Learning & Memory
Learning & Memory
The multistore model of memory was proposed by Atkinson and Shiffrin and is a structural
model. They proposed that memory consisted of three stores: sensory register, short-term
memory (STM), and long-term memory (LTM). Information passes from store to store in a
linear way. Both STM and LTM are unitary stores.
Sensory memory is the information you get from your sense, your eyes, and ears. When
attention is paid to something in the environment, it is then converted to short-term memory.
Maintenance rehearsal is repetition that keeps information in STM, but eventually, such
repetition will create an LTM.
If maintenance rehearsal (repetition) does not occur, then information is forgotten and lost
from short-term memory through the processes of displacement or decay.
Each store has its own characteristics in terms of encoding, capacity, and duration.
● Duration refers to the period of time information can last in-memory stores.
Sensory register
● Duration: ¼ to ½ second
● Duration: Unlimited
● Capacity: Unlimited
The model is supported by studies of amnesiacs: For example the patient H.M. case study.
HM is still alive but has marked problems in long-term memory after brain surgery.
He has remembered little of personal (death of mother and father) or public events
(Watergate, Vietnam War) that have occurred over the last 45 years. However, his short-term
memory remains intact.
It has now become apparent that both short-term and long-term memory is more complicated
than previously thought. For example, the Working Model of Memory proposed by Baddeley
and Hitch (1974) showed that short-term memory is more than just one simple unitary store
and comprises different components (e.g., central executive, Visuospatial, etc.).
The model suggests rehearsal helps to transfer information into LTM, but this is not essential.
Why are we able to recall information which we did not rehearse (e.g., swimming) yet unable
to recall information which we have rehearsed (e.g., reading your notes while revising)?
Therefore, the role of rehearsal as a means of transferring from STM to LTM is much less
important than Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968) claimed in their model.
One of the earliest and most influential distinctions of long-term memory was proposed by
Tulving (1972). He proposed a distinction between episodic, semantic, and procedural
memory.
Procedural Memory
Procedural memory is a part of the implicit long-term memory responsible for knowing how
to do things, i.e., a memory of motor skills. A part of long-term memory is responsible for
knowing how to do things, i.e., the memory of motor skills. It does not involve conscious
(i.e., it’s unconscious-automatic) thought and is not declarative.
For example, procedural memory would involve knowledge of how to ride a bicycle.
Semantic Memory
Semantic memory is a part of the long-term memory responsible for storing information
about the world. This includes knowledge about the meaning of words, as well as general
knowledge.
For example, London is the capital of England. It involves conscious thought and is
declarative.
Episodic Memory
Episodic memory is a part of the long-term memory responsible for storing information about
events (i.e., episodes) that we have experienced in our lives.
It involves conscious thought and is declarative. An example would be a memory of our 1st
day at school.
Cohen and Squire (1980) drew a distinction between declarative knowledge and
procedural knowledge. Procedural knowledge involves “knowing how” to do things. It
included skills such as “knowing how” to play the piano, ride a bike, tie your shoes, and other
motor skills.
It does not involve conscious thought (i.e., it’s unconscious-automatic). For example, we
brush our teeth with little or no awareness of the skills involved.
Whereas declarative knowledge involves “knowing that”; for example, London is the capital
of England, zebras are animals, your mum’s birthday, etc. Recalling information
from declarative memory involves some degree of conscious effort – information is
consciously brought to mind and “declared.”
The knowledge that we hold in semantic and episodic memories focuses on “knowing that”
something is the case (i.e., declarative). For example, we might have a semantic memory for
knowing that Paris is the capital of France, and we might have an episodic memory for
knowing that we caught the bus to college today.
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Evidence for the distinction between declarative and procedural memory has come from
research on patients with amnesia. Typically, amnesic patients have great difficulty in
retaining episodic and semantic information following the onset of amnesia.
Their memory for events and knowledge acquired before the onset of the condition tends to
remain intact, but they can’t store new episodic or semantic memories. In other words, it
appears that their ability to retain declarative information is impaired.
However, their procedural memory appears to be largely unaffected. They can recall skills
they have already learned (e.g., riding a bike) and acquire new skills (e.g., learning to drive).
Interference
Proactive and retroactive Interference is thought to be more likely to occur where the
memories are similar, for example: confusing old and new telephone numbers. Chandler
(1989) stated that students who study similar subjects at the same time often experience
interference. French and Spanish are similar types of material which makes interference more
likely.
Postman (1960) provides evidence to support the interference theory of forgetting. A lab
experiment was used, and participants were split into two groups. Both groups had to
remember a list of paired words – e.g., cat – tree, jelly – moss, book – tractor.
The experimental group also had to learn another list of words where the second paired word
is different – e.g., cat – glass, jelly- time, book – revolver. The control group was not given
the second list.
All participants were asked to recall the words on the first list. The recall of the control group
was more accurate than that of the experimental group. This suggests that learning items in
the second list interfered with participants’ ability to recall the list. This is an example of
retroactive interference.
Although proactive and retroactive interference is reliable and robust effects, there are a
number of problems with interference theory as an explanation for forgetting.
First, interference theory tells us little about the cognitive processes involved in forgetting.
Secondly, the majority of research into the role of interference in forgetting has been carried
out in a laboratory using lists of words, a situation that is likely to occur fairly infrequently in
everyday life (i.e., low ecological validity). As a result, it may not be possible to generalize
from the findings.
Baddeley states that the tasks given to subjects are too close to each other and, in real life;
these kinds of events are more spaced out. Nevertheless, recent research has attempted to
address this by investigating “real-life” events and has provided support for interference
theory. However, there is no doubt that interference plays a role in forgetting, but how much
forgetting can be attributed to interference remains unclear.
Retrieval failure
When we store a new memory, we also store information about the situation and these are
known as retrieval cues. When we come into the same situation again, these retrieval cues
can trigger the memory of the situation.
Types of cues that have been studied by psychologists include context, state, and
organization.
● Context – external cues in the environment, e.g., smell, place, etc. Evidence
indicates that retrieval is more likely when the context at encoding matches the
context at retrieval.
● State – bodily cues inside of us, e.g., physical, emotional, mood, drunk, etc. The
basic idea behind state-dependent retrieval is that memory will be best when a
person’s physical or psychological state is similar to encoding and retrieval.
For example, if someone tells you a joke on Saturday night after a few drinks, you”ll be more
likely to remember it when you”re in a similar state – at a later date after a few more drinks.
Stone cold sober on Monday morning, you”ll be more likely to forget the joke.
● Organization – Recall is improved if the organization gives a structure that
provides triggers, e.g., categories.
Forgetting is greatest when context and state are very different at encoding and retrieval. In
this situation, retrieval cues are absent, and the likely result is cue-dependent forgetting.
Evaluation
People tend to remember material better when there is a match between their mood at
learning and at retrieval. The effects are stronger when the participants are in a positive mood
than when they are in a negative mood. They are also greater when people try to remember
events having personal relevance.
A number of experiments have indicated the importance of context-based (i.e., external) cues
for retrieval. An interesting experiment conducted by Baddeley indicates the importance of
context setting for retrieval.
Baddeley (1975) asked deep-sea divers to memorize a list of words. One group did this on the
beach, and the other group underwater. When they were asked to remember the words, half of
the beach learners remained on the beach, and the rest had to recall underwater.
Half of the underwater group remained there, and the others had to recall on the beach. The
results show that those who had recalled in the same environment (i.e., context) and who had
learned recalled 40% more words than those recalling in a different environment. This
suggests that the retrieval of information is improved if it occurs in the context in which it
was learned.
For example, when they hid money and alcohol when drunk, they were unlikely to find them
when sober. However, when they were drunk again, they often discovered the hiding place.
Other studies found similar state-dependent effects when participants were given drugs such
as marijuana.
The ecological validity of these experiments can be questioned, but their findings are
supported by evidence from outside the laboratory. For example, many people say they can’t
remember much about their childhood or their school days. But returning to the house in
which they spent their childhood or attending a school reunion often provides retrieval cues
that trigger a flood of memories.
Eyewitness Testimony
Misleading Information
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Loftus and Palmer investigated how misleading information could distort eyewitness
testimony accounts.
Participants were shown slides of a car accident involving a number of cars and asked to
describe what had happened as if they were eyewitnesses. They were then asked specific
questions, including the question, “About how fast were the cars going when they
(hit/smashed/collided/bumped/contacted ) each other?”
Findings: The estimated speed was affected by the verb used. The verb implied information
about the speed, which systematically affected the participants’ memory of the accident.
Participants who were asked the “smashed” question thought the cars were going faster than
those who were asked the “hit” question. The participants in the “smashed” condition
reported the highest speeds, followed by “collided,” “bumped,” “hit,” and “contacted” in
descending order.
Anxiety
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The Yerkes-Dodson effect states that when anxiety is at low and high levels, EWT is less
accurate than if anxiety is at a medium level. Recall improves as anxiety increases up to an
optimal point and then declines.
When we are in a state of anxiety, we tend to focus on whatever is making us feel anxious or
fearful, and we exclude other information about the situation. If a weapon is used to threaten
a victim, their attention is likely to focus on it. Consequently, their recall of other information
is likely to be poor.
Real-world application: We can apply the Yerkes-Dodson effect to predict that stressful
incidents will lead to witnesses having relatively inaccurate memories as their anxiety levels
would be above the optimum – We can avoid an over-reliance on eyewitness testimony that
may have been impacted by anxiety.