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Applied Social and Developmental Psychology

Writing the Introduction


1 EXTRACT A
2
3 The purpose of this experiment is that it’s a modern growing subject as more and more adolescents are getting
4 into relationships earlier and it is important to see what is valued and how that can be improved upon. There
5 are a lot of real-life implications that have come from this.
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7 This research is mainly qualitative and interpreted into certain categories, it can change over time and the
8 transitions from adolescence to adulthood can change views and opinions. I think this research is particularly
9 interesting as it can change over time quickly or it can take a few years or even world crisis’s can change
10 opinions. This research can be used to compare to life 50 years ago and in the future 100 years from now how
11 the human race has developed and what was idolised in generations.
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13 Developmental theorist Erik Erikson (1968) viewed crushes and youthful romances as important contributors
14 to adolescent self-understanding and identity formation. He theorised that adolescent relationships were
15 more a form of self-development than true intimacy. It has now been found that because of how normative is
16 has become to have a boyfriend or girlfriend that it is those without that can feel stressed or pressure to find a
17 partner so early on. (scanlan et al 2012).
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19 Erik eriksons psychoanalytic theory of psychosocial development can be used to explain and make sense it
20 consisted of 8 stages. He was majorly influenced by Freud however the difference is erikson was an ego
21 psychologist he emphasized the culture and society. In adolescence he believed they went through a crisis of
22 ego identity vs role confusion. Which can be applied as a lot of adolescents want to fit in certain peer groups so
23 can change their views and behave in a certain way that is abnormal for them. Getting into relationships just
24 because it is viewed as being socially mature and their peers might seen them as more ‘grown-up’. However it
25 doesn’t tell us why certain ideals are required in these relationships and behaviors are expected. As this has
26 not been studied in much depth I saw an opportunity to try and expand adolescents views. Its important to
27 study this and apply it to what is already known to see why adolescents behave as they are. This research will
28 help with that as it will explain why these relationship standards have come about and what it makes them do
29 as a result.
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31 The ‘executive functioning’ area of the brain – the prefrontal cortex – is among the last areas of the brain to
32 fully mature, usually sometime in the twenties (Petanjek et al., 2011). This explains that this part of the brain
33 tends to develop later on so why are sexual relationships between adolescents starting from a younger and
34 younger age, it is the ideal that they want to see themselves as older and mature. That they can be compared
35 to a young-adult.
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37 EXTRACT B
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39 Sibling relationships are often described as love-hate relationships due to their emotional intensity (Whiteman
40 et al., 2015) and long history of interaction (Capione-Barr & Smetana, 2010). It has been argued that due to
41 their nature, sibling relationships are resilient relationships (Campione-Barr & Smetana, 2010).
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43 Research on sibling relationships are largely focused on identifying factors which explain social dynamics
44 existing between siblings and the role of sibling relationships in development and well-being (McHale et al.,
45 2012). From previous research, it is understood that sibling relationships are shaped by various factors, ranging
46 from the individual characteristics to cultural norms and values (McHale et al., 2012). Siblings have a direct
47 effect on the development of one another due to socialisation, and older siblings exist as role models; the
48 influence a sibling has is immeasurable (McHale et al., 2012).
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50 Due to physical and psychological changes in adolescence, it is natural to expect changes in sibling
51 relationships (Derkman et al., 2010); therefore, studying sibling relationships in adolescence has become of
52 particular interest. A notable change during adolescence is the decrease in relations with family members and
53 increase with peer groups; however, some argue that sibling relationships exist in between familial
54 relationships and peer relationships (Bouchey et al., 2010). Contrasting to the view of siblings as peers, Smith
55 et al. (2010) argue that siblings are not peers, due to age gaps between siblings, along with the potential
56 power imbalance. However, Smith et al. (2010) state that siblings tend to have similar interests and are
57 important ‘social partners’ (Smith et al., 2010: 163) for each other, by serving sources of instruction, guidance,
Applied Social and Developmental Psychology
Writing the Introduction
58 and understanding (Karos et al., 2007). Greer et al (2014) argues that due to a shared history and life, siblings
59 tend to know intimate details of each other’s’ lives; this may be argued to bridge between familial relations
60 and peer groups (Bouchey et al., 2010).
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62 Another critical aspect of adolescence is the development of ones’ identity (Cramer, 2017). Erikson (1963)
63 conceptualised adolescence as a period of identity development versus role confusion (Erikson, 1963, cited in
64 Arnett, 2015). According to Erikson (1963), adolescence is a period where several life decisions must be faced,
65 such as relationships, employment and independence. He referred to adolescence as a period of psychosocial
66 moratorium, referring to a period of delay (Erikson, 1963, cited in Arnett, 2015); allowing for young people to
67 postpone definitive social choices while they discover their identity. Marcia (1980) also argued that
68 adolescence is a period containing moratorium. He argued that identity status at adolescence impacts later
69 identity, through the exploration of occupation, religion, sexual health, and sexual behaviour (Marcia, 1980).
70 While Erikson (1963) and Marcia (1980) both developed hugely influential theories of identity development,
71 these have shifted in more recent years, while continuing to inform research (Cramer, 2017).
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73 Research also indicates that siblings become a source of support (Scholte et al., 2001a, cited in Branje et al.,
74 2004), especially during adolescence (Milevsky & Levitt, 2005; Milevsky, 2005). Support from siblings and
75 positive interactions are associated with identity formation, sympathy, and prosocial behaviour, and closeness
76 with a sibling is related to healthy adjustment (Harper et al., 2014). Sibling support has been found to lead to
77 fewer emotional problems (Hindman et al., 2013) and lower likelihood of negative internalization and
78 externalizing behaviours (Buist & Vermande, 2014).
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80 Tucker et al., (2001) found that both older and younger siblings are viewed as sources of support in familial
81 issues, with older siblings viewed as a source of support about nonfamilial issues. Branje et al., (2004) argued
82 that older siblings are likely to have a higher status, with adolescents having a greater admiration for them.
83 This leads to adolescents modelling their behaviour on their siblings’, an idea derived from Bandura & Kupers
84 (1964). Granich et al., (2008) found that younger siblings appear to model behaviour on the displayed
85 behaviour of older siblings.
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87 In comparison to other familial relationships, such as parental relationships or relationships with significant
88 others, sibling relationships have been neglected in terms of psychological research (Feinberg et al., 2011;
89 Whiteman et al., 2011); therefore, the current research project aims to contribute to literature existing on
90 sibling relationships. With many of the research on sibling relationships undertaken quantitatively (Guan &
91 Fulgini, 2015; Milevsky & Levitt, 2007), a qualitative methodology is being used. The current research aims to
92 identify possible thematic similarities and differences in the experiences related to and importance of sibling
93 relationships during adolescence.
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95 EXTRACT C
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97 Adolescence is often described as a period of stress and self-discovery (Morris et al., 2014), and according to
98 Erikson (1968), is the developmental stage in which adolescents are required to form identities; i.e. how they
99 wish to label themselves and sexual orientations (Perrin-Wallqvist and Lindblom, 2015). These identities
100 provide the groundworks for adult development, hence, at a time where most teenagers establish coherent
101 personalities, many gays, lesbians and bisexuals (GLB) face identity challenges (McClean and Breen, 2009).
102 According to developmental theorists, consolidating an identity is a central developmental task, and something
103 adolescents must accomplish (Erikson, 1968), as only by resolving identity confusions, can individuals obtain
104 selfpride (Cass, 1979) and self-understandings, necessary for future identity enhancements (Erikson, 1968).
105 Therefore, researchers have attempted to discover whether “coming out”, or “disclosure” transitions, defined
106 as processes whereby GLBs reveal sexual identities (Pistella et al., 2016), affect self-identity growth.
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108 Traditionally, psychologists have suggested “coming out” adversely affects self-identity development. Some
109 contemporary psychologists match these beliefs, as after quantitatively analysing questionnaires, Baiocco et al
110 (2016) proposed “coming out” detrimentally alters self identity development. All GLBs reported traumatic
111 transitions, lacking parental support and thus, participants internalised stigma, experienced low self-esteem
112 and identity shame. Consequently, they inhibited identity developments, out of beliefs their identities couldn't
113 be accepted or matured. Kroger et al’s (2010) developmental theory suggests many GLBs don't complete
Applied Social and Developmental Psychology
Writing the Introduction
114 identity formation during adolescence, and this seems possible, as disclosure often increases psychological
115 problems and self-identity rejections, because GLBs sometimes feel needs to conform (Legate et al., 2012).
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117 Thus, GLBs put up psychological barriers (Lingiardi et al., 2012), to prevent additional self confusions and
118 hostility (Riley, 2010); leading many to potentially experience identity confusions, as implied by Erikson (1968)
119 and Cass (1979), depression and hindered identity development (Coker et al., 2010). However, Purnell’s (2016)
120 account provides contrasts. Despite experiencing hostility, struggling to find an identity and enduring a difficult
121 time, he stopped acting as someone he wasn't and acknowledged self-acceptance was essential for identity
122 flourishment. Findings thus suggest not all transitions prevent development, and consequently, pessimistic
123 conclusions cannot be taken at face value. Yet, despite this discovery, Kosciw et al’s (2015) quantitative,
124 American findings contradict these revelations; victimisation prevented GLB’s from continuing identity
125 disclosures, due to peer bullying and discriminatory labelling. Therefore, “coming out” may halt identity
126 development, because GLBs are expected to “come out” during times where they fear shame and rejection
127 (Ohnstad, 2010).
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129 However, alternative studies have discovered conclusions that greatly oppose the latter. Saewyc’s (2011)
130 research suggests GLB adolescents eventually navigate tasks of discovering selfidentities, live fulfilled lives and
131 attain exceptional wellbeing; contrasting Coker et al (2010) and supporting Erikson (1968). Baiocco et al (2012)
132 verifies these inferences, as after examining self identity growth amongst GLB adolescents, discovered “coming
133 out” reduces stresses of concealing identities and enhances developments.
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135 Rosario et al’s (2001) findings touch upon these indications and refute Legate et al (2012) and Kroger et al’s
136 (2010) theoretical documentations. After assessing GLBs, who’d recently “come out”, they discovered “coming
137 out” expedites identity developments, as participants reported higher self-esteem and positive self-identity
138 attitudes, following disclosure. Similarly, after phenomenologically analysing Swedish adolescents, Perrin
139 Wallqvist and Lindblom (2015) also unravelled affirmative findings; recent transitions were ‘liberating’ and
140 despite initial anxiety, helped participants develop hidden identities into accepted ones. Consequently,
141 participants reported confidence boosts and suggested family support helped guide developments; indicating
142 Baiocco et al’s (2016) arguments, that GLB’s face parental disapproval, may be incorrect.
143
144 Synchronising with positive discoveries, Scherrers’ (2014) study provides recurrent support for the latter and
145 developmental theorists. Although GLBs stated disclosure was difficult, it enhanced identity developments, as
146 peer encouragement helped GLBs reveal sexual orientations to others. Thus, instead of experiencing
147 victimisation, peers increased GLBs’ positivity, allowing them to comprehend identities quickly and successfully
148 develop them; contradicting Kosciw et al (2015). Additionally, Morris et al (2014) also provides
149 correspondence; most participants reported enriching, recent, transitions and stated friends aided
150 adjustments, helping them comfortably embrace identities. Therefore, “coming out” may help GLBs overcome
151 personal barriers and develop identities free from shame; supporting theorists, Erikson (1968) and Cass (1979),
152 and contradicting Lingiardi et al (2012) and Ohnstad (2010).
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154 In conclusion, although positive findings suggest “coming out” transitions mark the end of identity
155 developmental struggles, alternative evidence suggests the opposite (Riley, 2010). Thus, additional
156 understanding are required. Considering most studies have been conducted abroad, using mainly quantitative
157 techniques and adolescents who’ve recently “come out”, this study aims to fill gaps of previous research, by
158 offering new, qualitative insights. To do this, three adult students will be recruited from a UK, North-West
159 University and asked to reflect on whether disclosure affected self-identity developments. Examining reflected
160 experiences, using semistructured interviews and interpretive phenomenological analyses, may help
161 researchers successfully investigate the research question of “The effects of “coming out” during adolescence
162 on self identity development”, and finally provide answers to questions that remain unanswered (Riley, 2010),
163 due to the current, contrasting literature.
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Applied Social and Developmental Psychology
Writing the Introduction
171 EXTRACT D
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173 Romantic relationships have been highly researched into from many various angles, researching into many
174 aspects of relationships and their varying range of sample involved, however my research aims to take a
175 developmental approach into romantic relationships based on adolescent to adulthood transitions. Although
176 this research aims to provide an overall look into the transition from adolescent to adult relationships, it also
177 delves into exploring how people’s values and needs change from younger to more mature relationships, and
178 which life factors have the most impact and influence on the way people act in their relationships. In regards
179 to relationships being researched in various ways, an example of this is research done by Conroy-Beam, D.,
180 Goetz, C. and Buss, D. (2016), who looked into fulfilment and mate satisfaction within relationships, however
181 they did not look at this this from a developmental angle and provided quantitative data, which are two
182 aspects which my research differs from, providing another angle on relationship studies. In today’s society,
183 relationships and the roles in them can be seen to be somewhat different than they were a few decades ago,
184 as with the changing societies, people’s values and needs in a relationship have also changed with it. Also with
185 new influences and advances in the way that people can meet and begin romantic relationships, it is of interest
186 to explore how these factors influence adolescents and young adults in today’s society and to see what
187 influences their decision making in terms of relationships, and if these views stay the same or differ
188 throughout their own life. In order to get the most useful and insightful qualitative data on the topic and to be
189 able to establish a list of key factors, an interview method was used and a sample were asked to take part in
190 this interview. Unlike some previous research into the topic which used surveys and questionnaires for data
191 collection methods, this research used interviews as it helps be able to be face to face and be able to ask
192 participants to elaborate upon responses. Due to the nature of this topic and the need to gather clear themes
193 and evidence to create a list of influencing factors, this method ensured that this could be done, in order to be
194 able to see how the themes found and the transition experiences compare to that of previous research. One
195 example of previous research (Brown 1999; Seiffge-Krenke, 2003) suggests to us that the early development of
196 romantic relationships take a ‘phase-based’ approach. This suggests that in adolescence relationships are more
197 short term and more ‘shallow’ connections that are formed through peer groups, however in adulthood, the
198 relationships are longer term and involve more intimacy. Throughout the report it will be demonstrated how
199 my own findings from this research highlight this phase based approach and support this theory. Research
200 done into romantic relationships looking from a developmental approach also supports this theory (Rauer, A.,
201 Pettit, G., Lansford, J., Bates, J. and Dodge, K. 2013), strengthening my findings and the reasoning behind them.
202 The key themes which were explored and generated for my findings were peer influence, relationship with
203 mother, and values (adolescence and adulthood).

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