m i s e about t h e i n t e r m e d i a t e d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s . This

might be c a l l e d the I n f o r m a t i o n - d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e . From

t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e of the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l a s e t o f axioms can be con-

s t r u c t e d t o g e n e r a t e a number of hypotheses c o n c e r n i n g migration.

p l u s some from o t h e r g e o g r a p h i c a r e a s f o r c o m p a r i s o n , i s examined

w i t h r e s p e c t to t h e hypotheses g e n e r a t e d . As most of the d a t a r e f e r

q u i r e d t o make them u s e f u l t o the i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l of a n a l y s i s

attempted i n t h i s t h e s i s . Most of the s o u r c e d a t a s u p p o r t the f o u r

c a t e g o r i e s o f hypotheses I have developed b u t a few n o t a b l e exceptions

provide a u s e f u l reexamination o f t h e f o r m a l approach o f t h i s thesis.

l i t e r a t u r e I t u r n e d t o study a l o c a l i s e d s e t t i n g i n West A f r i c a . The

ethnographic environment o f Kwawu m i g r a n t s i s d e s c r i b e d from census

data and p e r s o n a l r e c o l l e c t i o n . The s o c i a l and p h y s i c a l environments

most Kwawu m i g r a t e * a r e d e s c r i b e d as i n f o r m a t i o n a v a i l a b l e t o a hypo-

thetical individual. T h i s i s f o l l o w e d by a n example o f a p a r t i c u l a r

individual i na transitory state. The a g g r e g a t e data r e l a t e d t o t h e

d i f f e r e n t i a l m i g r a t i o n o f Kwawu a r e examined and a demonstration

The i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n making p r o c e s s , o r I n f o r m a t i o n -

d e c i s i o n - a c t i o n p e r s p e c t i v e i s o u t l i n e d i n Chapter One and i s r e l a t e d

i n Chapter Two t o r e l e v a n t l i t e r a t u r e . C h a p t e r s T h r e e , F o u r , and

Three d e a l s w i t h Kwawu e t h n o g r a p h i c i n f o r m a t i o n ; Chapter Four i s a

d e s c r i p t i o n o f one Kwawu i n d i v i d u a l ' s d e c i s i o n s ; and Chapter F i v e

r e l a t e s the r e s u l t i n g a c t i o n s o f Kwawu m i g r a n t s . The problems o f

r e l a t i n g aggregate data t o i n d i v i d u a l experiences and t h e problems

o f i n t e g r a t i n g p e r s o n a l and l i b r a r y s o u r c e s of information are

The E t h n o g r a p h i c Environments o f a Kwawu M i g r a n t .

Sources o f Data and T h e i r I n t e r p r e t a t i o n 145

2 Three Fundamental F a c e t s of the I.D.A. P e r s p e c t i v e 22-23

4 C a t e g o r i z a t i o n of Spoken Kwawu 137

1 I n c r e a s e i n Urban P o p u l a t i o n i n Ghana: 1921-1960 2

2 Nkawkaw (Demographic C h a r a c t e r i s t i c s ) 1960 88

3 Income D i s t r i b u t i o n i n R e l a t i o n t o Neighborhood 101

Ghana and t h a t o f t h r e e L a r g e s t Towns 1960 103

5 D i f f e r e n t i a l Access to S c h o o l i n g by T r i b e , A c c r a 1954 105

6 R e g i o n a l D i s t r i b u t i o n o f Kwawu i n Ghana 126

7 Index o f Kwawu M i g r a t i o n i n Ghana A g a i n s t S e l e c t e d

Areas (Correlations) 132

Migration (Regression) 135