Business Data Networks and Telecommunications 7th Edition Panko Solutions Manual

Business Data Networks and

Telecommunications 7th Edition Panko
Solutions Manual
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Business Data Networks and Telecommunications 7th Edition Panko Solutions Manual

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Chapter 2

Network Standards

Standards Govern Message Exchanges

Network Standards (Protocols)

Message Order, Semantics, and Syntax

Test Your Understanding
1. a) Give the definition of network standards that this chapter introduced.
Network standards govern the exchange of messages between hardware or
software processes on different host computers, including message order,
semantics, syntax, reliability, and connection orientation.
b) What three things about message exchanges do network standards govern?
Message order, semantics, and syntax
c) Give an example not involving networking in which the order in which you do things
can make a big difference.
Answers will vary
Example: Installing a printer on a computer (when to power it on, etc.)
d) Distinguish between syntax and semantics.
Syntax governs the organization of messages.
Semantics defines the meaning of messages.

Syntax: General Message Organization

Test Your Understanding
2. a) What are the three general parts of messages?
The three general parts of messages are the header, the data field, and the trailer.
b) What does the data field contain?
The data field contains the content delivered by the message.
c) What is the definition of a header?

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The header is everything that comes before the data field.

d) Is there always a data field in a message?
No, there is not always a data field in a message.
e) What is the definition of a trailer?
The trailer is everything that comes after the data field.
f) Are trailers common?
No, trailers are not common. <When a trailer exists, it is usually at the data link
layer, and not even all data link standards use them.>
g) Distinguish between headers and header fields.
The header is everything that comes before the data field. A header field is a
subdivision of the header.

Reliability and Connections

Reliability
Test Your Understanding
3. a) What is reliability?
Reliability is the condition wherein errors are corrected by resending lost or
damaged messages.
b) How does TCP implement reliability?
TCP implements reliability with its use of acknowledgements (ACKs). The
receiver acknowledges every correctly received TCP segment. The original sender
retransmits any segments that are not acknowledged.
c) In TCP, what is the receiver’s role in reliability?
In TCP, the receiver’s role in reliability is to send back an ACK segment for every
correct TCP segment it receives.
d) In TCP, what is the sender’s role in reliability?
In TCP, the sender’s role in reliability is to resend a segment for which it does not
receive an acknowledgement.
e) What is the disadvantage of reliability?
It places a heavy load on computers.

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Connection-Oriented and Connectionless Protocols

Connectionless and Unreliable Protocols Dominate

Test Your Understanding
4. a) Distinguish between connectionless and connection-oriented protocols.
Connection-oriented services have explicit openings and closings. In contrast,
connectionless services do not establish connections before transmitting or close
the connection after they have finished transmitting.
b) Which can have sequence numbers?
Connection-oriented service can have sequence numbers.
c) What are the advantages that sequence numbers bring to connection-oriented
protocols?
Thanks to sequence numbers, the parties can tell when a message is lost. (There
will be a gap in the sequence numbers.)
Acknowledgements can refer to specific messages according to the sequence
numbers of these messages.
Long messages can be fragmented into many smaller messages that can fit inside
of packets. The fragments will be given sequence numbers so that they can be
assembled at the other end. Fragmentation followed by reassembly is an
important concept in networking.
Messages can refer to an earlier message by sequence number. This is important
in database-based transaction processes where several messages must be
exchanged to make a purchase, record a transaction, or do some other common
business task.
d) Explain fragmentation and reassembly.
The sender divides a message into a number of fragments small enough to fit into
individual packets.
Each fragment is given a sequence number.
The receiver reassembles the fragments by sequence number into the original
message.
e) What is the disadvantage of connection-oriented protocols?
They are expensive, placing a heavy load on networks and computers.
f) Are most protocols connectionless or connection-oriented?
Most are connectionless.
g) Are most protocols reliable or unreliable?
Most are unreliable

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 The Confederacy once dissolved, the Federal party entered upon
the enjoyment of full political power, but it was not without its
responsibilities. The government had to be organized upon the basis
of the new constitution, as upon the success of that organization
would depend not alone the stability of the government and the
happiness of its people, but the reputation of the party and the fame
of its leaders as statesmen.
Fortunately for all, party hostilities were not manifested in the
Presidential election. All bowed to the popularity of Washington, and
he was unanimously nominated by the congressional caucus and
appointed by the electoral college. He selected his cabinet from the
leading minds of both parties, and while himself a recognized
Federalist, all felt that he was acting for the good of all, and in the
earlier years of his administration, none disputed this fact.
As the new measures of the government advanced, however, the
anti-federalists organized an opposition to the party in power.
Immediate danger had passed. The constitution worked well. The
laws of Congress were respected; its calls for revenue honored, and
Washington devoted much of his first and second messages to
showing the growing prosperity of the country, and the respect which
it was beginning to excite abroad. But where there is political power,
there is opposition in a free land, and the great leaders of that day
neither forfeited their reputations as patriots, or their characters as
statesmen by the assertion of honest differences of opinion.
Washington, Adams, and Hamilton were the recognized leaders of
the Federalists, the firm friends of the constitution. The success of
this instrument modified the views of the anti-Federalists, and
Madison of Virginia, its recognized friend when it was in
preparation, joined with others who had been its friends—notably,[1]
Doctor Williamson, of North Carolina, and Mr. Langdon, of Georgia,
in opposing the administration, and soon became recognized leaders
of the anti-Federalists. Langdon was the President pro tem. of the
Senate. Jefferson was then on a mission to France, and not until
some years thereafter did he array himself with those opposed to
centralized power in the nation. He returned in November, 1789, and
was called to Washington’s cabinet as Secretary of State in March,
1790. It was a great cabinet, with Jefferson as its premier (if this
term is suited to a time when English political nomenclature was
anything but popular in the land;) Hamilton, Secretary of the
Treasury; Knox, Secretary of War, and Edmund Randolph, Attorney-
General. There was no Secretary of the Navy until the administration
of the elder Adams, and no Secretary of the Interior.
The first session of Congress under the Federal constitution, held
in New York, sat for nearly six months, the adjournment taking place
September 29th, 1789. Nearly all the laws framed pointed to the
organization of the government, and the discussions were able and
protracted. Indeed, these discussions developed opposing views,
which could easily find separation on much the same old lines as
those which separated the founders of constitutional government
from those who favored the old confederate methods. The
Federalists, on pivotal questions, at this session, carried their
measures only by small majorities.
Much of the second session was devoted to the discussion of the
able reports of Hamilton, and their final adoption did much to build
up the credit of the nation and to promote its industries. He was the
author of the protective system, and at the first session gave definite
shape to his theories. He recommended the funding of the war debt,
the assumption of the state war debts by the national government,
the providing of a system of revenue from the collection of duties on
imports, and an internal excise. His advocacy of a protective tariff
was plain, for he declared it to be necessary for the support of the
government and the encouragement of manufactures that duties be
laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported.
The third session of the same Congress was held at Philadelphia,
though the seat of the national government had, at the previous one,
been fixed on the Potomac instead of the Susquehanna—this after a
compromise with Southern members, who refused to vote for the
Assumption Bill until the location of the capital in the District of
Columbia had been agreed upon; by the way, this was the first
exhibition of log-rolling in Congress. To complete Hamilton’s
financial system, a national bank was incorporated. On this project
both the members of Congress and of the cabinet were divided, but it
passed, and was promptly approved by Washington. By this time it
was well known that Jefferson and Hamilton held opposing views on
many questions of government, and these found their way into and
influenced the action of Congress, and passed naturally from thence
to the people, who were thus early believed to be almost equally
divided on the more essential political issues. Before the close of the
session, Vermont and Kentucky were admitted to the Union.
Vermont was the first state admitted in addition to the original
thirteen. True, North Carolina and Rhode Island had rejected the
constitution, but they reconsidered their action and came in—the
former in November, 1789, and the latter in May, 1790.
The election for members of the Second Congress resulted in a
majority in both branches favorable to the administration. It met at
Philadelphia in October, 1791. The exciting measure of the session
was the excise act, somewhat similar to that of the previous year, but
the opposition wanted an issue on which to rally, they accepted this,
and this agitation led to violent and in one instance warlike
opposition on the part of a portion of the people. Those of western
Pennsylvania, largely interested in distilleries, prepared for armed
resistance to the excise, but at the same session a national militia law
had been passed, and Washington took advantage of this to suppress
the “Whisky Rebellion” in its incipiency. It was a hasty, rash
undertaking, yet was dealt with so firmly that the action of the
authorities strengthened the law, and the respect for order. The four
counties which rebelled did no further damage than to tar and
feather a government tax collector and rob him of his horse, though
many threats were made and the agitation continued until 1794,
when Washington’s threatened appearance at the head of fifteen
thousand militia settled the whole question.
The first session of the Second Congress also passed the first
methodic apportionment bill, which based the congressional
representation on the census taken in 1790, the basis being 33,000
inhabitants for each representative. The second session which sat
from November, 1792, to March, 1793, was mainly occupied in a
discussion of the foreign and domestic relations of the country. No
important measures were adopted.
 The Republican and Federal Parties.

The most serious objection to the constitution before its

ratification was the absence of a distinct bill of rights, which should
recognize “the equality of all men, and their rights to life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness,” and at the first session of Congress a bill
was framed containing twelve articles, ten of which were afterwards
ratified as amendments to the constitution. Yet state sovereignty,
then imperfectly defined, was the prevailing idea in the minds of the
Anti-Federalists, and they took every opportunity to oppose any
extended delegation of authority from the states of the Union. They
contended that the power of the state should be supreme, and
charged the Federalists with monarchical tendencies. They opposed
Hamilton’s national bank scheme, and Jefferson and Randolph
plainly expressed the opinion that it was unconstitutional—that a
bank was not authorized by the constitution, and that it would
prevent the states from maintaining banks. But when the Bill of
Rights had been incorporated in and attached to the constitution as
amendments, Jefferson with rare political sagacity withdrew all
opposition to the instrument itself, and the Anti-Federalists gladly
followed his lead, for they felt that they had labored under many
partisan disadvantages. The constitution was from the first too
strong for successful resistance, and when opposition was
confessedly abandoned the party name was changed, also at the
suggestion of Jefferson, to that of Republican. The Anti-Federalists
were at first disposed to call their party the Democratic-Republicans,
but finally called, it simply Republican, to avoid the opposite of the
extreme which they charged against the Federalists. Each party had
its taunts in use, the Federalists being denounced as monarchists,
the Anti-Federalists as Democrats; the one presumed to be looking
forward to monarchy, the other to the rule of the mob.
By 1793 partisan lines under the names of Federalists and
Republicans, were plainly drawn, and the schism in the cabinet was
more marked than ever. Personal ambition may have had much to do
with it, for Washington had previously shown his desire to retire to
private life. While he remained at the head of affairs he was unwilling
to part with Jefferson and Hamilton, and did all in his power to bring
about a reconciliation, but without success. Before the close of the
first constitutional Presidency, however, Washington had become
convinced that the people desired him to accept a re-election, and he
was accordingly a candidate and unanimously chosen. John Adams
was re-elected Vice-President, receiving 77 votes to 50 for Geo.
Clinton, (5 scattering) the Republican candidate. Soon after the
inauguration Citizen Genet, an envoy from the French republic,
arrived and sought to excite the sympathy of the United States and
involve it in a war with Great Britain. Jefferson and his Republican
party warmly sympathized with France, and insisted that gratitude
for revolutionary favors commanded aid to France in her struggles.
The Federalists, under Washington and Hamilton, favored non-
intervention, and insisted that we should maintain friendly relations
with Great Britain. Washington showed his usual firmness, and
before the expiration of the month in which Genet arrived, had
issued his celebrated proclamation of neutrality. This has ever since
been the accepted foreign policy of the nation.
Genet, chagrined at the issuance of this proclamation, threatened
to appeal to the people, and made himself so obnoxious to
Washington that the latter demanded his recall. The French
government sent M. Fauchet as his successor, but Genet continued to
reside in the United States, and under his inspiration a number of
Democratic Societies, in imitation of the French Jacobin clubs, were
founded, but like all such organizations in this country, they were
short-lived. Secret political societies thrive only under despotisms. In
Republics like ours they can only live when the great parties are in
confusion and greatly divided. They disappear with the union of
sentiment into two great parties. If there were many parties and
factions, as in Mexico and some of the South American republics,
there would be even a wider field for them here than there.
The French agitation showed its impress upon the nation as late as
1794, when a resolution to cut off intercourse with Great Britain
passed the House, and was defeated in the Senate only by the casting
vote of the Vice-President. Many people favored France, and to such
silly heights did the excitement run that these insisted on wearing a
national cockade. Jefferson had left the cabinet the December
previous, and had retired to his plantation in Virginia, where he
spent his leisure in writing political essays and organizing the
Republican party, of which he was the acknowledged founder. Here
he escaped the errors of his party in Congress, but it was a potent fact
that his friends in official station not only did not endorse the non-
intervention policy of Washington, but that they actively antagonized
it in many ways. The Congressional leader in these movements was
Mr. Madison. The policy of Britain fed this opposition. The forts on
Lake Erie were still occupied by the British soldiery in defiance of the
treaty of 1783; American vessels were seized on their way to French
ports, and American citizens were impressed. To avoid a war,
Washington sent John Jay as special envoy to England. He arrived in
June, 1794, and by November succeeded in making a treaty. It was
ratified in June, 1795, by the Senate by the constitutional majority of
two-thirds, though there was much declamatory opposition, and the
feeling between the Federal and Republican parties ran higher than
ever before. The Republicans denounced while the Federals
congratulated Washington. Under this treaty the British surrendered
possession of all American ports, and as Gen’l Wayne during the
previous summer had conquered the war-tribes and completed a
treaty with them, the country was again on the road to prosperity.
In Washington’s message of 1794, he plainly censured all “self-
created political societies,” meaning the democratic societies formed
by Genet, but this part of the message the House refused to endorse,
the speaker giving the casting vote in the negative. The Senate was in
harmony with the political views of the President. Party spirit had by
this time measurably affected all classes of the people, and as
subjects for agitation here multiplied, the opposition no longer
regarded Washington with that respect and decorum which it had
been the rule to manifest. His wisdom as President, his patriotism,
and indeed his character as a man, were all hotly questioned by
political enemies. He was even charged with corruption in expending
more of the public moneys than had been appropriated—charges
which were soon shown to be groundless.
At the first session of Congress in December, 1795, the Senate’s
administration majority had increased, but in the House the
opposing Republicans had also increased their numbers. The Senate
by 14 to 8 endorsed the message; the House at first refused but
finally qualified its answers.
In March, 1796, a new political issue was sprung in the House by
Mr. Livingstone of New York, who offered a resolution requesting of
the President a copy of the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy who
made the treaty with Great Britain. After a debate of several days,
more bitter than any which had preceded it, the House passed the
resolution by 57 to 35, the Republicans voting aye, the Federals no.
Washington in answer, took the position that the House of
Representatives was not part of the treaty-making power of the
government, and could not therefore be entitled to any papers
relating to such treaties. The constitution had placed this treaty-
making and ratifying power in the hands of the Senate, the Cabinet
and the President.
This answer, now universally accepted as the proper one, yet
excited the House and increased political animosities. The
Republicans charged the Federals with being the “British party,” and
in some instances hinted that they had been purchased with British
gold. Indignation meetings were called, but after much sound and
fury, it was ascertained that the people really favored abiding by the
treaty in good faith, and finally the House, after more calm and able
debates, passed the needed legislation to carry out the treaty by a
vote of 51 to 48.
In August, 1796, prior to the meeting of the Congressional caucus
which then placed candidates for the Presidency in nomination,
Washington issued his celebrated Farewell Address, in which he gave
notice that he would retire from public life at the expiration of his
term. He had been solicited to be a candidate for re-election (a third
term) and told that all the people could unite upon him—a statement
which, without abating one jot, our admiration for the man, would
doubtless have been called in question by the Republicans, who had
become implacably hostile to his political views, and who were
encouraged to believe they could win control of the Presidency, by
their rapidly increasing power in the House. Yet the address was
everywhere received with marks of admiration. Legislatures
commended it by resolution and ordered it to be engrossed upon
their records; journals praised it, and upon the strength of its plain
doctrines the Federalists took new courage, and prepared to win in
the Presidential battle which followed. Both parties were plainly
arrayed and confident, and so close was the result that the leaders of
both were elected—John Adams, the nominee of the Federalists, to
the Presidency, and Thomas Jefferson, the nominee of the
Republicans, to the Vice-Presidency. The law which then obtained
was that the candidate who received the highest number of electoral
votes, took the first place, the next highest, the second. Thomas
Pinckney of South Carolina was the Federal nominee for Vice-
President, and Aaron Burr of the Republicans. Adams received 71
electoral votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 59, Burr 30, scattering 48.
Pinckney had lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38—a loss of popularity
which the latter regained four years later. The first impressions
which our forefathers had of this man were the best.
John Adams was inaugurated as President in Philadelphia, at
Congress Hall, March 4th, 1797, and in his inaugural was careful to
deny the charge that the Federal party had any sympathy for
England, but reaffirmed his endorsement of the policy of
Washington as to strict neutrality. To this extent he sought to soften
the asperities of the parties, and measurably succeeded, though the
times were still stormy. The French revolution had reached its
highest point, and our people still took sides. Adams found he would
have to arm to preserve neutrality and at the same time punish the
aggression of either of the combatants. This was our first exhibition
of “armed neutrality.” An American navy was quickly raised, and
every preparation made for defending the rights of Americans. An
alliance with France was refused, after which the American Minister
was dismissed and the French navy began to cripple our trade. In
May, 1797, President Adams felt it his duty to call an extra session of
Congress, which closed in July. The Senate approved of negotiations
for reconciliation with France. They were attempted but, proved
fruitless; in May, 1798, a full naval armament was authorized, and
soon several French vessels were captured before there was any
declaration of war. Indeed, neither power declared war, and as soon
as France discovered how earnest the Americans were she made
overtures for an adjustment of difficulties, and these resulted in the
treaty of 1800.
 The Republicans, though warmly favoring a contest, did not
heartily support that inaugurated by Adams, and contended after
this that the militia and a small naval force were sufficient for
internal defense. They denounced the position of the Federals, who
favored the enlargement of the army and navy, as measures
calculated to overawe public sentiment in time of peace. The
Federals, however, through their prompt resentment of the
aggressions of France, had many adherents to their party. They
organized their power and sought to perpetuate it by the passage of
the alien and sedition, and a naturalization law.
The alien and sedition law gave the President authority “to order
all such aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of
the United States, or shall have reasonable grounds to suspect are
concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the
government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United
States, within such time as shall be expressed in such order.” The
provisions which followed were in keeping with that quoted, the 3d
section commanding every master of a ship entering a port of the
United States, immediately on his arrival, to make report in writing
to the collector of customs, the names of all aliens on board, etc. The
act was to continue in force for two years from the date of its passage,
and it was approved June 25th, 1798.
A resolution was introduced in the Senate on the 25th of April,
1798, by Mr. Hillhouse of Connecticut, to inquire what provision of
law ought to be made, &c., as to the removal of such aliens as may be
dangerous to the peace of the country, &c. This resolution was
adopted the next day, and Messrs. Hillhouse, Livermore and Read
were appointed the committee, and subsequently reported the bill. It
passed the Senate by 16 to 7, and the House by 46 to 40, the
Republicans in the latter body resisting it warmly. The leading
opposing idea was that it lodged with the Executive too much power,
and was liable to great abuse. It has frequently since, in arguments
against centralized power, been used for illustration by political
speakers.
The Naturalization law, favored by the Federalists, because they
knew they could acquire few friends either from newly arrived
English or French aliens, among other requirements provided that
an alien must reside in the United States fourteen years before he
could vote. The Republicans denounced this law as calculated to
check immigration, and dangerous to our country in the fact that it
caused too many inhabitants to owe no allegiance. They also
asserted, as did those who opposed Americanism later on in our
history, that America was properly an asylum for all nations, and
that those coming to America should freely share all the privileges
and liberties of the government.
These laws and the political resentments which they created gave a
new and what eventually proved a dangerous current to political
thought and action. They were the immediate cause of the Kentucky
and Virginia resolutions of 1798, Jefferson being the author of the
former and Madison of the latter.
These resolutions were full of political significance, and gave tone
to sectional discussion up to the close of the war for the Union. They
first promulgated the doctrine of nullification or secession, and
political writers mistake who point to Calhoun as the father of that
doctrine. It began with the old Republicans under the leadership of
Jefferson and Madison, and though directly intended as protests
against the alien and sedition, and the naturalization laws of
Congress, they kept one eye upon the question of slavery—rather that
interest was kept in view in their declarations, and yet the authors of
both were anything but warm advocates of slavery. They were then
striving, however, to reinforce the opposition to the Federal party,
which the administration of Adams had thus far apparently
weakened, and they had in view the brief agitation which had sprung
up in 1793, five years before, on the petition to Congress of a
Pennsylvania society “to use its powers to stop the traffic in slaves.”
On the question of referring this petition to a committee there arose
a sectional debate. Men took sides not because of the party to which
they belonged, but the section, and for the first time the North and
South were arrayed against each other on a question not then treated
either as partisan or political, but which most minds then saw must
soon become both partisan and sectional. Some of the Southern
debaters, in their protests against interference, thus early threatened
civil war. With a view to better protect their rights to slave property,
they then advocated and succeeded in passing the first fugitive slave
law. This was approved February 12, 1793.
 The resolutions of 1798 will be found in the book devoted to
political platforms. So highly were these esteemed by the
Republicans of that day, and by the interests whose support they so
shrewdly invited, that they more than counterbalanced the
popularity acquired by the Federals in their resistance to France, and
by 1800 they caused a rupture in the Cabinet of Adams.
In the Presidential election of 1800 John Adams was the nominee
for President and C. C. Pinckney for Vice-President. A
“Congressional Convention” of Republicans, held in Philadelphia,
nominated Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr as candidates for these
offices. On the election which followed the Republicans chose 73
electors and the Federalists 65. Each elector voted for two persons,
and the Republicans so voted that they unwisely gave Jefferson and
Burr each 73 votes. Neither being highest, it was not legally
determined which should be President or Vice-President, and the
election had to go to the House. The Federalists threw 65 votes to
Adams and 64 to Pinckney. The Republicans could have done the
same, but Burr’s intrigue and ambition prevented this, and the result
was a protracted contest in the House, and one which put the
country in great peril, but which plainly pointed out some of the
imperfections of the electoral features of the Constitution. The
Federalists proposed to confess the inability of the House to agree
through the vote by States, but to this proposition the Republicans
threatened armed resistance. The Federalists next attempted a
combination with the friends of Aaron Burr, but this specimen of
bargaining to deprive a nominee of the place to which it was the plain
intention of his party to elect him, really contributed to Jefferson’s
popularity, if not in that Congress, certainly before the people. He
was elected on the 36th ballot.
The bitterness of this strife, and the dangers which similar ones
threatened, led to an abandonment of the system of each Elector
voting for two, the highest to be President, the next highest Vice-
President, and an amendment was offered to the Constitution, and
fully ratified by September 25, 1804, requiring the electors to ballot
separately for President and Vice-President.
Jefferson was the first candidate nominated by a Congressional
caucus. It convened in 1800 at Philadelphia, and nominated
Jefferson for President and Burr for Vice-President. Adams and
Pinckney were not nominated, but ran and were accepted as natural
leaders of their party, just as Washington and Adams were before
them.
 Downfall of the Federal Party.

This contest broke the power of the Federal party. It had before
relied upon the rare sagacity and ability of its leaders, but the contest
in the House developed such attempts at intrigue as disgusted many
and caused all to quarrel, Hamilton having early showed his dislike
to Adams. As a party the Federal had been peculiarly brave at times
when high bravery was needed. It had framed the Federal
Government and stood by the powers given it until they were too
firmly planted for even newer and triumphant partisans to recklessly
trifle with. It stood for non-interference with foreign nations against
the eloquence of adventurers, the mad impulses of mobs, the
generosity of new-born freemen, the harangues of demagogues, and
best of all against those who sought to fan these popular breezes to
their own comfort, It provided for the payment of the debt, had the
courage to raise revenues both from internal and external sources,
and to increase expenditures, as the growth of the country
demanded. Though it passed out of power in a cloud of intrigue and
in a vain grasp at the “flesh-pots,” it yet had a glorious history, and
one which none untinctured with the better prejudices of that day,
can avoid admiring.
The defeat of Adams was not unexpected by him, yet it was greatly
regretted by his friends, for he was justly regarded as second to no
other civilian in the establishment of the liberties of the colonies. He
was eloquent to a rare degree, possessed natural eloquence, and
made the most famous speech in advocacy of the Declaration.
Though the proceedings of the Revolutionary Congress were secret,
and what was said never printed, yet Webster gives his version of the
noted speech of Adams, and we reproduce it in Book III. of this
volume as one of the great speeches of noted American orators.
Mr. Jefferson was inaugurated the third President, in the new
capitol at Washington, on the 4th of March, 1801, and Vice-President
Burr took his seat in the Senate the same day. Though Burr distinctly
disavowed any participancy in the House contest, he was distrusted
by Jefferson’s warm friends, and jealousies rapidly cropped out.
Jefferson endeavored through his inaugural to smooth factious and
party asperities, and so well were his words chosen that the
Federalists indulged, the hope that they would not be removed from
office because of their political views.
Early in June, however, the first question of civil service was
raised. Mr. Jefferson then removed Elizur Goodrich, a Federalist,
from the Collectorship of New Haven, and appointed Samuel Bishop,
a Republican, to the place. The citizens remonstrated, saying that
Goodrich was prompt, reliable and able, and showed that his
successor was 78 years old, and too infirm for the duties of the office.
To these remonstrances Mr. Jefferson, under date of July 12th,
replied in language which did not then, as he did later on, plainly
assert the right of every administration to have its friends in office.
We quote the following:
“Declarations by myself, in favor of political tolerance,
exhortations to harmony and affection in social intercourse, and
respect for the equal rights of the minority, have, on certain
occasions, been quoted and misconstrued into assurances that the
tenure of office was not to be disturbed. But could candor apply such
a construction? When it is considered that, during the late
administration, those who were not of a particular sect of politics
were excluded from all office; when, by a steady pursuit of this
measure, nearly the whole offices of the United States were
monopolized by that sect; when the public sentiment at length
declared itself, and burst open the doors of honor and confidence to
those whose opinions they approved; was it to be imagined that this
monopoly of office was to be continued in the hands of the minority?
Does it violate their equal rights to assert some rights in the majority
also? Is it political intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the
direction of the public affairs? If a due participation of office is a
matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained? Those by death are
few, by resignation none. Can any other mode than that of removal
be proposed? This is a painful office; but it is made my duty, and I
meet it as such. I proceed in the operation with deliberation and
inquiry, that it may injure the best men least, and effect the purposes
of justice and public utility with the least private distress, that it may
be thrown as much as possible on delinquency, on oppression, on
intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adherence to our enemies.
“I lament sincerely that unessential differences of opinion should
ever have been deemed sufficient to interdict half the society from
the rights and the blessings of self-government, to proscribe them as
unworthy of every trust. It would have been to me a circumstance of
great relief, had I found a moderate participation of office in the
hands of the majority. I would gladly have left to time and accident to
raise them to their just share. But their total exclusion calls for
prompter corrections. I shall correct the procedure; but that done,
return with joy to that state of things when the only questions
concerning a candidate shall be: Is he honest? Is he capable? Is he
faithful to the constitution?”
Mr. Adams had made few removals, and none because of the
political views held by the incumbents, nearly all of whom had been
appointed by Washington and continued through good behavior. At
the date of the appointment of most of them, Jefferson’s Republican
party had no existence; so that the reasons given in the quotation do
not comport with the facts. Washington’s rule was integrity and
capacity, for he could have no regard for politics where political lines
had been obliterated in his own selection. Doubtless these office-
holders were human, and adhered with warmth to the
administration which they served, and this fact, and this alone, must
have angered the Republicans and furnished them with arguments
for a change.
Mr. Jefferson’s position, however, made his later conduct natural.
He was the acknowledged leader of his party, its founder indeed, and
that party had carried him into power. He desired to keep it intact, to
strengthen its lines with whatever patronage he had at his disposal,
and he evidently regarded the cause of Adams in not rewarding his
friends as a mistake. It was, therefore, Jefferson, and not Jackson,
who was the author of the theory that “to the victors belong the
spoils.” Jackson gave it a sharp and perfectly defined shape by the
use of these words, but the spirit and principle were conceived by
Jefferson, who throughout his life showed far greater originality in
politics than any of the early patriots. It was his acute sense of just
what was right for a growing political party to do, which led him to
turn the thoughts of his followers into new and popular directions.
Seeing that they were at grave disadvantage when opposing the
attitude of the government in its policy with foreign nations;
realizing that the work of the Federalists in strengthening the power
of the new government, in providing revenues and ways and means
for the payment of the debt, were good, he changed the character of
the opposition by selecting only notoriously arbitrary measures for
assault—and changed it even more radically than this. He early saw
that simple opposition was not progress, and that it was both wise
and popular to be progressive, and in all his later political papers he
sought to make his party the party favoring personal freedom, the
one of liberal ideas, the one which, instead of shirking, should
anticipate every change calculated to enlarge the liberties and the
opportunities of citizens. These things were not inconsistent with his
strong views in favor of local self-government; indeed, in many
particulars they seemed to support that theory, and by the union of
the two ideas he shrewdly arrayed political enthusiasm by the side of
political interest. Political sagacity more profound than this it is
difficult to imagine. It has not since been equalled in the history of
our land, nor do we believe in the history of any other.
After the New Haven episode, so jealous was Jefferson of his good
name, that while he confided all new appointments to the hands of
his political friends, he made few removals, and these for apparent
cause. The mere statement of his position had proved an invitation to
the Federalists in office to join his earlier friends in the support of his
administration. Many of them did it, so many that the clamorings of
truer friends could not be hushed. With a view to create a new
excuse, Jefferson declared that all appointments made by Adams
after February 14th, when the House began its ballotings for
President, were void, these appointments belonging of right to him,
and from this act of Adams we date the political legacies which some
of our Presidents have since handed down to their successors. One of
the magistrates whose commission had been made out under Adams,
sought to compel Jefferson to sign it by a writ of mandamus before
the Supreme Court, but a “profound investigation of constitutional
law” induced the court not to grant the motion. All commissions
signed by Adams after the date named were suppressed.
 Jefferson’s apparent bitterness against the Federalists is mainly
traceable to the contest in the House, and his belief that at one time
they sought a coalition with Burr. This coalition he regarded as a
violation of the understanding when he was nominated, and a
supposed effort to appoint a provisional office he regarded as an
usurpation in fact. In a letter to James Monroe, dated February 15th,
speaking of this contest, he says:
“Four days of balloting have produced not a single change of a
vote. Yet it is confidently believed that to-morrow there is to be a
coalition. I know of no foundation for this belief. If they could have
been permitted to pass a law for putting the government in the hands
of an officer, they would certainly have prevented an election. But we
thought it best to declare openly and firmly, one and all, that the day
such an act passed, the Middle States would arm, and that no such
usurpation, even for a single day, should be submitted to.”
It is but fair to say that the Federalists denied all such intentions,
and that James A. Bayard, of Delaware, April 3, 1806, made formal
oath to this denial. In this he says that three States, representing
Federalist votes, offered to withdraw their opposition if John
Nicholas, of Virginia, and the personal friend of Jefferson, would
secure pledges that the public credit should be supported, the navy
maintained, and that subordinate public officers, employed only in
the execution of details, established by law, should not be removed
from office on the ground of their public character, nor without
complaint against their conduct. The Federalists then went so far as
to admit that officers of “high discretion and confidence,” such as
members of the cabinet and foreign ministers, should be known
friends of the administration. This proposition goes to show that
there is nothing very new in what are called our modern politics; that
the elder Bayard, as early as 1800, made a formal proposal to
bargain. Mr. Nicholas offered his assurance that these things would
prove acceptable to and govern the conduct of Jefferson’s
administration, but he declined to consult with Jefferson on the
points. General Smith subsequently engaged to do it, and Jefferson
replied that the points given corresponded with his views and
intentions, and that Mr. Bayard and his friends might confide in him
accordingly. The opposition of Vermont, Maryland and Delaware
was then immediately withdrawn, and Mr. Jefferson was made
President. Gen’l Smith, twelve days later, made an affidavit which
substantially confirmed that of Bayard. Latimer, the collector of the
port of Philadelphia, and M’Lane, collector of Wilmington, (Bayard’s
special friend) were retained in office. He had cited these two as
examples of his opposition to any change, and Jefferson seemed to
regard the pledges as not sacred beyond the parties actually named
in Bayard’s negotiations with Gen’l Smith.
This misunderstanding or misconstruction of what in these days
would be plainly called a bargain, led to considerable political
criticism, and Jefferson felt it necessary to defend his cause. This he
did in letters to friends which both then and since found their way
into the public prints. One of these letters, written to Col. Monroe,
March 7th, shows in every word and line the natural politician. In
this he says:
“Some (removals) I know must be made. They must be as few as
possible, done gradually, and bottomed on some malversation or
inherent disqualification. Where we shall draw the line between all
and none, is not yet settled, and will not be till we get our
administration together; and perhaps even then we shall proceed ā
talons, balancing our measures according to the impression we
perceive them to make. This may give you a general view of our
plan.”
A little later on, March 28, he wrote to Elbridge Gerry:
“Officers who have been guilty of gross abuses of office, such as
marshals packing juries, etc., I shall now remove, as my predecessor
ought in justice to have done. The instances will be few, and
governed by strict rule, not party passion. The right of opinion shall
suffer no invasion from me.”
Jefferson evidently tired of this subject, and gradually modified his
views, as shown in his letter to Levi Lincoln, July 11, wherein he says:
“I am satisfied that the heaping of abuse on me personally, has
been with the design and the hope of provoking me to make a general
sweep of all Federalists out of office. But as I have carried no passion
into the execution of this disagreeable duty, I shall suffer none to be
excited. The clamor which has been raised will not provoke me to
remove one more, nor deter me from removing one less, than if not a
word had been said on the subject. In the course of the summer, all
which is necessary will be done; and we may hope that, this cause of
offence being at an end, the measures we shall pursue and propose
for the amelioration of the public affairs, will be so confessedly
salutary as to unite all men not monarchists in principle.” In the
same letter he warmly berates the monarchical federalists, saying,
“they are incurables, to be taken care of in a madhouse if necessary,
and on motives of charity.”
The seventh Congress assembled. Political parties were at first
nearly equally divided in the Senate, but eventually there was a
majority for the administration. Jefferson then discontinued the
custom established by Washington of delivering in person his
message to Congress. The change was greatly for the better, as it
afforded relief from the requirement of immediate answers on the
subjects contained in the message. It has ever since been followed.
The seventh session of Congress, pursuant to the recommendation
of President Jefferson, established a uniform system of
naturalization, and so modified the law as to make the required
residence of aliens five years, instead of fourteen, as in the act of
1798, and to permit a declaration of intention to become a citizen at
the expiration of three years. By his recommendation also was
established the first sinking fund for the redemption of the public
debt. It required the setting apart annually for this purpose the sum
of seven millions and three hundred thousand dollars. Other
measures, more partisan in their character, were proposed, but
Congress showed an aversion to undoing what had been wisely done.
A favorite law of the Federalists establishing circuit courts alone was
repealed, and this only after a sharp debate, and a close vote. The
provisional army had been disbanded by a law of the previous
Congress. A proposition to abolish the naval department was
defeated, as was that to discontinue the mint establishment.
At this session the first law in relation to the slave trade was
passed. It was to prevent the importation of negroes, mulattoes and
other persons of color into any port of the United States within a
state which had prohibited by law the admission of any such person.
The penalty was one thousand dollars and the forfeiture of the vessel.
The slave trade was not then prohibited by the constitution, nor was
the subject then generally agitated, though it had been as early as
1793, when, as previously stated, an exciting sectional debate
followed the presentation of a petition from Pennsylvania to abolish
the slave trade.
Probably the most important occurrence under the first
administration of Jefferson was that relating to the purchase and
admission of Louisiana. There had been apprehensions of a war with
Spain, and with a view to be ready Congress had passed an act
authorizing the President to call upon the executives of such of the
states as he might deem expedient, for detachments of militia not
exceeding eighty thousand, or to accept the services of volunteers for
a term of twelve months. The disagreement arose over the
southwestern boundary line and the right of navigating the
Mississippi. Our government learned in the spring of 1802, that
Spain had by a secret treaty made in October, 1800, actually ceded
Louisiana to France. Our government had in 1795 made a treaty with
Spain which gave us the right of deposit at New Orleans for three
years, but in October, 1802, the Spanish authorities gave notice by
proclamation that this right was withdrawn. Excitement followed all
along the valley of the Mississippi, and it was increased by the belief
that the withdrawal of the privilege was made at the suggestion of
France, though Spain still retained the territory, as the formalities of
ceding it had not been gone through with. Jefferson promptly took
the ground that if France took possession of New Orleans, the United
States would immediately become allies of England, but suggested to
Minister Livingston at Paris that France might be induced to cede the
island of New Orleans and the Floridas to the United States. It was
his belief, though a mistaken one, that France had also acquired the
Floridas. Louisiana then comprised much of the territory west of the
Mississippi and south of the Missouri.
The Federalists in Congress seized upon this question as one upon
which they could make an aggressive war against Jefferson’s
administration, and resolutions were introduced asking information
on the subject. Jefferson, however, wisely avoided all entangling
suggestions, and sent Monroe to aid Livingston in effecting a
purchase. The treaty was formed in April, 1803, and submitted by
Jefferson to the Senate in October following. The Republicans rallied
in favor of this scheme of annexation, and claimed that it was a
constitutional right in the government to acquire territory—a
doctrine widely at variance with their previous position, but
occasions are rare where parties quarrel with their administrations
on pivotal measures. There was also some latitude here for
endorsement, as the direct question of territorial acquisition had not
before been presented, but only hypothetically stated in the
constitutional disputations then in great fashion. Jefferson would not
go so far as to say that the constitution warranted the acquisition to
foreign territory, but the scheme was nevertheless his, and he stood
in with his friends in the political battle which followed.
The Federalists claimed that we had no power to acquire territory,
and that the acquirement of Louisiana would give the South a
preponderance which would “continue for all time (poor prophets
they!), since southern would be more rapid than northern
development;” that states created west of the Mississippi would
injure the commerce of New England, and they even went so far as to
say that the “admission of the Western World into the Union would
compel the Eastern States to establish an eastern empire.” Doubts
were also raised as to the right of Louisianians, when admitted to
citizenship under our laws, as their lineage, language and religion
were different from our own. Its inhabitants were French and
descendants of French, with some Spanish creoles, Americans,
English and Germans—in all about 90,000, including 40,000 slaves.
There were many Indians of course, in a territory then exceeding a
million of square miles—a territory which, in the language of First
Consul Napoleon, “strengthens forever the power of the United
States, and which will give to England a maritime rival that will
sooner or later humble her pride”—a military view of the change fully
justified by subsequent history. Napoleon sold because of needed
preparations for war with England, and while he had previously
expressed a willingness to take fifty million francs for it, he got sixty
through the shrewd diplomacy of his ministers, who hid for the time
their fear of the capture of the port of New Orleans by the English
navy.

Little chance was afforded the Federalists for adverse criticism in

Congress, for the purchase proved so popular that the people greatly
increased the majority in both branches of the eighth Congress, and
Jefferson called it together earlier for the purpose of ratification. The
Senate ratified the treaty on the 20th of October, 1803, by a vote of
24 to 7, while the House adopted a resolution for carrying the treaty
into effect by a vote of 90 to 25. Eleven million dollars of the
purchase money was appropriated, the remaining four millions being
reserved for the indemnity of American citizens who had sustained
losses by French assaults upon our commerce—from which fact
subsequently came what is known as the French Spoliation Bill.

Impeachment trials were first attempted before the eighth

Congress in 1803. Judge Pickering, of the district court of the United
States for New Hampshire, was impeached for occasional
drunkenness, and dismissed from office. Judge Chase of the U. S.
Supreme Court, and Judge Peters of the district court of
Pennsylvania, both Federalists, were charged by articles proposed in
the House with illegal and arbitrary conduct in the trial of parties
charged with political offenses. The Federalists took alarm at these
proceedings, and so vehement were their charges against the
Republicans of a desire to destroy the judiciary that their
impeachments were finally abandoned.
The Republicans closed their first national administration with
high prestige. They had met several congressional reverses on
questions where defeat proved good fortune, for the Federalists kept
a watchful defence, and were not always wrong. The latter suffered
numerically, and many of their best leaders had fallen in the
congressional contest of 1800 and 1802, while the Republicans
maintained their own additions in talent and number.
In 1804, the candidates of both parties were nominated by
congressional caucuses. Jefferson and Clinton were the Republican
nominees; Charles C. Pinckney and Rufus King, the nominees of the
Federalists, but they only received 14 out of 176 electoral votes.
The struggle of Napoleon in Europe with the allied powers now
gave Jefferson an opportunity to inaugurate a foreign policy.
England had forbidden all trade with the French and their allies, and
France had in return forbidden all commerce with England and her
colonies. Both of these decrees violated our neutral rights, and were
calculated to destroy our commerce, which by this time had become
quite imposing.
 Congress acted promptly, and on the 21st of December passed
what is known as the Embargo Act, under the inspiration of the
Republican party, which claimed that the only choice of the people
lay between the embargo and war, and that there was no other way to
obtain redress from England and France. But the promised effects of
the measure were not realized, and so soon as any dissatisfaction was
manifested by the people, the Federalists made the question a
political issue. They declared it unconstitutional because it was not
limited as to time; that it helped England as against France (a
cunning assertion in view of the early love of the Republicans for the
cause of the French), and that it laid violent hands on our home
commerce and industries. Political agitation increased the
discontent, and public opinion at one time turned so strongly against
the law that it was openly resisted on the eastern coast, and treated
with almost as open contempt on the Canadian border. The bill had
passed the House by 87 to 35, the Senate by 19 to 9. In January,
1809, the then closing administration of Jefferson had to change
front on the question, and the law was repealed on the 18th of
March. The Republicans when they changed, went all the way over,
and advocated full protection by the use of a navy, of all our rights on
the high seas. If the Federals could have recalled their old leaders, or
retained even a considerable portion of their power, the opportunity
presented by the embargo issue could have brought them back to full
political power, but lacking these leaders, the opportunity passed.
 Democrats and Federals.

During the ninth Congress, which assembled on the second of

December, 1805, the Republicans dropped their name and accepted
that of “Democrats.” In all their earlier strifes they had been charged
by their opponents with desiring to run to the extremes of the
democratic or “mob rule,” and fear of too general a belief in the truth
of the charge led them to denials and rejection of a name which the
father of their party had ever shown a fondness for. The earlier
dangers which had threatened their organization, and the
recollection of defeats suffered in their attempts to establish a
government anti-federal and confederate in their composition, had
been greatly modified by later successes, and with a characteristic
cuteness peculiar to Americans they accepted an epithet and sought
to turn it to the best account. In this they imitated the patriots who
accepted the epithets in the British satirical song of “Yankee Doodle,”
and called themselves Yankees. From the ninth Congress the
Jeffersonian Republicans called themselves Democrats, and the word
Republican passed into disuse until later on in the history of our
political parties, the opponents of the Democracy accepted it as a
name which well filled the meaning of their attitude in the politics of
the country.
Mr. Randolph of Roanoke, made the first schism in the Republican
party under Jefferson, when he and three of his friends voted against
the embargo act. He resisted its passage with his usual earnestness,
and all attempts at reconciling him to the measure were unavailing.
Self-willed, strong in argument and sarcasm, it is believed that his
cause made it even more desirable for the Republicans to change
name in the hope of recalling some of the more wayward
“Democrats” who had advocated Jacobin democracy in the years
gone by. The politicians of that day were never short of expedients,
and no man so abounded in them as Jefferson himself.
 Randolph improved his opportunities by getting most of the
Virginia members to act with him against the foreign policy of the
administration, but he was careful not to join the Federalists, and
quickly denied any leaning that way. The first fruit of this faction was
to bring forth Monroe as a candidate for President against Madison—
a movement which proved to be quite popular in Virginia, but which
Jefferson flanked by bringing about a reconciliation between Monroe
and Madison. The now usual Congressional caucus followed at
Washington, and although the Virginia Legislature in its caucus
previously held had been unable to decide between Madison and
Monroe, the Congressional body chose Madison by 83 to 11, the
minority being divided between Clinton and Monroe, though the
latter could by that time hardly be considered as a candidate. This
action broke up Randolph’s faction in Virginia, but left so much
bitterness behind it that a large portion attached themselves to the
Federalists. In the election which followed Madison received 122
electoral votes against 47 for C. C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, and 6
for Geo. Clinton of New York.
Before Jefferson’s administration closed he recommended the
passage of an act to prohibit the African slave trade after January 1st,
1808, and it was passed accordingly. He had also rejected the form of
a treaty received from the British minister Erskine, and did this
without the formality of submitting it to the Senate—first, because it
contained no provision on the objectionable practice of impressing
our seamen; second,[2] “because it was accompanied by a note from
the British ministers, by which the British government reserved to
itself the right of releasing itself from the stipulations in favor of
neutral rights, if the United States submitted to the British decree, or
other invasion of those rights by France.” This rejection of the treaty
by Jefferson caused public excitement, and the Federalists sought to
arouse the commercial community against his action, and cited the
fact that his own trusted friends, Monroe and Pinckney had
negotiated it. The President’s party stood by him, and they agreed
that submission to the Senate was immaterial, as its advice could not
bind him. This refusal to consider the treaty was the first step leading
to the war of 1812, for embargoes followed, and Britain openly
claimed the right to search American vessels for her deserting
seamen. In 1807 this question was brought to issue by the desertion
of five British seamen from the Halifax, and their enlistment on the
U. S. frigate Chesapeake. Four separate demands were made for
these men, but all of the commanders, knowing the firm attitude of
Jefferson’s administration against the practice, refused, as did the
Secretary of State refuse a fifth demand on the part of the British
minister. On the 23d of June following, while the Chesapeake was
near the capes of Virginia, Capt. Humphreys of the British ship
Leopard attempted to search her for deserters. Capt. Barron denied
the right of search, but on being fired into, lowered his flag,
Humphreys then took four men from the Chesapeake, three of whom
had previously entered the British service, but were Americans by
birth, and had been formally demanded by Washington. The act was
a direct violation of the international law, for a nation’s ship at sea
like its territory is inviolable. The British government disavowed the
act of its officer and offered apology and reparation, which were
accepted. This event, however, strengthened Jefferson’s rejection of
the Monroe-Pinckney treaty, and quickly stopped adverse political
criticism at home, Foreign affairs remained, however, in a
complicated state, owing to the wars between England and the then
successful Napoleon, but they in no wise shook the firm hold which
Jefferson had upon the people, nor the prestige of his party. He
stands in history as one of the best politicians our land has ever seen,
and then as now no one could successfully draw the line between the
really able politician and the statesman. He was accepted as both.
His administration closed on the 3d of March, 1809, when he
expressed great gratification at being able to retire to private life.
Mr. Madison succeeded at a time when the country, through fears
of foreign aggression and violence, was exceedingly gloomy and
despondent—a feeling not encouraged in the least by the statements
of the Federalists, some of whom then thought political criticism in
hours of danger not unpatriotic. They described our agriculture as
discouraged, our fisheries abandoned, our commerce restrained, our
navy dismantled, our revenues destroyed at a time when war was at
any moment probable with either France, England or Spain.
Madison, representing as he did the same party, from the first
resolved to follow the policy of Jefferson, a fact about which there
was no misunderstanding. He desired to avert war as long as possible
with England, and sought by skilful diplomacy to avert the dangers
presented by both France and England in their attitude with
neutrals. England had declared that a man who was once a subject
always remained a subject, and on this plea based her determination
to impress again into her service all deserters from her navy. France,
because of refusal to accede to claims equally at war with our rights,
had authorized the seizure of all American vessels entering the ports
of France. In May, 1810, when the non-intercourse act had expired,
Madison caused proposals to be made to both belligerents, that if
either would revoke its hostile edict, the non-intercourse act should
be revived and enforced against the other nation. This act had been
passed by the tenth Congress as a substitute for the embargo. France
quickly accepted Madison’s proposal, and received the benefits of the
act, and the direct result was to increase the growing hostility of
England. From this time forward the negotiations had more the
character of a diplomatic contest than an attempt to maintain peace.
Both countries were upon their mettle, and early in 1811, Mr.
Pinckney, the American minister to Great Britain, was recalled, and a
year later a formal declaration of war was made by the United States.
Just prior to this the old issue, made by the Republicans against
Hamilton’s scheme for a National Bank, was revived by the fact that
the charter of the bank ceased on the 4th of March, 1811, and an
attempt was made to re-charter it. A bill for this purpose was
introduced into Congress, but on the 11th of January, 1811, it was
indefinitely postponed in the House, by a vote of 65 to 64, while in
the Senate it was rejected by the casting vote of the Vice-President,
Geo. Clinton, on the 5th of February, 1811—this notwithstanding its
provisions had been framed or approved by Gallatin, the Secretary of
the Treasury. The Federalists were all strong advocates of the
measure, and it was so strong that it divided some of the Democrats
who enjoyed a loose rein in the contest so far as the administration
was concerned, the President not specially caring for political
quarrels at a time when war was threatened with a powerful foreign
nation. The views of the Federalists on this question descended to
the Whigs some years later, and this fact led to the charges that the
Whigs were but Federalists in disguise.
The eleventh Congress continued the large Democratic majority, as
did the twelfth, which met on the 4th of November, 1811, Henry Clay,
then an ardent supporter of the policy of Madison, succeeding to the
House speakership. He had previously served two short sessions in
the U. S. Senate, and had already acquired a high reputation as an
able and fluent debater. He preferred the House, at that period of
life, believing his powers better calculated to win fame in the more
popular representative hall. Calhoun was also in the House at this
time, and already noted for the boldness of his views and their
assertion.
In this Congress jealousies arose against the political power of
Virginia, which had already named three of the four Presidents, each
for two terms, and De Witt Clinton, the well-known Governor of New
York, sought through these jealousies to create a division which
would carry him into the Presidency. His efforts were for a time
warmly seconded by several northern and southern states. A few
months later the Legislature of New York formally opened the ball by
nominating DeWitt Clinton for the Presidency. An address was
issued by his friends, August 17th, 1812, which has since become
known as the Clintonian platform, and his followers were known as
Clintonian Democrats. The address contained the first public protest
against the nomination of Presidential candidates by Congressional
caucuses. There was likewise declared opposition to that “official
regency which prescribed tenets of political faith.” The efforts of
particular states to monopolize the principal offices was denounced,
as was the continuance of public men for long periods in office.
Madison was nominated for a second term by a Congressional
caucus held at Washington, in May, 1812. John Langdon was
nominated for Vice-President, but as he declined on account of age,
Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts, took his place. In September of the
same year a convention of the opposition, representing eleven states,
was held in the city of New York, which nominated De Witt Clinton,
with Jared Ingersoll for Vice-President. This was the first national
convention, partisan in character, and the Federalists have the credit
of originating and carrying out the idea. The election resulted in the
success of Madison, who received 128 electoral votes to 89 for
Clinton.
Though factious strife had been somewhat rife, less attention was
paid to politics than to the approaching war. There were new
Democratic leaders in the lower House, and none were more
prominent than Clay of Kentucky, Calhoun, Cheves and Lowndes, all
of South Carolina. The policy of Jefferson in reducing the army and
navy was now greatly deplored, and the defenceless condition in
which it left the country was the partial cause, at least a stated cause
of the factious feuds which followed. Madison sought to change this
policy, and he did it at the earnest solicitation of Clay, Calhoun and
Lowndes, who were the recognized leaders of the war party. They
had early determined that Madison should be directly identified with
them, and before his second nomination had won him over to their
more decided views in favor of war with England. He had held back,
hoping that diplomacy might avert a contest, but when once
convinced that war was inevitable and even desirable under the
circumstances, his official utterances were bold and free. In the June
following the caucus which renominated him, he declared in a
message that our flag was continually insulted on the high seas; that
the right of searching American vessels for British seamen was still in
practice, and that thousands of American citizens had in this way
been impressed in service on foreign ships; that peaceful efforts at
adjustment of the difficulties had proved abortive, and that the
British ministry and British emissaries had actually been intriguing
for the dismemberment of the Union.
The act declaring war was approved by the President on the 18th of
June, 1812, and is remarkably short and comprehensive. It was
drawn by the attorney-general of the United States, William
Pinckney, and is in the words following:—
“An act declaring war between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and the United States of America and their
territories.
“Be it enacted, &c. That war be, and the same is hereby declared to exist between
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof,
and the United States of America, and their territories; and that the President of
the United States is hereby authorized to use the whole land and naval force of the
United States to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of
the United States commissions, or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such
form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the
vessels, goods, and effects, of the government of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland and the subjects thereof.”
This was a soul-stirring message, but it did not rally all the people
as it should have done. Political jealousies were very great, and the
frequent defeats of the Federalists, while they tended to greatly
reduce their numbers and weaken their power, seemed to strengthen
their animosity, and they could see nothing good in any act of the
administration. They held, especially in the New England states, that
the war had been declared by a political party simply, and not by the
nation, though nearly all of the Middle, and all of the Southern and
Western States, warmly supported it. Clay estimated that nine-tenths
of the people were in favor of the war, and under the inspiration of
his eloquence and the strong state papers of Madison, they doubtless
were at first. Throughout they felt their political strength, and they
just as heartily returned the bitterness manifested by those of the
Federalists who opposed the war, branding them as enemies of the
republic, and monarchists who preferred the reign of Britain.
Four Federalist representatives in Congress went so far as to issue
an address, opposing the war, the way in which it had been declared,
and denouncing it as unjust. Some of the New England states refused
the order of the President to support it with their militia, and
Massachusetts sent peace memorials to Congress.
A peace party was formed with a view to array the religious
sentiment of the country against the war, and societies with similar
objects were organized by the more radical of the Federalists. To
such an extreme was this opposition carried, that some of the
citizens of New London, Conn., made a practice of giving
information to the enemy, by means of blue lights, of the departure
of American vessels.