Varna and Caste (M N Srinivas)
Varna and Caste (M N Srinivas)
Varna and Caste (M N Srinivas)
Srinivas 29
He states later that the Rg-Vedic distinction between Arya and Dasa
gave place to the distinction between theArya and the Shudra (ibid :
52). Inthe Rg-Veda, along with the distinction between Arya and Dasa,
there is a division of society into three orders, viz., Brahma, Kshatriya
and Vish.
Varna and Caste
The first two Tepresented broadly the two professions of th poet
priest and the warrior-chief. The third division was apparently a group
M.N. SRINTVAS comprising all the common people. It is only in one of the later hymns,
the celebrated Purushasukta, that a reference has been made. to four
orders of society. as enanating from the sacrifice..of the Primeval
Being. The names of those four orders are given there as Brahmana,
Rajanya (Kshatriya), Vaishya and Shudra who are. said.to-have come
An attempt is made in this bricf essay to consider the relation be from the mouth, the arms, the thighs, and the feet of the Creator. The
Vtween easte as it is in fact,ct, andatsubsumed by the traditional particular limbs associated with these divisions and the order in which
concept of varna. The consideration of this relationsbip.js both impor they are mentioned probably indicate their staus in the society of the
jant and overdue, as the concept of varna has deeply influenced the time, though no such interpretahon is directly given in the hymn (ibid:
interpretation of the tethnographiç, realityof.caste. Varna has been 45).
the model towhich the observed facts have been fitlvd, and this is true Itis interesting to note that though three orders are mentioned in the
not only of educated Indians, but also of sociologists to some extent. Rg-Veda, thereis.po. single tem to.describe. them. Alemwhich origi
The layman is unaware of the complexities of varna. To him it hally referred to the distinction in colour and appearance between
means simply the division of Hindu society into four orders, viz., the conquerors (Arya) and the conquered aborgines (Dasyu) was used
Brahman (Brahmin, traditionally,priest and scholar), Kshatriya (ruler later to refer to the hierarchical division of the society.
and soldier), Vaishya (merchant) and Shudra (peasant, labourer and In the varna scheme of the Vedas there are only four orders, and the
servant). The first three castes are 'twice-borm' as the men from them Untouchables have no place in it. But there are references in Vedic lit
are entitled to don the sacred thread at the Vedic rite of upanayana, erature to groups such as the Ayogava, Chandala, Nishada and
while the Shudras are not. The Untouchables are outside the varna Paulkasa, who are outside the varna scheme, and who seem to be de
scheme. spised.
The layman's view of varna is a comparatively late view, and II is more reasonable to hold that both these groups, Chandala and Paulkasa,
varna, which literally means colour, originally referred to the distinc were sections of the aborigines that were, for some reason or another, par
tion between the Arya and Dasa. Ghurye writes, ticularly despised by the Aryans. The Nishadas, on the other hand, seem to
have been a section liked by the Aryans, probably becaåse they were
in the Rg-Veda the word 'varna' isnever applied to any one of these amenable to their civilized notions. The Vedic expression 'pancajanah is ex
classes (Brahamana, Kshatriya, etc]. It is only the Arya varna or the Aryan plained by tradition, belonging to the latter part of the period, to mean the four
people that is contrasted with the Dasa varna. The Satapatha Brahamana, on arnas and Nishadas, a fact which shows that these people had, by this time,
the other hand, describes the four classes as the four varnas. 'Varna' means
'colour', and it was in this sense that the word seems to have been em become quite acceptable to the Aryans (ibid :54).
ployed in contrasting the Arya and the Dasa, referming to their fair and dark In brief, . the three classes of the early portion of the Rg-Veda
colours respectively. The colour connotation of the word was so strong that were later solidified into four groups, more or less compact, with
later on when the classes came to be regularly described as varnas, four dif or four other groups separately mentioned' (ibid). And 'the ideasthree
ferent colours weresupposedto be distinguished (Ghurye 1950: 47). of
From M. N. Srinivas, Varna and Caste", in Caste in Modern India and Other Essays,
untouchability were first given literary expression in connection with
the Shudras and the sacrifice' (ibid :52-8).
Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1962.
Varna and Caste
30
Ishall now describe the features of the'caste system implicir in the M. N. Srinivas 31
varna scheme andthen try to see howthey differ from, or conflictiwith, The varnamodel hasproduced'awrông anddistortedimageof caste.
de system as it actually functions. Itis necessary for thesociologistto free himself. from the hold of the
Firstly, according to the warna scheme there are.onlyföurcastes varnamodelifhe wishes. toiunderstand the 'caste system:It is hardly
excluding the Untouchables, and the number is the same in every part necessary to add that this is more difficult for Indian sociologists than
of India. But even during Vedic times there were occupational it is for non-Indians.
groups which were not subsumed by varna even though it is not The position which each caste occupies in the local> hierarchy is fre
known whether such groups were castes in the sense sociologists guentlynot.clear.It is true, however, that in most areas of the country
understand the term. Today,in any linguistic area there are to be found Brahmins;are placed at the top and Untouchablesat the bottom, and
a number of castes. Accordingto Ghurye, in cach linguisticregion, most peoplë know who are the Brahmins, and who, the Untouchables.
there are about 200 caste groups, which are:furthersub diyidedinto But in southern India the Lingayats claim equality with, if not supe
about 3000 smaller units each of which is:endogamous andconstitutes riority to the Brahmin, and othodox Lingayats do not eat food cooked
the area of effective social life for the individual (ibid : 28). The varna or handled by the Brahmins. The Lingayats have priests of their own
scheme refers at best only to thebad categories of the society and not caste who also minister to several other non-Brahmin castes. Such a
to its real and effective units. And even as referring only to the broad challenge of the ritual superiority of the Brahmin is not unknown
categories of the society it has serious shortcomings. It has already though not frequent. The claim of a particular caste to be Brahmin is,
been seen that the Untouchables are outside the scheme, but as a matter however, more often challenged. Food cooked or handled by Marka
of actual fact they are an integral part of thesociety.The facthatthey Brahmins of Mysorel fortinstance,»is not'eaten bý most Hindus, not
are denied privilegeswhich the higher çastes.enjoy does not mean that excluding Harijans.
they are not an integral part of the society. One of the most striking features of the caste system as it actually
The category of Shudra subsumes in fact the vast majority of non, exists the lack of clarity.in:thé hierarchy, espeçiallyinthemiddle
Brahminical castes which have little in common. It may at one end in egions. This is responsible for endless argumentation regarding
clude a hich, poweful and highly Sanskritized group and at the other mutual ritual rank: it is this ambiguity which makes it possible for a
tribes whose assimilation into the Hindu fold is only marginal. The caste to rise in the hierarchy. Each fcaste tries to prove that it is equal
Shudra category spans such a wide structural and cultural gulf that its to asuperiorcaste andisüperiorito'itsequals. And arguments are
sociological utility is very limited. advanced to prove superiorityThe vegetarian castes occupy the highest
It is wellknown that occasionally a Shudra caste after the acquisi position in the hierarchy and approximation to vegetarianism is ad
tion of economic and political power, Sanskritized its customs and duced as evidence of high status.The drinkingof liquor, the eating of
ways, and succeeded in laying claim to be Kshatriyas. The classic ex the domestic pig which is a scavenger, and of the sacred cow, all these
ample of the Raj Gonds, originally e tribe, but who successfully claimed tend to lower the ritual rank of a caste."Similarly;the practice ofa
to be Kshatriyas after becoming rulers of a tract in Central India, shows degrading DcCupation such as butchery, or a defiling occupation
up the varna classification. The term Kshatriya, for instance, does not such as cuting hair, or, making leather,sar dals, tends to lower the
refer to a closed ruling group which has always been there since the ritual rank of a caste. There"is a'hierarchy in diet and occúpation,
time of the Vedas. More often it refers to the position attained or though this varies somewhat from region tÏregion. The castes from
claimed by a local group whose traditions and luck enabled it to which a man accepts cooked food and drinking water are either equal or
seize politico-economic power. In fact, in peninsular India there are no superior, while the castes from which he does not, are inferior.
genuine Kshatriyas and Vaishyas. In this area these two categories Similarly the practice of cerlain customs such as shaving the heads of
only refer to the local castes which have claimed to be Kshatriyas and widows, and the existence of divorce, are also criteria of hierarchical
Vaishyas by virtue of their occupation and martial tradition, and the rank. Not infrequently, the member of a caste points to some customs
claim is not seriously disputed by others. Claims to being Brahmins are of his caste as evidence of high rank, while others point to the existence
much less common. of certain other customs as evidence of low rank. In cases such as that
of the Smith (Achari) the disparity between the position claimed by the
32 Varna and Caste
M.N. Srinivas 33
caste and that conceded by others is indeed great. The Smiths of South
India seem to have tried to move high up in the caste systerm by a which cost money, and also meant his going to Mysore which the
thorough Sanskritization of their rites and customs, and this, instead of priest considered a strange and distant city. (As a matter of actual fact,
gaining them what they wanted, has roused the disapproval, if not the Mysore was only 22 miles from Rampura.) The priest discussed the
hostility, of all the others. Today, very few castes including the Har matter with the headman, who treated his worties'half-jokingly, and
ijan, eat food cooked by Smiths. Until recently, Smiths were not entitled then went to the headman's mother, an old matriarch of seventy odd
to perform a wedding inside the village, or wear red slippers and so on.' years. He sat a few feet away from her and talked to her, addressing her
It is necessary to stress here that a vast number of small castes in a every few minutes as avva or mother. The Brahmin equivalent of avwa
region do not occupy clear and permanent positions in the system. would be amniä or tayi, but it is interesting to note that' the priest made
Nebulousness as to position is of the essence of the system in operation use of atem«ofrespect which'every peasánt used; exactly as apeasant
as distinct from the system in conception, The varna model has-been He was treating heradvice with respect though accordingto the
he cause of warna schen she Was a membérofthe Shudra caste.
of the realities of. the casteisystem. A
point that hasmisinlerp
emerged recent field rescarch is that the position
A member of a higher caste often goesto a rich and powerful
of a caste in the hierarchy may vary fromvillage i0 village. It is not memberof löwerçaste for help andadvice. Ir is clear that in such cases
only that hierarchy is nebulous here and there, and that castes. are he former is dependent upon the latter. When members of different
mobile over a period of time, but the hierarchy is alsoto some extent castes come together, their mutual positions are determined by the con
local. The varna scheme offers a perfect contrast to this picture. Cxtin which the contact takesplace"Thus, for instance, "in'a ritual
The varnascheme is a 'hierarchy. in the literal sense of the term context)qte príestwould occupy the higher position while în asecular
because ritual considerations form the basis of, the differentiation. i conlext;"the headman would occupy the higher position. This way of
is true that generally speaking the higher castes are also the bectler-off fomulating the situation is not very satisfactory as behind the par
castes, and the lowest castes are also among the poorest, but a ranking ticular contexts there lie the permanent positions. In the example given
above, the headman and his mother knew they were dealing not with an
of castes on principally economic or political considerations would
produce a stratification somewhat different from that based on iual ordinary peasant, but with a Brahmin and a priest at that. He normally
considerations. The disparity between the ritual and cconomic or politi occupied a position of respect; andas priest of the Rama temple he
cal position of a caste is often considerable. In the Mysore village. had aspecial claim on the headman'shelpahnd support: Helping him
Rampura, for instance, the Brahmin priest is accorded every respec1 would result in the acquisition of punya or spiritul merit. Helping any
by the village headman who is a Peasant (Okkaliga) by caste. But the poor manconfers spiritual merit, but more merit would accrue when the
headman is the richest man in the village and in the area, the biggest poor man is also a Brahmín and apriestThe headman also needs the
land-owner and money-lender, the official headman of the village, and services of the priest, and when any important Brahmin friends visited
generally a very influential man, and one of the managers of the Rama Rampura, he asked the priest to provide food for them.
temple at which the Brahmin is a priest. In secular matters the priest is The varna scheme has certainly distorted the picture of caste but it
has enabled ordinary men and women to grasp the caste system by
dependent on the headman. In the summerof 19$2, the priest's eldest
son passed the lower secondary examination in the first class, and he providing them with asimple and clear scheme which is applicable
went to the headman's house as soon as he heard the news. He was to all parts of India. Varna has provided a common social language
pleased, confused and even worried. He wanted his son to study further, which holds good, or is thought to hold good, for India as a whole. A
sense of familiarity even when it does not rest on facts, is conducive to
'As to why the Lingayats succeeded in obtaining a high position while the Smiths did unity.
not, is an extremely interesting problem for the historical sociologist. Both the astes seem Itis interesting to note that the mobility of acaste is frequendy stated
to have enmployed 'shock tactics', but while in one case they came off in the other, they did in varna terms rather than in tems of the local caste situation. This is
not.
See William L Rowe, The New CauhanS .,in this volune to get abeter idea on this partly because each caste has a name and a body of customs and tradi
question. Editor. tions which are peculiar to itself, in any local area, and no other caste
would be able to take up its name. Afew individuals or families may
34 Varna and Caste
claim to belong to a locally higher caste, but not a whole caste.
the former event would be difficult as the Even
connections of these indi
viduals families would be known to all in that area. On the
or
other
hand, a local caste would not find it difficult to call itself
Brahmin,
Kshatriya or Vaishya. Even here there might be opposition, but the
parvenus may distinguish themselves from the local Brahmin, Ksha
triya or Vaishya by _uitable prefixes. Thus the Bedas of Mysore would
find it impossible to call themselves Okkaligas (Peasants) or
Kurubas
(Shepherds), but would not have difficulty in calling themselves
Valmiki Brahmins. The Smiths of South India long ago, in pre-British
times, changed their names to Vishvakarma Brahmins. In British India
this tendency received special encouragement during the periodical
census enumerations when the low castes changed their names in order
to move up in hierarchy.