Explaining Gendered Vulnerability

to Climate Change: The Contextual

Conditions

1   Introduction
Climate change is an urgent and inescapable global concern. Rising tem-
peratures are leading to changes in environmental processes, making rain-
fall and soil moisture content less predictable. Contemporary events have
shown that a change in climate conditions poses a serious threat to the
human race, particularly in the light of challenges to life and security. The
poor, who frequently rely on ecosystem services, are significantly impacted.
Climate change has varying effects on different demographics, such as age
groups and genders, and it has important consequences for women due to
differences in social responsibilities and access to economic resources.
The most vulnerable citizens of developing nations, women, in most
cases, face enormous challenges due to climate change (UN Women,
2022). Women, particularly young girls, constitute one of Africa’s most
vulnerable populations, providing a regular supply of domestic labour sim-
ilar to many contexts around the globe. Studies (Lambrou & Piana, 2006;
Neumayer & Pluemper, 2007) have shown mounting evidence that cli-
mate change effects are gendered, and women are highly prone during and
after climate events, especially in locations subject to climate variability and
disasters. According to some of these studies (e.g., Neumayer & Pluemper,
2007), households react to the negative shocks of climate change by ineq-
uitably redistributing the available resources to women and girls.

© The Author(s) 2024 59

O. Adeola et al., Gender Equality, Climate Action, and
Technological Innovation for Sustainable Development in Africa,
Sustainable Development Goals Series,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40124-4_3
60 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

The main justification for making distinctions between men and women
in terms of climate change in this chapter is based on the different social
roles of each gender and how these influence the impact of climate change.
Despite the biological disparities between men and women, it is essential
to specify these differences and consider them when developing and imple-
menting response strategies to climate change in Africa. The disparities in
gender roles suggest that men and women would be affected differently
by climate change, depending on their respective social and professional
positions. Therefore, it is necessary to explore gendered vulnerability to
climate change in Africa. In this chapter, this exploration is accomplished
by reviewing the emerging issues on the impact of climate change on gen-
der differences.

2   Gendered Effects of Climate Change

Climate change is a phenomenon unlike any other in recorded human his-
tory (Ajani et al., 2013). The macro-level effects of climate change are
anticipated to raise proximate hazards from disease outbreaks, cyclones,
droughts, floods, landslips, fires, and heat waves throughout most of the
planet. Women frequently struggle more with adaptation when a climatic
change affects revenue flow and food production or calls for modifications
to water sources or crop distribution. Particularly, the gendered divisions
of work in the home increase women’s susceptibility to climate change.
Both genders contribute to the maintenance of the household, with
women typically in charge of managing the resources required to maintain
family nourishment and health, and men often responsible for wage work
or cash crops.
In Africa, climate change has peculiar consequences because of the dif-
ferences between men and women, their societal responsibilities, and their
access to socio-economic and physical resources. Inequalities caused by
social class and women’s roles in the family and community are made
worse by climate change, as it affects important elements of livelihood
(i.e., water, food, and energy supply) (African Development Bank, 2011).
Onwutuebe (2019) cited African societal norms that place gender-based
duties in different social categories as a reason for the dissimilarity in cli-
mate change effects between men and women. In addition, Dercon and
Krishnan (2000) further stressed that women are still the most susceptible
to negative shocks and frequently shoulder the consequences in many
developing nations.
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 61

For example, a 2018 study by the United Nations Development

Programme (UNDP) found that women in Africa are disproportionately
affected by the impacts of climate change, including food and water inse-
curity, loss of livelihoods, and increased conflict. The study also highlights
that women in Africa often have limited capacity to adapt to the impacts
of climate change and limited access to resources, including education,
finance, and technology, which exacerbates their vulnerability. These find-
ings are consistent with other studies, such as a 2016 report by ActionAid,
which found that women in Africa are often more vulnerable to the
impacts of climate change due to existing gender inequalities and tradi-
tional gender roles, which limit their access to resources and decision-­
making power.
Beyond Africa, Gaalya (2015) stated that Cyclone Nargis, which struck
Myanmar in 2008, highlighted the underlying climate change inequality,
as 61% of the fatalities were females. These statistics support the findings
of Aguilar et al. (2007) that gender disparities make women and children
14 times more susceptible to climate change than males. Gaard (2015)
asserts that the exclusion of women from decision-making, lack of empow-
erment, and limited insights into the dangers of climate change account
for a large number of natural disaster casualties.

3  Climate Change and the Gendered Effects

on Human Capital

Climate change has varied effects on human capital in terms of mortality,

education, and physical and mental health (Eastin, 2018; Lawson et al.,
2020). Women appear to be more negatively affected as a result of their
physiological makeup, their duties as caregivers, and limited access to
food and nourishment. These factors support the tendency for women’s
vulnerability to climate change. In emerging economies, girls’ education
is regarded as less important than boys’ (Behrman & Knowles, 1999).
Similarly, when faced with climate-related income shocks, parents may
alter their investments in children’s education in ways that are harmful to
females. For example, using district-level data from Uganda between
1975 and 2003, Björkman-Nyqvist (2013) found that poor rainfall
shocks significantly reduce female participation in primary school, par-
ticularly among older females. The study reveals that a 15% drop in rain-
fall decreases female enrolment by 5%, whereas a change in rainfall has
62 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

no impact on male enrolment. According to these findings, older females

engage in labour to offset the damaging consequences of the rainstorm
shock. This is a widespread phenomenon whereby a loss in income
results in an increase in child labour and the engagement of children’s
assistance in managing consumption levels and freeing up hours for the
elderly (Basu & Van, 1998). Households in the Kagera region of
Tanzania had a 30% rise in child labour due to negative shocks that
impaired agricultural production (Beegle et al., 2006). According to
Bandara et al. (2015), agricultural shocks lead to an increase in the
exploitation of children for work, especially for male children, while also
increasing the likelihood that girls will drop out of school by 70%.
Although rodents, insects, or other pests are the predominant source of
agricultural shocks in these studies, their impact on yields is equivalent
to the effects resulting from climate change.
The adverse effects of climate change, such as long-term changes in
average temperature; changes in the intensity, timing, and geographic dis-
tribution of rainfall; an increase in the frequency of extreme events, that is,
droughts and floods; and sea-level rise, have become more evident in
recent times (IPCC, 2007; Verner, 2011). Women are frequently referred
to in discussions about climate change as a “marginalised population.”
They are represented as “victims” of development due to their lack of
resources, yet bear the hardship of existence as subsistence food produc-
ers, water and firewood carriers, and household food security guardians
(Okali & Naess, 2013). They are also significantly more impacted because
they are (climate) refugees. In addition to their social roles, women are
primarily responsible for providing the utmost care for the sick, and in
cases where the rate of illnesses increases, the most affected by the respon-
sibility of care are women.
Different studies have demonstrated how gender inequality, resource
access, and education can all intersect to sway judgements about the
education of the female child (Alston et al., 2014; Ahmed et al., 2019).
According to Alston et al. (2014), many families in Africa claim to have
chosen to keep their kids home away from school as a means of coping
with the effects of climate change. Others stress the connection between
education and resource availability, noting that economic shocks caused
by environmental catastrophes make it difficult for families to have
enough financial resources to cover the cost of education (tuition, books,
supplies, and transportation) (Ahmed et al., 2019). When resources are
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 63

limited, many families are likely to give preference to male-child

education.
In addition, the impacts of environmental shocks on human capital may
not only be felt immediately after the shock but can continue for a long
time, affecting future income, health, and educational opportunities.
Maccini and Yang (2009) investigated how early-life rainfall shocks influ-
enced individuals born in Indonesia between 1953 and 1974. While early-­
life rainfall shocks had no effect on males, they discovered that older
females who received positive weather shocks like rainfall as children had
improved health. They grew taller, received more education, and this, in
turn, enhanced their socioeconomic status in adulthood.

4  Climate Change, Marriage,

and Fertility Decisions

Women’s education is a significant predictor of fertility and labour market

participation (e.g., Osili & Long, 2008). According to Bbaale and Mpuga
(2011), any shock that has an impact on females’ education might indi-
rectly affect fertility. There is modest but rising evidence that climate
change affects fertility and marriage. For the female gender, access to
resources and educational opportunities is unequal, and climate change
and other environmental challenges worsen the disparity. Importantly, the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) cautions that if
global warming reaches1.5 degrees Celsius, millions of citizens may be
driven into severe poverty, with the effects being experienced predomi-
nantly in Africa and South Asia (IPCC, 2014), where early marriage and
circumcision are widespread.
Equally, understanding the repercussions of environmental crises on
child marriage is crucial in an unstable and changing environment so that
human rights may be protected and steps can be taken to increase resil-
ience to the effects of climate change. Interviews with families and mem-
bers of civil society groups in Kenya, Uganda, Malawi, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe,
and Namibia revealed that one of the leading causes of child marriage is
the economic consequences of environmental problems (Chamberlain
et al., 2017; Porter et al., 2011; Mudavanhu, 2014; Marchetta & Sahn,
2016). A coping mechanism for the loss of possessions and income during
catastrophes like droughts and floods is child marriage. According to
research, child marriage rates in Bangladesh rise following periods of
64 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

drought or intense heat that reduce household resources (Tsaneva, 2020;

Asadullah et al., 2020). This finding is supported by interviews with fami-
lies, who described limited finances as a major driving force in how envi-
ronmental crises affect decisions about when their children get married
(Glaser et al., 2019).
According to studies (Drèze & Murthi, 2001; Grimm, 2021; Corno
et al., 2020), early marriage and procreation are strategies to reduce
income instability. Hence, the economic effects of environmental crises are
a lens through which child marriage decisions are shaped. When dowry
payment is anticipated, child marriage rises (Corno et al., 2020). This has
been demonstrated in sub-Saharan Africa, where studies reveal that in
nations that practise bride price settlements, droughts increase the num-
ber of underage marriages. Similar tendencies have been seen in other
regions around the world. Traditions like bridal payment play a significant
role as people desire to balance consumption and decrease the impacts of
climate change (Corno & Voena, 2016). Child marriage has become more
prevalent among the Maasai due to climate change. Many families go
through extreme starvation as a result of the protracted droughts, and
young girls—as young as 12—are being given away as brides in return for
livestock (Grimm, 2021).
There are conflicting views and data regarding whether and how cli-
mate change impacts reproduction. In many parts of Africa, there is a
prevalent belief that having many children is an “insurance” mechanism
for securing economic resources. As a result, people may have more chil-
dren than they would like in the event that some of them do not survive
(Finlay, 2009; de Sherbinin et al., 2008), increasing fertility shocks and
subsequently raising the risks associated with large family sizes. Such
regions will consider high and early fertility as a method of ensuring eco-
nomic stability (Cain, 1981), lowering family or lifetime uncertainty, in
accordance with the Malthusian-inspired “vicious circle model” (Dasgupta,
1995; de Sherbinin et al., 2008), or increasing the likelihood of having
more children who live to adulthood and are successful financially
(Guarcello et al., 2002). The surviving children can participate in family
business ventures and contribute to household finances and intergenera-
tional care (Finlay, 2009).
Both earlier and more recent empirical studies indicate that climate
change has both positive and negative effects on fertility. Research in cul-
tures with limited access to modern contraception or differing opinions on
family planning might be a good place to start. Here, reproductive
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 65

patterns and long-term family size aspirations are addressed either overtly
or inferentially—in harmony with external conditions and underlying
population-­resource balance. The variation in natural fertility patterns is
one example (Leridon, 1977); the various fertility regimes are connected
to regions at risk of drought and flooding, and family size and farm size
are frequently correlated; this is known as the “Land-Labour Demand
Theory” (Mueller et al., 1984).
Although a population’s stage of fertility tends to have a role in this
impact, future environmental change might alter fertility behaviour in
ways that correspond to the values deriving from that particular
population-­resource balance transition. For example, fertility is typically
lower in regions where a protracted drought threatens children’s health
and labour costs in rain-fed agricultural regions (Cain, 1981), where
agricultural expansion has reached the limits of arable land, and when
landowners have a strong title (the Land-Security Theory). Contrarily,
fertility is higher in regions where child labour is pervasive despite envi-
ronmental changes (Cain, 1981). The “Vicious Cycle Model” (VCM)
holds that poverty drives fertility and, if unabated, will worsen the social,
economic, and environmental circumstances of the family (Lutz &
Scherbov, 2000; Filmer & Pritchett, 2002; Dasgupta, 1995). VCM is
present among impoverished rural populations characterised by dimin-
ishing natural capital (Sasson & Weinreb, 2017), while child morbidity
increases as a result of altered infectious disease patterns linked to cli-
mate change (Aksan, 2014).
Climate change impairs fertility, and by extension, this alters the dynam-
ics of early marriages. As previously indicated, children are a possible
source of labour in homes experiencing economic shocks, as their contri-
butions may be effective in facilitating adjustments to economic changes.
In the light of this, reproduction is viewed as a kind of risk mitigation.
According to Grimm (2021), fertility rates in late nineteenth-century US
counties differed between farm and non-farm families. It was found that
whereas non-farm households did not see the need for an increase in fertil-
ity, agricultural households did. Increasing the rainfall variability distribu-
tion from the 10th to 19th percentile results in a 12% increase in the
fertility gap between agricultural and non-agricultural families.
Furthermore, the delayed demographic change occurring in Africa and
dry regions may be explained by the findings of Grimm (2021), which
imply that reproduction is a component of the response to hazards caused
66 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

by climate change. Interestingly, in another study by Abiona (2017),

unpleasant adverse shocks boost the desire for birth control in Uganda,
albeit with different consequences. At first glance, this finding appears to
be at odds with that of Grimm (2021); however, it is complementary as it
implies that, when given the option and control over their reproductive
decisions, women may decide to put off having children due to experi-
ences of negative shocks.

5  Climate Change and Violence Against Women

Gender-based violence (GBV) is violence committed against a person
based on their gender. It is also the worst example of discrimination against
women and girls, as well as gender inequality. Since the 1990s, more
research have shown how the catastrophic impacts of climate change, cou-
pled with inadequate preventive measures, exacerbate gender inequality
and violence against women and girls (VAWG). At all economic phases
and in a number of geographic regions, there is evidence of sexual, physi-
cal, economic, psychological, partner-inflicted violence, trafficking, child
marriage, and several other types of VAWG. In particular, sexual assault
shows the continuity of pervasive inequality, cruelty, and discrimination
and is seldom a “unique” outcome of climate change. Intimate partner
violence (IPV) and abuse by relatives or individuals not in the immediate
family are all factors that contribute to gender inequality.
For many women, the fight against climate change is a direct cause of
many types of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), even though it
has evolved into a campaign to protect our environment holistically.
Different kinds of SGBV affect women and girls both within and outside
of the family. Environmental changes brought on by external forces, like
climate change, make them more exposed (Desai & Mandal, 2021). For
instance, when disasters or emergencies like pandemics, tragedies, and
wars occur, gender disparities become much more pronounced, especially
when climate change has gender-specific effects. According to the
UNICEF (2023) study, all types of gender-based violence against women
and girls increase during disasters and conflicts, further exacerbating
already existing inequities, vulnerabilities, and harmful gender norms. For
instance, Darfur has seen frequent droughts and poor rainfall, both of
which have worsened food security and resource shortages. These risks are
catastrophic for girls and women who must travel long distances to obtain
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 67

drinking water. In a nation like Malawi, where food is scarce owing to

climate change, young girls are compelled to get married (Curry, 2017).
During droughts and prolonged dry spells, Ugandan women experi-
enced domestic abuse, child marriage, sexual assault, female genital muti-
lation (FGM), and other forms of violence. In 2016, UNESCO called
attention to how climate change disproportionately impacts women,
including through natural disasters, forced migration brought on by the
consequences of climate change, sexual trafficking, and an increase in rape
cases, as a result of their endless search for water and firewood. Therefore,
during and after catastrophes or emergencies brought on by climate
change, existing gender disparities increase, and new types of SGBV occur.
Such impacts are both permanent and harmful and comparable to what
happens in times of war.
Numerous factors that contribute to violence against women have been
examined in past studies. Poverty, cultural standards, illiteracy, and lack of
socio-economic empowerment are a few of them (Cools & Kotsadam,
2017). Gender inequality and the labour participation rate are only two
instances of labour market variables (Aizer, 2010; Anderberg & Rainer,
2013; Bhalotra et al., 2018). According to Benson et al. (2003), another
source of violence against women is the economic shock caused by climate
change. A Tanzanian research found that shocks attributed to rainfall
increase the frequency of domestic violence; the study shows that one vari-
ance in severe rainstorm shocks raises spousal abuse by 18.8%, which is
more pronounced in lower-income households (Abiona et al., 2016).
Another Tanzanian study, based on data from 67 communities between
1992 and 2002, discovered that homicides of women aged 50–60 sus-
pected of witchcraft are twice as common during heavy rain years (Miguel,
2005). Although it might be challenging to distinguish the role of non-­
economic elements like social values, in this case, financial shocks are the
leading causes of witchcraft charges.

6  Climate Change, Gender Roles,

and Economic Differentials

Gender roles imply that climate change would affect women and men dif-
ferently, owing to their distinct roles and duties in their community, as
well as their level of access to natural and other resources, including infor-
mation. In this context, climate change-related issues include (but are not
limited to) increased competition for water across sectors and population
68 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

groups, raising the risk of violent conflict over water resources; increased
frequency and severity of droughts, floods, and other extreme weather
events; crop productivity losses; sea inundation of low-lying regions; and
changes in natural resource-based industries such as forestry, fisheries, and
tourism. Almost all of these issues are prevalent on the African continent.
For example, with global warming of about 28 degrees Celsius beyond
pre-industrial levels, a net income loss to Africa’s agricultural sector of
about 5% of GDP is predicted (PACJA, 2009). Water stress is also expected
to worsen, impacting between 350 and 600 million people and increasing
the danger of extinction for up to 40% of species in sub-­Saharan Africa.
Climate change, according to the conclusions of several studies, would
result in lower food yields (IPCC, 2014).
Gender discussions in southern Africa (Meena, 1992; Iipinge &
Williams, 2000; Wamukonya & Rukato, 2001) corroborate gender ineq-
uity, lack of empowerment, and restricted access to assets. For instance,
women in southern Africa have subordinate legal positions; restricted
access to resources such as land, technology, credit, education, formal
employment, and training; and are vulnerable to HIV and AIDS (Lopi,
2004). These factors not only exacerbate gender disparities but also ren-
der women more vulnerable to poverty, catastrophes, and violence, as well
as climate change. A framework for analysing climate change’s effect on
women’s rights is vulnerabilities. Impoverished populations are more vul-
nerable because they rely more on ecosystem services for a living, are more
likely to live in environmentally vulnerable areas such as flood plains or on
degraded hill slopes, and have fewer resources to adapt to changing envi-
ronmental conditions. The impoverished are not a homogeneous group;
however, disproportionate domestic and familial duties, as well as a rela-
tive lack of control over economic assets, can make women more vulner-
able than men (Goh, 2012).
Natural disasters can have a wide range of effects on women’s occupa-
tions. Productive assets may be lost, forcing women to choose low-wage
work. Women outnumber men in the informal and small business sectors.
These sectors are frequently the worst affected by disasters and the least
able to recover. Natural disasters disproportionately affect women’s
employment, working hours, and conditions. On the other hand, some
women, particularly those in the middle class, may profit from increased
access to work possibilities (Enarson, 2000). Hazards have a wide range of
consequences, including death and morbidity. Gender relations are
unlikely to improve, particularly when there are multiple risk factors. In
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 69

the aftermath of a disaster, there are gender components to what happens

in the relief, coping, and recovery stages, as exemplified by significant
inequity between men and women.
Inequalities in household asset ownership and control, as well as rising
familial burdens due to male out-migration, declining access to food and
water, and increased exposure to disaster, can undermine women’s ability
to achieve economic independence, improve human capital, and maintain
overall well-being. Reduced intra-household bargaining power when
women become less capable of obtaining independent funds is one of the
consequences of gender equality. Outside the house, gender discrimina-
tion and socio-economic status disparities worsen as women become less
able to participate in formal labour markets, join civil society groups, or
mobilise collectively for political change. The upshot of these processes has
the potential to diminish a society’s degree of gender equality by creating
barriers to the adoption of laws and practices that promote co-­equal status.
Owning property can symbolise financial independence for women in
marriage because it would provide an alternative source of income. The
distribution of resources among households is also connected to risk-­coping
strategies. Men and women react to disasters separately, and joint ownership
assets are harder to deal with since spouses may find it hard to share (Rakib
& Matz, 2016). This helps to understand why women are more vulnerable
to economic shocks caused by climate change. For example, Quisumbing
et al. (2018) discovered that climate-induced shocks affect assets owned by
men and women differently in Bangladesh and Uganda.
Women’s propensity to adapt to the changing climate is limited by a
lack of freedom and decision-making power. Often, women have little or
no control over the family’s finances. Women are frequently underrepre-
sented in local politics, which limits their ability to influence laws that
support women’s goals and rights. Plans to replace agricultural produc-
tion processes with ones more suited to the changing environment tend to
only consider the needs of male farmers without taking into account the
problems women experience as agricultural workers. Restrictions on cul-
tural mobility may make it more difficult for women to acquire services
and knowledge. In addition, women might be unable to relocate amid
extreme weather conditions without a male relative’s consent. Women’s
ability to run or swim may be hampered by traditional clothes, making it
more difficult for them to flee disasters. As they are unable to access public
locations, women who have lost clothes in catastrophes may be less likely
to get food and medical treatment.
70 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

According to Yavinsky (2012), women constitute the bulk of the

world’s poor population and depend more on natural assets for survival
than men. In comparison to men, women are more prone to being wholly
dependent and earning lower incomes. For example, men could use their
savings and financial independence to invest in other earnings or make
other adjustments when a drought or exceptionally heavy rain harms agri-
cultural production. In times of famine and drought, women usually put
their spouses’ nutritional needs ahead of their own. The lack of informa-
tion and expertise that would allow them to manage weather risks to agri-
culture makes women more susceptible.
Growing livestock is important to women in improving their financial
status. Globally, women are heavily involved in this sector. It is estimated
that 400 million individuals, or two-thirds of poor livestock keepers, are
women (FAO Working Paper, 2011). Women are at the forefront in tak-
ing care of daily animals, managing poultry, and caring for other animals.
FAO reports that an estimated 45 million people were involved in the fish
industries. Moreover, an estimated 135 million people are employed in
the secondary sector. It is estimated that women comprise 30% of the fish-
eries labour force (FAO Working Paper, 2011).
Through increased competition for natural resources, decreased feed
quality and quantity, an increase in livestock diseases, increased heat stress,
and decreased biodiversity, global warming will influence livestock pro-
duction. As temperature rises, cellular wall and lignin elements may
increase, decreasing the pace of digestion and the amount of nutrients
available in forage and diets (Thornton et al., 2009). It is projected that a
decline in the supply of maize crop residue due to a reduction in maize
yield by 2050 may have an indirect impact on animal production in quasi-­
mixed cropping regions of East Africa (Thornton, 2010). Climate change
is anticipated to have an impact on the frequency and regional distribution
of human geometric diseases, including malaria and Rift Valley fever
(Cadot et al., 2011). Thus, initiatives to improve adaptation and resilience
must take into account the gendered implications for pastoral families
(Walker et al., 2022).

7  Some Initiatives and Policy Development Efforts

for Gender Inclusivity in Africa

Gender inclusion in Africa is supported by several programmes and poli-

cies. Due to their gender, women in Africa frequently suffer from abuse,
exploitation, and discrimination. The feudal system is responsible for one
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 71

of the most serious acts of abuse towards women of all ages (Gaddis et al.,
2018). A few instances of discrimination that African women routinely
experience with impunity and that are often sanctioned by religion and
culture include land ownership, labour exploitation, and others.
Initiatives and policy development attempts to promote gender inclu-
sion have received much attention at the continental, regional, and
national levels. Notably, the African Union (AU) is spearheading attempts
to enhance gender parity and women’s empowerment across the region.
The AU’s support highlights women’s rights in several key continental
treaties. The Maputo Protocol, which adds a broad range of basic rights
safeguards for African women and girls, continues to be one of the most
complex legal treaties. The Maputo Protocol guarantees complete and
fundamental human rights for women, including all facets of political
rights, socio-economic and cultural rights, as well as ecological rights, in
contrast to past accords addressing the position of women (AU, 2022).
Africa has evolved as a result of substantial discussions about gender
equality. Despite persistent waves of restrictions and antagonism, there
have also been substantial advances towards gender equality as the African
Women’s Decade (AWD) started in 2010 (AU, 2022). The bulk of the
topics discussed by the African Women’s Decade is congruent with domes-
tic and international accords such as the Beijing Platform for Action, the
SDGs, the Joint Resolution on Gender Equality in Africa, and the Maputo
Protocol (AU, 2022). Other efforts that African leaders have made to
indicate their support for the advancement of women’s rights include the
Joint Proclamation for Gender Equality, the Protocol to the African
Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa,
the Gender Parity Principle, the African Agenda 2063, and the Solemn
Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa (Stefiszyn, 2005; Ntlama-­
Makhanya & Lubisi-Bizani, 2021).
Agenda 2063 is a plan tagged the Africa We Want, which was unani-
mously approved by heads of state and government in 2013 (AU, 2022).
Aspiration 6 of Agenda 2063 calls for “An Africa whose growth is people-­
driven, dependent on the potential of African people, particularly its
women and youth, and caring for children.” Thus, Agenda 2063 calls for
a more equitable society where everyone actively participates in decision-­
making and no child, woman, or man is left behind or discriminated
against on the grounds of gender, party leanings, religion, ethnic affilia-
tion, geography, age, or other considerations. Furthermore, women play a
critical role in attaining inclusive development, and Article 3 of the African
72 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

Union Protocol on Amendments to the Constitutive Act calls on the AU

to advance the active involvement of women in decision-making, espe-
cially in political, economic, and social areas (AU, 2022).
The AU considers gender equality a fundamental human right and a
vital component of regional integration, growth, and social progress and
has developed the Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (GEWE)
policy to ensure women’s participation in Africa’s development agenda
(AU, 2022). The Women, Gender and Development Directorate was
established to create the African Women’s Decade 2010–2020, which
focused on expanding initiatives towards gender equality and women’s
empowerment at the grassroots level. The GEWE method has six main
pillars (AU, 2022). First, a development that is both sustainable and scal-
able requires the economic empowerment of women. Social justice, safety,
and women’s rights are all examples of human rights. The second pillar
looks at leadership and government, where women must contribute
equally and effectively to the government. The third is gender manage-
ment systems, which will provide access and funds (financial and other
technical resources) to assist women. The other pillars look at peace and
security, promotion programmes, and the provision of ICT skills for
women in Africa.
In addition, African strategic growth groups have contributed signifi-
cantly to closing gender disparities. For instance, in 2015, the African
Development Bank provided the Africa Gender Equality Index (AGEI)
assessments for 52 of Africa’s 54 countries (AFDB, 2015). The index aims
to solve the impending bottlenecks to women’s growth in Africa (AFDB,
2015). From a global view, all United Nations members agreed to the
Sustainable Development Goals in 2015, based on criteria similar to some
of the regional initiatives, action plans, and the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
(UNWOMEN, 2016).

8  Conclusions and Implications

Climate change affects agricultural production negatively, resulting in
decreased crop yield and a reduced amount of food available for consump-
tion, indicating impoverishment. Poverty causes early marriage, poor
health, and decreased life expectancy. For instance, it may force families to
use the marriage bonus as a source of income for sustenance and also
imply that there are fewer dependents to cater for. Additionally, it can also
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 73

result in a greater need for children’s input to the household, increasing

reproduction.
It is pertinent to emphasise that gender-differentiated consequences of
climate-induced shocks also reflect gender disparity in access to healthcare
and education, in decisions about marriage and having children, in the
experience of or likelihood of violence, and in the range of economic pros-
pects. The first step should be to rectify this inequity, completely consis-
tent with SDG 5, which calls for attaining gender equality and the
empowerment of women and girls. It is crucial to encourage positive
trends that will increase female empowerment and gender equality, which
will strengthen society and promote sustainable development.
Furthermore, access to financial markets might both minimise consump-
tion volatility and function as a shock absorber (Bandara et al., 2015;
Corno et al., 2020). Women who have influence over alternate options
and life decisions, such as fertility, can reduce the negative effects of cli-
mate shocks (Abiona, 2017).
Finding and implementing initiatives to support training and educa-
tional initiatives that would encourage vulnerable rural women to obtain
the skills necessary for income generation should remain a top concern
(Ajani et al., 2013). It is advised that women be given the power, at every
stage, to make strategic decisions to withstand climate shocks. Steps must
be taken to provide the essential structural foundations for women’s long-­
term economic empowerment. In doing so, a comprehensive approach,
including institutional and political players, is necessary. Meanwhile, poli-
cies for both adaptation and mitigation will need to incorporate measures
to improve social protection and business growth and create jobs for
women affected by climate shocks.
Finally, this study emphasises the need for more empirical research on
the short- and long-term relationship between gendered vulnerabilities
and climate change. More cross-country and microeconomic assessments
that offer a broader perspective would be interesting. A deeper investiga-
tion of the gendered impacts of climate change on political involvement
and other economic aspects, including labour market results, is necessary.
Future studies might consider whether there are additional explanations
for the consequences of climate change that transcend agricultural pro-
duction or how the effects on crop returns interact with other critical
variables.
74 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

References
Abiona, O. (2017). Adverse effects of early life extreme precipitation shocks on
short-term health and adulthood welfare outcomes. Review of Development
Economics, 21(4), 1229–1254.
Abiona, B. G., Fakoya, E. O., & Esun, J. (2016). The impacts of climate change
on the livelihood of arable crop farmers in Southwest, Nigeria. In Innovation
in climate change adaptation (pp. 289–296). Springer. https://doi.org/
10.1007/978-3-319-25814-0_20
AFDB. (2015). Gender equality index. Retrieved July 18, 2022, from https://
www.afdb.org/en/topics-­a nd-­s ectors/topics/quality-­a ssurance-­r esults/
gender-­equality-­index
African Development Bank. (2011). Climate change, gender and AfDB develop-
ment in Africa. https://www.afdb.org/sites/default/files/documents/publi-
cations/climate_change_gender_and_development_in_africa.pdf
Ahmed, N., Thompson, S., & Glaser, M. (2019). Global aquaculture productivity,
environmental sustainability, and climate change adaptability. Environmental
Management, 63(2), 159–172.
Aizer, A. (2010). The gender wage gap and domestic violence. American Economic
Review, 100(4), 1847–1859.
Ajani, E. N., Onwubuya, E. A., & Mgbenka, R. N. (2013). Approaches to eco-
nomic empowerment of rural women for climate change mitigation and adap-
tation: Implications for policy. Journal of Agricultural Extension, 17(1), 23–34.
Aksan, A. M. (2014). Effects of childhood mortality and morbidity on the fertility
transition in sub-Saharan Africa. Population and Development Review,
40(2), 311–329.
Alston, M., Whittenbury, K., Haynes, A., et al. (2014). Are climate challenges rein-
forcing child and forced marriage and dowry as adaptation strategies in the con-
text of Bangladesh? Women’s Studies International Forum, 47(Part A), 137–144.
Anderberg, D., & Rainer, H. (2013). Economic abuse: A theory of intrahouse-
hold sabotage. Journal of Public Economics, 97, 282–295.
Araujo, A., Quesada-Aguilar, A., Aguilar, L., & Pearl, R. (2007). Gender Equality
and Adaptation. Fact sheet, Women’s Environment and Development
Organization (WEDO) and the International Union for Conservation of
Nature (IUCN). Available at: https://wedo.org/wp-content/uploads/gen-
derequaladaptation.pdf
Asadullah, M. N., Savoia, A., & Sen, K. (2020). Will South Asia achieve the sus-
tainable development goals by 2030? Learning from the MDGs experience.
Social Indicators Research, 152, 165–189.
AU (2022). Protocol to the African charter on human and peoples’ rights on the
rights of women in Africa. Retrieved July 18, 2022, from https://au.int/en/
treaties/protocol-­african-­charter-­human-­and-­peoples-­rights-­rights-­women-­
africa
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 75

Bandara, A., Dehejia, R., & Lavie-Rouse, S. (2015). The impact of income and
non-income shocks on child labor: Evidence from a panel survey of Tanzania.
World Development, 67, 218–237.
Basu, K., & Van, P. H. (1998). The economics of child labor. American Economic
Review, 88(3), 412–427.
Bbaale, E., & Mpuga, P. (2011). Female education, contraceptive use, and fertil-
ity: Evidence from Uganda. Consilience, 6, 20–47.
Beegle, K., Dehejia, R. H., & Gatti, R. (2006). Child labor and agricultural
shocks. Journal of Development economics, 81(1), 80–96.
Behrman, J. R., & Knowles, J. C. (1999). Household income and child schooling
in Vietnam. The World Bank Economic Review, 13(2), 211–256.
Benson, M. L., Fox, G. L., DeMaris, A., & Van Wyk, J. (2003). Neighborhood
disadvantage, individual economic distress and violence against women in inti-
mate relationships. Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 19(3), 207–235.
Bhalotra, S. R., Kambhampati, U. S., Rawlings, S., & Siddique, Z. (2018).
Intimate partner violence and the business cycle. Available at SSRN 3111147.
Björkman-Nyqvist, M. (2013). Income shocks and gender gaps in education:
Evidence from Uganda. Journal of Development Economics, 105, 237–253.
Cadot, Y., Chevalier, M., & Barbeau, G. (2011). Evolution of the localisation and
composition of phenolics in grape skin between veraison and maturity in rela-
tion to water availability and some climatic conditions. Journal of the Science of
Food and Agriculture, 91(11), 1963–1976.
Cain, M. (1981). Risk and insurance: Perspectives on fertility and agrarian change
in India and Bangladesh. Population and Development Review, 7, 435–474.
Chamberlain, C., O’Mara-Eves, A., Porter, J., Coleman, T., Perlen, S. M., Thomas,
J., & McKenzie, J. E. (2017). Psychosocial interventions for supporting women
to stop smoking in pregnancy. Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews,
2(2), CD001055.
Cools, S., & Kotsadam, A. (2017). Resources and intimate partner violence in
Sub-Saharan Africa. World Development, 95, 211–230.
Corno, L., & Voena, A. (2016). Selling daughters: Age of marriage, income shocks
and the bride price tradition (No. W16/08). IFS Working Papers.
Corno, L., Hildebrandt, N., & Voena, A. (2020). Age of marriage, weather
shocks, and the direction of marriage payments. Econometrica, 88(3), 879–915.
Curry, C. (2017, November 27). Climate change is creating more child brides,
report finds. Global Citizen. https://www.globalcitizen.org/en/content/cli-
mate-change-is-creating-more-child-brides-repor/#:~:text=Reporters%20
from%20the%20project%20found,more%20girls%20being%20married%20
young
Dasgupta, P. (1995). The population problem: Theory and evidence. Journal of
Economic Literature, 33(4), 1879–1902.
76 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

De Sherbinin, A., VanWey, L. K., McSweeney, K., Aggarwal, R., Barbieri, A.,
Henry, S., et al. (2008). Rural household demographics, livelihoods and the
environment. Global Environmental Change, 18(1), 38–53.
Dercon, S., & Krishnan, P. (2000). Vulnerability, seasonality and poverty in
Ethiopia. The Journal of Development Studies, 36(6), 25–53.
Desai, B. H., & Mandal, M. (2021). Role of climate change in exacerbating sexual
and gender-based violence against women: A new challenge for international
law. Environmental Policy and Law, 51(3), 137–157.
Drèze, J., & Murthi, M. (2001). Fertility, education, and development: Evidence
from India. Population and Development Review, 27(1), 33–63.
Eastin, J. (2018). Climate change and gender equality in developing states. World
Development, 107, 289–305.
Enarson, E. P. (2000). Gender and Natural Disasters. ILO.
FAO Working Paper. (2011). The role of women in agriculture. http://www.fao.
org/docrep/013/am307e/am307e00.pdf
Filmer, D., & Pritchett, L. H. (2002). Environmental degradation and the demand
for children: Searching for the vicious circle in Pakistan. Environment and
Development Economics, 7(1), 123–146.
Finlay, J. (2009). Fertility response to natural disasters: The case of three high mortal-
ity earthquakes. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper, (4883).
Gaard, G. (2015). Ecofeminism and climate change. Women’s Studies International
Forum, 49, 20–33.
Gaddis, I., Lahoti, R. S., & Li, W. (2018). Gender gaps in property ownership in
Sub-Saharan Africa. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper, (8573).
Glaser, J. (2019). Biological degradation of polymers in the environment.
IntechOpen. https://doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85124
Goh, A. H. (2012). A literature review of the gender-differentiated impacts of cli-
mate change on women’s and men’s assets and well-being in developing countries
(pp. 1–44). International Food Policy Research Institute, CAPRi Work.
Grimm, M. (2021). Rainfall risk, fertility and development: evidence from farm
settlements during the American demographic transition. Journal of Economic
Geography, 21(4), 593–618.
Guarcello, L., Mealli, F., & Rosati, F. C. (2002). Household vulnerability and child
labor: The effect of shocks, credit rationing and insurance. Manuscript, Innocenti
Research Center, UNICEF.
Iipinge, E., & Williams, M. (2000). Gender and development. John Meinert Printing.
IPCC. (2007). Climate change 2007 – The physical science basis: Contribution of
working group I to the Fourth assessment report of the IPCC. ISBN 978
0521 88009-1.
IPCC. (2014). Special report on global warming of 1.5°C (SR15). https://www.
ipcc.ch/sr15/
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 77

Lambrou, Y., & Piana, G. (2006, April). Gender: The missing component of the
response to climate change. FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations. http://www.fao.org/docrep/010/i0170e/i0170e00.htm
Lawson, E. T., Alare, R. S., Salifu, A. R. Z., & Thompson-Hall, M. (2020). Dealing
with climate change in semi-arid Ghana: Understanding intersectional perceptions
and adaptation strategies of women farmers. GeoJournal, 85(2), 439–452.
Leridon, H. (1977). Human fertility. University of Chicago Press Economics Books.
Lopi, B. (2004). Gender & poverty in the context of human development, health,
education and the MDG’s. Commission for Africa, Southern African Regional
Poverty Network, Zambia, 13–14.
Lutz, W., & Scherbov, S. (2000). Quantifying vicious circle dynamics: The PEDA
model for population, environment, development and agriculture in African
countries. In Optimization, dynamics, and economic analysis: Essays in honor of
Gustav Feichtinger (pp. 311–322). Physica-Verlag HD.
Maccini, S., & Yang, D. (2009). Under the weather: Health, schooling, and eco-
nomic consequences of early-life rainfall. American Economic Review, 99(3),
1006–1026.
Marchetta, F., & Sahn, D. E. (2016). The role of education and family back-
ground in marriage, childbearing, and labor market participation in Senegal.
Economic Development and Cultural Change, 64(2), 369–403.
Meena, R. A. (1992). Gender in Southern Africa: Conceptual and theoreti-
cal issues.
Miguel, E. (2005). Poverty and witch killing. The Review of Economic Studies,
72(4), 1153–1172.
Mudavanhu, C. (2014). The impact of flood disasters on child education in
Muzarabani District, Zimbabwe.
Mueller, E., Schutjer, W. A., & Stokes, C. S. (1984). Rural development and
human fertility. Macmillan Publishing Company.
Neumayer, E., & Plümper, T. (2007). The gendered nature of natural disasters:
The impact of catastrophic events on the gender gap in life expectancy,
1981–2002. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 97(3),
551–566. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8306.2007.00563.x
Ntlama-Makhanya, N., & Lubisi-Bizani, N. (2021). The ‘Africa we want’ in the
African Union’s Agenda 2063 on the realisation of women’s human rights to
access justice. African Human Rights Law Journal, 21(1), 290–310.
Okali, C., & Naess, L. (2013, May). Making sense of gender, climate change and
agriculture in sub-Saharan Africa: Creating gender-responsive climate adapta-
tion policy. FAO Working Paper 057.
Onwutuebe, C. J. (2019, February). Patriarchy and women vulnerability to
adverse climate change in Nigeria. SAGE Open, 9(1), 21582440198.
Osili, U. O., & Long, B. T. (2008). Does female schooling reduce fertility?
Evidence from Nigeria. Journal of Development Economics, 87(1), 57–75.
78 O. ADEOLA ET AL.

Pan African Climate Justice Alliance, P. A. C. J. A. (2009). The economic cost of

climate change in Africa.
Pörtner, C. C., Beegle, K., & Christiaensen, L. (2011). Family planning and fertil-
ity: Estimating program effects using cross-sectional data. World Bank Policy
Research Working Paper, (5812).
Quisumbing, A. R., Kumar, N., & Behrman, J. A. (2018). Do shocks affect men’s
and women’s assets differently? Evidence from Bangladesh and Uganda.
Development Policy Review, 36(1), 3–34.
Rakib, M., & Matz, J. A. (2016). The impact of shocks on gender-differentiated asset
dynamics in Bangladesh. The Journal of Development Studies, 52(3), 377–395.
Sasson, I., & Weinreb, A. (2017). Land cover change and fertility in West-Central
Africa: rural livelihoods and the vicious circle model. Population and
Environment, 38(4), 345–368.
Stefiszyn, K. (2005). The African Union: Challenges and opportunities for women.
African Human Rights Law Journal, 5(2), 358–386.
Thornton, P. K. (2010). Livestock production: Recent trends, future prospects.
Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 365(1554),
2853–2867.
Thornton, P. K., van de Steeg, J., Notenbaert, A., & Herrero, M. (2009). The
impacts of climate change on livestock and livestock systems in developing
countries: A review of what we know and what we need to know. Agricultural
Systems, 101(3), 113–127.
Tsaneva, M. (2020). The effect of weather variability on child marriage in
Bangladesh. Journal of International Development, 32(8), 1346–1359.
UN Women. (2022). Explainer: How gender inequality and climate change are
interconnected.
UNICEF. (2023). Gender-based violence in emergencies – UNICEF. https://www.
unicef.org/protection/gender-based-violence-in-emergencies
UNWOMEN. (2016). Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimina-
tion against women (CEDAW) for Youth. Retrieved July 18, 2022, from
https://www.unwomen.org/en/digital-­l ibrary/publications/2016/12/
cedaw-­for-­youth
Verner, D. (2011, July). Social implications of climate change in Latin America
and the Caribbean. World Bank – Economic Premise, The World Bank,
Issue 61, 1–5.
Walker, S. E., Bruyere, B. L., Zarestky, J., Yasin, A., Lenaiyasa, E., Lolemu, A., &
Pickering, T. (2022). Education and adaptive capacity: The influence of formal
education on climate change adaptation of pastoral women. Climate and
Development, 14(5), 409–418.
Wamukonya, N., & Rukato, H. E. S. P. H. I. N. A. (2001). Climate change impli-
cations for Southern Africa: A gendered perspective. Minerals and Energy
Policy Centre.
Yavinsky, R. W. (2012). Women more vulnerable than men to climate change.
Population Reference Bureau.
 EXPLAINING GENDERED VULNERABILITY TO CLIMATE CHANGE… 79

Open Access This chapter is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/
by/4.0/), which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction
in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original
author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence and
indicate if changes were made.
The images or other third party material in this chapter are included in the
chapter’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to
the material. If material is not included in the chapter’s Creative Commons licence
and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the
permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copy-
right holder.