Literature and The Anthropocene 1nbsped 1138543713 9781138543713
Literature and The Anthropocene 1nbsped 1138543713 9781138543713
Literature and The Anthropocene 1nbsped 1138543713 9781138543713
Pieter Vermeulen
First published 2020
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Contents
Acknowledgments vii
Series Editors’ Preface viii
PART 1
Anthropocene Agencies 35
PART 2
Anthropocene Temporalities 105
4 Dominations 107
Anthropocene Angels 107
Anthropocene Memories 110
Anthropocene Turtles: Mining the Indigenous Archive 114
Anthropocene Swans: Mourning the Future 117
Anthropocene Wilderness: After Conservation 122
5 Emergencies 126
Emergency vs. Infrastructure 126
Infrastructural (In)visibilities 129
Off the Road/On the Grid: Literature Dreaming of
Infrastructure 135
Energizing Infrastructure 138
6 Residues 144
The Poetics of Extinction, or, Beach Reading 144
Denial: Apocalypse against Extinction 151
Detachment: The Afterlives of Extinction 156
Indifference: Cosmic Insignificance 162
Misanthropy: Anti-Natalism, Exterminism, and Peripheral Life 165
Glossary 172
References 180
Index 193
Acknowledgments
This book concludes a five-year period of thinking and writing about the
relation between literature and the Anthropocene. I want to thank the
people who invited me to talk or write about this topic and encouraged
me to develop my ideas: Brigitte Adriaensen, Lucy Bond, Holly Brown,
Liliane Campos, Marco Caracciolo, Stef Craps, Rick Crownshaw, Ben
De Bruyn, Kári Driscoll, Joanna Freer, Tom Idema, Suzanne Knittel,
Yvonne Liebermann, Birgit Neumann, Jessica Rapson, Mads Rosendahl
Thomsen, and Lars Saetre. In Leuven, I was fortunate to be able to dis-
cuss many ideas with my colleagues at the literature department, and I
especially want to thank Lieven Ameel, Sascha Bru, Ortwin de Graef,
and Tom Toremans for their companionship and advice. Tom Chad-
wick, Kahn Faassen, Reuben Martens, Ella Mingazova, and Ioannis
Tsitsovits developed congenial doctoral projects from which I learned a
lot. Many of the ideas in this book were beta tested on an excellent
group of students in a 2018 masters course on contemporary American
literature and the Anthropocene. Leanne Rae Darnbrough and Lisanne
Meinen read most of the manuscript and provided invaluable feedback in
the final stages. At home, Mats and Stine remind me every day that
finding forms for planetary collapse is not a merely theoretical exercise,
but a matter of survival. I couldn’t wish for a better companion than
Mirjam to spend the end of the world with. I dedicate the book to her.
Series Editors’ Preface
Since the turn of the millennium, literary and cultural studies have been
transformed less by new overarching theoretical paradigms than by the
emergence of a multitude of innovative subfields. These emergent research
areas explore the relationship between literature and new media technol-
ogies, seek to establish innovative bridges to disciplines ranging from
medicine, cognitive science, social psychology to biology and ecology, and
develop new quantitative or computer-based research methodologies. In
the process, they rethink crucial concepts such as affect, indigeneity,
gender, and postcolonialism and propose new perspectives on aesthetics,
narrative, poetics, and visuality.
Literature and Contemporary Thought seeks to capture such research
at the cutting edge of literary and cultural studies. The volumes in this
series explore both how new approaches are reshaping literary criticism
and theory, and how research in literary and cultural studies opens out
to transform other disciplines and research areas. They seek to make
new literary research available, intelligible, and usable to scholars and
students across academic disciplines and to a broader public beyond the
university interested in innovative approaches to art and culture across
different historical periods and geographical regions.
Literature and Contemporary Thought highlights new kinds of scho-
larship in the literary and cultural humanities that are relevant and
important to public debates, and seeks to translate their interdisciplinary
analyses and theories into useful tools for such thought and discussion.
Crutzen’s litany (which is about twice as long as the parts I quote here)
makes the oversized impact of human action on the planet absolutely
clear. At the same time, it is hard to imagine a reader capable of
understanding all elements of it. To fully appreciate the significance of
the facts that Crutzen enumerates, a reader would need to know
demographics, atmospheric chemistry, climatology, engineering, and
more. This is not something Annihilation’s interdisciplinary crew could
pull off.
This book not only argues for the relevance of literature, but also of
literary studies, for coming to terms with our Anthropocene condition.
Crutzen’s catalogue offers a good occasion to illustrate that relevance (and
we will see in the third chapter on “Objects, Matters, Things” that the
catalogue or the litany is a key stylistic feature in Anthropocene writing).
If Annhilation’s crew had contained someone trained in the study of lan-
guage, and especially literature (and remember it almost included a lin-
guist), that someone could have suggested that an information dump that
ranges across disciplines is less effective for the disinterested communica-
tion of facts than for making a particular affective impression on readers.
Such an accumulation of facts, delivered in a monotone sequence of
declarative sentences, not only aims to inform readers—it is as likely to
overwhelm and exhaust them. Literary studies has the expertise to explain
that effect. Crutzen’s relentless and cheerless accumulation of worrying
facts brings readers to the limits of their capacity to process information.
In that sense, it has something to do with the romantic aesthetic of the
Introduction 5
sublime, which aimed to inspire awe and terror, yet it deviates from it in
providing the particular combination of astonishment and boredom that
cultural critic Sianne Ngai has identified as “stuplimity.” The traditional
sublime staged “the instantaneous or sudden defeat of comprehension” in
the face of the infinite and elemental (not unlike Lovecraft’s cosmic
horror); stuplimity, for its part, rather operates through “an extended
duration of consecutive fatigues” (Ngai 2007, 19). The dispiriting effect of
the stuplime consists in a combination “of boredom and astonishment, of
what ‘dulls’ with what ‘irritates’ or agitates, of excessive excitation with
extreme desensitization or fatigue” (16). As Ngai explains, such a creeping
fatigue does not inspire action or a desire to escape from the systems in
which we are trapped. Her category helps us understand the awkward and
disorienting effect that Crutzen’s catalogue has on the reader: half-informed,
overwhelmed, aware that things are bad and need to change, … but then
what?
Descriptions of the Anthropocene, even seemingly sober and
descriptive ones like Crutzen’s, are never simple statements of fact. We
tend to think that a straightforward sum of incontrovertible scientific
observations adds up to a watertight conclusion—in this case, the rea-
lization that the moderations of the Holocene are over, and that human
action has shifted the planet to a new epoch, an epoch we can name the
Anthropocene. Yet the process of naming a new reality is considerably
more complicated, for at least three reasons. First, the facts that point
to the reality of the Anthropocene are in no way simple empirical
observations: measuring global sulphur dioxide emissions and compar-
ing those numbers to past emissions and to future reserves, for
instance, relies on the harvesting of global data on a scale that can only
be processed by vast computational infrastructures—what Paul
Edwards (2000) has called the “vast machine” of data models, simula-
tion models, and reanalysis models (xv). Without observation instru-
ments, algorithms, and the availability of vast computer processing
capacities, there would simply be no data, and no scientific facts about
the changing earth system. For climate change skeptics and deniers, the
obvious conclusion is that these data are fabricated, doctored, and dis-
torted; for people more familiar with the procedures of science, this is
simply how facts are established. Edwards makes it clear that observa-
tion and modeling have generated a clear consensus about the reality of
climate change since the 1990s (7).
But how do we translate such a robust scientific consensus into a
new name? Like all speech acts, that of baptizing a geological epoch
6 Introduction
relies on a number of institutional conditions (and this is a second
complication). These institutional realities are quite sobering. Since
2009, an interdisciplinary Anthropocene Working Group (AWG) has
been mandated by the International Commission on Stratigraphy’s
(ICS) Subcommission on Quaternary Stratigraphy (SQS) to assess the
viability of the term as a geochronological unit. The group’s 2017
“Summary of Evidence and Interim Recommendations” makes evident
the entanglement of scientific observation and bureaucratic process.
The group “holds the Anthropocene to be stratigraphically real,” as
there is a sufficient number of stratigraphic signals that show the earth
system moving away from Holocene values (Zalasiewicz et al. 2017,
55). The group’s conclusions, we read, were not reached by consensus,
but by an “informal and non-binding” email ballot (58). After eight
years, the working group points out that a lot of work remains to be
done: the selection of sites for further analysis, a full description of
relevant signals, the preparation of a formal proposal to the SQS,
endorsement by the SQS, referral to the ICS, and, in case of a favorable
vote, ratification by the Executive Committee of the IUGS (59). We are,
to say the least, not quite there.
Except, of course, that we are. As the world is witnessing wildfires at
the Arctic and Brazil’s accelerating destruction of the Amazon, the
whole ratification process seems somewhat beside the point. At the end
of the Working Group’s paper, the authors note the irrelevance of the
bureaucratic steps they have just patiently enumerated: “Whichever
way this particular process ends, it is clear that human beings are now
operating as a major geological agent at the planetary scale, and that
their activities … have imprinted an indelible mark on the planet” (59).
Crutzen (2002) himself similarly registers some impatience with termi-
nological disputes and ends his 2002 article by reminding his audience
of the challenges ahead: “A daunting task lies ahead for scientists and
engineers … This will require appropriate human behaviour” (23). As
Crutzen’s fairly provincial appeal to only “scientists and engineers”
already suggests, he believes in the viability of “large-scale geo-engi-
neering projects,” but he admits that this preference is not based on
scientific fact but remains a matter of conjecture: “At this stage,” he
concludes, “we are still largely treading on terra incognita” (23). A
third reason the Anthropocene is a contested name, then, has to do
with the inevitable slippage between painstakingly established scientific
facts and deeply-felt value commitments, between patient description
and an urgent need to act.
Introduction 7
The fact that the production of data relies on models and infra-
structures; the slow ratification process by the geological community,
which makes it easy to dismiss artistic, literary, or humanities-based
engagements with the notion of the Anthropocene as premature (even
if, in reality, they might already be too late); and finally the fact that
the notion registers less “a matter of fact” than what Bruno Latour
(2004), an important voice in humanistic reflections on the Anthro-
pocene, has called “a matter of concern”—all three factors make the
Anthropocene a name that will never be fully adequate, and that can
only ever be a misnomer for a complex and open-ended cluster of
observations, procedures, affects, commitments, and values. The notion
has few explicit advocates, and people using the term are often quick to
point out their own reservations about it. But if no one is exactly for
the Anthropocene (with the possible exception of Diane Ackerman
[2014] in her book The Human Age), it has undeniably been productive
as a term of debate. The Anthropocene is something one can be against
(as in the titles of works by Daniel Hartley [2015] and T.J. Demos
[2017]), and it is a name that has invited many alternative coinages that
claim to better capture current realities and challenges. Steve Mentz
(2019) has identified no less than 24 ’cenes that have been coined in
what he whimsically calls “the Neologicismcene”—underlining that
“the new epoch of humans” is also the epoch in which humans can’t
stop inventing new names for their predicament, if only because no one
name precisely nails it. In the next section, we will look at notions such
as the Chthulucene, the Capitalocene, and the Plantationocene. These
terms in different ways argue that the Anthropocene’s invocation of a
human collective overlooks substantial differences between different
human communities, and fails to convey that some (typically privi-
leged) constituencies bear much more responsibility for the ongoing
planetary crisis than the (often disadvantaged) groups that suffer from it
most directly. The term, for the proponents of these alternative names,
is not only a misnomer, but also serves as a kind of disingenuous
disclaimer that dissolves accountability.
The Anthropocene as misnomer and disclaimer: perhaps such linguis-
tic infelicity is unavoidable when we are inhabiting what Crutzen calls
“terra incognita,” an earth we no longer know. Our disciplinary
traditions, whether in the humanities or the sciences, have not prepared
us for the novel constellations of the human and the nonhuman. Let’s
turn to VanderMeer’s Annihilation again. Here, the terra incognita is
called Area X, and is not situated in the void, but in the debris of human
8 Introduction
civilization, amidst “eerie signs of human habitation” (5). In this realm,
names don’t function as they do in more hospitable environments, and
none of the characters are referred to by their names, only by their dis-
ciplinary identities (which, as we saw before, also fall short of under-
standing the weirdness of the area). As the biologist notes: “we were
always strongly discouraged from using names: We were meant to be
focused on our purpose, and ‘anything personal should be left behind.’
Names belonged to where we had come from, not to who we were while
embedded in Area X” (9).
“Embedded in Area X”: this pretty much describes the way human
life now has to find a way to cohabitate with the nonhuman forces with
which it is irrevocably entangled. This is a situation, Annihilation
notes, in which customary names don’t belong. It is a situation in
which language, rather, needs to find ways to test and tune an unset-
tling and untried constellation of things, forces, and affects. This is
precisely what VanderMeer’s atmospheric, patient, and almost ambient
mode of describing Area X achieves. If I have drawn on a literary work
to introduce the multifarious complexities that beset the name
“Anthropocene,” it is from the conviction (which I share with Van-
derMeer and many of the authors I turn to in the rest of the book) that
literature’s imaginative, narrative, affective, and reflexive resources
have a role to play in updating the knowledge infrastructures we need
to reconnoiter new intellectual territories. If Crutzen believes that
“scientists and engineers” will help us settle these new territories, this
book shows how literature and literary studies can help the broader
project of the environmental humanities unsettle such engrained but
obsolete disciplinary certainties.
The inadequacy of the name of the Anthropocene is one reason why
this book sticks to it. The name is less a rigid designator with a stable
referent (for all the reasons discussed above) than a rubric that has, since
the beginning of the century, increasingly come to cluster concerns over
the human impact on the planet. The term has been undeniably productive
as a catalyst for ecological concerns, and for discourses and practices
through which human anxieties and aspirations are articulated. The term
has generated fewer defenses than arguments against it or in favor of
alternatives for it, but such arguments end up demonstrating the useful-
ness of the term in fueling argumentation, reflection, and debate about
crucial aspects of the genealogies, challenges, and prospects that make up
the present. The Anthropocene, in other words, becomes useful if we
accept that is inevitably a misnomer. It covers a makeshift assemblage of
Introduction 9
discourses, terms, protocols, and experiments that never fully hit home—if
only because home turns out to be a weirder place than we remember. For
Bruno Latour (2017), the reason to stick to the name is that it makes it
possible to “stay with the trouble” (100n77). Latour borrows this phrase
from Donna Haraway, who, even though she rejects the term, calls for an
attempt “to be truly present”; for Haraway (2016), the challenge is to
refuse to transcend the challenges of the present, and to inhabit the “now”
as “mortal critters [Haraway’s term for ‘microbes, plants, animals,
humans and nonhumans’] entwined in myriad unfinished configurations of
places, times, matters, and meanings” (1, 169n1). As I show in the rest of
this book, literature and the study of literature are two vital resources for
learning to inhabit the present—for the hard work of what Haraway calls
“getting on together” (10).
Anthropocene Narrative
The intimate relation between the Anthropocene and narrative is fairly
obvious: depending on the assumed starting point, theories of the
Introduction 21
Anthropocene present so many different historical narratives with their
own protagonists and plots. Four such proposals have received quite some
airplay. If, like Paul Crutzen, we assume the Anthropocene to have started
with James Watt’s invention of the double action steam engine and the
unfolding of the Industrial Revolution, the narrative that emerges is that
of the human as an inventor and entrepreneur in a plot of capitalist
expansion. If, like the AWG, we date the start to the so-called “Great
Acceleration” after the Second World War (and this version is on its way
to general acceptance), we are telling the story of an expansive consumer
capitalism that spans the globe. Another suggestion is that by geographers
Lewis and Maslin (2015), who propose to locate the start of the epoch in
1610, with the European conquest of the Americas and the onset of colo-
nialism and global trade. This proposal entails a story in which the human
protagonist features as a colonizer in an imperialist plot. Or take, finally,
the Ruddiman hypothesis, which holds that pre-industrial agriculture
already some 8,000 years ago emitted enough greenhouse gases to stall a
new glacial episode and contributed to the moderation and stability of the
Holocene. On this account, the particular kind of human that impacts the
climate is a noble farmer, and the plot we are presented with is that of
human settlement, not that of colonization, capitalist exploitation, or
global conquest. In all of these versions, scientific insights into the geolo-
gical impact of human life are mobilized to give narrative shape to the
past and present. And as narratives inevitably encode particular forms of
agency and obscure other ones, it matters what kind of stories we tell
about the world.
Narrative also has an analytical function: it imposes patterns and
order on an unruly reality, such as the reality of a planet spinning out of
human control—a sense of control that was illusory to begin with.
Increasingly, respectable scientists have turned to literary narrative to
convey a coherent message about the disorderly present. In The Collapse
of Western Civilization: A View from the Future (2014), historians of
science Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway adopt the voice of a Chinese
historian living in 2393 and looking back on the fall of Western civiliza-
tion three centuries earlier. The book is not interested in a science fic-
tional account of the future, as it spends most of its energy developing a
scientifically informed and dispassionately recounted story of the present
and a probable assessment of the near future. The future perspective
serves as a narrative-generating device, and the narrative in its turn
serves an analytical goal: understanding how we “failed to act on robust
information about climate change” because of science’s “excessively
22 Introduction
stringent standard for accepting claims of any kind” and “an ideological
fixation on ‘free’ markets” (Oreskes and Conway 2014, ix–x). The nar-
rative thrust brings the scientific facts and sociological analysis together
in a coherent and digestible account. The book contains a short “Lexicon
of Archaic Terms,” which features a fictional entry on “synthetic-failure
paleoanalysis.” This, we read, is a fictional scientific discipline that aims
to understand “past failure, specifically by understanding the interactions
(or synthesis) of social, physical, and biological systems” (62). The Col-
lapse’s uses of narrative allows it to combine specific detail and general
assessment, rigorous analysis and bold synthesis. Through its narrative
form, in other words, The Collapse itself counts as a work of “synthetic-
failure paleoanalysis.”
Anthropocene Affect
The Collapse’s shift to a post-civilization future not only produces ana-
lytical insights, it also aims to generate a particular emotional experience
in its readership. The device presents contemporary civilization as
something that can be lost, and thus instills a sense of vulnerability and
contingency. The affective power of literature is a notoriously speculative
issue, as particular formal choices are bound to affect different readers in
distinctive ways. And how readers will translate affect into action is an
even murkier issue: will an awareness of the fragility of civilization
inspire actions that fortify that civilization, possibly at the expense of
others? Will it inform the quest for previously unimagined forms of life?
Or will it instill a sense of despair over human powerlessness in the face
of overwhelming forces? As I explore in the second chapter (“Genres,
Media, Worlds”), cognitive approaches to literature have tried to make
our understanding of the emotional and social efficacy of literature more
robust by grounding it in empirical observations. Starting from
the insight that cognition is always embodied and affective, scholars have
begun to explore how narratives about planetary devastation like
Cormac McCarthy’s The Road “immerse us into their storyworlds and
engage us in the gruesome tale they tell about environmental disaster and
human suffering” (Weik von Mossner 2017, 3). Analyzing how our
bodies act as “sounding boards” for “characters’ perceptions, emotions,
and actions within … virtual worlds” (3), such research shows how lit-
erature’s (but also film’s and video games’) “emotionalizing strategies”
afford an immersive experience of ecological entanglements that more
rigorously scientific writing cannot elicit (190).
Introduction 23
Immersion is not the only way literature does its affective work: it also
has the capacity to attune us to emergent realities that have not yet been
consolidated as concepts and categories. The Anthropocene, we have
seen, is less an accurate proper name than a necessarily provisional label
for the ongoing effort to find new names, images, and stories to make
sense of the bewildering changes to our sense of the relation between
human and nonhuman lives. Before they are properly understood, envir-
onmental disturbances and social crises first register as sensory dis-
comfort and affective unease. It is these disorienting feelings that
literature and the arts can begin to tap into and record well before future
historians will be able to codify our present with the benefit of hindsight.
It is especially in the field of affect theory that what we can call
literature’s seismographic function has been elaborated. For a theorist
like Lauren Berlant (2008a), literature can transmit affects that embed
our bodies in the historical present; it can play its role in helping us
experience “the present as an ongoing process and project of collective
sensory detection” (2). For Berlant, such affective disruption becomes
especially relevant when time-tested genres have ever less traction on
emergent new realities. Recall how VanderMeer’s Annihilation cultivates
an unsettled mood that takes its bearing somewhere between science
fiction, gothic, fantasy, horror, and the “old” weird, without conforming
to any of these labels. Annihilation’s affective work does not operate
within one particular generic template that programs the reader’s emo-
tive response, but decomposes and reconstitutes different generic ele-
ments to yield an intractable feeling that we can’t really name, only
experience. For Roger Luckhurst (2017) such “slid[ing] in and out of
generic conventions” is a key feature of the weird. Its “waywardness”
leaves readers confounded, and forces them to tap into moods and sen-
sations through which historical changes register before they can be
confidently categorized (1050). Literary experimentation, then, can
attune audiences to modalities of the present that human reason cannot
(yet) capture.
Anthropocene Imagination
If the weird or the stuplime, on which I touched in the first section, do not
sound like very positive affects, they are not purely dysphoric either.
Unlike the death-obsessed gothic mode of the uncanny, the weird, for
Luckhurst, has less to do with the fear of death than with a dread of
life—of the excessive, lush vibrancy of Area X, for instance. Dread is
24 Introduction
always “anticipatory, oriented toward the future,” and signifies an open-
ness to radically strange realities (Luckhurst 2017, 152). In the case of
VanderMeer’s trilogy, mesmerized fascination with a foreign territory
gradually morphs into a curious symbiotic fantasy of cross-species inti-
macy. Existing discussions of literature and the Anthropocene tend to
underline the inadequacy of existing literary forms for representing reali-
ties that are too gigantic, too slow, too dispersed, or too intangible to be
fit into customary literary formats (Bond et al. 2017). It is also useful to
stress literature’s “world-making” capacities, its power to shape fictional
realities that add unanticipated possibilities to the world in which these
fictions emerge (Cheah 2016). We can see this at work in Annihilation’s
many extensive descriptions of the environment. When the novel describes
an underground tower (which is paradoxical enough in itself!) as
“breathing,” carrying “the echo of a heartbeat,” and having walls “not
made of stone but of living tissue” off of which “silvery-white phos-
phorence” is rising (41), it invites readers to imagine the border between
living organism and dead matter differently and bring it in tune with a
dispensation in which that boundary is not all that clear any more.
As I explore in my sixth and last chapter (“Residues”), Anthropocene
literature’s imaginative and world-making resources have been mobilized
most intensively in stories set in the (near) future. William Gibson’s 2014
The Peripheral is a science fiction novel whose world-building is tech-
nological, economic, and social rather than environmental (as it is in the
Southern Reach trilogy). The Peripheral evokes a double future: one
situated in the 2030s, in which the USA has deteriorated to the status of
an impoverished trailer park populated by drug “builders,” gamers, and
cyborg veterans, and one situated in the twenty-second century, in which
a small kleptocratic elite live hi-tech lives in gated communities for
which they have the inhabitants of the “earlier” future provide cheap
labor. This double future is an imaginative way to render the rampant
inequality that besets contemporary society. The two futures are sepa-
rated by an event called “the Jackpot”: a massive civilizational collapse
and planetary extinction event that brings together key Anthropocene
anxieties. The Peripheral combines what Gibson calls “a more fully
corrupt, third worlded version of contemporary America” (Newitz 2014)
and a radically altered post-Anthropocene future. Margaret Atwood’s
wildly popular MaddAddam trilogy (consisting of Oryx and Crake
[2003], The Year of the Flood [2009], and MaddAddam [2013]) also
features two futures: one is marked by intensified consumerism and
genetic experimentation, the other, following a global pandemic, offers
Introduction 25
new cross-species potentialities. This set-up also recalls the organizing
conceit of The Collapse of Western Civilization, but what sets Gibson’s
(like Atwood’s) work apart from Oreskes and Conway’s more austere
narrative exercise is his novel’s indulgence in imaginative details: we find
extensive descriptions of moving tattoos, of hi-tech suits and weapons,
of a particular kind of time-travel through so-called “peripherals”
(cyborg avatars users can connect to from a distance), and of bizarre
cyborg wheelchairs. The Peripheral is a richly textured novel, and this
shows its interest in an imaginative exploration of the lived reality of a
possible future. This is something that Oreskes and Conway are simply
not interested in: their focus is on a diagnosis of the present. In
Atwood’s trilogy, a lot of imaginative energy is invested in depicting the
life of the Crakers, a bioengineered species of pseudo-humans. For all
their strangeness and excess, these benign and naive creatures engaging
in carefree group sex with their bright blue buttocks and erections add a
weirdly (and ambivalently) utopian dimension to the books’ critical
engagement with present-day society.
Anthropocene Writing
One peculiar feature of the unruly entity that haunts Annihilation’s Area
X is that it writes: “An … organism … was writing living words along
the interior walls of the tower … Whole ecosystems had been born and
now flourished among the words” (VanderMeer 2014a, 90). The tower is
filled with “a moldering pile” of documents chronicling earlier explora-
tions of the terrain, which are gradually absorbed by the midden: “Torn
pages, crushed pages, journal covers warped and damp. Slowly the history
of exploring Area X could be said to be turning into Area X” (111–12).
The first question this raises is one of agency: what, the novel asks, “was
the interplay between the words and the tower-creature … Were the
words a form of symbiotic or parasitic communication between
the Crawler and the Tower” (91)? The theme of writing brings into relief
the agency of nonhuman actors; if we define agency as the capacity to
have an impact, to leave traces for others to read, then it makes sense to
figure agency as, precisely, a form of writing. And as literature is a kind of
textuality that is deeply concerned with the powers, the limits, and the
(im)possibilities of writing, this offers a fourth way—after narrative,
affect, and imagination—in which a consideration of literature can enrich
our understanding of the Anthropocene. Without going so far as to say
that the Anthropocene is essentially a literary problem, we can submit that
26 Introduction
literature helps us see to what extent the Anthropocene is a matter of
reading and writing, of decoding and inscription.
In the last decades of the twentieth century, Jacques Derrida’s (1974)
infamous assertion that “il n’y a pas de hors-texte”—best translated as
“there is no outside of the text” (158)—used to function as a slogan for a
form of cultural studies that believed that the whole of reality could be
studied as a text. It was easily ridiculed as an example of so-called High
Theory’s (or French Theory’s) stubborn blindness to material reality. In
a time defined by the human capacity to promiscuously leave traces in
the chemical and climatological make-up of the planet and by nonhuman
agents’ ability to also leave their mark, Derrida’s statement today seems
perversely appropriate. There is no part of the earth system that is not
affected by the traces our daily actions leave in the atmosphere; nor is
there any aspect of our surroundings that we, together with our techno-
logical devices, are not frantically scrutinizing to harvest data about the
world. Powered by our ever increasing technological capacity to read
geological, chemical, and climatological traces, the Anthropocene world
is a reality saturated by the almost boundless proliferation of data,
inscriptions, and signs (what has been referred to as “infowhelm” or,
more accurately, “semiowhelm” [Woods 2017, 205–206]); it is a world
that is manically read even as our actions provide ever more data points
for future readers.
Writing is not just a reflection on the Anthropocene, it is also
constitutive of it. The Anthropocene, Tobias Boes and Kate Marshall
(2014) remark, “is not simply something that is written about; it is also
something that is actively shaped and created through acts of human
inscription” (64). Human actions, in other words, do not function as
denotative speech acts but are “performative interventions in which
humankind functions as both subject and object” (64): the actions we under-
take as subjects, together with the actions of nonhuman agents, make up
the reality of a geological epoch that carries our name, and that thus
defines what we (as objects of these speech acts) are. This is a difficult
idea, to be sure. Self-reflexive experiments that test the paradoxes and
limits of writing are a hallmark of modern literature, and especially of the
high modernist projects of writers like Flaubert, Mallarmé, Joyce, Beck-
ett, and Blanchot. Literature’s capacity to interrogate its own conditions
of (im)possibility gains a surprising new relevance in an era in which
there is nothing that is not marked by both human and nonhuman traces.
In a digital age, the media through which we record reality are as
much a part of our lived environment as the natural world. In the
Introduction 27
second volume of the Southern Reach trilogy, entitled Authority (2014),
the setting shifts from the weird wilderness to the office. Control, the
novel’s protagonist, is charged with investigating the Southern Reach’s
dismal track record. Rather than a riveting procedural, however,
Authority is a comedy of data management, in which Control is over-
whelmed by the proliferation of writing: “Even when he asked ques-
tions he was hemorrhaging data. He had a sudden image of
information floating out the side of his head in a pixelated blood-red
mist” (VanderMeer 2014b, 142). Data bleed into the world and further
erode the distinction between human and nonhuman realms. The
writings he has to put in order “looked in part as if he had tracked in
dirt on his shoes from outside,” turning him into “a new kind of urban
farmer, building compost piles with classified material” (152). Gradu-
ally, the difference between the settings of the first and second volumes
collapses as the sprawling mess of information becomes an environ-
ment in its own right: “His office began to close in on him. Listless
pushing around of files and pretend efforts to straighten bookshelves
had given way to further Internet searches” that provide images that
look like Area X (288). It seems that digital media and natural
environments are deeply entangled in our experience of the world.
Developments in media technology are a crucial dimension of the
Anthropocene. Registering changes to our lifeworld requires increased
capacities to read, for which we mostly depend on technological and
computational aides. Changes to the earth system such as rising tem-
peratures and carbon dioxide levels can only be observed through
“computational models supported by a knowledge infrastructure” such
as “weather observations, satellite data, radar readings, and so on”
(Mirzoeff 2015, 219). A more perverse link between digital technology
and environmental degradation is the fact that these technologies leave a
considerable environmental footprint through their vast expenditure of
(often unclean) energy as well as through the use of rare minerals and
the proliferation of e-waste (Parikka 2015, 111–13). Making planetary
change visible, in other words, depends on computational processes that
have a material impact which, in a vicious feedback loop, contributes to
that change.
The entanglement of digital and natural ecologies means that literary
works that are not explicitly interested in environmental issues can still
tell us something about the Anthropocene. In Tom McCarthy’s novel
Satin Island (2015), U., the novel’s narrator, works as a corporate
anthropologist charged with writing the “Great Report”: an all-
28 Introduction
encompassing, comprehensive account of contemporary life. Given this
daunting task, it is unsurprising he hits a wall: “I’d begun to suspect,” he
notes, “that this Great Report was un-plottable, un-frameable, un-rea-
lizable: in short, … un-writable” (McCarthy 2015b, 126). U. gains
insight into his impasse when he begins to understand that, in a data-
saturated world in which physical movements, consumer transactions,
keystrokes, and click-throughs are relentlessly recorded, tabulated, and
cross-indexed, the Great Report is not so much “un-writable” as being
written in real time:
The truly terrifying thought wasn’t that the Great Report might be
un-writable, but—quite the opposite—that it had already been
written … by a neutral and indifferent binary system that had given
rise to itself, moved by itself and would perpetuate itself … And
that we, far from being its authors … were no more than actions
and commands within its key-chains.
(133–34)
Other-than-human(ism)
The Anthropocene launches an ambivalent challenge to the belief that
our species holds special powers that set it apart from other life forms. If
naming a geological epoch after our species elevates us to the status of a
veritable geological agent, it does so only to underline our impotence and
vulnerability in the face of the forces we have helped unleash. The
Anthropocene renames the recent past as an interval of momentous
human agency, but it also dramatically shortens the historical window in
which that agency can still undo the unintended consequences of its
actions. A 2018 report by the United Nation’s Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change, for instance, situates an all-out climate disaster as
early as 2040, with the deadline for intervention expiring much earlier
still. If in the Anthropocene, “the human along with every other being is
intimately caught within a maelstrom of erosion and disintegration”
(Oppermann 2018, 3), the traditional markers of human species pride—
self-consciousness, autonomy, reason—merely point to an exceptional
capacity to register impotence and doom, not to mention an intensified
species status anxiety.
The increasing entanglement of human and other agents and the
growing awareness of vulnerability inform one of the most important
developments in contemporary critical thought: a decentering of human
life and a growing concern for nonhuman lives and things. The so-called
“nonhuman turn” (Grusin 2015) downplays the differences between
humans and nonhumans, and often situates different human and nonhu-
man agents as participants in a “flat” ontology: a worldview without
hierarchies and layers, in which agency is distributed between interacting
human and nonhuman actors. As we will see, this does not simply mean
that humans become more thing-like. More often, it means that objects
Objects, Matters, Things 85
are endowed with humanoid capacities: the power to withdraw into an
inscrutable interiority (in object-oriented ontology), to express them-
selves (in the new materialism), or even to tell stories (in material
ecocriticism). These paradigms officially claim to move beyond the
humanist belief in human singularity, yet they often turn out to be
“ultra-humanisms” (Colebrook 2014, 162), in that they extend human
attributes to nonhuman entities. Even if these capacities are mostly
metaphorical, this transfer testifies to the complex traffic between human
and nonhuman forces in contemporary theory.
In this chapter, I survey the contributions of object-oriented ontology,
new materialism, material ecocriticism, and (much more briefly) actor–
network theory and critical posthumanism to debates over the relations
between human and nonhuman agency. My discussion shows that these
theories take great pains to appreciate difference and not surrender the
human and nonhuman things they bring together to a vast, undiffer-
entiated sludge. Their attention to discrete things and separate objects,
however, does not always translate into an ability to differentiate
between different kinds of differences—an ability that, as we saw in the
first chapter, characterizes the environmental humanities at its best.
Take, as a famous example, political theorist Jane Bennett’s analysis of
the 2003 North American power blackout in her book Vibrant Matter.
The breakdown of the electric power grid, which affected 50 million
people, helps Bennett (2010) illustrate her notion of “distributive agency”
in which the cooperation and “interactive interference of many bodies
and forces” has a real-world impact surpassing that of any individual
agent (21). Each of these constituents is given their due in Bennett’s
catalogue: “the electrical grid is better understood,” she writes, “as a
volatile mix of coal, sweat, electromagnetic fields, computer programs,
electron streams, profit motives, heat, lifestyles, nuclear fuel, plastic,
fantasies of mastery, static, legislation, water, economic theory, wire,
and wood” (25). The blackout, in Bennett’s analysis, is then the “end-
point of a cascade” (25): it is triggered by the frictions and overlaps
between these constituent parts, which serve as different “agential loci”
(26) contributing to the agency of the assemblage they compose.
Bennett refuses to discriminate between the different components.
Even when we know that corporate greed and “the shabby condition of
the public-utilities infrastructure” (36) play a role, Bennett declines to
differentiate between, say, the power of corporations and, say, the role
of coal, sweat, or electronic transmitters: these things are different, but
they are all different in the same way. This emphasis on the agency of
86 Anthropocene Agencies
things (Bennett talks about “thing-power”) is a welcome corrective to the
almost exclusive focus on social forces and linguistic mediation in the
late-twentieth-century humanities. Against such a stale “constructivism,”
more recent theoretical tendencies affirm what Rosi Braidotti (2013) has
called the “vital, self-organizing and yet non-naturalistic structure of
living matter itself” (2)—and in the case of Bennett’s vibrant materi-
alism, even of abiotic matter. Recent critical projects aim to undo the so-
called “linguistic turn,” which in the last third of the twentieth century
shifted attention to the ways language shapes and polices access to rea-
lity. Instead, they present reality as a choreography of human and non-
human agents: “Humanity and nonhumanity have always performed an
intricate dance with each other,” Bennett writes (31). Such a considera-
tion of the material world was long overdue, not least because an
exclusive focus on language threatened to obscure the realities of climate
change and other processes of planetary deterioration. Still, Bennett’s
principled refusal to single out anthropogenic dynamics—to differentiate
between different differences—also has less salutary consequences: it
downplays the disproportionate responsibility of particular human
agents in environmental degradation, and it elides power differentials
between diverse human constituencies. In their ambition to correct the
constructivist bias of the late-twentieth-century humanities, projects like
Bennett’s at times derail the environmental humanities’ mission to
negotiate the entanglements and differences between symbolic and
material processes.
In the next section, I trace continuities and differences between the
most prominent contemporary paradigms that attend to other-than-
human forces, most notably the new materialism and object-oriented
ontology. The third section of the chapter develops a brief reading of
Scottish writer John Burnside’s 2008 novel Glister to test the limits and
affordances of these theories. Set in a toxic postindustrial landscape,
Glister maps the intricate connections between technological, natural,
and human agencies. The novel resonates with these critical paradigms’
attention to the “thing-power” of the environment, xenobiotic sub-
stances, and industry, and their insistence that human lives are co-
constituted by nonhuman substances. At the same time, it shows that
these theories have a hard time calibrating differentiated human
responsibilities and issues of class. The fourth section restates the fail-
ure of these critical approaches to factor in hierarchies and incompa-
tible differences as a matter of scale. Scale is at the heart of the notion
of the Anthropocene, if only because the very term suggests a smooth
Objects, Matters, Things 87
scaling up of human agency to the level of the species. I draw on
Timothy Clark’s notion of “scale effects” and Derek Woods’s term
“scale variance” to underline that size matters: strategies that work on
a personal or local level (such as recycling and ethical consuming, for
instance) cannot simply be expanded to a planetary scale. In the fifth
and final section, I discuss the material ecocriticism of Serenella Iovino
and Serpil Oppermann. For these critics, all matter is “storied matter”:
it has the power to be “creatively expressive” and tell its own stories
(Oppermann 2018, 9). I end with the suggestion that material story-
telling might be a less productive literary model for thinking about the
imbrication of human and nonhuman forces than writing. Writing and
inscription may be more adequate models to convey how violent, con-
sequential, and inerasable human interactions with the planet have
been and continue to be.
The theoretical developments I discuss break with a humanist investment
in the exceptionality of human life, and they explicitly attend to other-than-
human agents. This brings them close to posthumanism, even if, as I noted,
these theoretical movements remain hooked to human capacities (story-
telling, intentionality, expression). But critical posthumanism is also better
understood as a move beyond humanism than as a relinquishing of every-
thing human. For Rosi Braidotti, posthumanism consists in a decentering of
the traditional autonomous modern subject, who represents only one ver-
sion of human life: what she calls “the human of Humanism,” who fore-
closes difference and “stands for normality, normalcy and normativity”
(2013, 26). For Cary Wolfe (2010), also, posthumanism is first of all post-
humanist: it “opposes … fantasies of disembodiment and autonomy” and
emphasizes human life’s “imbrication in technical, medical, informatics,
and economic networks” (xv). In the wake of Donna Haraway’s (1991)
influential “Cyborg Manifesto,” posthumanist thought has foregrounded
technical and robotic elements, and its emphasis on complex environmental
interactions and the basic openness of systems has made it a privileged
interlocutor for the environmental study of literature. As we saw in the first
chapter, ecocriticism has increasingly come to expand its scope from the
natural wilderness to environments marked by toxicity, invasive species,
intelligent machines, and pesticides. In this context, critical posthumanist
thought enriches the ecocritical toolbox for analyzing the complexly inter-
woven biospheres and technospheres of the Anthropocene. Like critical
posthumanism, the theories under scrutiny in this chapter help Anthro-
pocene thought move beyond anthropocentrism and map the complex
material and symbolic traffic between humans and nonhumans.
88 Anthropocene Agencies
Matter vs. Object
One way to describe the new materialism is as a project to make matter
matter. Matter, for the new materialism, is not a passive substance that
science can explain and technology can manipulate; nor is it merely
meaningless goo that only acquires meaning through linguistic media-
tion. New materialism is first of all a monism that undoes the dualisms
inherent in the ways we traditionally relate to matter: that between sci-
entific object and observer, for instance, or that between matter and
meaning. This does not mean that materialism is anti-scientific: new
materialists like sociologist Vicki Kirby and science studies scholar and
theoretical physicist Karen Barad, for instance, explicitly enlist quantum
physics to theorize material reality as a fluid and open-ended process
rather than a fungible resource. Quantum physics teaches that scientific
perception is an effect of particular scientific procedures (this means, for
example, that the position and the momentum of particles cannot possi-
bly be measured at the same time). New materialists extend this insight
and see the material world as a reality that emerges through the inter-
actions of different acts, events, and forces: matter and meaning, the
material order and symbolic processes, are fundamentally entangled, an
idea reflected in Donna Haraway’s (2003) notion of “natureculture” (1).
As humans, we are, as Barad (2007) writes, “a part of that nature we
seek to understand” (67), even as our meaning-making practices also co-
constitute the natural world. Nothing escapes this intercourse, as the new
materialist world leaves no room for transcendence and is fully immanent.
The new materialist worldview is also fundamentally relational: the con-
stituents of reality do not preexist their relations to one another, but only
emerge through their reciprocal and multidirectional exchanges. To
underline this process of co-emergence, in which there are no discrete
objects with inherent characteristics but only entangled agencies that
mutually constitute one another, Barad coins the notion of “intra-action”
(33). She contrasts this term to “interaction,” a word that seems to
presuppose preexisting entities, just as, for instance, the once fashionable
notion of hybridity does. For the new materialism, matter is neither stable
nor unchangeable; it is a net of agencies that human life is plugged into.
Monism, immanence, relationality: these notions also characterize
Jane Bennett’s vibrant materialism, whose concerns overlap with those of
the new materialism, even if it is somewhat less interested in science.
Like Barad and Kirby, Bennett (2010) holds that matter is not just “pas-
sive stuff,” “raw, brute, or inert” (vii), as there is “a liveliness intrinsic to
Objects, Matters, Things 89
the materiality of the thing” (xvi). Bennett prefers the term “thing” to
that of “object,” which for her is too reminiscent of the subject-object
dyad that the new materialism proscribes: things, she quotes W.J.T.
Mitchell, signal “the moment when the object becomes the Other” (2).
Things and assemblages (irreducibly complex compounds of things) have
“an active, earthly, not-quite-human capaciousness” (3) with which
human life is co-emergent. Bennett gives the example of Omega-3, a fatty
acid prevalent in fish that has a salutary effect on people’s mental states.
Bennett proposes we factor in the agency of this fatty acid when we
describe phenomena (or “assemblages”) such as “American consump-
tion” and the “crisis of obesity” (39). We need to recognize, Bennett
writes, “a productive power intrinsic to foodstuff, which enables edible
matter to coarsen or refine the imagination or render a disposition more
or less liable to ressentiment, depression, hyperactivity, dull-wittedness,
or violence” (49). On this account, emotive states do not originate in the
ineffable interiority of the human mind, but emerge through the interac-
tion of human and nonhuman bodies (an insight we already encountered
in Evelyn Reilly’s Styrofoam, which I discussed in the first chapter).
Picturing the world as a mesh of promiscuously interrelated oozing
bodies no doubt has its attractions, but it also has its problems. New
and vibrant materialisms tend to celebrate interconnectedness as a
nourishing and enchanting state of affairs, but delight and pleasure are
only some of the possible moods besetting material encounters: if the
material bodies one encounters happen to be toxic or carcinogenic, for
instance, danger and harm might replace generosity and joy (Lemke
2018, 40). Another problem is that this world picture brackets episte-
mological questions (how can we get to know other entities?) only to
transform its ontological description of the world into an ethical
injunction: materialist accounts of the world call on us to “be attentive”
to matter, to “attune ourselves” to its energies, or to “register” materi-
ality. With epistemological complications out of the way, all that
remains is “the ethical binary of attunement to or resentment to materi-
ality” (Rekret 2016, 227). More often than not, this ethics is an indivi-
dualized and voluntarist one, in which purportedly free individuals are
called upon to cultivate a transformed relationship to matter (Lemke
2018, 42–46; Rekret 2016, 227–30).
At least two politically salient issues remain unexplored in this
reduction of human action to a matter of ethical sensibilities. First, and
as we will explore in the fourth section of this chapter, such a call for
ethical attunement remains blind to the question of scale: real-world
90 Anthropocene Agencies
change requires more than a cumulative series of individual conversion
experiences, and also depends on the hard work of organization and
mobilization. It requires a collective politics rather than a personal
ethics. Second, the cherishing of autonomy and free will, which the new
materialism also extends to nonhuman things, overlooks that human
actions are necessarily constrained, and that attitudinal change always
takes place in an already stratified social space. Valorizing the agency of
Omega-3 is one thing, but the transition to more sustainable food pat-
terns requires more than an altered ethical sensibility: it might, for
instance, require undoing material constraints such as the deregulation of
the food industry and the socioeconomic determinants of the obesity
crisis. Bennett’s (2010) proposal to “enter into the proximity of assem-
blages whose conglomerate effectivity tends toward the enactment of
nobler ends” (43) enjoins us to cultivate healthier affects, but “enter[ing]
into the proximity” of the good stuff is unlikely to constitute the kind of
decisive action that will effectively address Anthropocene challenges.
The new materialism shares its emphasis on relationality and on the
choreographies of “horizontally aligned agentic entities” (Oppermann
2018, 3) with actor–network theory (or ANT). In the 1980s, ANT
emerged in the sociology of science and technology (SST) in the work of
Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. It studies the horizontal interactions
between social and natural and between human and nonhuman actants.
The effect of ANT’s descriptions is one of defamiliarization, as infra-
structures and everyday objects of lab life—scraps of paper, instruments,
coffee cups—are assigned a role in the development of scientific and
technological breakthroughs. ANT reimagines the world as a networks
of relations and nothing else: “Literally there is nothing but networks”
(Latour 1996, 370). It is rigorously uninterested in substances: things
only feature in networks as actants, and their identity is exhaustively
defined by the mode of their participation in the network under investi-
gation. For Latour, an actant is simply “something that acts or to which
activity is granted by others” (373).
The new materialism adopts the relationality and flat ontology of
ANT, but it goes beyond it by putting flesh on the bare actantial nodes
in ANT networks and by transforming its abstract universe into a dense,
material, and embodied one. For both the new materialism and ANT,
then, everything that exists is in relation, and reality is the sum of all
relations. They share what Peter Gratton (2014) has called “an ‘actual-
ism’ that grants reality only to the shifting relations of the world and not
to hidden forces (even potentially) that don’t relate to the things of
Objects, Matters, Things 91
existence” (91). For ANT and the new materialism alike, things cannot
disengage from the networks that sustain them. This marks their main
difference from object-oriented ontology (or OOO, or Triple O), another
wildly influential contemporary school of thought that campaigns for the
capacity of things, and not only humans, to withdraw from relation and
to preserve a residue of interiority in a hyperconnected world. If the new
materialism tends to a cheerful affirmation of the actuality of the world,
object-oriented ontology revels in gothic sensibilities and in the horror of
the abyss beneath things. The new materialism cherishes “lively things”
(Bennett 2010, viii); OOO cultivates the weird, the lurid, and the alien.
Mostly associated with the work of philosopher Graham Harman and
literary critic Timothy Morton, OOO emerged in the early 2000s as part
of a loose philosophical movement called speculative realism. OOO
extends the anti-constructivist thrust of a lot of twenty-first-century
thought to a wide-ranging critique of the thought of Immanuel Kant.
Kant’s critical philosophy famously restricts knowledge to the domain of
things that appear to us, and it dismisses all attempts to get beyond
experience as empty speculation. Speculative realists refer to this episte-
mological stricture as “correlationism” and reject it to gain access to the
reality of things beyond human experience. This deeper reality of things
cannot be reduced to their molecular constitution (an error Harman calls
“undermining”) nor to their relations and actions (a form of “over-
mining” of which ANT is guilty). According to OOO, the new materi-
alism commits both errors simultaneously: not only does it plunge things
into a material substrate, it also entangles them in webs of relation.
Against this double mistake, Harman (2016)—an indefatigable booster
of the OOO brand—positions object-oriented ontology as “a resolutely
anti-materialist theory” (95–96): a “deeply non-relational conception of
the reality of things,” he writes, “is the heart of object-oriented philoso-
phy” (Harman 2012, 187). Against materialist flux, object-oriented
ontology asserts the unshakable stability of things; against the reduction
of things to their relations, it affirms their “irreducible strangeness and
surprising weirdness” (Lemke 2017, 144). Things never fully surrender
themselves in their encounters with humans, nor in their encounters with
one another: “the inner aspect of the object … is forever withdrawn
from the sensuous domain” (Gratton 2014, 100).
The affirmation of an ineradicable darkness at the heart of nature
obviously resonates with Anthropocene sensibilities. The broad shift
from fantasies of natural harmony to a disconcertingly weird environ-
ment is reflected in Timothy Morton’s blockbuster concept of the
92 Anthropocene Agencies
“hyperobject.” If all objects, for OOO, are strange, wayward, and weird,
hyperobjects like plutonium, global warming, Styrofoam, or capitalism
radicalize that alienation: hyperobjects are “objects massively distributed
in time and space that make us redefine what an object is” (Morton
2011, 167). OOO here reveals its proximity to the figure of the sublime:
finding itself overwhelmed and disoriented, it turns away from empirical
observation and rational thought to the domain of the aesthetic to find
access to things. The writing of OOO-thinkers is then often a self-con-
scious performance of approximating the object world. The two most
remarkable stylistic features of OOO-writing are “ultra-vivid descrip-
tion” (Morton 2011, 170) and the litany: long lists of objects and things
that are juxtaposed at a remove from human mediation. One random
but entirely representative example is Graham Harman’s (2005) evoca-
tion of a place “amidst coral reefs, sorghum fields, paragliders, ant
colonies, binary stars, sea voyages, Asian swindlers, and desolate tem-
ples” (3). Indeed, if the writing of new materialists typically invests in
syntactical complexity to express the intricate relations between human
and nonhuman objects, OOO relies on a melancholic evocation of the
object-world from which human life has ostensibly withdrawn. As
Morton writes, “[m]elancholia is precisely a mode of intimacy with
strange objects that can’t be digested by the subject” (175).
Such seemingly impassive and deadpan evocations of the object-world
are not without their problems. For one thing, the stable splendor of
objects obfuscates the contexts and contingencies through which the
stability of the status quo emerges. The privileging of stability makes it
hard to account for change and difference, and some of the most scho-
lastic elaborations of the theory follow from the difficulty it has to con-
ceive of change (Gratton 2014, 85–107). This problem is compounded by
the simultaneous emphasis on the inaccessibility of things: if the only
mode of access to “the thing in its untamed, subterranean reality” is
aesthetic (Harman 2011, 80), it is hard to see how this improves on the
new materialism’s recourse to ethical attitudes. Reducing analysis to an
exercise in aesthetics, OOO remains blind to “the de facto privileged role
and the planetary power of humans to affect other objects” (Lemke 2017,
147). Indeed, one of the ironies of OOO might be that, in its desire to
move beyond the “correlationist” confines of human experience, it for-
gets to problematize the traditional human subject: objects’ alleged
potential to withdraw from relation and to preserve their privacy is
curiously anthropomorphic, and the display of a world in which objects
are liberated from their entanglement with humans can only be enjoyed
Objects, Matters, Things 93
from a perspective that seems to be that of a disengaged and dis-
embodied human spectator. It is no surprise, then, that literary engage-
ments with the object-world diverge from object-oriented ontologies, as
well as from new materialist ones. John Burnside’s novel Glister is a case
in point.
Scale Shiftiness
In contemporary discourse, the notion of scale almost automatically
evokes the infinitely large and the incredibly long. This is as true in
environmental debates as it is in business lingo. When the business press
talks about “scalability,” it means the capacity of businesses to grow and
to manage rising demand. Issues of scale pertain to the challenge of
“scaling up” and of dealing with increased sizes. In the Anthropocene
context, size matters too: the term names a moment when the sum of
individual actions has come to affect the planet as a whole, and when the
fallout of our actions resonates in faraway futures, rather than on the
more manageable timelines on which we normally track human actions
(days, weeks, lifetimes). Yet this “upscaling” does not mean that cus-
tomary frameworks lose their hold on us: notions like “deep time” (a
geological time that counts in billions of years) and “slow violence”
(pointing to the gradual attrition of life worlds rather than to punctual
disasters) are not absolute substances, but derive both their rhetorical
force and their analytical significance from their contrast to the conven-
tional extensions and rhythms of human life. Scale, in other words, is a
relational notion: it names the ratio between different size domains. The
Anthropocene is then not simply an outright “upscaling” of human life,
but is better understood as a critical moment when size difference becomes
a matter of concern. If we tend to take the rhythms, speeds, distances, and
sizes of the human world for granted, the Anthropocene reminds us that
the human scale is only one (set of) domain(s) among many.
Literature has always explored the tensions between the human
mesoscale and different micro- and macroscales. One of the most famous
examples is Jonathan Swift’s 1726 Gulliver’s Travels, which sends its
protagonist to Lilliput, where he lives among tiny people, as well as to
Brobdingnag, where he resides among giants over 60 feet tall. Such scalar
mismatches would gradually disappear from the literary mainstream
Objects, Matters, Things 97
with the eighteenth-century rise and later consolidation of the novel, a
form dedicated to the serious depiction of everyday life, and thus con-
fined to the ebbing rhythms of human time (McGurl 2017). The imagin-
ing of macroscales was increasingly assigned to the genre of science
fiction, as in Olaf Stapledon’s 1930 work Last and First Men, which
covers a sequence of 18 different human species in a span of 2 billion
years. As scale has become a concern that also affects everyday life, it has
increasingly come to invade the province of realist fiction. Think, for
instance, of Karl-Ove Knausgaard’s My Struggle project (2009–2011),
which offers a 3,500-page exploration of even the minutest experiences,
memories, reflections, and perceptions of the narrator. The scalar mis-
match between the vast scope of the project and the infinitesimally small
focus of the novels’ mode of notation shows how Knausgaard’s project
unravels the customary rhythms and patterns of realism, and it helps
explain both the fascination and the irritation the books have generated.
Don DeLillo’s Point Omega (2010) offers a different approach to scalar
variation. Point Omega is a decidedly slim work of some 120 pages, not
only in comparison to Knausgaard’s gigantic undertaking, but also to
DeLillo’s 1997 masterpiece Underworld, which connected different
human-scaled narratives to provide an authoritative account of American
postwar life. After its opening section, Point Omega abandons New
York, the center of Underworld’s sprawling universe, and turns to the
slow, eventless temporality of the desert, a space so indistinct it is either
“the Sonoran desert or maybe it was the Mojave desert or another desert
altogether” (DeLillo 2011, 25). Human geography does not matter, as
this is the province of geological time—of “the protoworld … the seas
and reefs of ten million years ago” (25). This is “deep time, epochal
time” (91), in which human concerns, such as the disappearance of one
of the characters, which is hardly investigated, “are overwhelmed by
landscape” (82). The novel connects human life to geological and cosmic
processes, and in this way also opens up the infinitesimal gaps that
underlie our everyday functioning. At its beginning and its end, the novel
evokes Douglas Gordon’s 24 Psycho, an art installation that slows down
Hitchcock’s film Psycho so it takes up 24 hours, the time it takes the
earth to complete one rotation. This shift from the time of human
entertainment to that of cosmic repetition robs the film of all suspense,
and instead trains the viewer “to feel time passing, to be alive to what is
happening in the smallest registers” (7). Projecting only two frames a
second, the installation foregrounds the interstices of time—what Point
Omega calls “submicroscopic moments” (21)—that are neutralized in
98 Anthropocene Agencies
ordinary perception. These infinitesimal interstices have as much of a
disruptive impact on the human scale as the invocations of cosmic vast-
ness that we find in the novel’s central narrative. By destabilizing the
human mesoscale, literature’s scalar experiments participate in the same
revisionary project that motivates the different materialisms, post-
humanisms, and ontologies I discuss elsewhere in this chapter.
Complex engagements with different scales simultaneously offer a pro-
mising way to find a form for the Anthropocene. If Dipesh Chakrabarty in
2009 still noted that “[t]o call human beings geological agents is to scale up
our imagination of the human” (2009, 206), he later appreciated that such
scaling up is not enough, and that the real challenge is “think[ing] of human
agency over multiple and incommensurable scales at once” (2012, 1, italics
mine). Zach Horton (2017) usefully notes that the Anthropocene is less
about the discovery of new scales than about the human’s “confrontation
with itself as a trans-scalar entity” (35). The illusion that we are mono-
scalar entities has made it possible to obfuscate the reality of scalar differ-
ence and to conjoin different scales within a single medium in a process of
“scalar collapse” that, for Horton, characterizes both colonization and sci-
entific rationality (36). Seeing human life as trans-scalar is then also a way
of avoiding the imposition of one particular perspective on the complex
environments that human action must negotiate. It makes it possible to
appreciate that the new materialist injunction to be attentive to matter, for
instance, cannot simply be scaled up to a planetary program to address the
energy crisis, as such a solution demands tactics, campaigns, and decisions
that may need to strategically bracket such attentiveness. Different size
domains demand different approaches. In a curious 1926 essay entitled “On
Being the Right Size,” biologist J.B.S. Haldane notes that even Swift’s
Brobdingnag’s giants are physically impossible: being “not only ten times as
high” but also “ten times as wide and ten times as thick” as ordinary
humans, the cross section of their bones (which determines the body’s car-
rying power) could never support them, so they “would have broken their
thighs every time they took a step” (1956, 952). It is no coincidence the
human body is the size it is, and for Haldane, this also goes for human
institutions: just as the Greek model of democracy can’t simply be scaled up
to a country the size of the UK, so socialism, Haldane surmises, might be
extended to “Belgium Ltd or Denmark Inc.,” but probably not to larger
scales (956–57). Examples like these show that, when we talk about the
human subject of the Anthropocene, scale shifts are marked by jumps,
glitches, and discontinuities, not by smooth processes of zooming in and
out.
Objects, Matters, Things 99
As users of Google Earth and Google Maps, we all are familiar with
the experience of frictionless scalability: these apps allow users to scan
the globe and zoom in on any location of their choice. These apps’
effortless performances of magnification and resolution afford their
human users an experience of visual mastery and sovereign mobility.
Charles and Ray Eames’s 1977 short film Powers of Ten offers an early
example of such zooming power. The film opens with a neatly composed
picnic scene in a park, before the camera begins its vertical ascent at an
ever increasing speed until it is 100 million light years away from the
picnic scene. At this point, it begins its descent that returns to the park,
only to collapse into a cell in one of the picnickers’ hands and to further
descend to the level of molecules, atoms, and beyond. The dispassionate
seriousness of the film’s voice-over reinforces the unperturbed perfor-
mance of the camera zoom. It concludes the film by saying that “our
journey has taken us through 40 powers of ten,” instilling a sense of
control over the different dimensions of reality (Dorrian 2011). Such a
fantasy of scalar sovereignty is also at work in geoengineering and
nanotechnological imaginaries. Yet there is also a more sinister dimen-
sion to the film, which hints at a more disturbing discontinuity under-
lying its visual virtuosity and impassive voice-over. These achievements
cannot wholly neutralize the unease of seeing an emphatically human-
scaled scene of leisure and happiness shrink in the face of a nonhuman
power of vision that, on its way down, barely stops to register human
bodies as it infiltrates them. The film displays an eerie power of
abstraction and penetration. Even as it fosters illusions of technological
mastery, it simultaneously qualifies the human scale as a powerless target
of technological violence. In that sense, we can compare the film to the
Blue Marble photograph I discussed in the previous chapter, in which
human life is similarly rescaled by a technology that also intimates the
power to annihilate it.
Fantasies of infinite scalability don’t account for the scalar complexity of
the Anthropocene world. Scale, Derek Woods (2018) notes, “is not a linear
or zoom-like shift from big to small” (502), but is inevitably beset by what
Woods calls scale variance (Timothy Clark uses the term scale effects). It is
misleading, for instance, to see Timothy Morton’s hyperobjects, which are
massively distributed in time and space, as models to think of the object
world at other scales. While it makes sense to say that things like Styrofoam
or climate change (to name two exemplary hyperobjects) are so vast and
unlocalized that they withdraw from human access, that is not necessarily
the case for our relation to everyday objects. Similarly, the monism of the
100 Anthropocene Agencies
new materialism and the flat ontology it shares with Triple O fail to ima-
gine a truly pluralist ontology that distinguishes different scale domains
(Woods 2017, 217). These theories’ blindness to scale makes sense in light
of the customary association of scale jumping with power and control
(Clarke and Wittenberg 2017, 11–12), but it leads to an impoverished
account of how the climate-changed world works. There are “ontological
rifts among size worlds” (Woods 2017, 210), and a failure to address those
rifts overlays a world marked by discontinuities and thresholds with a
smooth vision of openness, connectedness, and continuity.
When we abandon the notion that the subject of the Anthropocene is
a scaled-up human, we can see that human action, at the planetary level,
is thoroughly entangled with nonhuman forms of agency. The subject of
the Anthropocene is not an inflated human, but, in Derek Woods’s
(2014) terms, “the sum of terraforming assemblages composed of
humans, nonhuman species, and technics” (134). Factoring in scale var-
iance is necessary to capture the distributed agencies that co-constitute
the Anthropocene world. For Timothy Clark (2015), the Anthropocene is
essentially “an emergent ‘scale effect,’” as it interacts with nonhuman
processes when it crosses a particular point of no return: “at a certain,
indeterminate threshold, numerous human actions, insignificant in
themselves (heating a house, clearing trees, flying between the continents,
forest management) come together to form a new, imponderable physical
event, altering the basic ecological cycles of the planet” (72). The differ-
ent theories I survey in this chapter attune us to these different agencies,
but it requires what Woods calls “scale critique” to emphasize disjunc-
tions, incommensurable differences, jumps, and discontinuities and to
develop a properly complex picture of “what forms agency takes and
which mediators entangle it” (2014, 140). Such a picture will invariably
combine cozy entanglements with more troubling disruptions and rifts.
Anthropocene Angels
The Anthropocene warps our apprehension of time. It opens vast tem-
poral expanses as it situates even the minutest human choices, such as that
between driving a car or walking, in geological deep time. It turns the
future into a site of dread and diminishment rather than rapt anticipation.
The past is no longer a stable historical ground and morphs into a restive
archive of stored actions that may one day prove our undoing as a species.
The Anthropocene present, then, is a palimpsest of (often only partly
legible) crisscrossing forces that do not provide a clear point of orientation
to navigate the complexities of planetary life. This temporal disorientation
is the organizing concern of the second half of this book, and it comple-
ments the emphasis on the mostly spatial relations between texts, dis-
ciplines, subjects, and things in the first half. It would be a mistake to see
this temporal turmoil as radically unprecedented: industrial progress was
always shadowed by an awareness of environmental devastation (Bonneuil
and Fressoz 2016), and modern life, as it was typically lived in the buzzing
metropolis, has often elicited a giddy sensation of clashing temporalities.
Indeed, the idea that time is streamlined in an orderly progression from
past over present to future has always been an ideological imposition. The
cultural theorist Walter Benjamin (2006), in his classic “On the Concept of
History,” analyzes this quintessential modern myth of progress as “a
homogeneous, empty time” (395) in which new experiences are neatly
added in a linear and continuous fashion to the already accumulated data
of the past.
Benjamin saw it as the task of the historian to insist on dis-
continuities, repetitions, and shocks that upset such a neat accretion and
that instead point to “secret agreement[s]” between past and present
(390). For Benjamin, this was essentially a task of developing an ethics of
108 Anthropocene Temporalities
memory: such an ethics designs a relation to history that is “capable of
fanning the spark of hope in the past” by remembering the violence and
suffering on which reigning hegemonies are built, but which they work
hard to forget (396). Benjamin’s emblem for such an ethics of remem-
brance is the figure of the angel of history: keeping its face turned to the
past even while the modern myth of progress propels it into the future,
the angel contemplates the dismal record of the past as “one single cat-
astrophe” and repels strategies to erase that record (392). It is no over-
statement to say that Benjamin’s angel has, in the last few decades,
become an icon for a prominent tendency in critical thought that has
mined the past for injustices and disasters in the hope of achieving a
more equitable future. In the interdisciplinary field of memory studies,
which has in recent years increasingly liaised with the environmental
humanities, such a commitment to uncovering and undoing past wrongs
has become programmatic. Memory studies wants to repair the erasures
of “homogeneous, empty time” and to restore the temporal complexity
of the present. In that sense, it has an elective affinity with the Anthro-
pocene. This chapter traces that rapport in more detail by showing how
the current environmental crisis affects memory and how the study of
memory, in its turn, can enrich our understanding of the textured
temporality of the present.
A complex and layered apprehension of time is not unique to the
Anthropocene, but the turbulence of the Anthropocene present is yet
different from previous iterations of temporal turmoil. As Jennifer
Wenzel has argued, the temporal shifts associated with imminent climate
dereliction and planetary exhaustion “destabilize the straightforward,
secular assumption that pasts and presents have futures, that things just
keep on going, that time and history keep unfolding” (Craps et al. 2018,
502). We now know that they will not. If Benjamin already knew that
modernity’s narrative of progress all too conveniently forgot the violence
on which it was built, this narrative is now, Wenzel writes, “confounded
once and for all by a future utterly different from that which fossil fuels
once promised” (Craps et al. 503). The anticipation of a disastrous
future also cancels the value of our memories of the past, as our past
experiences were premised on a future that will not materialize: “Our
memories of the future will have turned out to have been all wrong”
(503). Interestingly, Benjamin’s “On the Concept of History” already
announces such a radical temporal upheaval. Near its end, the text
quotes “a modern biologist” observing that “[i]n relation to the history
of organic life on earth … the paltry fifty millennia of homo sapiens
Dominations 109
constitute something like two seconds at the close of a twenty-four hour
day” (2006, 396; Baucom 2012, 10–12). If the angel of history famously
condenses a whole human history of violence into one pregnant moment
when it sees “a chain of events” as “one single catastrophe which keeps
piling wreckage upon wreckage” (392), this passage underlines that the
history of human life is merely a moment in a much vaster history that is
not merely human (263). It introduces organic and geological scales that
complicate the mandate of memory studies and enjoins it to consider
nonhuman forces in its memory work.
The second half of this book is organized around three rubrics that
highlight the temporal disturbances that characterize the Anthropocene.
This chapter treats the question of Anthropocene memory under the
rubric of “dominations” to foreground the persistence of past injustices
in the way the Anthropocene afflicts different communities. The next
chapter is entitled “emergencies” and underlines the curious temporality
of inhabiting a present when it is perhaps already too late to salvage the
future. The last chapter, finally, uses the notion of “residues” to survey a
number of engagements with the insight that human life will be reduced
to a mere fossil in the planetary future. The series dominations/emer-
gencies/residues remixes another triad of terms: Raymond Williams’s
famous distinction between “dominant,” “residual,” and “emergent”
dimensions of the present. My variation on Williams’s influential cate-
gories aims to emphasize that the present frenzy is continuous with, even
if it intensifies, the disturbances Williams saw as endemic to social life.
Williams (1977)—like Benjamin, writing in a Marxist tradition—
aimed to “recognize the complex interrelations between movements and
tendencies both within and beyond a specific and effective dominance”
(121). Williams defines the residual as those elements from the past that
are still “an effective element of the present,” and not simply archaic
(122); “the actively residual,” for Williams, is “alternative or opposi-
tional,” and not “wholly or largely incorporated” (122–23). The emer-
gent, for its part, names those elements that point beyond the dominant:
it indicates that “new meanings and values, new practices, new rela-
tionships and kinds of relationship are continually being created” (124).
Just as the residual can be neutered when it is categorized as inoffen-
sively archaic, the emergent risks being rendered harmless when it
becomes fully incorporated as part of a self-updating dominant culture.
It is crucial, then, to resist such neutralization by the dominant and
maintain the residual and the emergent as irreducible dimensions of
experience. In that way, Williams notes, local sites of the residual can
110 Anthropocene Temporalities
even morph into emergent forces—a possibility that calls for a particular
ethics of memory.
The residual and the emergent name two kinds of experiences that
resist the false homogeneity of the dominant culture, and that turn the
historical ground on which we stand into a treacherous and explosive
terrain. Such experiences are still in search of a form, as they are “active
and pressing but not yet fully articulated”: emergent culture, Williams
writes, “is never only a matter of immediate practice; indeed it depends
crucially on finding new forms or adaptations of form” (126). It is a
measure of the insistence of non-dominant elements that they fit uneasily
in existing categories and forms, and that they often generate “an unease,
a stress, a displacement, a latency” when we confront them with domi-
nant (but, perhaps, soon to be defunct) forms (130). In the rest of this
book, I take my cue from Williams’s dynamic triad to describe the
peculiar temporality of the Anthropocene in new forms and categories.
The rubrics of dominations, emergencies, and residues remix Williams’s
terms for capturing the unsettled present and update them for a situation
in which social life is entangled with biological and geological entities.
Anthropocene Memories
Approaching Anthropocene memory through the lens of dominations
highlights that the present is marked by the persistence of histories of
domination, of engrained inequalities, and of legacies of environmental
injustice. If we extend the remit of memory to nonhuman actors and
environmental disasters, an awareness of lingering domination stresses
that we should not overlook the crucial role of human perpetrators,
victims, and bystanders, and forget the disproportionate role of man-
made structures such as capitalism, technology, and colonialism in nat-
ural violence. Benjamin’s reference to the “paltry fifty millennia” of
human life risks diminishing the role of human actors, while what is
needed is, in Rick Crownshaw’s words, “reading simultaneously within
multiple and contradictory frameworks” (Craps et al. 2018, 502) and
“address[ing] the humanist and posthumanist enclosures of memory”
(Crownshaw 2017b, 246). In the context of memory, also, a careful
calibration of the role of different actors is called for, and this means
that human responsibility needs to be preserved even as agency is dis-
tributed across human and nonhuman participants alike. Since the
beginning of the millennium, the study of memory has broadened its
focus from national contexts to the transnational, multidirectional,
Dominations 111
cosmopolitan, and global drift of memory. But as I explained in the
second chapter, the Anthropocene inaugurates a further shift beyond
global to earthly and planetary dimensions. Let me briefly explain how
this change affects four essential constituents of memory.
First, it extends the objects of memory by also including nonhuman
agents. Anthropocene memory does not limit its concerns to human vic-
tims, but also factors in damage to lifeworlds, destroyed landscapes, and
suffering animals. In the two literary works that I touch on in this chapter,
nonhumans are objects of mourning: an Indian reserve in Thomas King’s
The Back of the Turtle, and Aboriginal habitats in Alexis Wright’s The
Swan Book. Nor is Anthropocene memory blind to the role of natural
forces in bringing about, rather than undergoing, calamities. Violence can
also be environmental, even if natural disasters are always partly man-
made: think of how Hurricane Katrina, which devastated New Orleans in
2005, disproportionally affected African American communities because of
decades of poor planning, inadequate provisions, and institutional failures.
This differentiated geography of vulnerability was a consequence of
human actions, and it amounted to a case of environmental racism. The
broader scope of memory also entails an awareness of different scales, as,
in Rick Crownshaw’s (2017b) words, “cultural memory studies must track
emergent causalities, ad hoc assemblages of agentive matter, and mutating
patterns of change in predictable and unpredictable, calculable and incal-
culable ways” (245). Rosanne Kennedy has referred to the imperative to
remember nonhuman actors without overlooking the human dimension as
a form of “multidirectional eco-memory”—a mode of memory as attentive
to difference as to entanglement (Craps et al. 2018, 506). Rob Nixon’s
(2011) notion of “socioenvironmental memory” captures a comparably
broad range of scales and agents (24).
The object of Anthropocene memory, in short, is not simply a static
object, but part of a complex process that also includes the subject doing
the remembering. A second change is that the range of subjects and media
of memory are radically extended, as the Anthropocene affects the condi-
tions under which cultural knowledge is archived and remembered. If we
typically think of the subject of memory as human, and of the media of
memory as material carriers, the Anthropocene reimagines the whole planet
as an archive of human actions (what I referred to at the end of the previous
chapter as a vast planetary scriptorium): think of carbon dioxide levels in
the atmosphere or the chemical make-up of sea and soil, which can be read
as a durable record of human activity. As Claire Colebrook notes, “the
inscriptive event of the Anthropocene is an extension of the archive, where
112 Anthropocene Temporalities
one adds to the readability of books and other texts, the stratifications of
the Earth” (Craps et al. 2018, 507). Nor is it the case that the planet only
carries the imprint of human actions: it is also a witness to a geological
history that long precedes “the paltry fifty millennia of homo sapiens.”
Bronislaw Szerszynski (2019) has proposed “thinking of the earth as some-
thing that remembers and forgets” (221). The combination of lateral tec-
tonics, a buoyant continental crust, and the water cycle makes the earth a
medium conducive to inscription and erasure, and contemporary technol-
ogy has increasingly made it possible to open that terrestrial archive. Of
course, technology is also making possible the wholesale destruction of the
archive, and in that respect, the Anthropocene can also be seen as triggering
a massive process of forgetting (233). Anthropocene memory resists this
threat to the planetary archive. Ursula Heise (2016) has studied the ency-
clopedic thrust of global digital biodiversity databases that aim to preserve
traces of species threatened with extinction and that function as a kind of
“ecological epic” (15); Ben De Bruyn (2020) has shown that contemporary
fiction functions as a repository for vanishing animal sounds in an age of
sonic depletion. In these examples, digital archives and literary forms
become visible as media of more-than-human memory.
The Anthropocene not only affects the objects, subjects, and media of
memory, it also, and more counterintuitively, alters the very temporality of
remembrance (and this is a third crucial change). Because the consequences
of planetary destabilization are unevenly distributed, some constituencies
are already living—or indeed, already mourning—a reality that more
privileged communities fear will become part of their future. Jennifer
Wenzel has pointed to “a strange inversion of colonial-era developmentalist
progress narratives,” as today the Global South is no longer supposed to
catch up with the metropolitan North, but rather prefigures the horrors and
devastations that will come to afflict even sites that have so far successfully
outsourced the consequences of their actions (Craps et al. 2018, 504). The
result, Wenzel writes, is “an inverse colonial fear: that an ominous Third
World present offers an image of the First World’s future” (504). One con-
sequence of such temporal jolts is that imagining the future and remem-
bering the past are no longer strictly separate activities: the future is no
longer a site of infinite possibility but a replay of disasters already happen-
ing elsewhere, so remembering past cataclysms is not very different from
anticipating the coming storm. This means that future-oriented genres, such
as science fiction and other forms of speculative fiction, are also doing
memory work: imagining a climate changed future gives us the present as
the past of an imagined future, as a reality that will one day be nothing
Dominations 113
more than a memory, even as the speculative future resembles the kind of
impoverished and brutalized world we used to think of as our own past.
The temporal mode of such post-catastrophe imaginaries is that of the
future anterior—“the dramatization of that which will have been”
(Crownshaw 2017a, 128). Speculative fiction, as Rick Crownshaw notes,
“gives narrative presence to that which is subject to cognitive dissonance if
not disavowal in the present” (129). The resources of memory, and of the
anticipated replay of the past that makes up the Anthropocene future, can
complicate customary ways of inhabiting the present and remind us
that the present is not a stable ground so much as a treacherous and uneven
terrain.
If the future is already someone else’s past, this means that non-
traditional archives can also serve as resources for dealing with the
future. The renewed relevance of non-traditional archives is a fourth
feature of Anthropocene memory. Not only have Indigenous commu-
nities already shown resilience in the face of environmental devasta-
tion, they have also devised future-oriented imaginaries that, even if
they belong to the past, can be updated for the future. Shelley Streeby
(2018) has shown how Indigenous people and people of color have
historically led the way in climate activism, and she has demonstrated
that speculative fiction has been a key resource in these archives of
hope (112). N.K. Jemesin, whose Broken Earth trilogy is situated in a
world marked by periodic geological upheavals (as I already discussed
at the end of the second chapter), underscores that her post-apocalyptic
world-building is rooted in the experiences of non-dominant
constituencies: Jemesin notes how she draws
Infrastructural (In)visibilities
The etymology of the term “infrastructure” gives us a clue to its appeal
in discussions of the Anthropocene. Infra-structure means “below-struc-
ture,” and the term refers to “the innards of a structure that are hidden
by the structure’s surface or facade” (Rubenstein et al. 2015, 575).
Infrastructure, that is, is the invisible but decidedly material (“innards”)
dark side of manmade constructs (“structures”). It is what supports the
phenomenal side of human enterprises: the steel and concrete under-
pinnings of cities, or (increasingly) the invisible communication networks
that instantaneously transport data between users. Such “below-struc-
tures” are not supposed to force themselves into the foreground: they are
“the invisible, forgettable ambiance in which the daily drama of modern
life takes place” (585). As “the undergirding of modern societies, … they
generate the ambient environment of everyday life” (Larkin 2013, 328).
These formulations underline the atmospheric quality of the way infra-
structure enters everyday experience: never as the focus of attention, only
ever as a sustaining environment.
The current academic interest in infrastructure indicates that infra-
structure has increasingly refused to remain merely ambient. For Dominic
Boyer, “today’s focus on infrastructure often appears as commentary upon
infrastructural collapse, infrastructural decline and decay.” After decades
of neglect of public services and provisions, we are presently living the
“incipient failure of neoliberalism to really deliver on its own promises”
(Boyer 2014). A process of disinvestment and “slow erosion” has crossed a
critical threshold as we see roads, energy plants, and libraries fall into
disrepair (Rubenstein et al. 2015, 578). The “innards” of societal structures
have stopped reliably radiating a pleasant ambiance, and insistently
remind us of their metabolic function: the fact that human culture consists
in the processing of nonhuman matter, and that infrastructure is a zone
where human designs encounter nonhuman forces they can only partly
control. Infrastructure is a site where human and nonhuman actors inter-
act with one another, as Adam Rothsthein (2015) underlines when he
defines infrastructure as “the underground, the conduited, the
130 Anthropocene Temporalities
containerized, the concreted, the shielded, the buried, the built up, the
broadcast, the palletized, the addressed, the routed”. If this sequence
resembles the object-oriented litanies I discussed in the third chapter, it
differs from those evocative lists in insisting on (rather than bracketing)
human mediation. The current interest in infrastructure, then, goes to the
very heart of the Anthropocene: it points to the interface of the human
and the nonhuman and reminds us that the interactions between them,
like all encounters with objects, matters, and things, are an essentially
political concern. Dominic Boyer (2019) has noted a “basic but also invi-
sible codependence” between infrastructure and political power, as large-
scale infrastructure projects help concentrate political authority in the
hands of powerful elites (16). Infrastructures only seem apolitical, because,
as Bruce Robbins (2007) notes, “they seem to constitute a minimum
threshold, an earth-bound zone in which the large irresolutions of politics
can for once be ignored and decisions safely left to the technocrats” (31).
The idea that infrastructure is invisible and only ever merely ambient
is a fairly provincial one. It betrays a privilege that, as bridges come
crumbling down and urban traffic becomes deadlocked, is increasingly
untenable. In the introduction to an issue of Modern Fiction Studies on
“infrastructuralism,” the editors attribute the “inherent boringness” of
infrastructure to two features. One is scale: infrastructure is so vast and
sublime that it threatens to dwarf our everyday concerns, and this makes
it expedient to just ignore it (Rubenstein et al. 2015, 575). The other is a
matter of desire: because infrastructure is mostly public, it does not
qualify as a commodity we want to own or consume. Infrastructure, in
the words of Bruce Robbins, “is the object of no one’s desire” (2007, 26).
Uncontained and undesirable, infrastructure is just supposed to work
without imposing any affective demands. While this position is prevalent
in literary studies, anthropological studies of infrastructure have made
more allowances for the aspirational dimension of works of infra-
structure. In this context, the vast size of public projects is crucial to
their desirability. Anthropologist Brian Larkin (2013) has remarked that
“many studies that begin by stating how infrastructures are invisible
until they break down are fundamentally inaccurate”: if invisibility is
one aspect of infrastructure, it is “only one and at the extreme edge of a
range of visibilities that move from unseen to grand spectacles and
everything in between” (336). Patricia Yaeger (2007) argues that infra-
structure can become the object of dreams, and can even become
“hypervisible” (16). Anthropologist Hannah Appel (2018) gives the
example of Equatorial Guinea, a country with one of the highest
Emergencies 131
investment percentages in the world, where the “infrastructure frenzy”
saturates daily life and appeals to the population in visceral, sensory
ways through “the endless thrum of jackhammers, bulldozers, and trucks
too big for old colonial roads; the air full of cement dust that settles on
skin and in mouths” (42–43). Indifference and undesirability are not the
last words when we want to understand the complexities of
infrastructure.
The literary critical insistence on infrastructural invisibility is in a
sense unsurprising: the field of literary studies has traditionally been
beholden to practices of unmasking and revelation that disassemble sur-
faces and facades to reveal the hidden depths of textual meaning. Yet as
I showed in the first chapter, such practices of demystification have
increasingly made way for readerly attitudes that aim to capture the
specific textures of aesthetic and textual constructs and the whole range
of our engagements with them. Brian Larkin (2018) remarks that “infra-
structural inversion,” “bringing what is background into the fore-
ground,” does not consist in an absolute shift from invisibility to
visibility, simply because visibility and invisibility are not ontological
features of objects but emerge “as part of technical, political, and repre-
sentational processes” (186). The distinction between spectacular infra-
structures and mundane ones, then, represents “different styles of
visibility” (186) that can be described in all their variety rather than
posited as a scaffold for heroic critical interventions.
To get a sense of how literature can contribute to such a critical
description of the workings and the politics of infrastructure, I turn to a
short passage in Antiguan-American writer Jamaica Kincaid’s work of
creative nonfiction A Small Place (1988). An angry indictment of the way
Antigua, a small island in the West Indies, is being mistreated by
incompetent leaders, the international tourist industry, and the legacies
of the British Empire, the book’s first section addresses an imagined
tourist in the second person. Looking at the beautiful shore (“Oh, what
beauty! Oh, what beauty!”) through her hotel window, the imagined
tourist pictures herself on the beach:
You see yourself taking a walk on the beach … You see yourself
eating some delicious, locally grown food … You must not wonder
what exactly happened to the contents of your lavatory when you
flushed it. You must not wonder where your bathwater went when
you pulled out the stopper … Oh, it might end up in the water you
are thinking of taking a swim in; the contents of your lavatory
132 Anthropocene Temporalities
might, just might, graze gently against your ankle as you wade
carefree in the water, for you see, in Antigua, there is no proper
sewage-disposal system.
(Kincaid 2000, 13–14)
The passage exposes the gap between rich western tourists, who travel
to Antigua with the help of dependable transportation systems (the book
opens with an airplane landing on the island’s international airport), and
the local population, who even lack the infrastructure to dispose of their
own shit. For the former, mobility and clean water are taken for gran-
ted; for the latter, they are the promise of a more hygienic and more
dignified life. Yet crucially, the passage also destabilizes that opposition:
if the local population has most likely found ways to cope with the lack
of indoor plumbing, it is the ignorant tourists who actually make contact
with their own excrement. The assault targets the intimacy of the body,
as the feces attacks the ankle of tourists that were, just a page earlier,
described in all their fleshy exuberance as “unattractive, fat, pastrylike-
fleshed” (13). Brian Larkin defines infrastructures as “matter that enables
the movement of other matter,” including excrement and the biomass of
tourists. But infrastructures, Larkin notes, are not only things, but also
“the relation between things” (2013, 329). And because they are essen-
tially relational, infrastructures not only enable divisions between the
haves and the have-nots, they also promiscuously and unpredictably
connect different human, nonhuman, and (in the case of excrement)
liminal entities. What appears in the passage as “locally grown food”
turns out to be the output of a global delivery system: “it’s better that
you don’t know that most of what you are eating came off a plane from
Miami,” where it “came from a place like Antigua first, where it was
grown dirt-cheap, went to Miami, and came back” (Kincaid 2000, 14).
Infrastructure, Kincaid shows, puts everything in relation, even if those
relations, or consciousness of those relations, are deeply unwanted.
What, then, is the politics of this passage? In his reading of it, Bruce
Robbins (2017) refers to the “you” as “an aggressive ‘you’” (38), because it
punishes the addressee for the global inequality the passage so bitingly
exposes. Robbins (2007) feels the addressee—the tourist, but also privi-
leged audiences like us, and also a professionally successful émigrée like
Kincaid herself—does not deserve such punishment: “It cannot be our goal
to have all those who benefit from indoor plumbing, wherever mobile or
stationary, spend their time thinking about where the contents of their
lavatories go after they flush” (33). Robbins is right that this cannot be
Emergencies 133
our goal (and I am not sure anyone ever claimed obsessing over feces was
a political goal), but he also misreads Kincaid. For Kincaid, such aware-
ness, such compelled visibility, is not a goal so much as a strategy. The
passage’s repetition of “you must not wonder” amounts to telling the
reader not to think about an elephant: it makes the lack of a proper
sewage-disposal system impossible to unsee, and makes sure that the
excrement cannot possibly become merely ambient again. What the pas-
sage denies its audience is ignorance and blindness. In that way, I think, it
drives home the message that the (in)visibility of infrastructure is con-
structed and not merely given, and therefore open to change. Mundane,
unremarkable infrastructures can be a deep aspiration, and, the passage
insists, until access to clean water, adequate supply systems, and other key
infrastructures is shared more widely, privileged audiences cannot feel
entitled to it. If we want to simply rely on our utilities without having to
obsess over them, these utilities need to be shared more broadly. As long
as they are not, there is always the uncomfortable threat that we may
connect with the excess matter we thought we had disposed of.
Kincaid’s passage encapsulates the contemporary reality that privileged
constituencies transport their waste to the Global South, where it renders
toxic the lifeworlds of the dispossessed. This turns the lifeworlds of these
people into sacrifice zones condemned to irreparable environmental decay
in the service of economic growth. Economist Giovanni Arrighi (1995) has
referred to this process as “the unplugging of … ‘redundant’ communities
and locales from the world supply system” (330). Yet in an Anthropocene
world, such opportunistic outsourcing cannot fail to rebound, as, apart
from obvious ethical problems, such environmental racism also affects the
habitats of the food we eat and the places we travel to, and creates geopo-
litical tensions that render all life vulnerable. Brian Thill (2015) diagnoses
contemporary life with an “Away-fantasy”: the fanciful notion that we can
conclusively abandon the stuff we produce and consume (109). Quoting
Timothy Morton, he remarks that “we may have thought that the U-bend
in the toilet was a convenient curvature of ontological space that took
whatever we flush down it into a totally different dimension called Away,”
but we now know that everything remains on the surface—on “viscous
surfaces from which nothing can be forcibly peeled” (50). For Thill, hoar-
ders living among seemingly infinite piles of stuff may seem socially deviant,
but they are not more aberrant than “those of us who do the seemingly
normal and healthy thing of dumping our mountains of trash into unseen
dumpsites” (110). When we talk about waste, not seeing is a matter of
privilege that requires hard, and occasionally violent, effort.
134 Anthropocene Temporalities
The digital age exacerbates this toxic juncture of infrastructure and
waste. The very rhetoric through which digital culture promotes itself uses
notions such as “wireless,” “the cloud,” and “instant connectivity” to sug-
gest that communication and value creation take place in a frictionless
vacuum, as if they were not enabled by thoroughly material infrastructures
of fiber optic cables, massive data servers, and energy provision. Digital
culture thrives on what Sean Cubitt (2017) has called an illusory “separa-
tion of the dirty business of generation from the clean image of energy
consumption” (27). The business of producing electronic devices is “dirty”
in two senses: first, it is thoroughly material, and dependent on vast
amounts of often unclean energy and hard-to-mine rare-earth metals, and
second, it requires the hard (and often compelled) labor of a vast army of
workers exposed to toxic materials. Indeed, digital culture is itself a massive
source of dangerous waste: as Jussi Parikka (2015) notes, “media technolo-
gies from monitors to game cartridges are abandoned, forgotten, stashed
away, but retain their toxic materiality that surpasses the usual time scales
we are used to” (113). If traditional industries “at least indicated danger
with their smoke stacks,” in reality “the purified industries of computing
[are] secretly just as dirty as the industrial ancestors” (111).
Infrastructure’s own role in obscuring material reality further compli-
cates the challenge of reading infrastructure. Not only are the invisibility or
(hyper)visibility of infrastructure not ontological features but the result of
material and socioeconomic processes; infrastructures can also be the
means by which reality is rendered invisible. Because, unlike smoke stacks,
fiber optic cables can be hidden under the sea and data servers located at
remote locations, contemporary life may seem to have become as smooth as
the slick surfaces of the smart phones that connect us to each other. This is
nothing new: think of how the infrastructure of the slave ship, for instance,
made drinking coffee and smoking tobacco strangely guilt-free pleasures in
early modernity. Still, infrastructure’s implication in its own concealment
compounds the difficulty of reading the infrastructure assemblages in which
we live. Caroline Levine (2010) has coined the notion “infrastructuralism”
to name “the practice of attending closely to the jostling, colliding, and
overlapping of social, cultural, technological, and natural forms” (65). For
Levine, “[i]f we want to describe the basic infrastructure of a particular,
local site, what we find is a vast variety of chaotically overlapping, repeti-
tive social forms that extend from multiple pasts and replicate themselves,
indefinitely, into unpredictable and distant futures” (96). Levine’s emphasis
on repetition, multiplicity, and large temporal scales (from multiple pasts to
distant futures) points to a critical practice that is not so much focused on
Emergencies 135
revelation and inversion, but is rather attentive to the complexity and vari-
ety of the constellations in which we encounter infrastructure. Shannon
Mattern (2013b) has written about “infrastructural literacy”: the capacity
to visualize and comprehend the way infrastructure takes shape and
impacts our lives. Even if making visible the invisible and raising awareness
about imperceptible infrastructures do not, as Mattern underlines, amount
to significant political action, such literacy has an undeniably political
dimension. Infrastructures, as I argued, are fundamentally enmeshed with
desires and with collective aspirations; they encode, in Brian Larkin’s
words, “the dreams of individuals and societies and are the vehicles
whereby those fantasies are transmitted and made emotionally real”
(Larkin 2013, 333). In this overdetermined context, literature can intervene
and leverage infrastructure for imagining an Anthropocene politics.
Energizing Infrastructure
One consequence of the massive traffic jam in Tropic of Orange is a
radical decrease in the demand for energy. If initially, “[s]peculations
Emergencies 139
arose as to how much fuel was required to keep an idling engine idling.
How much rev to keep a battery alive,” energy soon proves to be “a
minor concern” (Yamashita 2017, 145). Changing our forms of life, the
novel suggests, can trigger an overhaul of reigning energy regimes. Ety-
mologically, the term “energy” derives from the Greek term energeia,
which, in contrast to the notion of dynamis that names a mere potenti-
ality, indicates a specific goal-oriented action, a form of actualization, an
effective setting-to-work (Pinkus 2016, 25). During the traffic jam, pro-
gress has literally come to a halt, and this kind of energeia is disabled.
Yet when the passage underlines that energy is still needed “to keep an
idling engine idling,” it links energy to the preservation of a mere
potentiality for action. This points to a modern transformation in our
understanding of energy: as Vivasvan Soni (2017) explains, modern
energy has severed its link to specific goals and purposes, and has come
to be conceived as a reserve, as an “infinite potentiality” that can be
mobilized for different ends (134). Not directly linked to an immanent
goal, energy, in the modern sense, names the self-evident assumption
that there is an infinite quantity of resources to fuel human culture.
Modern life, in other words, relies on the idea, which we now know to
be false, that there is an endless supply of fossil fuel to keep us going.
One reason for the privileged relation between energy and infra-
structure is the sheer vastness of the infrastructures that fuel modern life.
“Global oil infrastructures” make up a “massive infrastructural net-
work” including “5 million producing wells,” “more than 2 million
kilometers of surface pipeline,” “6,000 fixed oil platforms and 635 off-
shore drilling rigs; and more than 4,000 oil tankers moving 2.42 billion
tons of oil and oil products every year” (Appel et al. 2018, 19–20). The
sheer size of oil infrastructure is a key factor in its perpetuation, and
explains the “grave inertia in the face of the needed retrofit or conversion
to other fuel sources” (20). This combination of ubiquity and immobility
not only asserts itself in material terms, but also in the domain of cul-
ture: because the fantasies of mobility and comfort that oil sustains are
“emblematic of all that is dynamic and disastrous in advanced capital-
ism” (Hitchcock 2010, 81), oil’s very pervasiveness blocks access to
alternative imaginaries; as Peter Hitchcock notes: “It is oil’s saturation of
the infrastructure of modernity that paradoxically has placed a significant
bar on its cultural representation,” and therefore also on the capacity to
mount a cultural challenge to its power (81). Energy, and oil more spe-
cifically, are “everywhere and nowhere, indispensable yet largely unap-
prehended, not so much invisible as unseen” (Wenzel 2017, 11). And
140 Anthropocene Temporalities
because energy and oil are so rarely seen and problematized, this state of
affairs maintains what Imre Szeman (2011) has called a “fiction of sur-
plus”: “the belief that there will always be plenty of energy to go
around,” and that lack of energy or the destructive effects of energy
consumption will never dramatically affect our ways of life (324). Energy
and oil, that is to say, sustain dominant but destructive forms of life, and
they resist becoming the occasion for an emergency.
The emergent field of the energy humanities situates itself in this
imaginative and material impasse to develop a pedagogy for “[l]earning
to read for energy” (Wenzel 2017, 13). This field takes it as given that
our dependence on oil is unsustainable and that an energy transition is
unavoidable. If we want to manage, rather than undergo, this transition,
we need a sense of emergency. For the transition to be intentional rather
than compelled, we need to take into account “where we sit historically,
where we find ourselves in terms of our infrastructural dependencies and
our affective and erotic attachments to the fossil economy” (Petro-
cultures 2016, 19). Patricia Yaeger (2011) has called for the need to bring
our “energy unconscious” to cultural awareness in order to make our
emotive attachments available for debate (306). Yaeger gives the example
of Jack Kerouac’s novel On the Road, a classic paean to American free-
dom and mobility. What happens, Yaeger wonders, when we ask “how
often … Dean Moriarty and Sal Paradise stop for gas?” Reading for the
text’s (and the culture’s) “energy unconscious” reveals that Kerouac’s
protagonists are “gasoholics”: “Oil dependency created their world”
(306). By making these unseen affective investments visible, the energy
humanities help dismantle the “fiction of surplus” and allow energy
infrastructures to emerge as an emergency in “the petromodern present”
(Wenzel 2017, 4).
Imre Szeman, one of the leading thinkers in the energy humanities,
recognizes three dominant discourses that discourage us from confront-
ing this emergency. “Strategic realism” reduces the unsustainability of
our dependence on oil to a question of strategic manipulation and geo-
political maneuvering that allows particular nations “to keep [their]
economies floating in oil” (2019, 98). “Techno-utopianism” recognizes
the harmfulness and untenability of our oil dependency, but trusts that
science and technology will mitigate, or even postpone, the end of oil.
Both strategic realism and techno-utopianism believe geopolitical or
technological fixes will make altering our socioeconomic forms of life
unnecessary; they obviate the need to consider energy as an emergency.
As Szeman writes, they “remain committed to capitalism and treat the
Emergencies 141
future as one in which change has to occur (new geopolitical realign-
ments, innovations in energy use) if change at other levels is to be
deferred (fundamental social and political changes)” (104). As the Petro-
cultures Research Group (2016) remarks, “the optimism usually attached
to renewables is that they make the world made by oil possible after oil”
(68). A third and decidedly less pro-capitalist discourse does recognize
the need for social change, but fails to think of a realistic way to bring it
about: “apocalyptic environmentalism” paints the post-oil future in dis-
astrous terms as “a hell on Earth, obscured by a choking carbon dioxide
smog” (Szeman 2019, 104). The only option this alarmist perspective sees
is a transition through catastrophe. Cumulatively, the different forms of
denial, mania, and disavowal that these three perspectives exemplify
point to affective and imaginative blockages that Stephanie LeMenager
(2014) has influentially defined as “petromelancholia”: an “unresolved
grieving” of the fiction of energy surplus and of the ways of life it made
possible (16). Petromelancholia consists in an inability to let go of the
“happier affects” of a life made convenient by the availability of cheap
energy (102). It inhibits concerted efforts to imagine and construct more
sustainable forms of life, although LeMenager, like other prominent
thinkers in the energy humanities, believes that this melancholia can
potentially be channeled into activism.
This brief discussion of the energy humanities brings together this
chapter’s focus on the difficulty of experiencing the petromodern present
as an emergency with the topic of the final chapter: our altered relation
to the future and the worry that there might be no human future left.
One novel that is as obsessed with infrastructure as with the future is
Ben Lerner’s 2014 New York novel 10:04. The novel is narrated by a
writer who closely resembles the novel’s author, and who is also called
Ben, as he negotiates the challenges of reproduction, creative inspiration,
and climate change. The novel is shot through with liberal guilt over the
narrator’s involvement in the destruction of the planet. As Ben De Bruyn
has shown, the novel’s reflections on more sustainable ways of life are
often conspicuously linked to infrastructure: the novel features uplifting
encounters on the subway, on train platforms, and on the bus, to the
point that “public utilities,” writes De Bruyn (2017), “seem to function
like the positive counterpart to capitalism’s destructive network of com-
modities” (966). These moments of community are triggered by what the
novel refers to as “the vulnerable grid” (Lerner 2014, 4): the availability
of infrastructures that are both necessary and precarious. An epiphany
occurring fairly early in the novel connects an awareness of
142 Anthropocene Temporalities
infrastructural dependency to vulnerability and a proleptic imagining of
a more collective future:
I was aware of the delicacy of the bridges and tunnels spanning it,
and of the traffic through those arteries, as though some cortical
organization now allowed me to take the infrastructure personally, a
proprioceptive flicker in advance of the communal body.
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Index