ARAM, 15 (2003), 39-47 39

THE BYZANTINE CHURCH AT TEL KERIOTH

AND RELIGIOUS ICONOCLASM IN THE 8th CENTURY

The 1991-1994 Seasons of Excavation

STEVEN DERFLER

During the summers of 1991-94, The Arad Archaeology Center of the

Israeli Antiquities Authority, Hamline University of St. Paul MN, and Educa-
tional Resources, Inc. of St. Paul MN, excavated the Byzantine Church at Tel
Kerioth. It is located at the foot of Mt. Amassa, at the southern end of the
Judean Hills, overlooking the Arad Basin. During these summers, a total of 96
volunteers and students from around the world and Israel participated in this
project. Arrangements for the group and special considerations were provided
by the Arad Archaeology Center and the Municipality of Arad. Co-Director of
the project and Director of the Arad Archaeology Center was Yehuda Govrin.
The site of Tel Kerioth is perhaps the hometown of one of the disciples of
Jesus (Yehuda, ish Kriyot). It has long been known to pilgrims and scholars,
with mention as early as 1918 in surveys of the region. Andreas Mader
describes a “basilical-style church ruin at Chirbet el-Karjaten” in Altchrist
Basiliken undd Lokaltraditionen in Sudjudaa. Surface survey carried out in the
mid-1980's by the Expedition to the Negev indicated occupation of the 2nd
Temple period (1st Centuries BCE/CE), the Byzantine Period (5th- 8th Cen-
turies CE), and the early Arabic Era (8th – 10th Centuries CE), covering an area
of over 200 dunam (@45 acres). The church was apparently built after the
earthquake of 363 CE, paralleling other Christian religious structures built in
Palestine after this time.
In 1994, the team completed excavation of the basilical-style Byzantine
Church, measuring 27 x 16 m. A semi-circular apse measuring 5.5 m. diame-
ter was flanked by 2 Pastophoria. Entries into the side aisles with raised
thresholds consisted of well-cut ashlar blocks. Each room measured about 2.7
x 3.0 m., paved with plain white mosaic tiles. The northern room was similar
in layout to the southern one, yet was the more heavily damaged. Sitting on the
badly broken mosaic floor were 3 large fragments of marble chancel screen,
beautifully executed, with raised vine and wreath iconography. The southern-
most of these two rooms had a shallow mosaic basin or sump sunk into the
floor in the southwest corner. This was presumably for cleaning purposes.
The apse mosaic contained 2 separate fields surrounded by a geometric-pat-
terned border. Within the framework of the border were rectangular medal-
40 THE BYZANTINE CHURCH AT TEL KERIOTH

lions that originally contained images, long since removed by the iconoclasts
of the 8th Century CE. However, tantalizing tidbits remain, as seen in the
image of a partially destroyed bird. The rectangular and circular medallions in
the internal mosaic field of the apse also suffered the same fate at the hands of
the iconoclasts. In the center of the field, an intentionally cut-out section
reveals the location of the legs of the altar table. Surprisingly, though, the
Byzantine-style cross within the central medallion was relatively untouched.
The three aisles of the basilica were 12 m. long. The side aisles, 3.0 m.
wide, each were separated from the central one by a low stylobate with 5
columns on each, 0.70 m. diameter. The floor of the northernmost aisle con-
sisted of badly broken white mosaic tile, with evidence of 2 or 3 phases of
repair during the life of the church. The well-plastered walls of the basilica
utilized a combination of fresco styles: alternating with red-painted geomet-
ric patterns and incised plaster with diagonal geometric patterns. On the floor
lay a small, intact decorative marble column, about 2 m. long and 30 m.
diameter. In addition, a large fragment of marble chancel screen column was
discovered in situ on the floor of the room. In the debris just above the floor,
an Omayyad bronze coin shed light on the potential abandonment of the
building as a church. This most likely occurred during the reign of the Caliph
Yazid II sometime during the mid- 720's CE. The southernmost aisle floor
was a mix of mosaic. The eastern 2⁄3 was of simple white tile, heavily dam-
aged due to the ground movement from an earthquake. The western 1⁄3 con-
sisted of a beautiful carpet of red and white geometric patterns; primarily
rosettes and Byzantine crosses. It ran 3.2 x 2.25 m. The southern stylobate
was not as well preserved as the northern one, with several stones and column
bases missing; most likely robbed in antiquity following the abandonment of
the building.
Each of the 3 basilical aisles had its own entry from the narthex at the front
of the church;originally ranging from 1 to 1.5 m. wide. These were made of
well-cut ashlar blocks. Immediately inside of and adjacent to the southern
entry, in the narthex, a 6-sided marble column base about .25 m. diameter was
discovered in situ. This southern room of the narthex is separated from the rest
of the chamber by a well- plastered stone wall, making the room 4.5 x 2.8 m.
in size. Set into the plain white mosaic tile floor was a Greek inscription, out-
lined by a red border and incorporating red letters. This 5-line inscription
appears to be a memorial panel reading as follows:
+ K[uri]EELJESON God have mercy
IANNOUS John (Iannous)
UEORUIOU George (Georgio)
ADELFOU Brothers
AMIN Amen
 S. DERFLER 41

Embedded in the exterior southern wall, partly projecting into the room, a
baptismal font came to light. It was a well-constructed basin consisting of a
large ceramic amphora set into plaster, measuring about .75 m. diameter. It
projected into the room .40 m. The “column-like” base allowed the basin itself
to sit .85 m. off the floor, rising to a height of approximately 1.40 m. This was
an extremely practical feature.
The central aisle, 11.25 m. wide, was 2 steps lower than the apse. Each step
was about .12 m. high and only the bottom one was fully preserved. Preserved
beneath tons of stone tumble, the mosaic floor of the central aisle was truly a
magnificent artistic endeavor, with a symmetry that was beautiful in both
design and execution.
The interior field of the mosaic floor is a decor well known in both Jewish
and Christian art, such as at Bet Loya and Ma’on; and more recently, at Khir-
bet Yattir nearby. The imagery is that of an amphora with vines growing out
of it. These vines then form medallions, encircling various images. The border
that ran around the central aisle was slightly over 1 m. wide; consisting of
3 bands. Exterior and interior rope motifs .20 m. wide flanked a series of
medallions formed out of palm leaves, that were united in pairs. Each medal-
lion was approximately .75 m. diameter and was filled with delicately exe-
cuted images of fruits and vegetables; both within bowls and baskets, and out
in the open. They include: handled baskets of round fruit and bowls of round
fruit, artichokes and hot peppers, figs and dates, melons and sheaves of wheat.
Originally there were images on each of the corners, but these were destroyed.
Enough of a couple of the images remain to allow for a potential identification
of the four seasons in the corners, similar to those found in other sites such as
at the Hammat Tiverya Synagogue.
In the central field, the images that were enclosed by the vines forming
medallions stemmed from an amphora, flanked by the images of 2 peacocks
facing each other. However, due to religious iconoclasm arising in the 7th and
8th Centuries CE, coming from both Christian and Moslem sources, nearly all
of the images, numbering perhaps 55-60, were destroyed- leaving crudely tiled
white mosaic patches on the floor. Both Pope Leo III and the Caliph Yazid II
were involved in these iconoclastic wars. It was Yazid II, however, who issued
an edict, most likely in July in 721, that ordered any Christian churches in
Moslem-controlled territories be “made respectful” of Islamic sensibilities:
IE., purged of imagery. According to Vasiliev (“The Iconoclastic Edict of the
Caliph Yazid II, AD 721”, 1956). Yazid encountered Jews within his empire
who promised him a long life in exchange for the obliteration of images. How-
ever, a similar tale is also told of Leo III. Here, according to Stephan Gero,
(“Byzantine Iconoclasm During the Reign of Leo III”, 1973) in Adversus
Constantinum Caballinum, written apparently after the restoration of images in
787 CE, Leo is confronted by a Jewish soothsayer in some undisclosed loca-
42 THE BYZANTINE CHURCH AT TEL KERIOTH

tion. (Gero believes that this account was written outside of the realm of
Byzantium.) He is told to give up his “uncouth” name of Conon, and would
eventually gain the imperial throne if he were to destroyed the images “adored
by Christians”. Leo agreed, and 10 years after gaining power, fulfilled his
vow. The top clergymen who supported his actions and were most virulently
opposed to iconography, centered in Phrygia, included the Bishop of Clau-
diopolis, Thomas, and the Bishop of Nacolea, Constantine. However, the top
authority counter to Leo was John of Damascus, one of the greatest theolo-
gians of the Orthodox Church. He ended up composing three sermons in the
Monastery of St. Sabas, refuting the argument of the iconoclasts that stated
that iconography was idolatry. His argument was that the use of icons was
more akin to being “a window into heaven”, as an intermediary, rather than
idol worship.
A variant on this theme is the Narratio of John of Jerusalem. This version
was widely read during the Council of 787. The basic plot is the same. How-
ever, the setting is Syria during the reign of Yazid II. Even more details are
given- naming a “Jewish wizard from Tiberias, Tessarachontapechys”. He
promises Yazid a rule of 30 years if he were to destroy the sacred images of
the Christians. However, they are to disguise this act, aimed at the Christians,
by ordering “every likeness” destroyed. The acts were to be carried out by
“impious Jews and Arabs”. Yazid dies prematurely, and his son, Walid, orders
these false prophets to be executed, due to the hubbub of “the outraged
churches of God”. Without a doubt, it seems that this narration does indeed
belong to John, but also seems to be a reflection of the church’s continuation
of its anti-Judaism; placing the blame of influencing Yazid on the Jewish com-
munity- thus maintaining at least a semblance of a “truce” between Christians
and Moslems at this time.
However, in spite of the destruction of the mosaic at Tel Keriot, some of the
images reveal enticing hints as to what may have been indicated. In one set, a
man's hands hold a rope. His sandled feet can also still be seen. The rope con-
tinues back to the rear medallion; where the grey foot of an elephant still
exists, and the bulky shape is outlined in the replaced white tiles. Yet in oth-
ers, flanking the central row, laid out in a symmetrical fashion, men are com-
bating lions leaping at them. The use of adjacent medallions paired to form a
scene is unusual, yet often repeated at Kerioth. This notion of “double medal-
lions” can also be found at Beer Shema.
Along the front wall of the basilica, just inside the main entry, was a Greek
inscription laid into the mosaic floor. It was surrounded by a black tabula
ansata; with a yellow background and black letters in three lines. Most of it
was preserved beneath tumble with only a small corner missing. The entire
panel measured 2.0 x .65 m.; with the interior of the panel where the inscrip-
tion was located measuring 1.10 x .40 m. It read as follows:
 S. DERFLER 43

+K [uri]EFULAZONT[oú]S…… God, guard

KARPSOFO[roúv] the fruits
TASTOUIK[ oú soú] of your household
It appears to be a dedicatory inscription, praising God, the guardian of the holy
gifts of this house of worship.
The dedicatory inscription found at Khirbet el Beiyudat is another close exam-
ple. The vines, as stated earlier, arose from a beautifully executed amphora,
flanked by a pair of peacocks, just above the inscription, inside the basilica.
At the front of the church, the remainder of the narthex measured 8.5 x 4.5 m.
with only one entry in what would be the center of the front wall. It originally
measured 1.7 m. wide, and also shows signs of narrowing in a later phase. Still
in situ was a bronze door socket .27 m. diameter and about .08 m. deep. This
door socket eventually was cleaned by conservationists at the Antiquities
Authority, revealing that five faces were incised on its outer surface. Within
the door socket, also in situ, was an iron door post fragment. The floor of the
narthex consisted of large, clumsy, white mosaic tiles, devoid of any artwork.
Also found in situ was a Byzantine style oil lamp.
The greatest surprise of the excavation also came in the narthex. A stone-
built crypt that was sunk beneath the floor appears to be associated with the
Greek inscription found in the adjacent room. It measured over 2.5 x 3 m. in
size, 1.2 m deep, extending beneath half of the narthex itself. A broken cover-
ing stone was set flush to the mosaic floor. The chamber was of well-cut ash-
lar blocks and concrete, with a square niche in its northern wall. Two skeletons
were seen in the preliminary evaluation of the tomb; but they were left for
osteologists from Jerusalem to remove due to the extremely friable nature of
the skeletal material. Along with the skeletal remains were five intact Byzan-
tine oil lamps; two with pseudo-Greek inscriptions incised on them. It appears
that Greek letters were raised on the rim surrounding the fill-hole; yet they
spelled absolutely nothing. Also in the scattered debris were six complete glass
bottles, and over 150 glass, faience, bronze, bone, and stone beads.
Having excavated the entire outer front wall of the narthex, it seems clear
that there is only one entry into the church from the atrium, this in line with
the entry to the central aisle of the basilica. It too measured over 1.3 m. wide
and showed signs of narrowing in a later phase. Flanking it, outside, were two
very large, well-cut ashlars nearly 1 m. square that most likely served as col-
umn bases adorning what may have been an exterior porch of the church. One
of these columns was discovered in situ, fallen, just south of the southern
base. It was preserved intact, over 3 m. long. In the same area were several
broken fragments of what most likely was the other, flanking column.
The courtyard measured approximately 10 x 13 m. As it was unroofed with
no covered portico, the floor consisted of large paving stones. It was badly
44 THE BYZANTINE CHURCH AT TEL KERIOTH

damaged, buckled in many places due to the what we feel was the church
building's final destruction by an earthquake in 747/8 CE.; one that devastated
the Jordan River Valley. Entry to the courtyard and the church complex came
from the south. A threshold in the southern wall led to two well-cut ashlar
stairs that descended .50 m. to the paving. A low foundation of well-cut ash-
lars, one course high, created a small entry outside of the doorway proper to
the church. This “porch” measured 2.5 x 4.0 in. and was one course wide. Sit-
ting on the porch were very large, well-cut ashlar blocks measuring .75 x.90
m.; abutting the front wall of the church proper. These perhaps served as col-
umn bases that flanked the entry. The floor of this portico was also of well-cut
paving stones. Scattered about the floor of the courtyard were several lime-
stone column, capital and base fragments.
In the center of the courtyard a well/cistern, measuring 2.90 m. diameter, was
constructed of unhewn fieldstones. The top two courses, concreted in place,
rose above the paved floor level of the court by about .25 m. Three-fourths of
the interior was cleared. Enormous cut-ashlars and unhewn fieldstones delayed
rapid excavation due to their size and weight; forming nearly half of the fill
found within the cistern itself. As work progressed, it became clear that the fea-
ture was bell-shaped, with plaster lining the walls. Approximately 1.85 m deep
into the feature, the skeleton of an extremely large mammal was unearthed. It
apparently fell into the open cistern, but long after it had been abandoned. Finds
of note within the feature included large quantities of Byzantine/Early Arabic
glass, worked stone fragments and a bronze filigree box hinge. A well-plastered
drain and basin were also affiliated with the cistern. This drain ran in a circular
fashion from the northern side of the courtyard, south and west of the cistern,
where it abruptly ended. It eventually ran over 5 m. long, made of a
concrete/limestone mixture. A majority of its coverstones were in situ, thus
sealing the channel- whose interior measurements were .30 wide x .20 m. high.
The plastered basin, or sump, measuring 1.30 x.30 m., may have served as a
sediment-catching basin when additional rainwater was being channeled into
the circular cistern. The basin sloped slightly away from the upper edge.
The exterior walls of the courtyard were not as well constructed as those of
the church proper. The dressing was much rougher, with fewer well-cut ashlars
included. However, even though they were still quite substantial, at over .80 m
thick, due to the seismic activity, the lines were skewed and damaged. This was
most clearly evident in the front wall of the church. The top two well-cut ash-
lar courses were pushed out of line .20 m to the west; clear evidence of the
earthquake’s activity. This followed the long north wall of the church as well,
it being pushed out of the building’s actual line, farther to the north.
The great amounts of white limestone plaster in the debris of the courtyard
seem to indicate that the interior face may have been plastered over as well. A
small partition in the northwest corner of the courtyard enclosed an oven-brick
tannur, or bee-hived shaped oven, about 1.40 m. diameter. Adjacent to this
 S. DERFLER 45

oven, the courtyard seems to have had its stones robbed in antiquity, most
likely during the ensuing early Arabic occupation of the 9th-10th Centuries
CE. Fragments of a small, but badly damaged building of this era sat above the
remnants of the floor of the church’s courtyard. It incorporates cut stone that
clearly came from the destroyed church; architectural fragments built into the
foundations where needed; NOT according to their use. Small column drums
and capital fragments were incorporated into foundations. This is in accord
with the surface survey of Keriot, which included many Arabic-era houses. A
couple of hundred meters from the church, a well-head of this early Arabic
period incorporated cut ashlars that obviously were part of the foundation of
the semi-circular apsidal area of the church. In addition, many of the houses
also used cut stone in their buildings that were robbed from the church fol-
lowing the earthquake.
During 1994 and 1995, grants and in-kind support were obtained to further
recording, documentation and graphics reconstruction through computer tech-
nology. A grant from the Minnesota Humanities Commission allowed for the
completion of the work. The end result was a series of computer-generated
reconstructions of the church.
Following the completion of excavations, the mosaic floor was covered with
a meter of sand to both preserve it until sufficient funds would be raised to
restore the site, and to prevent any pillage of the site, since it is within a 150
meters of the Green Line, unprotected by authorities other than a fence and
signage, and vulnerable to vandalism.
It is the hope of the Expedition to the Negev that eventually the church can
be restored and added to the register of the National Parks Authority.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Besonen, J., “The Yattir Mosaic”, BAR 27.4, 2001.

Derfler, S., and Govrin, Y., “Tel Keriot”, Excavations and Surveys in Israel 13, 1995.
Derfler, S., “Tel Keriot”, Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Holy Land, 2001.
Derfler, S., “Tel Keriot”, IEJ 43.4, 1993.
DiSigni, L., “Inscriptions at Kh. El-Beiyudat”, in Frankel, Christian Archaeology in
the Holy Land, 1990.
Gazit, D. and Lender Y., “Church of St. Stephen at Horvat Beer Shema”, in Tsafrir,
Y., Ancient Churches Revealed, 1993.
Gero, S., “Byzantine Iconoclasm During the Reign of Leo III”, Adversus Constanti-
num Caballinum, 1973.
Mader, A., Altchrist Basiliken und Lokaltraditionen en Sudjudaa, 1918.
Magen, Y., “The Monastery of St. Martyrius at Maale Adumim”, in Frankel, R.,
Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land, 1990.
Negev, A., “Churches of the Central Negev: An Archaeological Survey”, RB 81,
1974.
Patrich J. and Tsafrir, Y, “Bet Loya”, in Frankel, R., Christian Archaeology in the
Holy Land, 1990.
Vasiliev, Y., “The Iconoclastic Edict of Yazid II, AD 721”, 1956.
46 THE BYZANTINE CHURCH AT TEL KERIOTH

Fig. 1. Amphora- Central mosaic amphora

near entry from which all vine medallions
emanate.
Fig. 2. ApsePlan- Drawing of apse with
mosaic imagery.

Fig. 3. Axis- Looking from outer courtyard Fig. 4. GenView- From Mt. Amassa, looking
down the axis of the church, through entry, South at the community of Kerioth, the
East. highlighted lighter circle is the location of the
church.

Fig. 5. MosaicPlan- floorplan of the central Fig. 6. Plan- floorplan and mosaic of the
aisle near the entry, and the dedicatory church.
inscription.
 S. DERFLER 47

Fig. 7. Tomb- the tomb discovered beneath Fig. 8. Tumble- Part of the massive stone
the floor of the narthex, with broken covering tumble that sealed the church, architectural
stone in situ. blocks that are evidence of the collapse due
to the earthquake.

Fig. 9. Inscript- The entry to the central aisle

of the church and the mosaic dedicatory
inscription.