Janvry 2000
Janvry 2000
Janvry 2000
Taking advantage of consistent poverty and income inequality data for 12 Latin American countries
between 1970 and 1994, we analyze the determinants of changes in the incidence of urban and rural
poverty and in Gini coefficients over spells of years, stressing in particular the role of aggregate income
growth. We find that income growth reduces urban and rural poverty but not inequality. We also
find that income growth is more effective in reducing urban poverty if the levels of inequality and
poverty are lower, and the levels of secondary education higher. We show that there is an asymmetry
in the impact of growth on poverty and inequality, with recession having strong negative effects on
both poverty and inequality. Since growth does not reduce inequality, economic cycles create ratchet
effects on the level of inequality. However, post-structural adjustment growth is quite effective at
reducing poverty, particularly if inequality is low.
The Latin American region has exceptionally high levels of inequality and
an "excess" incidence of poverty compared to other regions at similar levels of
average per capita income (IDB, 1998). The high costs that poverty and inequality
entail have been brought to public attention by the derailing of economic recovery
in Mexico in part as a consequence of social exclusion, and by the threats of
social backlash to the structural adjustment reforms in many other Latin Ameri-
can countries as the distribution of the benefits from growth is perceived to be
excessively unfair (The Economist, 1996; Berry, 1997). Public sensitivity is exacer-
bated by the fact that the serious losses in purchasing power during the years of
crisis and adjustment have increased impatience in sharing the benefits of recov-
ery, leaving little room for further postponement. Successful transitions to democ-
racy or improvements in democratic representation, and decentralization of
governance throughout the continent, have given the poor new channels of access
to the political process, making their demands for participation to the gains from
growth more difficult to ignore. The strength of these demands has been signifi-
cantly enhanced by proliferation of grassroots organizations and social move-
ments which act as advocates for the poor. Finally, lessons derived from the
Asian experience (Stiglitz, 1996) and from empirical studies of endogenous growth
(Benabou, 1996; Aghion and Howitt, 1998) have made it increasingly well-known
that income inequality can have a negative influence on income growth, opening
to question the economic wisdom of continued high levels of inequality in Latin
America.
Note: We are indebted to many who gave us critical comments as this paper was being developed,
particularly Nora Lustig, Miguel SzCkely, Martin Ravallion, Patrick and Sylviane Guillaumont,
Franqois Bourguignon, Samuel Morley, and Douglas Marcouiller.
There is hence widespread recognition that the existing levels of poverty and
inequality in Latin America need to be reduced (IDB, 1998). With countries
emerging from severe recessions and resuming growth in the context of liberalized
economies, the question as to how effective will aggregate income growth be in
reducing poverty and inequality is a central issue for policy making: can income
growth be relied upon to significantly reduce poverty and inequality, or is it a
weak force that needs to be complemented by other policy interventions? This is
the issue that we analyze in this paper.
Due to lack of comparable data over time and across nations, there have been
few systematic causal analyses of the roles of economic growth and other variables
in explaining poverty and inequality in Latin America. However, recent efforts at
generating data made by Altimir (1995) and the Economic Commission for Latin
America and the Caribbean (ECLAC, 1996) allow such an analysis to be under-
taken. While data quality problems remain (Lustig, 1994), this information has
started to yield results on identifying the determinants of poverty and inequality.
For instance, inspection of these data by a number of analysts of Latin American
incomes such as Altimir (1995), Beccaria et al. (1992), Fields (1992), Lustig (1995),
Morley (1995), and Psacharopoulos et al. (1995) has led to the general conclusion
that poverty and inequality have been closely linked to the economic cycle, rising
during periods of recession and falling during recovery. Nevertheless, whether
future growth will be able to sufficiently reduce poverty and inequality to accom-
modate popular demands so they do not create threats to the sustainability of
recoveries remains a matter of debate. Opinions range from optimism (Morley,
1995), to calls on the need to complement the impact of growth with attention
to education and employn~entcreation (Psacharopoulos et al., 1995; Lustig and
Deutsch, 1998), and to advocacy of extensive interventions to reduce inequality
and target poverty (Beccaria et al., 1992; Fujii and Aguilar, 1995).
Quantitative analyses of the relation between growth, inequality, and poverty
and of the role of other causal factors remain insufficient for five reasons. First,
there have been few econometric analyses of the sources of change in poverty and
inequality. Most studies do two-way tabular classifications of changes in GDP per
capita (positive and negative) and changes in poverty or inequality across countries
(positive and negative), looking for most frequent correspondence as evidence of
a relationship. Recent exceptions are the work of Ravallion and Datt (1996),
Ravallion (1997), and Ravallion and Chen (1997) who proceed with econometric
analyses, though not for Latin America. Closest to what we do in this paper, the
IDB (1997) used regression analysis to explain the change in inequality between
1985 and 1995 in 13 Latin American countries, showing that the change in GDP per
capita (GDPpc) during the period and the initial level of education both helped
reduce inequality, while the standard deviation of years of schooling increased
inequality. Second, analysis of the role of aggregate income has in general been done
by observing changes in poverty and inequality during globally defined historical
periods broadly associated with growth and recession. Thus, data for the 1970s have
been associated with growth, for the early and mid-1980s with recession, and for
the late 1980s and the 1990s with growth recovery (see for example Londoiio and
Szekely, 1997). This is, however, a gross approximation since countries had highly
idiosyncratic phases of growth and recession, with some countries like Colombia
268
and Costa Rica largely avoiding recession, countries like Peru and Brazil still in
recession in the late 1980s and even the early 1990s, and countries like Honduras
and Venezuela relapsing into recession in the 1990s after temporary recoveries.
To account for this, we conduct instead a detailed analysis of spells of years where
episodes of growth and recession are specific to each country.' Third, if care is
not taken to separate periods of growth and recession, the overall negative
relation that has been established by analysts between changes in income and
changes in poverty or inequality may derive from growth, from recession, or from
both. If the strongest relation happens to occur during recession, the optimistic
predictions about the role of income growth in reducing poverty and/or
inequality will be dangerously fallacious. To avoid this error, we allow for separ-
ate effects of aggregate income growth on poverty and inequality during episodes
of growth and recession. Fourth, there are important qualitative differences in
the policy context of growth before and after the structural adjustment reforms
that may alter the capacity of growth to influence poverty and inequality. Before
the reforms, most Latin American economies were still implementing import sub-
stitution industrialization (ISI) strategies and accumulating debt, thus discrimi-
nating against agriculture and favoring growth in capital intensive industries.
With the reforms, the general prescriptions of the "Washington Consensus" (Wil-
liamson, 1990) were implemented across the region, with strict fiscal discipline,
restrictive monetary policies, competitive exchange rates, and trade liberalization,
potentially redefining the distribution of benefits from growth. To capture this
potential difference, we separate the effects of growth before and after the
reforms. And fifth, the particular structural context within which growth occurs
affects the ability of growth to influence poverty and inequality, calling on the
need to look at interactive effects between growth and context. Most important
among contextual features that affect the role of growth are the initial levels of
inequality (Ravallion, 1997), poverty, and secondary education (Psacharopoulos
et al., 1995; IDB, 1997).
In this paper, we start in Section 2 by reviewing recent analyses of the deter-
minants of poverty and inequality to motivate the specification of causal relations
for econometric analysis. We proceed in Section 3 to present a data base where
the unit of observation is change over spells of years between data points that
give measurements of urban and/or rural poverty and of inequality. In Section
4, we present econometric estimates of the causal determinants of urban and rural
poverty and of inequality across growth spells. Finally, in Section 5, we extract
policy implications regarding the role of growth and the identification of
additional instruments to reduce poverty and inequality.
The determinants of poverty and inequality that have been identified in pre-
vious studies can be classified in the following four categories.
'For clarification, the terminology we use in thls paper is as follows: Spell of years: sequence of
years between two consecutive data points. Episode: we distinguish between three growth episodes-
early growth (spells with positive Gross National Income per capita growth (GNIpc) before the struc-
tural adjustment reforms), recession (spells with negative GNIpc), and late growth (spells with positive
GNIpc after the reforms). The symbol x represents the growth rate of X.
2.1. Role of Per Capita Aggregate Income Growth
There is general agreement in the profession that aggregate income growth
is necessary to reduce poverty (World Bank, 1990). Using national-level data for
the Latin American countries in the 1980s, Morley (1995) and Psacharopoulos et
al. (1995) give evidence that poverty has mirrored the economic cycle, rising dur-
ing recession and falling during recovery. Using a compilation of 682 measure-
ments of the income of the poorest quintile in 108 countries, Deininger and Squire
(1996) show that, in periods of aggregate growth, the income of the poor
increased in 88 percent of the cases. Using a subset of 43 countries from the same
data base, Birdsall and Londoiio (1997) find that that aggregate growth increases
the income growth of the poor with an elasticity of 1.3. From state-level data,
Ravallion and Datt (1996) find that aggregate income growth reduced poverty in
India. And using household data from pairs of surveys in 42 countries, Ravallion
and Chen (1997) show that aggregate income growth reduced poverty. Hence,
there is little disagreement on the proposition that aggregate income growth helps
reduce poverty.
While agreement on the role of growth for poverty reduction is widely
shared, this is not the case for inequality. Psacharopoulos et al. (1995) show that
inequality in Latin America was, like poverty, anti-cyclical with growth. Other
studies are not so affirmative. For instance, Ravallion and Chen (1997) in their
42 countries study find no evidence that aggregate income growth helped reduce
inequality.
All changes in aggregate income may not be equally effective in affecting
poverty and inequality. First, there may exist an asymmetry in the relationship
between changes in poverty and inequality and changes in income associated with
growth and with recession. For instance, a 1 percent increase in Gross National
Income per capita (GNIpc) may have less effect on poverty or inequality than a
1 percent fall in GNIpc. Whether this difference exists or not has, however, not
been pursued in past empirical analyses. As examples, the Psacharopoulos et al.
(1995) and the Ravallion and Chen (1997) studies work with scatters of points
that relate changes in poverty and inequality to changes in income. The negative
relation between poverty/inequality and per capita income can come from growth
as well as from recession, and no attempt is made to see if the strength of this
relation differs as income rises or falls.
Second, the effect of income growth on poverty and inequality may also
differ by policy context. While most previous analyses of the Latin American
experience have focused on the 1980s, the effect of GNIpc growth on poverty
and inequality can be contrasted between the IS1 context that prevailed before
the structural adjustment reforms and the open economy context that was intro-
duced by the reforms. The 1990 World Development Report (World Bank, 1990)
stressed the importance of the labor intensity of growth in reducing poverty. With
transition from IS1 to more open economy industrialization, the labor intensity
of growths should have increased, and hence also the income elasticity of poverty.
2.2. Role of the Quality of Aggregate Income Growth
There are three other qualitative features of growth that have been associated
with the poverty reduction power of a given quota of aggregate income growth.
270
(i) Instability of growth. This is measured by the coefficient of variation of
GNIpc around its trend. Datt and Ravallion (1998) show that fluctuations in
crop yields and in per capita non-farm output are detrimental for poverty
reduction after controlling for income growth. Since we are working with spells
of years which we characterize as episodes of growth or recession, the coefficient
of variation of GNIpc is important in capturing income instability within the
spell. Indeed, a spell may end up having positive or negative overall income
growth while hiding considerable intra-spell instability. The coefficient of vari-
ation will thus help qualify how steady growth was for a given intra-spell trend.
(ii) Sectoral composition of growth. Ravallion and Datt (1996) analyze the
relation between change in poverty and change in sectoral value added in the
primary, secondary, and tertiary sectors. Using data for India, they find that
growth in the primary and tertiary sectors has been effective in reducing both
rural and urban poverty, but that secondary sector growth has not been effective
due to the high capital intensity of industry. This stresses the roles that differential
growth of the agricultural and services sectors can play in reducing poverty.
Growth Episode
Year of Early Growth Recession Late Growth
Countries the Reforms GNIuc > 0 GNIVC < 0 GNIVC > 0
Argentina 1976
Brazil 1980
Chile 1973
Colombia 1984
Guatemala 1986
Honduras 1988
Mexico 1992
Panama No reform
Peru 1977-78
Umguay 1983
Venezuela 1984
the growth rate in the Gini coefficient (G). Working with growth rates, however,
underestimates the difficulty of reducing poverty and inequality at high levels of
Ph,P:, and G. Consequently, the regression equations overrate the achievements
at low levels of poverty and inequality. An alternative set of indicators is to use
changes in the rural and urban incidence of poverty and in inequality over the
spells. In this case, the indicators underestimate the difficulty of reducing poverty
and inequality at low levels of P;, PI;, and G, and the regressions overrate the
achievements at high levels of poverty and inequality. In the empirical analysis,
we use both types of indicators of change to identify the robustness of the deter-
minants of poverty and inequality.
In the econometric analysis that follows, each country is considered as a
separate experience and the data are consequently not weighted by population
size. However, they are weighted by years of duration of each spell since a longer
spell is equivalent to a repeat of observations of years of growth or recession
compared to a shorter spell. Spells were longer under early than late growth since
household expenditure surveys were not as frequent in the 1970s and early 1980s.
The endogenous variables in the regressions are consequently the average annual
growth rates of, and the average annual differences in, poverty and inequality
during the corresponding spells.
Countries have countless unobservable characteristics that also influence the
observed changes in poverty and inequality. Since we work with panel data, and
the endogenous variables are changes over spells, additive fixed effects are elimin-
ated by differencing. However, non-linear unobservable country effects may
remain. We consequently introduce fixed and random effects in the estimated
equations and test for the hypotheses that fixed effects are zero and random
effects have a zero variance. We use these effects whenever the tests reject the
corresponding hypotheses.
Coefficient P-value
Aggregate income growth
GNIpc growth
Qualitative features of growth
Coefficient of variation of GNIpc
Macroeconomic performance
Real exchange rate growth
Hyperinflation dummy
Structural context at beginning of spell
GNIpc ('000 1995US$)
Share of agriculture in GDP
Population growth
Urban population share
Secondary education
Inequality
Incidence of urban poverty
Intercept
Number of observations
R2
Adiusted R 2
which there are complete data and for the whole 1970-94 period, the estimated
equation is:4
With GNIpc = 0.83 over the sample, the net upward effect on the rate of change
in the incidence of urban poverty of the combined 2.33 percent drift due to other
variables and the negative effect of income growth with an elasticity of - 0.95 is
1.54 percent. What this result shows is that, for growth to have held the incidence
of urban poverty in check, the average annual growth rate in GNIpc over the
period would have had to be not 0.83 percent but a much larger 2.45 percent.
Clearly, the growth performance over the period fell far short of this achievement
and the incidence of urban poverty rose.
4 ~ h regression
e is written as P: = Xfl - 0.95 G N I ~ Cwhere
, X represents all the covariates other
. the mean value 8 of these covariates, Xfi = 2.33.
than G N I ~ CAt
TABLE 3
PARTIAL
RESULTSON THE DETERMINANTS
OF CHANGEIN URBANPOVERTY
is not too high, (2) the level of poverty is not too high, and (3) the level of
secondary education is high enough. To illustrate the meaning of these results,
we predict the roles of the initial levels of inequality and poverty and of the level
of secondary education on the income elasticity of poverty by using their lowest
and highest observed values in the sample of countries in 1993-94. This gives the
following results. While with low inequality (a Gini of 0.30 as observed in Urug-
uay) the overall income elasticity of poverty is - 1.61, it is not significantly differ-
ent from zero with high inequality (a Gini of 0.62 as observed in Brazil). Hence,
as suggested by Ravallion (1997), high inequality does indeed erase the ability of
growth to reduce poverty. Put it another way, countries with high levels of
inequality cannot rely on growth to reduce poverty, but need to deal first with
inequality through a separate set of redistributive interventions if they want to
rely on growth as an anti-poverty strategy. Similarly, the overall income elasticity
of poverty is - 1.98 with low initial urban poverty (a headcount ratio of 6 percent
as observed in Uruguay) while it is not significantly different from zero with high
poverty (a headcount ratio of 70 percent as observed in Honduras). Hence,
growth is only effective in reducing poverty when poverty is not too high. Other-
wise, direct interventions to reduce poverty are first needed. Finally, a high level
of secondary school enrollment (83 percent in Uruguay) yields an income elas-
ticity of poverty of - 1.49, while it is only - 0.58 (but still significantly different
from zero at the 95 percent confidence level) with a low school enrollment
(33 percent in Honduras). Hence, a one percentage point of income growth is 2.6
times more effective in reducing poverty at a high than at a low level of secondary
education, confirming the key role that education plays in allowing growth to
reduce poverty as suggested by Psacharopoulos et al. (1995).
The next two experiments in Table 3 have the objective of testing for asym-
metries between the roles of early growth, recession, and late growth in affecting
poverty. We find that there is a strong asymmetry between early growth and
recession. Early growth was unable to reduce urban poverty. By contrast, a one
percentage point decline in GNIpc increases poverty by 1.06 percent. An econo-
metric analysis of the relationship between income growth and poverty using data
for early growth and recession without separating these episodes would thus have
been highly misleading: the estimated negative relation would have been estab-
lished by recession instead of growth. However, this asymmetry disappears with
late growth, as it reduces poverty with an elasticity of - 1.05. Late growth (open
economy) is thus much more effective to reduce poverty than was early growth
(ISI).'
The role of growth episodes is also conditional on the initial level of
inequality. We found that, overall, growth only reduces poverty when inequality
is low. We see that this relation is basically established during the late growth
period. For late growth, the overall elasticity is - 2.45 with low inequality (a Gini
of 0.30 as observed in Uruguay in 1992) but insignificant with high inequality (a
Gini of 0.55 as observed in Guatemala in 1986). Open economy growth is thus
particularly sensitive to inequality in its capacity to reduce poverty.
Finally, the last experiment in Table 3 looks at the importance of the sectoral
composition of growth. Results show that service sector growth is effective in
reducing urban poverty, while agricultural and industrial sector growth are not.
Interacting sectoral growth with inequality, a low inequality (a Gini of 0.30 as
observed in Uruguay) gives service sector growth an income elasticity of poverty
of - 1.95, while a high inequality (a Gini of 0.62 as observed in Brazil) erases the
role of service sector growth in poverty reduction. Growth of the service sector
is thus particularly sensitive to inequality in reducing poverty.
5 .
Since reforms in Colombia came somewhere around the middle of the 1980-86 spell, it is not a
priori evident whether this spell should be assigned to early or to late growth. We did a sensitivity
analysis by reassigning this spell to late growth and found that results are robust to this change. The
income elasticities of urban poverty for the three periods are - 0.19, - 1.05, and - 1.O8, respectively.
TABLE 4
DETERMINANTS
OF CHANGEIN RURALPOVERTY
Coefficient P-value
Aggregate income growth
GNIpc growth
Qualitative features of growth
Coefficient of variation of GNIpc
Macroeconomic performance
Real exchange rate growth
Hyperinflation dummy
Structural context at beginning of spell
GNIpc ('000 1995US$)
Share of agriculture in GDP
Population growth
Rural population share
Secondary education
Inequality
Incidence of rural poverty
Intercept
Number of observations
Overall R2
TABLE 5
PARTIALRESULTSON THE DETERMINANTSOF CHANGEIN RURALPOVERTY
With G N I ~ = C0.64 over the sample of 34 spells, the net effect is a downward drift
in the incidence of rural poverty of - 0.36 percent. The variables that contribute
significantly to this negative drift in rural poverty are the initial levels of GNIpc
and of secondary education. By contrast, the macroeconomic performance (real
exchange rate depreciation), which was a source of increase in urban poverty, has
no effect on rural poverty. Hence, rural poverty was also sheltered from macro
performance. Also, observed annual growth in per capita income (0.64 percent)
was greater than the minimum rate of growth needed to prevent an increase in
rural poverty, namely 0.16 percent, and the incidence of rural poverty fell.
4.3. Inequality
Role of Aggregate Income Growth
Inequality, measured by the Gini coefficient, is harder to explain than pov-
erty (Table 6). There are also measurement problems for inequality since reported
Gini are sometimes national and sometimes only urban. We used national
inequality data from Altimir (1998), Morley (1995), Lustig and Deutsch (1988),
280
TABLE 6
DETERMINANTS
OF CHANGEIN INEQUALITY
- -
Coefficient P-value
Aggregate income growth
GNIpc growth
Qualitative features of growth
Differential growth agriculture-non-agriculture
Coefficient of variation of GNIpc
Macroeconomic performance
Real exchange rate growth
Hyperinflation dummy
Structural context
GNIpc ('000 1987US$)
Share of agriculture in GDP
Population growth
Urban population share
Secondary education
Initial inequality
Intercept
Number of observations
R2
Adjusted R2
CEPAL (1993 and 1995), and INEGI (1993 and 1994) when available, and urban
inequality data from Social Panorama in Latin America (ECLAC, 1996) when
not.6 We show in the Appendix that there is no significant bias in combining
national and urban Gini in analyzing (1) the role of the initial level of inequality
(Go) on the growth of poverty and inequality, and (2) the determinants of growth
in inequality (G). Results are consequently robust to these definitional problems.
They indicate that income growth did not reduce inequality over the 1970-94
sample of spells at the 90 percent confidence level. This lack of influence is consist-
ent with the Ravallion and Chen (1997) finding. However, frequently made
assertions that growth has been inequalizing in Latin America are globally incor-
rect. The role of variables other than income growth implies a positive drift in
the annual growth rate of inequality of 0.58 percent. Among these variables, the
initial level of inequality contributes to reduce this drift, suggesting that it is
harder for inequality to rise when it is already high.
We consider here two issues to check on the robustness of the results. One
has to do with the choice of endogenous variables and the other with measure-
ment errors.
As indicated above, using rates of change in poverty and inequality as
endogenous variables in the estimated equations gives more importance to
achievements in low poverty and low inequality countries, respectively. An alter-
native specification of the endogenous variables is to use points of change in the
indicators of poverty and inequality, again scaled on an annual basis within spells
since they are of unequal length. This specification gives more importance to
countries with high levels of poverty and inequality. Estimated coefficients from
the two sets of endogenous variables would thus bracket what an ideal indicator
would offer. We should recall, however, that in both cases we control for the
initial levels of poverty and inequality, thus reducing the difference in these indi-
cators on estimated coefficients. Results in Table 8 show that the role of aggregate
income growth remains the same with the two approaches. A one percent increase
in GNIpc lowers the incidence of urban poverty by 0.25 percentage point and the
incidence of rural poverty by 0.30 percentage point. Asymmetries between growth
episodes remain clear. Early growth had no impact on poverty reduction,
recession creates a sharp increase in poverty, and late growth is effective in reduc-
ing poverty. The overall effect of GNIpc growth on inequality has borderline
significance. Hence, one could say that aggregate income growth has a negative
effect on inequality. However, it is clear that this effect is exclusively due to
recession. Neither early nor late growth have an impact on inequality. The con-
clusion that crises create ratchet effects on inequality that growth cannot erase is
thus confirmed.
TABLE 8
SENSITIVITY OF POVERTYAND INEQUALITY
ANALYSIS:INDICATORS
Endogenous variables: changes in urban and rural poverty incidence, and change in Gini.
Qualitative features of growth, macroeconomic performance, and structural context variables as
in Tables 2, 4, and 6 not reported.
TABLE 9
SENSITIVITY ERRORSIN INEQUALITY
ANALYSIS:MEASUREMENT
283
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