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AFRICAN

ELEGANCE
AFRICAN
ELEGANCE
ETTAGALE BLAUER
 First published 1n the United States of America 1n 1999 by
RIZZOLI INTERNATIONAL PUBLICATIONS, INC.
300 Park Avenue South, New York, NY 10010

First published in Great Britain 1n 1999 by

New Holland Publishers (UK) Ltd
London • Cape Town • Sydney • Auckland
Managing editor: Annlerie van Rooyen

Editors: Alfred LeMa1tre and Lesley Hay-Whitton

Designer: Janice Evans

Copyright© 1999 New Holland Publishers (UK) Ltd Design assistant: Lellyn Creamer

Copyright © 1999 in text: Ettagale Blauer Picture researcher: Carmen Watts

Copyright © 1999 1n photographs: as credited on page 176 Consultant: Alan Donovan

Copyright© 1999 1n map: New Holland Publishers (UK) Ltd Map illustrator: Annette Busse

Proofreader: Lesley Hay-Whitton

Indexer: Claudia Dos Santos

Reproduction by Hirt & Carter Cape (Pty) Ltd

Printed and bound in Singapore by Tien Wah Press (Pte) Ltd

FRONT COVER Karo painted body decoration. Ethiopia:

BACK c o n R · Hamar man, Ethwprn. PINE· Turkana vessel, Kmya,
FRONT FLAP Kuba cloth, Dmwoauc Republic of Congo,
ENDPAPERS. Mud cloth pattern, Mah; HALF-TITLE PAGE. Turkana
wamo,; Kenya. TrTLE PAGE: Maasm women, Kenya:
THCS PAGE (CLOCKWlSE FROM ABOVE)· Woven fabrics, Ghana: derail
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be of Xhosa headwo,h, South Afnca; detail of Ndcbcle wall pai11t111g,
reproduced 1n any manner whatsoever without permission 1n South Afnca; OPPOSITE PAGE. Beaded cow hide, Kenya.
writing from Rizzoli International Publications, Inc.

ISBN 0-8478-2224-9
LC 99-70301

N7380
,B53
199SX
OLro

I - .J
CONTENTS

Introduction 6

Wood 20

Stonework 48

Beadwork 60

Paint & Body Decoration 100

Metalwork 122

Weaving 138

Leather 160

Index 174
 INTRODUCTION

W live in an increasingly homogeneous world,

where brand names are as familiar to people living

in the bush as they are in European cities, where T-shirts bear-

ing the crests of Harvard and Oxford are worn in the interior

of Africa by barefoot boys who have never been to school. In

this era of computers, e-mail and technological marvels, is it

possible for people to maintain traditional cultures that celeb-

rate their uniqueness? Is there still a place for ritual cere-

monies and initiation rites? Is there still an authentic reason to

turn beads into jewellery or carve wood into headrests that

maintain their symbolic meanings? For all those who make

and use these objects, and for those who admire and treasure

them, the answer is still 'yes'. However, African traditional

practices are eroding and changing through contact with other

peoples, other materials, other ideas.

A you11g Turlw11a girl from Krnya's drv 11orthrrn rcgio11 wears 111m1cro11s si11gk s1ra11ds of large
l ' Cd a11tl Jcllow bccuk

7
A future in which trad1t1onal art will be seen pnmanly in those who take part, working and sometimes living 1n such
museums or private collections 1s certainly on the horizon attractions, the villages make 1t possible to earn a living and
In some instances, African people themselves have virtually at the same time perpetuate trad1t1onal crafts and practices.
become museum exh1b1ts, performing at cultural villages For those who want a glimpse of the 'trad1t1onal' way of
that simulate the authentic life of a rural community For life, the villages provide that opportunity. In many ways,

8
 people are disappointed when they see a Maasa1 warrior,
resplendent in his beads and ochre, wearing a wristwatch,
or wish that the Ndebele woman, decked out in beads and
brass rings, were not wearing sneakers.
Where do these ideas of 'cultural purity' originate?
People around the world are victims of an illusion perpetu-
ated by Hollywood. Small wonder that so many believe that
Africa is covered with vines creeping up bamboo trees, or
that lions roam through villages. Westerners may see
Africans dancing in movies and then fail to grasp any sense
of ritual, ceremony or meaning. That notion, those images,

A traditional d1i,f wears Kcntc cloth and a hat ornamcnted

with golcl at the funeral of President FclL, Houphouct-Boigny
of tl1t· lvmy Coast in 199-1.

A high-rw1l1i11g Lcga man, 11cm Kalima in what is now the

Drnwo atic Republic of Congo (fonncrl_v Zmrc).

they are the Hollywood version of the real thing. too pretty,
too cheerful, too organized. But few visitors have the
chance to go into remote areas that are still relatively
untouched by Westernization, where Africans live as their
ancestors did, under chiefs, following trad1t1onal laws.
Although information zaps around the globe in
nanoseconds, many people would like certain cultures to
remain pure, as if they were preserved in a time warp.
Tourists expect to see other cultures unchanged, so that
they can wallow nostalgically in their exotic traditions. Some

9
could not be further from he truth There is a powerful ,ts cultures reflect that history. A rica has been within the
connec 10n between African cultures and heir dances, their grasp of peoples from Europe and Asia for many centuries.
ceremonies and the obJects they make. Many of those rit- Trade routes across the Sahara are thought to be five thou-
uals are in fact far more mysterious and compelling than the sand years old, while the advent of traders from the Indian
most fevered 1mag1nings of Hollywood Ocean nm, though more recent, created its own impact
Each culture of Africa has been shaped by two maJor Whether the contact was benign or brutal, 1t brought new
forces. the materials available and trad1t1ons of the people ideas, new materials, new technology. These were absorbed
themselves, and the role played by the cultures of outsiders to varying degrees by 1nd1genous cultures.
It 1s not 1n the nature of cultures to remain pure and intact, The 1ngenu1ty of people 1n making use of new ideas,
unchanged and unaffected by outside influences. There are materials and techniques keeps cultures v, al. Although
precious few such cultures, tiny islands of people who have much of the contact between Africans and outsiders has
little contact outside their own communities Africa was also resulted in the loss of trad1t1onal ways, Africa has withstood
shaped by trade, by ra1d1ng and by exploration, and most of much more than a few centuries of European colonization.
Long before the m1ss1onanes and the explorers, the
colonialists and the conquerors, the people of Africa were
Dominaccd 1,, a la,gc f1g111c oj a ,11,rl1r. a 1od1 pa111c111gf1om on the move Cultures were constantly changing as people
rh, Dogon a,ca oj .\lali slHJ\\, a .>
' 011.�o cin,mH ,,ion cc,011011_,. moved from the north and west into the centre, east and

lO
south of the continent. They moved to escape
droughts and hostile peoples; they migrated in
search of better farm and grazing land. As they
moved, they discovered new materials from which
to build houses and make household goods.
Through trade, they learned how to make use of
other kinds of livestock and how to grow new
foods. When they were prosperous, their popula-
tions grew. Often they became too numerous to be
sustained in the one area, and family groups broke
away, migrating to new lands.
Change can be the catalyst for a new tradition,
and to try to hold back change is to stand in the
path of human nature. Some change is natural,
a result of climate and geography. Equally often 1n
Africa, 1t has been the result of force: the wrenching
of people from their villages to feed the slave trade,
the subjugation of communities in colonial states or
the imposition of religions and laws. This process
continues in the form of wars and ethnic strife. Yet
the African spirit lives on, standing its ground where
possible, adapting when necessary.
Cave paintings in Africa throw light on an
ancient life that has now vanished. In the Sahara,
early people depicted animals that are now found
only in climates far to the south. Those people had
to adapt, to move, to learn new ways of living in
order to survive.
We have the opportunity, in these pages, to
view African cultures as they flourish today and as
they looked in the recent past. This 1s a record of
vibrant, living cultures that absorb new ideas and
materials, new motifs and shapes. Even the seem-
ingly most traditional of objects - for example,
beaded necklaces and ornaments - may be built on
imported materials, embracing vibrant change from
one generation to the next

A llc-dy ccl raffia clorh worn by Dida women of 1hr

Ivory Coast for ceremonial oaCl',ions.

11
12
 The objects made and used by a particular people are known as
material culture. The distinction made in Western society between art
and craft does not exist in traditional African societies. Functional objects
are decorated, carved, beaded, incised and otherwise enhanced, both
according to the maker's artistic ability and the accepted motifs and
themes of the particular culture. But these obiects are not made as art.
In many African languages, there is no specific word for the concept of
'art' since this would set the object apart as something without utility. In
fact, every object made in a traditional African culture has a use, whether
it is to ladle soup from a pot or to honour ancestors in a dance.
That there is no division between art and craft is a significant, con-
sistent difference between traditional and Western cultures. When old
materials disappear and new ones are introduced, people are forced to
find new techniques to work with the new materials. What is the
'appropriate' material for traditional objects? Trying to draw such a line
means picking a date and declaring that nothing after that moment is
genuine. In fact, every tradition is genuine for its time and place, as long
as it is acceptable to those who make and use the objects.
Those who introduce objects into a culture are often the first to
wince in dismay when the people pick up those objects and incorporate
them into their jewellery and other objects of adornment; camera flash-
bulbs and film canisters are widely used and discarded by tourists, but
among the Maasai and Samburu of East Africa, for example, such items
are incorporated into jeweller y Film canisters have been used in place of
an earplug in a Maasai man's extended earlobe. Flashbulbs are strung on
necklaces along with traditional beads. Some people are disturbed
because this is the 'wrong' use for these materials. Not only is beauty in
the eye of the beholder, so too is appropriateness. The difference
between the two views of the same object seems to lie in whether
you are in a 'consume and discard' mode or a 'nothing goes to waste'
culture. In this sense, Africans may be the ultimate recyclers.
Having said this, the fact remains that tourism has a wider impact
on material culture. When Africans first began to sell their handwork to
outsiders, the exchange itself was the beginning of profound change.
Although outsiders, tourists or explorers, temporary or permanent, may
profess to want the authentic object, often what they really want is a
convenient, travel-size version of that authenticity. But authenticity often

The face of this Xhosa woman of South Africa is coated with a traditional
slli11 lotion made from the /)(lrfr of i11digrnous trees or local white clay.

13
 omes with a price: the ochre that stains your city clothes,
leather bags imbued with the distinctive smell of the animal
skin that was used to make them. The makers of the objects
may also be unwilling to part with truly authentic items that
may be used in a ceremony or ritual. What harm Is there in
making something similar, a replica of the original? The
buyer is happy with something 'African' and the seller Is
happy to earn money.
Ironically, what Is lost in this transaction is the very
authenticity that attracted the buyer In the first place. Is the
buyer likely to feel that loss, or will he or she be jUSt as
happy with a brightly painted mask that has no particular
cultural connection other than the person who made 1t?
Price is the deciding consideration; for those who value the
authenticity of the original, culturally connected piece, the
price Is worth paying. What role does the 'inauthentic'
object play in the culture that created 1t? Can It be viewed
as authentic merely because It has been made by the same
person who makes something culturally authentic? When
Zulu women and girls begin to wear the beadwork they
make for sale - beadwork that does not carry connotations
of status - the impact of tourism becomes profound. It
makes the study of material culture ever more urgent, if
only to separate the authentic from the rest.
African cultures exist on many planes. They are associ-
ated with a piece of land, a region, a specific place. They are
also part of political entItIes, countries that were defined by
Europeans. The lines drawn In the sand, or on inaccurate,
vague and often fantastic maps of Africa, by colonial
bureaucrats, were notorious for dividing African peoples by
means of art1f1cial barriers, many of which were to become
the borders of independent states. At the time most of
these borders were defined, at the Berlin Conference of
1885-1886, much of Africa was unknown to Europeans.
One infamous British cartographer simply printed the letters
MMBA - 'Miles and Miles of Bloody Africa'.

In Nigc1; a wall painting adopts mrngc,y from ot/ic, cultwcs,

inclt,ding the geomethc patients characteristic of the Kuba
people of the Democratic Rcpt1blic of Congo.

14
 But of course those vast stretches of land were rich in the use of tiny glass beads, which have long been imported
cultures that had strict mores and rituals, ceremonies and from Europe yet are considered absolutely essential to the
objects that were replete with meaning. It would be arro- rituals and lives of many African peoples.
gant for an outsider to assume that 1f a meaning is not African Elegance is a survey of material culture in
readily apparent then It does not exist. Because much of Africa, and, of necessity, a selective survey. In covering such
Africa's material culture Is an expression of a specific society, a vast field, with so many riches, choices must be made all
it is almost 1nev1table that its meanings will be hidden. along the way. The cultures portrayed in these pages differ
In the years following colonization, the peoples within In many ways but are united by one common thread: the
those European political borders did indeed begin to think people who make and use these objects are following tra-
of themselves as members of distinct nations, but not the d1t1ons that have their roots in Africa. This may seem obvi-
kinds of nations designed by the Europeans No matter how ous In a book with the word 'African' In the title until one
'European' their manners and languages became, the black considers the alternative: those cultures with roots in Islam.
peoples of Africa wanted most of all to direct their own des- A line drawn across Africa, roughly through the southern
tInIes. To do this, they had to be free of their colonizers. margins of the Sahara, separates these two very different,
The move toward political independence began In and often overlapping aesthetics.
1957 when the territory known as Gold Coast achieved Islam has had a profound impact on Africa, different in
independence from Britain, taking the name of Ghana many ways from other parts of the world, but nevertheless
Within 25 years, all but a few colonies had made their way sign1f1cant Islamic proh1b1t1ons regarding choices of decora-
to independence, sometimes through negotIatIon, some- tion have changed the very face of Africa's material culture.
times through protracted war. A few colonial powers clung Many of the designs that define African culture are no
to power: bitter wars were fought In the former Portuguese longer allowed under modern interpretations of Islamic law.
colonies of Mozambique and Angola. In the former African and Islamic - these are two very different aes-
Rhodesia, the breakaway white minority government held thetic sensibilities. For that reason, this book confines itself
on until 1980. When the colony gained its independence, It to a look at the cultures found mainly in sub-Saharan Africa.
took the name of Zimbabwe, in tribute to the great culture Collectors of African obJects believe that, as more cultures
that had flourished centuries earlier. adopt and adhere to the laws of Islam, the look of the
The peoples of South Africa walked their own long and obJects they make and use will change. This seems
unique path to independence, ach1ev1ng their goal In 1994 inevitable, for change has been a constant feature in
when the first democratic elections were held. The vast Africa's cultural life. In order to present a book with artistic
South African landscape is home to a multitude of diverse coherence, the line drawn In the sand is that separating
ethnic groups. While much of the emphasis on rights has Islamic and 'black' African cultures. This is a look at African
centred on the nation's language groups, some of the material culture at this moment in history.
material cultures were battered nearly to extinction under
apartheid. Today, those same cultures have become com-
pelling attractions for visitors Orro nE: A \,1111 sc woman of cite Omo Ri\'cr region of souchcm
This discussion of African material culture has been Erhiopia rs ornamented\\ ich a clav lip disc.
organized by materials, rather than by cultures. This allows
the reader to look at the variety of ways in which, using the
same materials, different peoples have created diverse FOLLOWl:--G PAG[S: Samhurn girls arc disringuishcc! In masses
expressions and InterpretatIons of their beliefs and mytho- of single strands ,if ciny glass l>cacls. Their bcacltcl head oma-
logies. One of the most compelling examples described is 111c11cs 111d1ulc alummium ·1111,!s" chat flash 111chc s11111ighc.

16
- . __ _
_,,,,, _,,,..
 WOOD

W ooden objects, no matter how exquisitely carved,

no matter how significant they are to a culture, are

ephemeral and destined to decay. All wood starts to lose its

natural moisture once it is cut; in humid climates, insects and

mildew eat away at wooden objects. It is, however, the nature

of cultures to use the materials at hand, and, in areas with sig-

nificant forest reserves, wood is the material of choice both for

household objects as well as for ritual and ceremonial articles.

Indeed, the versatility of wood, combined with the creativity

and ingenuity of African peoples, has lent itself to a range of

objects that is probably greater than those formed from any

other material, ranging from simple bowls and spoons to the

masks and fertility figures that define and celebrate a culture.

Alrl1011gh intcndccl for sale ro ro11rists, tl1csc carwd masl1s, maclc in the style o f thl' Com mu/ Dan J'flll'lcs of
the Ivory Coasr, clisplay the originality and sl1i11 of A frican woocl rnrvcrs.

21
 MASKS
When used to make household objects and the houses
themselves, wood 1s simply a building block But, when 1t 1s
used to make masks, 1t becomes imbued with tremendous
power. Elaborate and complex beliefs surround masks and
their use 1n rituals, and the wood used for certain masks 1s
so powerful that 1t may be touched only by a chosen few -
those who wear the masks and the elders of the culture.
Virtually everything associated with the making of masks has
a corresponding ritual. One culture may forbid the use of a
particular tree because its wood 1s thought to possess harm-
ful qualities which would become part of anything made
from 1t, sapping the power from the image carved Other
types of wood. on the other hand, are highly prized because
they are thought to have their own inherent power, which
would become part of the mask.
A sculptor of masks is not merely carving an object, he
1s perpetuating the beliefs of his people. During the course
of his work, the unfinished piece must be kept out of sight,
or some of its power could be taken. Once the carving is
complete, the mask 1s usually treated with a vegetable oil to
prevent the wood from cracking, but time takes its toll on
virtually all wooden objects. The mask takes on a life of its
own as 1t 1s decorated, either with paint or with such mater-
ials as ha,r, real teeth, shells, fibres, mirrors, beads or cloth.
These objects not only add to the appearance of the mask,
but they are believed to be part of its actual power.
African masks and statues are frequently dubbed
'abstract', based on a Western concept of paring away, of
getting down to the essentials The sculptor or carver, how-
ABO\'E: These bright!_, pamtcd 11wsl1s ever, emphasizes those features that are important 1n the context in which the
d1aw thc11 i11spirat1011f10111 11atl11w11e1l object 1s used: women's breasts and buttocks are often exaggerated to 1nd1cate fer-
pieces made 111 the hor..- Coast. tility, the most important quality a woman possesses within her culture; heads are
large because they are the seat of sense and thought The aesthetic impact of these
choices 1s the result of their symbolic importance, not the primary reason for them.
OPPOSITE /-ia11; f cathcrs. 1affw and Masks are inseparable from the ceremonies for which they are created. They
paint adil to the po\\cr of mmhs and are often made 1n secret, out of the sight of women, who are particularly forbid-
da11c111g corn1111n. as s/10"11 h, thi, den to see them In many societies women are viewed with both fear and awe·
stril1i11g dcmccrfrom the Ivo1 \' Coast. women are at the very essence of a culture's cont1nu1ty, and life springs from them.
For this reason, women loom large in African f1gurat1ve work, but 1t 1s that very
quality which makes them a threat to the mask's power.

22
 To the members of a society, the power of the mask is quite real, even though OPP0'>1 IL These masl1s clo not
not all the people understand its specif1C meaning. Part of the power of masks rqllnnu one rn1glr ethnic gmup, /Jut
stems from their secrecy, and that secrecy extends to lim1t1ng the number of imtrnd clrcm· upon c/rnH'IH\ from
people who understand the symbols and shapes used 1n their construction. A11gola11 cmcl Ccmgolcsc wlturc .
As part of a society's educational system, masks help the elders to pass on cul•
tural beliefs to the young. Through masks, a culture can express its view of the
world, its cosmology or religion. For many cultures, no d1st1nct1on is made between
religion and the rest of life; masks enable the people to deal with the unseen forces
at work in their world.
When masks are not being used, many societies hide them from casual obser•
vation because they contain so much power. The person who wears a mask is sub•
merged within 1t and assumes 1ts power; he becomes the essence of the mask. For
people outside the culture, this power and energy is largely lost. But masks, like
other examples of African material culture, give aesthetic pleasure to outsiders,
quite apart from their original intent and use.
The variety of facial styles on masks produced throughout Africa is a virtual his•
tory of art. Some faces are recognizably human while others are clearly based on
animals. Some conform closely to the structure of a human face, others are stylized
and emphasize a particular feature. The eyes may be mere slits or dominate the
entire piece. In some the eyes are tiny dots while the nose is elongated to cover
more than half the length of the face. Emphasis on elements considered powerful
vary from one culture to another. Some of these qualities are determined by the
mask's intended use: will 1t be used in a orcumcision or other initiation ceremony,
for a harvest festival or a funeral ritual?

DOGON

A handful of peoples have come to be regarded as icons of Africa The Dogon of

Mali are among this group. The wooden masks made by the Dogon represent some
of the most compelling ritual objects produced by African cultures.
Several hundred years ago, the Dogon migrated into the desolate region of
Mali which they now inhabit, escaping from the growing demands of the power•
ful kingdoms that flourished around Timbuktu, just north of the River Niger.
Pressed to pay taxes and homage to other peoples, they chose instead to retreat to
the area around the Bandiagara Cliffs, where the Dogon still scratch crops out of
the arid soil. The cliffs are not sheer rises but are instead broken up with numerous
openings, caves and crevices. The Dogon dead are interred in these caves, well
away from the attentions of predators. The people's retreat is complete both in the
large scale and the small: the whole group is secreted away, as are their objects.
Their isolation served the Dogon well and has helped them to keep their traditions
intact over the passing centuries.

25
B1 LOW A rare ma,11 made in female
form, and worn hy a woman, is used
for a female mitiation ceremony 1i1
S1e1ra Leone

RIGH r: The elaborate wooden mas/1s of

the Dogan people of ,\la/1 arc worn
011ly /Jv me11. wlio rcp,escnt male a11d
female ancestors. The power of the
mask is Jicrccly protected.

26
 The wooden masks of the Dagon are the property of the awa society, which
governs Dagon life. The masks have a theatrical look: worn over the face and on
the head, they are a major part of the Dagon dancer's costume, transforming the
wearer into an awe-inspiring figure of mystery. This is one of the aims of the cos-
tume since the dancer is expressing the entire history of his people. Yellow and red
Headrests arc carved from a single dyed raffia 1s used to give 'hair' to the wooden masks and to make the dancer's
piece of wood, and each one is curved skirt. Dagon dances, during which these masks are used, take place at funerals,
LOfil Lhe ncch of Lhc use,: Shown here one of the principle stages of Dagon ritual life.
arc hcadrcsls made /Jy Lhc Karamojong The masks are made out of view of the people, and are hidden in the caves
of Uganda (below) and the Iilrlwna of until needed for the ceremony. Because they are made of soft wood, they are vul-
northern Kenya (bottom). nerable to the climate and to termites. When they can no longer be used, they are
hidden away in caves and left to decay.
Dagon masks represent animals, figures from mythology or people from
Dagon society, such as the blacksmith and the hunter. The masks are quite fantas-
tically shaped structures, and the word ·sculptures' better describes them than
'masks'. Worn on the head, they rise high above the dancer, appearing to connect
the heaven and earth. The face of the dancer is well hidden behind a stylized
wooden face, pointed at the front, or with cut-out features where the nose, mouth
and eyes would be. The tallest mask, the Sirige ('multi-storey house'), rises straight
up, and features pierced-out shapes, which are then painted. The dramatic Kanaga
mask has a superstructure topped by a specific motif often compared to the cross
of Lorraine, two of its elements pointing up while the other two point downward.
When the masks are 'danced' at a funeral, each mask has a special dance step
relating to 1t. The faces of the masks are severe, with sunken cheeks, and combine
human and animal elements, 1nclud1ng antelopes, hyenas, buffaloes and serpents.

HEADRESTS AND STOOLS

The intimate relat1onsh1p between utility and artistry is well exempl1f1ed by the and
headrests and stools made in many regions of Africa. Headrests 1n particular reflect
the lifestyle of the people who make and use them. Among nomadic peoples, such
as the Karamoiong of Uganda and the Turkana of Kenya, headrests are smaller,
lighter in weight, and easily transported. Headrests are used to protect the elabor-
ate coiffures created from the wearer's hair, which is coated with clay. The headrest
allows the wearer to keep his hairdo intact and not touch the ground. Headrests
may be earned, but equally often they are worn dangling from a leather wrist strap.
Sometimes they double as stools. Among settled people, such as the Zulu of South
Africa, headrests are heavier, wider and longer, since they can be stored away until
needed Although headrests are for personal use, they carry considerable import-
ance in cultures in which the head is revered. A spiritual leader's head, in particu-
lar, must not be seen to touch the ground.

28
 Stools. which are also personal items. are made for individuals and used only A Turlwna man wl1cs a nap using
by them. It is not done simply to enter a home, pull up a stool and sit down, and a woodrn l1cadrcst to 11rotcct l1is
an outsider with little knowledge of the high regard in which stools are held could elaborate hairdo from coming into
easily give offence. Stools also reflect personal status and wealth. They may be contact with 1hr sand
intricately carved, often featuring animals that figure importantly in the culture's
system of beliefs. Such symbolism is enormously important. whether or not the
pieces have ritual functions. Intricate carving requires a highly skilled craftsperson
and is restricted to the wealthier members of a society.

29
 ASIIANTI
01'1'0'>111·: 1'1111ff f1111 1w I of 1hc
Among many African peoples stools have prestige, but only among the Akan Bal, pr11plc of Cameroon ,1,111,h hn1dc
people, who include the Ashanti of West Africa, do they have ritual functions. The (Ill da/w1111r. <lll'Wd ' ' " " ' · n, . fi)!.l<l'CS
Ashanti live in Ghana, which takes its name from the ancient kingdom that flour- that .,11pp1111 i/1<· m,. m 11cll , " 1/11·
ished eight hundred kilometres (five hundred miles) to the north-west during the 1111m1wl fi)!.111<' rnn'Cll 011 11. arc all
10th and 11 th centuries. This kingdom was at the centre of two major trade routes made /mm a single piece of wood
that brought an influx of traders, ideas and wealth to the region.
The Ashanti kingdom played a major role in the material culture of West
Africa. Its fabrics, gold objects and entire ceremonial life were built on a tradition B t w w : A hcacl111a11 of the Njfmp.
of well-educated leaders and a thriving business class. They were the descendants p,·,,pl,·. whn live 11c111 Lal1e Nalrnr11 111

of an educated class that evolved to complement the vigorous trade along the Kenya. 11,.-s his headrest 11s I s100I.
Ghana coast. a process that started In the late 15th century when
the Portuguese began to conduct their trade in gold and slaves. The
Europeans turned to the local people to help them carry out this
trade. These interactions and transactions strongly influenced the
indigenous culture, and European styles, customs and attitudes
became incorporated into the African ethos.
To the Ashanti people, a particular gold-covered wooden stool
is at the core of their society. It was believed to have been given to
their first king, Osei Tutu, when the Ashanti people gained recogni-
tion as a distinct ethnic group early in the 18th century. The stool
was the repository of the people's power, a power held by the king
during his reign. It was not a functional stool - not even the king
was allowed to sit on it - but an object to treat with reverence. It
was brought out only on rare occasions, assuring the people that
the power was still there.
When the British became active in the region they called the
Gold Coast (around 1850), they saw the strength of the African
society as a threat. To assert their authority over the Ashanti, the
British decided to seize the stool. In 1900, British governor Sir
Frederick Hodgson demanded that the stool be brought to him so
that he could sit on it. As a result, the Ashanti rose up in their final
war against the British. Although the British were victorious, they
destroyed any hope of a cordial relationship with the Ashanti.
The Ashanti belief in the power of the Golden Stool never
diminished. In 1920, when thieves took the stool from its hiding
place and stripped 11 of its gold, the Ashanti mourned as 1f for a per-
son. This time the British understood the importance of the stool
Acting on behalf of the Ashanti, they imprisoned the thieves.
A stool conveys important information about its owner, even
when it is not a ritual object. When a chief travelled, for example,

31
his servant carried his personal stool. This showed his position to everyone and OPl'lN 11 \Nil llf L l l \ \ : Carw·c/ /rllsh
avoided any possible loss of status. Stools made for women were generally lower fcrnli1y f1g111c� hole/ 1rr111rnclPu, power
than those for men, and usually less elaborately carved. However, stools were /01 1h,· l"'"f'IC of llw Congo /lc,�in.
always carved out of a single piece of wood, making them very strong. Frnwlc Jo11m CII<' f'l'Cvalc111. rcjlnling
In Ashanti society, a new ceremonial stool was made for each leader when he Ilic IJt·licf in 1hr power of 11•111nrn who
achieved his position as asantehene (king). Ashanti stools feature a flat base, cen- arc able ' " hear chilclrcn.
tral structure and curved seat. African stools may have legs but the uprights often
are formed by carved figures called caryatids - originally, the female figures that
formed the pillars of ancient Greek temples. In African carving, the word 'caryatid'
is used for any figure that supports an object. The seat of a stool can take many
forms; it may be flat on top, or gently curved to form a comfortable support.
A seat that lifts the user off the ground carries symbolic importance in much
of Africa, and the concept of a servant supporting a royal personage is often
expressed in the carving of stools. Squatting servants, shortened into almost
gnome-like shapes, hold up the seat itself. Human and animal figures are often
carved into the backs of chairs to symbolize the power of the king or chief: putting
these forms on such an important piece as a chair symbolically shows that the king
rules over all the living creatures within his territory.

RITUAL OBJECTS
The vast Congo Basin region gave rise to rich and diverse cultures whose ritual
objects express the very heart of Africa. The virtually impenetrable jungle of central
Africa plays an important role in creating an environment where ancestral spirits
can flourish. The lush vegetation virtually shuts out the sky, and the region provides
an abundance of trees and other building materials.
For the Kongo people, who gave the countries of Congo (both Kinshasa and
Brazzaville) their names, wooden objects play a major role in both real and mythic
life. Fetishes, for example, are vital to the spiritual life and well-being of the Kongo.
They can act in many different ways, according to the purpose intended when they
were carved. Great variation in face and form indicates different purposes for the
figures called nkisi. But the actual wooden carving is only the beginning, a base
upon which are added the elements that give the figure its power; these usually
include nails, which are pounded into the figure. Fetishes may be hung with small·
er carved figures, chains, beads and vials that contain medicine, and a mirror is
often implanted 1n the figure. The diviner who uses it will drive more nails or blades
into the figure; as these increase in number, the fetish gains power. The piece may
be nearly covered with objects, the original form almost lost from view.
Other wooden figures are used in initiation rites. Maternity figures of a
detailed mother and child are made for fertility rituals. The woman's jewellery, her
head cap and elements of her dress are carved so precisely it is easy to relate them

33
RIGHT A:-:D LlPPO,ITE: These carved
female figure, displav the artis1rv
{01 which the Ovi111bu11d11 people of
Angola me renowned The fig1t1e
opposite ca111es a small child caned
from the same piece of wood The
.\-shaped incisions 011 the chccl1s of
both fig10 cs connect them O
l the cycle
of life and their ancestors

34
to their real-life counterparts. The child is not meant to represent a real child, but
rather the child she wishes to have, a desire for fertility rather than a celebration of
an actual child. Other figures celebrate and honour the ancestors. These seated or
kneeling male and female forms are believed to hold the sp1r1t of one's ancestor. In
many cultures, the ancestors are considered to remain part of the family even after
they have died, guiding the family 1n their decision-making.

YORUBA

Among the Yoruba of Nigeria, wooden figures are often based on twin images OPPOSITE:,\ powc,ful rnrvingfrom
known as ibeji. The Yoruba have a singularly high incidence of twins, more than the Ko11go lii11gdom of Crntral Af,ica
four times as high, proportionately, as that of other cultures. Twins seem to shows a 1110thn and her child. The
embody the very mystery of life because they offer duplicates of themselves, par- scarification marb on het chest arc
ticularly in the case of identical twins. In many cultures, twins are feared because brn11tif11/ly carved, and the prominrnt
they challenge the idea of the uniqueness of human beings. For this reason, in brcmts cmphasi::c fertility
some cultures, twins are killed at birth. This was true among the Yoruba until,
according to myth, the thundergod, 5hango, demanded that such births be hon-
oured rather than shunned. This may be at the heart of the Yoruba high twin birth BELOW: foruba ibcji (carved wooden
rate. If the women bearing twins are better fed and cared for than other mothers, twins) from Nigaia. The cr,urc pair
the genetic predisposition for twinning could be encouraged. arc outfitted in a ,hared headed cloak

37
Du, 111g the wm1wl ccre1110111al jmu 11n· In Yoruba culture, 1f one of the twins dies, the mother must comm1ss1on a
to his wet-srnson home, the Litunga figure to commemorate 1t This figure, which is represented as an adult, whatever
(rnln ! of :::ambws Barotsc people the age of the deceased child, becomes the container for the soul of this twin and
um·ds in a long \\'Oode11 l>mgc The a surrogate for the lost child Some people believe that the surv1v1ng twin has a
enclosed area 1c,c,,,ciJ Jo, the L,0111,<1 strong wish to reJoin the other because they share a soul. The twin figure 1s a
featwes a symbolic wooden clcphw1t. memonal to the dead twin, a constant reminder that 1t has not been forgotten. It
1s also protective. Many of these figures are enhanced with blue beads that are
believed to be sacred to the protector of children. and are often coated with a mix-
ture made from the cola nut, which is considered a good omen. They are also
dressed in cowrie shell or beaded jackets, the way dolls are dressed, and they are
offered food regularly In the case of dual deaths, or to ward off such an occur-
rence, the figures may be jrnned or stand side by side. The heads of the figures are
An ancient palace 111 Cameroon is drsproportronately large, often occupying one thrrd of the whole figure, because
made oj hundreds of wooden staves the Yoruba believe that the 1nd1v1dual's destiny is contained wrthrn the head. lbeji
plaCl'd , ert1cally side by side. Inside, figures are not portraits as such, but symbols of human life. The sex of the child is
ribs Lied up with palm fronds and plm- included on the figure, as well as scarifrcatron marks, making the figures very rndr-
tcrecl with clay support the structure. vidual to the touch. They are handled often and are oiled to keep the wood moist.
This oil stains the wood untrl rt darkens to the colour of the mother's own skrn.

40
 HOUSEHOLD OBJECTS /11 nortl1c111 Krnya, 11 Ttcrluma irl ll'<''
Although Kenya is located along Africa's lush Indian Ocean coast, large parts of the large. lwlloll'nl-0111 ll'c>odrn /Jowl, to
country are semi-desert and offer precious little in the way of natural resources. warcr lie, /mnil_1·s rntrk.
In the arid, northern reaches near the border with Sudan, the harsh environment
dictates the few materials available for use as containers. The nomadic Turkana
people, who live along the western shore of Lake Turkana, make their containers

41
 from wood, chipped out with a long metal spike from a solid piece of wood. These
containers vary In size according to their purpose, but are made with a rounded
bottom, iust like the natural shape of the gourds used In the more fertile south
They create the long, slender neck from a separate piece of wood that Is attached
to the bottom with a strip of leather. The wood must be sealed and made water-
tight The Turkana rub black soot and animal fat into the surface, a mixture that
also helps protect the wood from insects. Ash rubbed into the interior of the wood
has a sterilizing effect as well In add1t1on, Turkana living on the eastern side of Lake
Turkana smear the containers with ochre. a practice they probably borrowed from
their neighbours, the Samburu

KA:-.tBA

The Kamba people of Kenya live in the mountains east of Na1rob1 Their heavily
wooded region 1nsp1red them to become skilled at carving wood into bows. arrows
and clubs, which were used both in hunting and In warfare. A warrior made his
:\111t>11g rhr 11011,clwld ob1 ccts , a n n l own weapons; the better his carving abil1t1es, the better the hunter he could be. A
b, rhr 1i,r/wna i, the akarum well-crafted arrow that flies straight and true to its mark makes for a more suc-
,ahovd, 1d1ich is used LO hold 11111'1 cessful hunter This connection between craft and life was strong among the
llnd frnru,n a lcarhn l1<l and scrap, Kamba; outside sales were not needed to keep the craftspeople at their tasks.
li11 1
/<111<1 clcphn (opposite. top), When the need d1m1n1shes. either because the lifestyle of the people has changed
ot 1,·onclcn 111111
/ bru l1cts. i11cl1Cclc or commercially made goods become available to them, then the labour-intensive
lc11gc ,1::n used Jor 111ilhi11g ancl crafts such as carving may wither
,111alln n111t,1111n, for d,in/iing More than a century ago, In 1891. the British East African Company set up
Bcwlccl ,lcwrnr,011 1s 1Cscd SJ'anngl_, a trading post in Ukamban1, the region where the Kamba lived, and encouraged
.·lnunal far. hoth for wolm1g mul local woodcarvers to produce items for sale to foreigners Although the Kamba
/or ro,mco, me. 1s ,ro,nl in ,mllll carved containers or their own use. they turned their hand to obJects such as
cbun (oppn itc. bottom). \\hlCh al,o ornamental masks and carved animals, objects more SU1table for sale. These
Jcarwc lrnrl1n luls and strap, objects. 1nclud1ng the masks, had no relation to the Kamba trad1t1ons.
Mat1sya Munge, a Kamba carver from the village of Wamunyu, was drafted
into the British army during the First World War. He was sent to Tanganyika (now
Tanzania), where he saw the Zaramo carvers at work. He liked their style so much
that he adopted It. When he returned home, he introduced a number of items such
as salad servers, animals and human figures to his fellow carvers. None of these
was based in Kamba culture but they appealed to the European buyers.
From the work started by this one man, Wamunyu grew into an important
carving centre. Its workshops supplied dealers who then suggested new designs
and types of items that were also not known In the Kamba culture. It was only
when the Kamba carvers formed their own cooperative society in 1951 that they
returned to trad1t1onal Kamba images and subjects for their designs In Kenya, the
Kamba are still known as the pre-eminent carvers of wood

42
43
-H-
 GAMES AND MU IC L I I r· ,\l<l<l\<li c l d n , 111 K n n <I pl<I\

Throughout Africa, adults and children play a <111 <Ill< u·111 ,1;<1111r rnllf</ h a o , 1th'<1t1111g

game in which markers are moved within 'wc>nd' in 'iw<1l11li f/1<· !(Wl1f i s /rnc>l\11

cups or depressions. There are usually 12 or / , v 111<111_1 11w11n 1/111111,t:/111111 Af1iw,

14 markers, but some versions use as many a11<i 1 h r 1111111/Jn o f < 11/'S u s r d 1 ,11 i r s

as 32, and the Maasai have a SO-hole version. f r o m 1rg1<>11 t o 11·g1011.

The game is thought to be several thou-

sand years old: ancient versions were carved
into stones in Egypt and Sumeria, as well as at
Great Zimbabwe and in Uganda and Ghana.
The Ashanti kings of what is now Ghana
played the game on a golden board.
This game, made by woodcarvers in
Nigeria and Ghana, Kenya and Zimbabwe,
Congo (Kinshasa) and the Ivory Coast, and a
dozen more countries, Is known by many
names: kikogo, mankala, bao (or bau), ayo,
nsolo and wari or aware, depending on the
language spoken in each region. In many lan-
guages, the name means 'transferring', and
refers to the players moving markers around.
Often the game is played using cups carved
into a wooden board. As the players move,
they keep count of the markers they pick up.
The markers may be seeds, dried beans, peb-
bles or whatever is available. Experienced
players move the markers with such speed
that it may be difficult for a casual observer to
follow the progress of the game.
The boards are often carved with figures
at one end, or with lids that have elegant
designs carved into them, and some are set
upon carved figures. The game Is popular in
the way that draughts (checkers) is popular in
many Western countries, because It does not
require much equipment - It can even be
played by digging holes In the ground - and
can be played at virtually any level of skill.
Some people see it as a kind of war game In
which pieces are captured and the enemy, the
player opposite, is 'killed'.

-1-5
 Whether 1t 1s something as simple as a game, a drum or even a basic stringed
instrument, the desire for objects that are beautiful as well as useful 1s universal.
This 1s why the weavers 1n the West African nation of Ivory Coast (also known as
Cote d'Ivoire) choose heddle pulleys that are carved with decorative elements to
guide the warp threads on the looms. The weaver, who has to look at the pulleys
In the lvorv Coast. a vnw1g Alnoc /Jo, all day long while he 1s working under a tree, prefers looking at beautiful rather
learns to play the wm (<1111 D1111m w e than plain ones. The Senufo people of the Ivory Coast, who carve these pieces, turn
vlLal LO dtuals and w e s0111cL1111c, 11.sn/ to their culture for 1nsp1rat1on. They may use the faces of spirits that also appear on
Ill COll1ll1!11!!C(l(ion masks or choose the hornbill, a bird that 1s much admired 1n their sooety.

46
 FU ERALS
The ingenuity, 1mag1nat1on and talent of African woodcarvers 1s further displayed
1n the recent phenomenon of 'fantasy coffins' from Ghana. Fantasy coffins, which
are made in shapes taken from the person's life, or aspirations in life, are prepared :\ G/1ww1c111 }w,tm_\ cojf111' maclc Ill
well in advance of a person's death, and are often displayed proudly in the home the sha11r of a Jisl1i11� cc111,,· would
until the time comes when they are needed. The afterlife, which plays such an p10/ia/,/y ha\'c /1crn n11>1111i,,wllcd /,_\
important part in African peoples' lives, is honoured with this elaborate attention a }is/in mall ..\1u h dahornrr wff111s a,c
to the proper container for the body The soul is taken care of during one's lifetime i111rnclcd to lwllm11 the clcccmccl allcl
through attention to ritual and ceremony. rns111c 1/ic11· ,11cff,, ill 1hr a/en life.

-l-7
 STONEWORK

S tone, the elemental building block of ancient Egypt and

medieval Europe, was seldom used in sub-Saharan

Africa. With rare exceptions, neither buildings nor sculptures

were carved from stone. Whether they were pastoral or agri-

cultural, small population groups focused on survival. The

need to move to fresh grazing land, and the tendency for farm-

based societies to break up when they grew too large to be

supported on a given piece of land, left little time or desire to

build permanent structures. Certainly rock was available and

ready for use by any society that was inspired to do so. The

limited use of stone in Africa, whether for building or for carv-

ing, stands out for its originality and, even more, for its rarity.

'Mother and fo•ins', a li111cstone sculpture by Zi111bllbwca11 artist Boira Mtcl1i, interprets the traditional view
of nurturing motherhood. It pays homage to the view of wo111cn as a source of fertility.

49
 GREAT ZIMBABWE
Stonework encompasses the oldest and the newest traditions In Africa Indeed,
paintings on rock are the oldest artwork known (see page 102). Great Zimbabwe,
the most remarkable complex of ancient stone structures In sub-Saharan Africa, Is
located In the country of Zimbabwe. Indeed, this complex of structures gave their
name to the country, which was formerly known as Rhodesia. The name
'Zimbabwe' honours the people who built the complex and also honours the
ancestors of today's Shona people, who make up the maJonty of Zimbabwe's popu-
lation. The word 'z1mbabwe' Is derived from the Shona words for 'houses of stone',
a straightforward description for this collection of splendid structures.

The conical tower (below), which lies

wit/1111 the Great E11clos11rc at Great
::imbal>we, is thought to s_1111boli::c the
wcll-stocl1ed grana,ies 111ai11tai11e<I b,
the rnlers of Great ::imbal>we.

50
 Great Zimbabwe Is situated approximately thirty kilometres (seventeen miles)
south-east of the town of MasvIngo in south-eastern Zimbabwe. An air of mystery
surrounds these buildings, and the vIsItor Is naturally tempted to ask such questions
as: Who made the structures? How was their society organ1zedJ What happened
to the people? There are still more questions than answers, and the real story of
Great Zimbabwe remains almost as great a mystery today as It did when the site
was first uncovered. Though he never v1s1ted the ruins In person, the Portuguese fhc G1t·,1t I:11r/o,111r Ihd,m ), 11 l11gh-
historian Joao de Barros was the first European to describe the structures in some 1><1lln/, irm/d 1>111/r of 1m1ghh 011c
detail. His 1552 account was written about a century after the demise of the ovi- 1111llio11 lw11d-hcw11 g11111irr /1/0,b, is
lization that populated Great Zimbabwe. 1/ic lwwl of G,rnt =11,1l"1b11r.

51
 Explorers who were unwilling to believe that African people were capable
of planning and executing such a grand architectural design attributed them to
long-forgotten Europeans, even to people from Biblical times. Five centuries later,
the wildest theories have been discarded. While the structures are now attributed
to the Shona, the absolute truth about how and why they were made died with
the people who once lived there.
Ancestors of the Shona people began arriving in East Africa's Great Lakes area
some two thousand years ago, and are believed to have first moved into Southern
Africa well before 1000. These early 1nhab1tants grazed cattle but left no perma-
nent structures. Centuries later, the Shona came to dominate the region under
their mwene mutapa (master soldier - also spelled monomutapa), who ruled a vast
area stretching from the Zambezi River to the Limpopo River, and covering much
of the area between the Kalahari Desert and the Indian Ocean.
It was around the 12th century that the Shona began to build a series of stone
buildings, which were constructed entirely without mortar. Nothing holds the
stones in place except their own weight and the masterly way they were placed
together. Although other ruins dot the landscape of south-eastern Zimbabwe, only
Great Zimbabwe is still largely intact.
It Is likely that the builders of Great Zimbabwe took advantage of locally avail-
able materials, principally granite. Weathering of this immensely hard rock causes
It to 'peel' away into small-size blocks which can be shaped to create basic,
rectangular-shaped 'bricks' for building. Labourers chipped
the blocks by hand until they were of the size and shape
required for the walls. But the structures were more than sim-
ple piles of stones. The walls were curved and fitted with
drains to allow rain water to run off, assuring that the walls
themselves would withstand the ravages of the elements.
Great Zimbabwe was a trading centre whose prosperity
was fuelled by the region's gold and ivory resources.
Merchants would travel inland from Sofala (present-day Beira
In Mozambique) and from Kilwa (on the Tanzanian coast)
bearing manufactured goods, including beads and cowrie
shells, glassware and ceramic products from China and Persia
(present-day Iran). The society was stable, secure and wealthy
enough to permit large numbers of labourers to spend their
time in construction. The population reached an estimated ten
to eighteen thousand people, an enormous number for that
time (some estimates range as high as forty thousand people).
The commoners did not live in the stone houses; it is likely
they lived in the same kind of mud and thatch dwellings that
most Africans of the region inhabit today. Only the king and

52
members of his extended family would have occupied Great Zimbabwe. The walls, OPPOSITE, TOP: Al Grcal Zimbabwe,
as thick as five metres (seventeen feet) in places, were erected to divide areas of carved soapswne birds of prey stood
the town. From the placement of the walls - some atop cliffs - it is clear that pres- guard. Today, the bi rcl is the national
tige rather than defence was the prime consideration. symbol of the nation of Zimbabwe.
The wall of the elliptical Great Enclosure runs for more than two hundred and
seventy metres (eight hundred feet), and consists of an estimated one million stone
blocks. The dominant structure of the complex is the conical tower, which stands ABOVE: Tl,c carlit·s1 walls al Grcal
ten metres (thirty-three feet) in height and resembles a Shona grain storage Zimbabwe elate from 1he J21h ccnlwy.
basket. But the tower was not built for use; it was filled with stones and was proba- Scrnrity was mainlainccl by lhc con-
bly erected to show the wealth of the kings. It symbolized the vast quantity of grain slrnction of double curved walls wilh a
that they were able to store for the prosperous community. 1ianow passage running bclwccn the
Five hundred years have passed since these buildings were abandoned, seem- walls (opposite, bottom).
ingly overnight, yet the 'ruins' still offer a wonderful sense of the entire site as it
looked at its peak. In 1988, Great Zimbabwe was named a World Heritage Site.

53
PRE\IOCS PAGES: The sl1il1cd masons SHO A SCULPTURE
cJj G,cai Z,mbab\\ e could ewn place While the exact origins of Great Zimbabwe are shrouded in the mists of history,
decoraciw ba11ds within rows of stones. contemporary Shona sculpture is well documented. It ranks among the few mate-
rial objects made In Africa whose creators are known and recognized for their
work. The anonymous hands that made most of Africa's brilliant objects will never
BELOW: 'Chief Protected by rite be known to us but we can celebrate the artistry of these sculptors.
Pa11golin' was caned 1i1 opal scone Shona sculpture, as the work has come to be known, is made primarily but not
(green ser-pcncinc) b> Boira Mtel1i. entirely by Shona people. The movement began when Frank McEwan, director of
the National Gallery of the former Rhodesia and the workshop school associated
with It, encouraged artists to work in the Shona traditions exemplified by sculptor
OPPOSITE: 'Sitting Chief', which stands Joram Manga Three decades later, Mariga continued to express the Shona culture
111 rhc grounds of the Z1111babwe in his work. The first sculptors entered the programme in 1957 and have become
:-:a1io11al Galler,, \\as executed by known as the 'first generation'. They found their material. beautiful serpentine
I\'icholas .\luko111bcra11wa, one of rhc stone, readily available in the nearby hills.
'firsr gcneracion' Shona sculptors. By 1966, the work of these sculptors was challenged by men from Malawi,
Mozambique, Angola and Zambia. They came together as migrant workers on the
tobacco farm of Tom Blomef1eld at Tengenenge. The idea for the expansion was
generated by necessity. When 1nternat1onal sanctions were enforced against the
former Rhodesia's valuable tobacco crop, in an attempt to force the country to
abandon white-minority rule, Blomefield's workers needed a new way to earn
money. Many of these men had made masks for their peoples· traditional dances.
To Blomef1eld, It didn't seem like much of a stretch to suggest that they become
sculptors too. Today, work from the Tengenenge farm enjoys its own reputation
under the umbrella of Shona sculpture, and is based on cultural trad1t1ons.
Shona sculpture is now divided into first-, second- and third-generation work,
a classification determined mainly by the country's tumultuous and racist history.
Those who began to work in the late 1950s. and through the 1960s, laboured
under white-minority rule. That generation's work was built on Shona traditions
and spiritual myths. and also employed historical. cultural and struggle themes. By
the time the battle was won and the country's independence was achieved in
1980, a new generation had emerged. This second generation of artists looked to
more contemporary 1nspirat1on, and more personal expressions, while maintaining
a connection with the past. The third generation of artists dates from 1990, when
the country marked its first decade as an independent. black-ruled nation. These
young artists had little direct experience of the brutal history that inspired their
predecessors. For them, the struggle was a part of history, rather than any kind of
personal experience. Both second- and third-generation sculptors rely more on self-
expression than on historical and cultural themes.
Serpentine, the stone that defines Shona sculpture, varies both in colour and
hardness, although in its purest form it is an extremely hard stone that polishes to
a satin-smooth finish. Serpentine occurs in a range of colours, from black to brown
Bia, h " ' ' prnt111c. <111 nt1rn1ch l1e11£I and green, and even brighter tones - 1nclud1ng variegated stones of red, green and
form of ,nprntinc. IHI\ 11,cd I,\' mauve. The hardness of the stone requires the sculptor to expend enormous
f11,t-grnc,<1t1011 S(Ul f ' ro ' Jo,cph amounts of time on each piece This has kept Shona sculpture very much in the cat-
,\Jclwulw ilw to uc,1tc '.\l11d111111 R111/' egory of highly priced artwork intended for display.

I<ISII STO E
Unlike Shona sculpture, K1s11 stonework 1s made from a form of soapstone found
1n the highlands of Kenya, north of the Masai Mara National Reserve. The people
of the region, known as K1s11 or Gus11, comprise about six percent of Kenya's pop-
ulation Centred around the town of K1si1, the K1sii form a minority within their
region since they are Bantu-speakinq, while those around them are not.
The prol1ferat1on of items, such as statuary, utensils, decorative plates and fig-
urines, has made the name 'K1s11' familiar to people who visit Kenya. At the heart

58
of K1s1i life are the quarries at Tabaka, a short distance from the town of Kis11.
As many as five thousand Kis,i people work on the stone, most from the village of
Tabaka, with the number rising or falling with demand for the finished product.
Kisii stone occurs naturally ,n a range of soft tones, 1nclud1ng grey and creamy
tan. The creamy colour ,s often striated with pink or purple, sometimes showing a
hint of gold. When buffed, the stone is silky smooth to the touch. The actual carv-
ing is carried out by the men. Women and children sand down the pieces and wash
them to achieve the silky-smooth surface. Though porous, K1s1
i stone is a natural
choice for bowls and pestles, and has been used by the local people for at least
erghty years. The stone dust, as fine as talc, was formerly used by warriors to dec-
orate their faces during trad1t1onal ceremonies, including funerals.
The abundance of the stone seems to have bred In the local people a talent
for carving. Missionaries who settled in the area encouraged the people to carve
pipes, bowls and small animals. Most typical of these was the sun-faced lion, which
was being carved as early as the 1930s.
The modern phase of K1s1
i stone design began in the 1960s when a sculptor
named Nelson Ongesa arrived at Studio Arts 68, one of the first craft shops in
Nairobi, with a selection of small Kisii stone figurines created by himself and mem-
bers of his family. Thirty years after he began, Ongesa is still an active supplier of
Kisii stonework. But the most long-lasting contribution to the art of Kisii stone carv-
ing was generated by the African Heritage shop in Nairobi, which took the mater-
ial to a totally new artIstIc level. Innovations included incising the stone, paIntIng ,t
with acrylic and shaping it for use in Western households. -i he ,1111-flllccl lion i5 porucnn/ 1i1
Sometimes the pieces were coloured red using K,w, shoe polish. The colour 1/ti, smC1ll 1':i,ii ,ronc wn•i11.1:, Due 10
softens to pink over time, the natural result of the stone's porosity. Kisii soaks up rite l"'""ity of th(· ,oft Kisii wcrpsto11c.
colour like a sponge It will absorb any colou; placed on ,t until it stabilizes, mak- 1110,c pin cs mr maclc for cli,plav
ing a carving unsuitable for use as a food container or serving vessel. For this ratltc, rh1111 fm ncrnlay me
reason, most pieces made for sale are for ornamental rather than practical use.
To make the stone less absorbent, one artist began to use opaque paints that
sealed the surface. Designs that made use of West African motifs and symbols such
as lizards and stylized taces were painted over a white background, giving the
material a totally new look. This solution was successful; the colour remains on the
surface and retains the original look painted on by the artist, although totally
obscuring the natural colour of the stone. Nevertheless, this innovation has
expanded and extended the design possibilities for this beautiful material
The profusion of Kis,i stone designs ,s an ever-changing array of motifs and
colours As one artist creates a new idea or design, it ,s quickly picked up by the
others. Kiw, shoe polish, in a variety of colours, is still the ·choice for most painting
on Kisii. Transparent polish Is used on natural stone, which allows the natural grain
of the stone to show through It 1s also readily available ,n small quant1t1es and Is
easily portable - useful qual1t1es for people who usually work outside.

59
 BEADWORK

T he desire for personal adornment dates from the New

Stone Age (around 10,000 BC) - the very dawn of

human society. Objects recognizable as jewellery, such as ivory

beads, as well as necklaces made from fish vertebrae, have

been found in ancient graves and living sites, some of which

were as old as 25,000 years. Cowrie shells - still in use today

for decoration - were worn in Neolithic times.

Thriving Neolithic cultures existed over much of Southern

Africa from the seventh millennium BC. The people included

the San (Bushmen) and Khoikhoi. Whether their necklaces

were worn as amulets, to ward off evil spirits, or because they

were considered beautiful, are all secondary considerations.

The important element is the universal desire for objects that

decorate or enhance the individual. The form or material of

African beadwork depends very much on the materials at

hand, or on those that are acquired in trade.

Tliis 1Kung woman o f Namibia. a mnnl>cr o f the San (B11sl1111cn) people, has fashioned a \'ibrimt
collection o f beaded J>rndants to wear i11 her hai,

61
Of'1,,,,n .-\_\<J1111g .\laasm gi1I "<'ars The physical expression of a culture 1s made apparent through ritual and dress,
Jt adwonal j n , din). inchul111g d1f flat ceremony and ornament. The outward appearance of people 1s the surest way to
ncd1p1nc 111 blur. our/incd in ,cc! and d1tferent1ate one 1nd1vidual from another. The information given by the wearing of
"hue He, ,i11tf>fr hcaclclrc" ,11ggn,h specific types of beaded Jewellery spells out 1nformat1on as surely as 1f 1t were
,he is from a 1c111otc. rnral m.-a written down. For outsiders who want to be able to read this 1nformat1on, this
'language' of beads can be learned. By deciphering the messages contained 1n the
Jewellery, we are able to see past the surface of a person's elaborate and exotic
beadwork. We can gain some insight into the meaning of these ob1ects of adorn-
ment to the person who wears them
In many parts of Africa, people d1st1nguish and reveal themselves to other
members of their community through their beaded Jewellery. In East Africa, the
Jewellery of the Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania, and the Samburu of Kenya, follows
different and speof1c patterns and forms, even though 1t 1s often made of the same
basic building blocks: tiny glass or porcelain beads. The Zulu, Ndebele and Xhosa
of South Africa employ the same beads to create their d1st1nct1ve Jewellery and
other ornaments, which are also used to define and delineate their own cultures.
Beads are the prime example of the way 1n which a basic material can make a
substantial impact on a culture The availability of imported beads made the
language of beads (in Xhosa culture, for example, and 1n many others) an integral
part of the trad1t1ons and came to be one of the defining elements 1n explaining
who belonged to that culture.
Most of the beaded work 1n East and Southern Africa 1s worn by ind1v1duals
from all levels of the culture. Quite the opposite is true in West Africa. In the Yoruba
culture of Nigeria, beadwork 1s reserved for members of royalty and for use in con-
nection with their roles as supreme leaders. Objects may be seen rarely, only at the
time of a harvest or during a royal procession. Among the Bamileke people of
Cameroon, fabulous thrones are made of wood, covered with fabric and then
beaded all over. The thrones are carved to resemble animal figures that have a strik-
ing resemblance to human beings Here, beadwork 1s an expression of privilege.
Whether they are restricted to royalty or available to everyone, though, beads have
become powerful elements 1n African life.

\!.-\ASAI A N D SA:--!BlJRU

The Maasa1 and Samburu live 1n regions where the last of East Africa's great con-
centrations of wildlife are found The Maasai, who live on both sides of the border
that separates Kenya and Tanzania, are closely assooated with the reserve that
bears their name - the Masai Mara National Reserve 1n Kenya - as well as with the
Serengeti National Park in Tanzania. The reserves, like the people, are d1v1ded by a
border conceived by their former colonial rulers. To the north, 1n Kenya, are found
the Samburu, who are associated with the Samburu National Reserve These parks

62
are aptly named since 1t was the presence of these peoples, and
their attitude toward wild game, that ensured the survival of the
animals w1th1n these parks. After Kenya gained independence,
the Maasa1 and the Samburu were made official guardians of the
country's wildlife. Neither group hunts wild game for meat or for
their skins, and certainly not for 'trophy' heads, horns or antlers.
They profit from, and are partly responsible for, the care of the
reserves that bear their names.
The material culture that defines the Maasa1 and Samburu
symbolizes Africa to outsiders. They seem to have captured a bit
of the sun as they emerge from their thatched houses or appear
out of the forest, garbed in elaborate, beaded jewellery, red
cloth wrapped around slender figures, and hair dressed with red
ochre. This 1s how the Maasai, the Samburu, as well as some of
Kenya's lesser-known peoples - including the Rendille, Pokot and
Turkana - present themselves. Equally vivid expressions of bead-
work and costuming are found among the Zulu, Ndebele and
Xhosa, but they are less well-known outside South Africa.
Although visitors are unlikely to see traditionally dressed Zulu
and Ndebele outside of tourist-oriented cultural villages, their
crafts are now widely available.
To Westerners, traditionally garbed people such as the
Maasai, Samburu and Ndebele may appear to be dressed up or
adorned for a special occasion. For the people, however, every
day is that special occasion. Although some pieces of Jewellery
are made to be worn at particular moments of life - marriage or
circumcision, for example - most of the jewellery is worn
throughout an entire stage of life. A married woman will, as an
expression of greater wealth, amass beaded necklaces as she
grows older. As she moves through her life, she wears jewellery that is appropriate Orrosnr: Sam/mm men accumulate
to her status. For example, the beaded leather ear flaps that look like bookmarks /Jcaclcdjcwcllny made by girlfrirncls.
are worn only by married Maasai women. They slip easily through the extended The wlm11 bloc/1s sholl'11 here arc
openings 1n their ear lobes. Marriage beads transmit the same information in these rypirnl. 1
,� is rhc /Janel of /a,gn beads
societies as gold wedding bands and red dots on the forehead do in other cultures. a a o " the chest. Sc\\'11-011 buttom lune
The pieces made for use by members of these cultures are synonymous with become ,cw1,/arcl acldirions.
the culture, and are not merely a decorative expression. While there is no law that
says a married woman must wear either a gold wedding band or a beaded neck-
lace, depending on her culture, it 1s the accepted expression of her status within A110,·1 • I 1
l 1s i\laasm 11·0111w1 11cm.,
that culture. This jewellery carries a world of s1gnif1cance and symbolism. The spe- t1adicio11al headed Jo, ms, mt 1
l 1c/111g
cific look of a piece of jewellery - the shape, the patterns, the colours - all speak rhc claim, arc ficccd lmulp1cff 1111</
of the culture of the wearer. When one person w1th1n that culture sees another, scnc, of jl<H 11crh p ica s

65
66
each can read the exact status of the other· LJ-11 1/1 11<J1t/ir111 Krnya, yowig
age set, marital status, even whether the Smnhuru men rnjov their 11111r as
wearer has given birth to a son. w<1111ors. cmcl I'm· rnrrful clltcnticm
In spite of the rapid urbanization of to groo111111g w1el to jn,·dlny. -i /1<·
East Africa, some people have managed to /,caclc,I hccul p iccc hdps cc1d1 1111,11
keep this physical expression of their tradi- l1Crp his lnaiclccl l1e111 111 ple1ff. A single
tional cultures intact. Although the cItIes row of lwacl, nms oc ms, thr clmh that
seem to offer an endless supply of jobs and w1TIs his '1ai1.
amusement, most migrants wind up in the
worst sections - the slums that accommod-
ate the influx of rural people looking for
work. Many Maasa1 and Samburu have
managed to resist the siren song of the
cItIes. It is only in the rural areas that these
people can maintain their traditions.

TRADITIONAL
BEADWORK
Beaded jewellery is a rich tradition but one
with fairly recent origins. Nearly all the
beads that are identified as 'African' were
brought from Europe as objects of trade.
Little more than a century ago, East African
peoples were first offered the small colour-
ful beads that are now such a part of their
material culture. Before that time, orna-
ments were made from locally available
material. Some of the earliest ornaments of
the East African peoples were made from
iron, laboriously fashioned into armlets and
leg circles by blacksmiths. Though heavy
and uncomfortable, they spoke to a need
for ornament.
Over many centuries, Arab traders
introduced a variety of goods, including
beads, to East Africa, often in exchange for
ivory. However, the earliest known Maasai
and Samburu Jewellery items were made
from large red beads produced in Holland
and thought to date back to about 1850.

67
 But the look of Jewellery 1n East Africa, particularly among the Maasa1 and
Samburu, was transformed about a century ago, when traders brought 1n a new
item: tiny, colourful glass beads, uniform in size and hue, imported from Italy
(mainly Venice) and what 1s now the Czech Republic. These small beads, with their
preose, pre-drilled centre holes, could be strung onto wire or sewn onto leather.
They could be arranged 1n geometric patterns, in contrasting colours.
A whole mythology grew up around the beads, based on ex1st1ng Maasa,
beliefs about the natural world that surrounds them and guides their lives. Blue
represents the sky, which itself expresses the Maasai belief in Nka, - God. Green
represents the grass, a sacred element that is revered because 1t nourishes the
A Samburn \\an-w, li,·ing nea, ls10l0. cattle that play a central role 1n trad1t1onal Maasa1 and Samburu life. Red and white
1'cn_w, t u c b l11s lmife 11110 tlus bcadecl are the life-sustaining colours. red represents the blood of the cattle, and white
hell made b_, a female adm11c, The stands for their milk. Trad1t1onally, milk, sometimes mixed with blood, comprises
beading is s1i1cl1ed onto lcat11n. the people's entire diet. Only during ceremonies marking stages of life do they

68
slaughter cattle for meat. Hides provide clothing and material for pouches and
slings, and straps for the gourds that contain the milk or blood Cattle play such a
central part 1n Maasa1 life that they are celebrated in song and loved as 1nd1v1duals.
By working blocks and bands of these colours in their beadwork, the Maasa1
spell out the essential beliefs and elements of their lives. Girls begin to amass the
dist1nct1ve, flat circular necklaces at an early age. The beads are expensive and,
these days, must be bought with cash. A woman, who wears her wealth in the
form of jewellery, usually earns the money to buy beads for herself or her daugh-
ters by selling an animal from her own herd. Her domestic livestock are kept separ-
ately from those of her family. A Maasa1 man, who counts his wealth in his cattle, 511111/1111 u bu_, s ,.,-w 11,cse blue bca,h
will rarely part with a cow from his herd. 1,1 the limr oj d1dt circumci im1.
Each of the necklaces is made in a different circumference. When worn muall\' betll'ecn the ages of twcl, c
together the whole set of neckpieces covers the girl or woman's upper body from and tll'rnty These Sw11b11111 li\'f in
her neck to her shoulders and part-way down her torso. In dance, the necklaces Kem·a, near :i.tmalal.

69
 are set in motion as the wearer bobs her head and body in a d1st1nct1ve
ducking motion. The neckp1eces seem to float up and down, dazzling the
eye of the intended - the young man with whom she is dancing When
a row of dancers 1s 1n motion all at once, they create the 1mpress1on of a
well-rehearsed and orchestrated chorus. Their dance shows the unity of
the people, the closeness of the age group.
The Maasa1 avoid symmetry in their beadwork and 1n their choice of
what constitutes a 'pair' There seems to be an innate need to create a
balance from different elements. According to Maasa1 thinking, two
things that are alike cannot be a pair. The work begins with a colour
block at one end, and proceeds round to the other end. Each pair of
colour blocks 1s set apart by one or two rows of contrasting beads Single
rows of beads are strung from headbands and draped across the cheeks,
drawing attention to the face. In the earlier work, beads were sewn onto
leather or separated with 'spacers', narrow strips of leather. Today, the
beads are threaded onto wtres.
At first glance, 1t seems as 1/ the colours of Maasa1 Jewellery have
never changed. All the neckp1eces feature blocks of bright solid colours
BELOW: A cilrn111cis1011 bch made for set apart with blocks of white beads. But photographs of Maasai taken
a female Kamba circumcision in Kcnya. The twenty years ago show a colour palette that is noticeably different. At
beads arc scw11 aroH11d a 1hid1 f1b1c core that time, red and blue were used almost exclusively. Today's palette is far
more varied and individual. This difference may be a reflection of the far
greater contact the Maasa1 and the Samburu now have with Westerners,
OPPO,ITE: The s1ra11ds of ,ed bca,h 1\0111 l1y or simply a practical acceptance of the colours that are available at the
1hcsc Sambun, girls 1i1 nonhcrn Kmva 1qncsrn1 local trading stores. The wholesale purchase of the beads 1s made by out-
grcm wcahh. /[ 1s u1111sHal for 1wo girls lo ha, c siders, people who are not from the culture. In the past, these wholesale
i,lcmical headpieces Also unusual arc 1hc beaded buyers were Arabs; today the buyers are Indians from South Asia, who
pmdalHs affb:nl to their ma11ds of beads. control much of the trade 1n East Africa. The trader buys the colours he

70
or she thinks are needed, colours that are 1n ready supply, or well-pnced. Ong1nally, OPPtNJL. Thi\ Po/we 1H•mcm 1n-u1 cr
white became crucial to this beadwork simply because 1t was in abundant supply, sc, 1n of flat 11n 1' J licff s made of down
a supply dictated by the Buganda of Uganda, who were major purchasers of beads. !'aim, t'di:: t'il "1th 1HI w1d ycllo1,
The traders passing through East Africa always carried white beads to satisfy their beach The Po/wt me ,mw11g ehr lase of
demands. If there were disruptions at the source 1n Italy or Bohemia, sometimes the Krnvas p('oplc to wrar 5/11115.
trader would have to take what was available. One year, for example, there were
no white beads to be found.
Cowne shells, once the principal form of money in various parts of Africa and
still widely used for decoration, are sewn onto headbands and worn after a girl has
been circumcised, a practice still followed in rural areas. The Maasai wedding neck-
lace, worn only for the wedding ceremony, is passed down through the genera-
tions. This piece, called an entente, features a tight collar of beads with numerous
strands of beads hanging down to the knees.
Samburu jewellery is readily distinguished from that of the Maasa1. Samburu
women favour single strands of red beads, which are given to them by admirers.
These strands are piled up until they seem to merge into a single neckpiece. The
popular saying is that a Samburu girl is not ready to be married until she has
enough necklaces to support her chin.
Maasai and Samburu men and women both wear a profusion of earrings
Multiple ear p1ercrngs are the norm. Older men and women traditionally stretched
the ear lobe hole, made when they were children, by inserting progressively larger
obiects. Over time, the hole could be stretched to more than two and a half centi-
metres (one inch) in diameter. One earring design is in the form of a strip of leather,
about five centimetres (two inches) 1n diameter, and folded into the shape of a
bookmark. The entire piece of leather, enhanced with sewn-on beads and pieces
of alum1n1um, is inserted into the ear lobe hole. These earrings are worn only by a
married Maasai woman. A woman will sometimes wear a series of these 'book-
mark' earrings, graduating 1n length up to about fifteen centimetres (six inches).
Among some Samburu men, ear decorations may be permanently woven around
the ear lobe, through the large opening.

WARRIORHOOD
Jewellery as ornament is only part of the grooming routine of the Maasai and
Samburu peoples. Elaborate grooming customs focus on the young men. These
begin at the time of circumcision, which usually takes place when boys are
between the ages of twelve and twenty. Circumcision sign1f1es a boy's readiness to
be initiated into the warrior age set. It 1s the ultimate fraternity of men, a bond that
goes beyond family and embraces the larger society. Before a boy is circumcised,
he has value to his family as a herder but he has not yet earned his place in the
community. That place is assured only when he has successfully passed through the

73
 rncumcision ritual and has demonstrated
his bravery. He must not even flinch as the
knife changes him from a boy to a man.
C1rcumc1s1on marks the beg1nn1ng of
his life as a moran, a warrior. Candidates
Bnow: This Samburn 1,c11.,-wrs Jmc for mcumosIon wear special beads that
set of jrnclln:-, imludn a closch Jir- signify their status to all in the community.
1111g wllar - one of ,nc,a/ ncdila,n Following the ceremony, the boy gives
tlwc arc ,wm wgccl1cr these beads to his mother. She now wears
the coiled metal earrings called surutta,
which say, 'I am the mother of a circum-
Rll,HT: T110 Po/we girls \\Car osed boy', thereby increasing her status in
1_,pirnl II idc collar, made of i11chccl the community Boys who are circumosed
water ,ccds srn111g 011 down palm as a group are united by this common
wnls. The wllw cxccnds o,n the experience. They are given a unique group
shoulders 1111d 11/'pcr bod,. The Polwt name that 1dent1f1es them throughout life.
ha\f rcsisccd \\ cstcrni�acw11 final_, Following their rncumcis1on, the boys
go into seclusion and are then trained In
the lore of their people. During this period
the boys grow their hair long. They spend
hours making tiny braids and dressing each
other's hair with a mixture of ochre and fat
Strands of wool or cotton are added to
their braided hair to make It look even
longer. While danong at ceremonies, they
flaunt their long hair and proudly display
themselves. This Is the most glorious time
of their lives.
Although there Is no longer a real
place for a moran In modern East Africa,
the rituals associated with wamorhood,
now adapted or scaled down, are still
maintained in the rural areas of Kenya For
example, morani may no longer kill lions to
demonstrate their prowess in hunting, but
instead must be content with shooting
small birds using the bow and arrow (see pages 169-170). However, they yield
nothing to modern times In their attention to ornament and body decoration.
The use of beading extends beyond Jewellery. Beads are sewn onto many of
the household goods as well as onto clothing and objects used by men and
women. Long leather skirts, rarely worn these days, are enhanced wrth rows or

7-+
patterns of coloured beads. Small leather bags, decorated with beads, are made by
Maasa1 women for their own beadwork. To keep their kangas (printed cloth that 1s
wrapped around the body like a sarong) in place, men wear a beaded belt that also
serves as a sheath for their short knives. These belts, usually made by a girlfriend,
provide an opportunity to show 1ngenu1ty and individuality, and are among the

75
 most distinctive items worn. The beaded belt
ornament Is placed at the small of the back,
and Is often shaped like a small shield. The
brightly coloured beads are sewn onto a
leather backing. Girlfriends also provide them
with beaded ornaments, including bandoleers
that cross the chest. Men also wear a choker
made of a goat's stomach lining into which
are sewn aromatic seeds.

RE:\DILLE A'.\'D TURKA!\A

Kenya has more than forty ethn!C groups,

although the differences between them can
become blurred through intermarriage and
overlapping territories. The Rendille and
Turkana are among the few who still pursue a
trad1t1onal lifestyle. The Rendille resemble the
Samburu and live Just south of Lake Turkana.
Their beadwork features larger beads. most of
them bright red Unmarried women wear a
combination of necklaces· a large draping col-
lar combines more than a dozen rows of
beads strung on wires. set off by small, flat
white and yellow beads. The collar rests on
the girl's shoulders, with strings of beads
massed from her chin to her shoulders.
ABmE: Cow1ic shells 0111!i11c part, of The Turkana, a nomadic people who live In the least hospitable part of Kenya,
rhr masl1 and the straps of this Dogon around Lake Turkana (see page 41 ). are related to the Maasa1 but differ consider-
dm1< ers coswmc. C o " ,ie shells me ably In appearance. Turkana women's faces are quite broad. with a dist1nct1ve
oftcn associated wirh jenilit_, anc/ " e l f appearance. The women bedeck themselves with strands of brightly coloured
f 01111crl_, used as 111111s of nu rc11n beads massed around their necks and shoulders.

'.\°DEBELE
0PPCNTE: :\ ll 10 o f Hamm g11 Is
f10m southern Ethio!'ta wea, gan11cnl\ The Ndebele of South Africa, who form part of the Nguni-speaking group of
matk of a11i111al hides. 01110111e111rc/ peoples, have been recognized as a distinct culture for several hundred years. After
" u h ,1111plr strands of beads and 10ws breaking away from the powerful Zulu kingdom in the early 19th century. the
of cm, 11e shells. Thn !'a_ Y the grcatc,t Ndebele established control over a great stretch of land between the Limpopo,
attc1111011 to dressing the 1111) Ill aids Vaal, Crocodile and Molopo rivers in north-central South Africa. As their numbers
rhat 111al1c up rhe11 hairdos increased, they would migrate to a new area and settle there. and then repeat the

76
 OPPOSITE: A young, modern Ndel,cle woman of South Africa wears the tratlitional beaded apron, or isiphephctu,
worn only by unmarried women, and combines it with a VffY untraditional chest covering

ABOVE: The impressive Ndebcle 11ia,-,-iagc blcmlict, 01 nguba, is worn /,y man-ied women outside the home.
The simple de. ign and spanng use of motifs on the lefthmul blanllCt suggests it was made as long ago as the 1920s,
while the blwillfl worn on the right is typical of designs macle in the 1960s.

79
pattern as they needed more land for their growing population. In the mid-19th
century, the Ndebele splintered into a number of factions, and, In the 1880s, a
destructive war with the Afrikaans-speaking white settlers of the former Transvaal
effectively destroyed their trad1t1onal way of life. The remnants of one faction, the OPP(NH: Bcforf w1clcrgo111g i111twtio11

Ndzundza, gathered at Roos-Senekal, and, in 1974, the apartheid government rituals, Nclrhclc g1r/1 wca1 hraclccl

created the KwaNdebele 'homeland' for them. The Ndebele are thought to num- sliirts m a i l , f o r this 11111c in their lives.

ber about one million people today.

Thanks to their distinctive appearance and their vivid style of house painting,
the Ndzundza Ndebele are instantly recognizable. Their house painting and bead- Brww: The N,lcl,clc sew glas, /,cads

work are mirror images of each other. The exuberance of the obiects and patterns unto 111/,.-, tu Jo, 111 11,r k g rings wllcc/

created by the Ndebele may be a visible expression of their tumultuous history and izigolwani. fhc bcaclrd ma1Tia,gc
a celebration of their survival. "!'roll is made o f the ,amc beads.

Ndebele beadwork shares the attributes of beadwork through-

out Southern and East Africa: it is specific to stages of life, and close-
ly follows recognized and codified shapes. The beadwork is highly
developed, elaborate and technically superb. It uses the same small
glass beads that are favoured by the Maasai and Samburu. Yet the
effect is unique, both in the shape of the pieces produced and in the
designs used on them.
Ndebele beadwork is created by the women and reflects two
worlds: that of the maker and wearer, as well as the world she has
seen and incorporated into her work. One of the original design ele-
ments, worked on a huge scale, was the safety razor blade. Although
its use faded, the razor-blade design lives on because it is pleasing to
the artist. An Ndebele woman takes designs - from objects she has
seen in the world around her, in the homes of people she has worked
for or in magazines - and re-creates them in beads or paint. These
'aspirational' aspects of Ndebele art and craft include light bulbs,
aeroplanes and telephone poles - objects that relate to modern life.
In older work, white beads were used extensively, with only
small designs to break up the surface. Then, starting in the 1930s
and 1940s, the beadwork underwent a revolution. Multicoloured
design elements took up more of the surface, with white beads
forming the background. For a period in the 1970s, blue and purple
beads predominated, densely covering the surface, with the white
beads used only for outlining. More recent work has moved toward
a more varied palette.
Ndebele women make both plain and patterned beadwork. The
monochrome work is a circle of beads, worked on a core of wild
grasses. Called izigolwani, these rings are stacked up on the legs
from ankle to knee, forcing the wearer to walk with her legs slightly

81
 apart. Sometimes a woman will wear a single golwani, of great
dimension, around her neck. More comfortable to wear are the
large-diameter izigo/wani that rest on the shoulders and frame
the trad1t1onal brass neck rings called dzil/a, which are used to
stretch the neck. Similar rings are also worn on the ankles, 1n
assoc1at1on with the 1z1golwani.
The Ndebele woman's artistic ingenuity comes to the fore

l
1n the variety of beaded 'aprons' that denote the marital status
of the wearer. The first, and smallest, is the lighab1, a tiny loin
cover with suspended beaded tassels worn by girls. Simple
zigzag patterns or other geometric designs are formed into a
band at the top of these small aprons.
When a girl undergoes 1nitiat1on rites, during which she
learns the ways of her people, she 1s given the isiphephetu, a
stiff beaded apron. If her mother 1s a talented beader, this may
be very intricately worked. Themes are developed 1n rows of
beaded sections. Houses, light bulbs and aerop.lanes are com-
mon. Aeroplanes, in particular, feature so often in the designs
that they are known as Ufly in the Ndebele language. Since the
aprons cover only the front, there is an associated backskirt
called the isithimba, made of leather that 1s sparsely beaded.
Speof1c beadwork, such as the beaded bridal train called a
inyoga (meaning 'snake'), is made for a wedding ceremony.
The train is about twelve centimetres (five inches) wide and is•
worn hanging down the woman's back, suspended like a pen-
nant on a wall. A married Ndebele woman is easily recognized
by her marriage apron - either the liphotu or the ijogolo. The
liphotu is considered the simpler, less formal apron although it
1s similarly beaded all over and measures sixty centimetres by
sixty centimetres (two feet by two feet). It may be beaded on
goatskin or canvas. The ijogolo is distinguished by five rounded
panels at the bottom; these represent the proven fertility of the
woman, as the ijogo/o 1s worn only after the woman has had
children. Bearing children finalizes the marriage; a woman
without children 1s only a wife, but a mother has value and sta-
tus within the community.
A rare example of the older style of Aher a son has returned from his in1tiat1on ceremony, a mother wears the
Ndebele beadworll, produced from the linga koba (long tears). This piece is made of two narrow beaded strips, worn
1880s to the 1920s. ltfeatures simple attached to a headband, suspended from either side of her head. The name derives
geomethc motifs on a background of from the woman's sorrow at losing her son to the next stage of his life. Unlike the
closrly worhed white beads. beaded aprons, it is made without backing, on a mesh network of thread It is

82
considered one of the rarest of the Ndebele beaded items for this very reason - the
lack of backing material makes the pieces likely to d1s1ntegrate over time. The
beads are not lost but are instead used to make new pieces.
A beaded blanket 1s the married woman's trad1t1onal outer garment. The blan-
ket might have one strip of beading or many strips. A fully beaded blanket may
weigh as much as four and a half kilograms (ten pounds). Whether elaborately
beaded or simply decorated, the blanket is an essential item of apparel for the This I iddy /,nulnl i-iphcphclu. wo111
Ndebele woman whenever she 1s outside her home. only liv w1 11111111
,1 ricd Nclc/,dc wom,111.
Ndebele designs are readily adaptable to other objects and easily imitated, rnm/Jinc., gcomcll ic }01 ms in 11 c/i,lin, •
resulting in an explosion of geometric designs. It is even said that the South African liwp,wcm.

83
OPPO!>ITE: A Zulu man aHcnding a flag takes its insp1rat1on from Ndebele design. The beadwork has gained in value,
royal wedding on the :\"atal Sourh in particular the older pieces. Today, Ndebele designs are found on everything from
Coasc in the lace 1970s 1s oucfwed wheelbarrows, mugs and magazine advertisements to a beaded and painted radio
m criss-crossed beaded bands. "irh created by Emily Mmasanabo. Automobile manufacturer BMW even comm1ss1oned
paccems md1cathe of the :-Jongoma Esther Mahlangu to paint one of its luxury automobiles in an Ndebele pattern. The
region of Kwa2ulu-:-:acal. car has been exhibited all over the world and now graces posters, signed by Esther
when she makes personal appearances.

ZULU

In the early part of the 19th century, Zulu warriors were feared throughout
Southern Africa. Their fierce leader Shaka changed the face of the region during
his brief reign (1816-1828) by InventIng a short stabbing spear called the iklwa, as
well as new tactics to encircle an enemy, leaving no way to escape. His successors
continued these warring ways with devastating effect. In 1879, Cetshwayo, a
nephew of Shaka, led the Zulu to victory at lsandlwana, where they became the
first black army to defeat a British military force. The humiliated British set out to
crush the Zulu once and for all. In the next confrontation, at Ulundi, they roundly
defeated the Zulu army and finally brought Zululand under British control. Today,
the Zulu form what may be the single largest cultural group in Southern Africa,
numbering about eight million people, some five million of whom live in the South
African province of KwaZulu-Natal
Imported beads reached Southern Africa as early as the 8th century, and were
traded by Arabs or local middlemen for the region's ivory and gold resources. When
the Portuguese first arrived along the Indian Ocean coastline and landed in Delagoa
Bay, they quickly established trading posts. By the 16th century, small, brightly
coloured glass beads were available to the local inhabitants. The beads spread
throughout the region, and by the end of the 18th century had reached the north-
ern part of what is now KwaZulu-Natal - about the same time as the Zulu people
were being forged into a cohesive cultural group under Dingiswayo. Beads became
so highly valued that Dingiswayo, uncle of Shaka, claimed their trade as his per-
sonal privilege. This monopoly was continued by Shaka and later Zulu kings. The
increased availability of beads soon led to regional preferences for colours, and
traders had to keep up with the trends or be excluded from the market. Beads
quickly assumed a monetary role, d1v1d1ng those with means from those without.
As In the rest of Southern Africa. much of the material evidence of Zulu cul-
ture was suppressed by missionaries who campaigned for the end of such customs
as women baring their breasts in public until they were married, the extensive use
of beadwork In ornamentation and the wearing of traditional clothing. Today, the
beadwork Is kept alive In rural areas, where many of the people live, and in home-
steads closer to the cities where tourist purchases help to support traditional crafts.

8-1-
 The rural nature of life in the Zulu homeland, especially in the more remote
areas, forms a natural bamer to Western1zation. The most traditional of the Zulu
are subsistence farmers who have little connection with the country as a whole or
even with their urbanized cousins. But. as the Zulu continue to enter urban areas.
their use of traditional clothing and beadwork will ebb, for such dress and orna-
ment finds no place in the cities.
It is not only urbanization that affects the Zulu style. Regional differences in
dress are considerable, a reflection of the large numbers of Zulu people and the
vast size of the land they inhabit. Those who live in the southernmost reaches of
KwaZulu-Natal are strongly influenced by the traditions of the neighbouring Xhosa
people. Their beadwork and clothing are markedly different from the Zulu who live OPPOSITE: A magnificent Zulu beaded
in the heart of KwaZulu-Natal, near the Tugela River. Different types of capes, cape, worn by a woman from the
cloaks, belts and aprons are worn in various regions. Even the size, colour and pat- Estcourt region of 5011th Africa in the
terns of the beads varies from north to south. mid-1970s. This cape was used only
The formidable geography of the Drakensberg Mountains, in the western 011 ceremonial occasions.
margins of the province, helps to create differences by separating Zulu lineages. In
some areas, people wear traditional dress on a daily basis. Elsewhere, it is worn
only for ceremonial occasions such as weddings and rites of passage. B LOw: Viewed from above, a marTied
Traditional Zulu beaded garments included skirts or girdles worn by unmarried Zulu woman\; headdress is richly
girls. Married women wear beaded aprons over leather skirts, some with beaded adorned with beaded bands featuring a
sections on fabric skirts. Capes or cloaks are also worn by married women, and the shield motif. The woven hat is stiffened
styles vary widely. Cloaks covered all over with beadwork are made and worn by into a puffed, platter shape.
wealthy married women. Men and unmarried girls may display
beaded bands across their chests. Most patterns are simple
geometric designs, often chevrons worked in a rainbow of
colours. Beads are sewn onto leather or wrapped around a
tightly coiled length of grass. bound up with cotton. Tubes of
cotton are also used to support beaded neck rings.
In spite of variations in dress, certain items carry universal
messages. The traditional married woman's hat is derived from
19th-century hairstyles, and is made of tightly woven fibres
that have been dyed red. Shapes vary, with the wider, round
hat favoured by those who live south of the Tugela River, and
taller, narrower hats worn by those north of the river. Whatever
the shape, beadwork bands ornament the hats on the base or
the crown - or both, according to the region and the wearer.
Certain colours convey specific meanings for the Zulu,
although these meanings are not uniform amongst all Zulu.
Blue denotes loneliness; rt may mean 'I will wart for you'. Green
is for the grass; rt implies 'I will wart until I am as thin as a blade
of grass' or that 'my love is as sweet as a shoot of new grass'.

87
OPPL)slTE· .,·wncrom single slrancls of White Is for purity. It communicates the message that 'My heart is clear and pure
beads. 1wd1ed prcdommanclv III l>l1ff and I am waItrng for you' Red Is for love, and 1nd1cates that 'My heart is bleeding
mu/ 1d111t'. arc 110111 b_, rhcs.- P<>nclo for you' Yellow Is for Jealousy, and says 'I am Jealous but I shall still love you'. Pink
girls from che Lusilmil1i a,ca of ll1f Is for poverty. It means 'You are wasting your money and have no cows to pay for
Eas1c111 Cape pro, 111cc of Sourh :\fnrn my lobola (bride wealth) and I don't love you'.
Because the colours of the beads carry such speofic meaning, they were used
to carry messages known as ucu, a term that translates loosely as 'love letters'
Some of these are speof1c In their meaning while others incorporate words more
for aesthetic appeal These beautiful, silent messengers can tell the state of a
romance. A girl cannot accept a boy simply by telling him In so many words. She
must give him a special necklace. Some of these messages are deeply coded, the
meaning known only to the maker and perhaps one intended 'reader'
Zulu trad1t1onal healers, or ,zangoma. are often women, and wear d1st1nct1ve
beaded headpieces which obscure their faces behind a veil of predominantly white
beads. A great sangoma Is accorded the respect of a chief The sangoma is a
posItIve force, a person who can give advice about a sickness. She, or he, differs
from a nyanga, who casts spells. The sangoma helps chase away evil spIrrts, and
provides a link between the living and the dead - crucial to Zulu culture, which
does not d1v1de a person's time on earth between living and dying According to
this view, a person never dies but moves out oi his or her body into a spirit form.
In contemporary Zulu life, beadwork Is exuberantly individual in pattern and
colour combinations while remaining fairly close to the original forms. aprons,
cloaks, belts and headpieces Beads are inextricably tred up with wealth and status,
and married and srngle women strll wear items that rnform the vrewer of therr sta-
tus Wrthrn these constraints, however, items may be pried upon one another to
create the most eye-catching display of colour and pattern.
Items made for sale to tourists are sometimes worn by the people, a continu-
ation of the acculturation process that occurs whenever two peoples come rnto
contact with one another. Beaded fertrl1ty dolls, which are known in only one area
of KwaZulu-Natal. have become a very popular item; the tourist version of these
dolls may have facral features while authentic dolls do not In time, this difference
rs likely to be lost as the lrnes between authent1c1ty and commerce continue to blur

.\HOSA

Among the peoples wrth a beadwork trad1t1on, beaded ,terns can convey powerful
messages about a culture. Consider the choice made by Nelson Mandela In August
1962 when he wore his Xhosa beads to appear at his sentenong hearing at the
courthouse In Johannesburg. Although he was an attorney who usually dressed In
impeccably tailored business surts, on thrs occasion he chose to wear the beaded
clothing oi hrs people. He communicated he message that tradrtronal beadwork is

88
:\11 older Xhosa 1Hml<m, at a rnlturnl
,1/lagc in '>outlt :\f1iws .'\'ortli-Wcst
p10\i11cc, holds a lm1g-stem111cd beaded
pipe The 1mi\'c1 sal use of tobacco Jn
Xhosa mm and \\OlllCIJ has led co
considerable attention being paid to
the crmtion of pip<'s. These me ojtrn
beaded around the ,tcms. Since wa111C11
use \'Cl)' l011g-ste111111ed pipe- - in
onlo; it is said. to hccp the u, hn awe,_, .:
from nursJ11g d11/dn-11 - t h w pipes
,po1t elegant, beaded stem,. Tlic
beading also serves to maht· the stem
, oolcr- to handle.

90
 the essential, treasured visual expression of a people, and that only those people
could determine how they lived. lmpliot was the message that such beadwork
symbolized a potent threat to outsiders who would crush that culture and its
expression. Some even believed that coded messages with revolutionary content
were contained in the beadwork.
Trad1t1onally, the Xhosa lived in the south-eastern part of South Africa along
the Indian Ocean coastline, In a territory that ranged as far as one hundred and
sixty kilometres (one hundred miles) inland. During the 19th century, the more
trad1t1onal among them became known as the 'Red Blankets' for their d1st1nct1ve
outer garments, while those who embraced Christianity and Western education
became known as 'school' or 'church' people.
Historically, the Xhosa have been closely tied to mystical beliefs. A vision
reported by Nongqawuse, a fourteen-year-old Xhosa girl, led them to destroy their
cattle and their crops In 1856-1857, believing that, in return, they would be
BELOW: Derail of the Xhosa wmnans blessed with freedom from the Bnt1sh and an abundance of cattle. Instead, many
dress ,ccn m left on the op1>os1t1· page thousands of Xhosa lost their lives In the ensuing famine. It was the ultimate
Tht· sunplicit) of the decoration com- expression of the Xhosa belief in a magical world.
plements the laty bcadwo, 1' nccldaccs. The same small glass beads used by the Maasai, Samburu, Ndebele and Zulu
also formed the basic building block for Xhosa beadwork. These beads were made
in Italy and in Bohemia (now part of the Czech Republic), and became highly
OPPOSITE: A Xhosa bride (011 right sought-after in trade between Africans and merchants from Europe and the East.
in photograph) and her attrnda11t Beads were exchanged for, among other things, land and cattle, copper and ivory
wearing embroidered fabric. Because Xhosa beadwork has been documented as early as the 1820s, when
the Xhosa 11se beads sparingly, their merchants In Cape Town began to import the beads. Frontier outposts were
opcrm or 11 designs rcc111irc fewer supplied through wholesalers, who sometimes dealt directly with missionaries.
beads than the extremely dense Ironically, missionaries were also the principal force aimed at ending the use
worl1 produLCd by the Sdebclc of beads: once a missionary successfully converted an African to Christ1an1ty, trad1-
t1onal beadwork had to go, as it was at odds with the
'proper' dress required of a Christian. Since missionaries
often offered the only chance to learn to read and write,
many Xhosa gave up their beads to gain this powerful
white man's weapon. At the same time, those who con-
tinued to wear their beads proclaimed their resistance to
the 1mposit1on of white rule.
Traditional Xhosa beadwork is made by st1tch1ng
small glass beads onto backings made from cowhide and
goatskin. The beads were sewn with sinew before the
women had access to commercially made thread. Because
the beads were quite expensive, their use d1stingu1shed
the wealthy from the rest of the Xhosa society Beadwork
also came to represent a Xhosa woman's dowry.

92
 Unlike their counterparts in East Africa and other parts of South Africa, Xhosa OPl'<N I r: /\111011.i; the foru/)(1 of
men amass and wear quant1t1es of beadwork made by female admirers. A man Ni.i;cna, /Jrndwm I is 1csc1 H'cl fm tlic
who 1s popular with the young women of his region may collect so many pieces he rnlin.i; ditc Thb /l"i11gn/ crown ancl
cannot wear them all at one time. One such man, Dumane, was said to have more hcal'il y /Jcwlc,I ,1,c" i, wo111 /Jy Oda
than seventy pieces of beadwork, ranging from bandoleers to arm and leg bands. Ailrn11m•,1gu11 tldnida II. the Dcji of
Men and women both wear beaded openwork bib collars that resemble lace. A/111,c. 1he thrcc-di111rnsiv1wl apprn1-
Xhosa beadwork is built upon a vocabulary of traditional motifs. Unique pieces w1cc of the face 111otif is cu hicvccl
include headdresses made from thousands of white beads, with some pieces sup- rhro11gh thr use of padd111g 1111</crncath.
porting dense drapes of single strands of beads. Beaded circles are worn around
the waist - as many circles as can be acquired. There are also ritually specific pieces
such as the necklaces that are worn by a woman who is nursing and also by a
woman who has just had her first child. Once a woman stops nursing, she no
longer wears these neckpieces.
There are practical pieces as well, such as beaded blanket pins. A traditionally
dressed Xhosa woman always wears a blanket, usually red or yellow ochre, as her
outer garment. In place of buttons, the beautifully beaded pins provided the vital
closing. The most typical beaded object is a tobacco bag, worn draped over one
shoulder by mature men. Beaded motifs, often in the form of 'love letters', are
stitched onto a goatskin backing with beaded tassels attached at the ends.
Unlike the rigid collars of the Maasai or the constricting izigo/wani of the
Ndebele, Xhosa beadwork moves easily with the wearer. Pieces are placed on top
of one another, in a very def1n1te order. Individuals vie for attention with the vari-
ety and quantity of beadwork they wear. The openwork designs enable the bead-
er to create an article that covers a large area while using relatively few beads.
White is the predominant colour in Xhosa beadwork and has always been
closely identified with the culture. The igqira (diviner) and ixhwele (herbalist) wear
white beads exclusively. In addition to white, favoured colours are red, pink and
multiple shades of blue - particularly dark blue, sky blue and turquoise - which are
used with an eye to aesthetic rather than symbolic appeal. Some shades of red are
not acceptable, while the Thembu lineage favours a particular deep blue.
Although governed by very strict conventions, Xhosa beadwork is strikingly
individualistic. Supple and inventive, it reflects the personality and temperament of
the people who make and wear it. Xhosa beadwork is exuberant and personal, and
occupies a unique place in the history of beadwork in Southern Africa.

ROYAL BEADWORK
The beadwork of the Yoruba of western Nigeria reveals a completely different
notion of the place of beads within a culture. While the beadwork of East and
Southern Africa is made and used by people at all levels of the cultures, Yoruba
beadwork stands out because its use is so highly restricted.

95
ABOVE: The beads worn bv these With a population of some twelve million centred in the south-western
.\'1gcna11 wo111rn me made of coral. a Nigerian states of Ogun and Oyo, as well as Lagos State and the neighbouring
111aterial acquired through trad country of Benin, the Yoruba dominate their region. Historically, the Yoruba com-
prised a series of more than two dozen kingdoms, each operating as a oty-state.
Chief among these was lle-lfe, where the Yoruba believe the earth itself was cre-
OPPOSITE: This \\odaa/Jc \wnwn ated. The Yoruba are thought to have inhabited the same region for more than a
of Xigcr 1>cars custo111an· /Jcaclccl thousand years, but far more than sheer numbers or even longevity accounts for
jeweller, cwn as she 1101md, 1111l/ct their importance in the world of crafts.

96
97
 The use of beads among the Yoruba dates from the mid-17th century when OPPOSITE: Srrnnd of bright beads
beads were imported as part of the West African slave trade. Prior to that, crowns h1ghlighr the ochre used on the hairdo
were made of coral, brought 1n by the Portuguese at the end of the 15th century. of this Bumi woman from southern
Some cowrie-shell crowns may still be found; cowrie shells and beads hand made Ethiopia Each tiny braid is tipped
of local agate or jasper were used even before coral. with a ball of dried mud
The extraordinary beadwork of the Yoruba is a flamboyant expression of the
belief that their kings, or obas, are direct descendants of the god Oduduwa. Only
the obas, who number more than seven hundred, are permitted to wear or use the
beautifully beaded objects that embody Yoruba belief. All Yoruba beadwork - right
down to their unique beaded slippers - is restricted to royal use. The main beaded
objects - crown, slippers and fly whisk - were made to order for the obas. Each
oba had his own crown maker, who was a bead specialist. Only a few bead-
workers remain, and these travel around making beadwork for the royal families.
Yoruba beadwork covers every surface, imbuing the pieces with rich imagery,
sheer weight and a sense of luxury. The oba appears ceremonially dressed in a fully
beaded floor-length cape. His slippers are beaded all over, with individual toes. His
royal feet rest on beaded footrests, and he reclines on a beaded pillow.
Of all the pieces of beadwork made for royalty, the beaded crown is supreme.
It is the most important symbol of Yoruba kingship because it represents the
authority of the oba himself. The crown is built up from a base of palm ribs that
are covered with starched white cloth. The beading is done over the cloth, and fea-
tures such as eyes and noses may be brought into relief with additional backing.
The beaded crown always has an image that represents akin, the royal bird,
whose single, long tail feather makes it easily recognizable. In spite of its tiny size,
about seven and a half centimetres (three inches) in length, it is considered the
'king' of birds and a worthy symbol for the oba. Full-size representations of the
bird, beaded all over, are often found perched on the crown. They have a startling
realism, and look as if they are about to fly away. The crown also has a fringe of
beads, intended to hide the oba's face from view and mask his identity. Multiple
faces worked in coloured beads suggest the constant presence of the oba, every-
where. It is the office that the crown celebrates, rather than the person wearing it.
The oba is submerged in the power of the dynasty, all of it made tangible in
the crown. Many colours are combined on a crown to show that the people are
united in the oba. The crown is not only the symbol of the king's magic power. it
also provides him with immunity from attack.
For the Yoruba, just as for the Maasai, Samburu, Ndebele, Zulu and Xhosa,
beads have helped to shape cultural beliefs, ornament, trade and expressions of
status. The differences between the various beadworking traditions show that cul-
tures are not shaped by material but rather shape 1t to their own liking. Just as
artists working in widely differing styles may use the same kind of paint, African
beaders have created a wide body of work that expresses their cultural differences.

99
 PAINT & BODY
DECORATION

T he desire for decoration is universal. Decoration can be

as ephemeral as a daily coating of chalk or ochre, or as

lasting as prehistoric rock art. Whereas in Central and West

Africa a person may be transformed with a mask, in cultures

where body painting is practised, people accomplish the trans-

formation with their bodies. This is one of the most striking

elements of African decoration. Among the Ndebele of South

Africa, for example, decoration focuses on wall painting, while

Kenya's Kamba people produce beautifully decorated gourds.

But whether the surface used as the canvas is as soft as a

human face or as hard and unyielding as a rock, whether the

medium is painting or etching, decoration always conveys

messages and information.

Using his rneirr lJodv as a canvas, this Karo 1111,11 from sou1hcr11 Ethiopia acmes a pallcrn of clol .
Pain! is usually applied before a cclehraeion 01 a dance.

101
 Today, people use decoration to express
personal status, to frighten or excite, or
to beautify a useful object. Paint 1s used
on masks, and on walls and leather cloth-
ing, 1t is applied to the body itself to cre-
ate patterns of beauty and intrigue, and
as part of coming of age ceremonies.
Decoration 1dent1f1es and unites
people by lineage, age group, or gender.
In trad1t1onal cultures, 1 marks people 1n
the most pos1tIve way possible, through a
sharing of symbols that can be read at a
glance. A man or woman who grows up
knowing these symbols is thoroughly
connected to that culture.

PAI ' T I N G ON ROCK

Paintings on rock faces and in caves are
the world's oldest known art form, and
express the human thirst to capture and
share a vision that transcends language.
African cave and rock paintings that date
back nearly thirty thousand years estab-
lish a link with the ancestors of today's
African peoples. Rock art is found
throughout the continent. from the Atlas
Mountains 1n the north to Namibia and
South Africa 1n the south, from Mali in
the west to Ethiopia 1n the east. These
TOP AD ABO\c: The earliest life of pa1nt1ngs illustrate a need to record and celebrate the history of the peoples.
Af,ica is depicted in San (B115hmen) Over the ages, people have moved in response to changes 1n geography, geo-
pai11!i11gs found on cave walls. These logy and climate. Some of these changes are recorded on the continent's stone
vn·idly portra_1 the dail.> life and the walls. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Sahara where wall paintings reveal
wildlife of the region. that this and wilderness was once a fertile land of lakes, rivers and game animals.
When the climate changed, the lakes and rivers dried up. Some time before
1000 BC, the 1nhab1tants of the region migrated to the south and east. From pa1nt-
1ngs found on a wall at T1best1, in Niger, we know that giraffe once thrived in what
1s now the nation of Chad. Only close observation of these and other animals could
have enabled the artists to record them so faithfully. Today, Chad is deep within the
Sahara and giraffe no longer race across the landscape.

102
 Rock paintings are plentiful throughout Southern Africa, from the Cedarberg
and Drakensberg in South Africa to Twyfelfontein, north of the Brandberg 1n north-
ern Nam1b1a. Some of the pa1nt1ngs found in Namibia date to 27,500-25,500 BC,
which places them among the earliest found ,n the whole of Africa. Their creators,
known as Stone Age people because of the implements they used, left such evid-
ence at many sites in Africa.
In central Tanzania, the archaeologists Mary and Louis Leakey studied and
documented the paintings of Stone Age inhabitants of the region. Prolific paintings
of animals indicate that they were abundant at the time, and hunters are also A trio ,f San (Bushmrn) lrnntcr
depicted. Though most of the animals are drawn only in outline form, they can be march aooss the wall of a wve nc,ir
easily recognized. As the paintings faded, new ones were added, often super- Vanrhymdv,p in the Western Cape
imposed, but the traces of the old paints can still be seen. The extremely dry air of province of South Af,·ica.

103
 the region kept the paIntIngs fresh enough to be seen even today. Rhino, elephant,
ostrich and various antelopes may be ident1f1ed at a glance from their character-
IstIc profiles, and their horns and antlers. Animal skin clothing Is clearly shown on
elongated human figures, with variations such as cloaks, back aprons and skirts,
some figures even sporting earrings. Musical instruments and dwellings are also
portrayed. These paintings have endured because they were executed on granite,
an extremely hard rock that Is resistant to erosion.
More recent paIntIngs may be seen at various sites In Zimbabwe, for instance,
in the Matopos Hills, and near Bulawayo and Harare. Pa1nt1ngs found In the vKin-
ity of Marondera, seventy-four kilometres (forty-six miles) south-east of Harare, are
very recent, dating to the first millennium AD.

WALL PAINTING
In a very small area of South Africa, a handful of Ndebele women keep alive the
fifty-year-old trad1t1on of painting their houses. In spite of the limited number of
OPPOSITE: An Xdebclc woman wearing people practIsIng this art and its brief history, Ndebele wall-pa1nt1ng motifs have
dzilla - rl1e brass and copper ned: and become as well known as any symbol assooated with South Africa. Although some
am1 rings. Her house paintingfeaturcs of the images used are taken from the relatively small pieces of Ndebele beadwork,
a strong geometne design. A detail the paIntIngs are executed on an enormous scale. Ndebele women have the abil-
from an Xdebclc wall pamting ity to greatly enlarge a symbol - representing, for example, a house - without los-
(below) features similar strong ing the sense of the design or its proportions. It is this skill, as well as their superb
abstract fonns and \'i\'id colours artIstIc ability, that defines this outstanding crah. The artwork is the exclusive
province of the women; the men build the
houses but It Is the women who decorate
them. Because most of the paints used in
the past were made from natural dyes, they
washed away during the rains and had to
be reapplied every year. Even the bright
commercial paints that are used today
require frequent retouching.
Ndebele wall paIntIng was first
observed in the 1940s, and Is thought to be
an outgrowth of the 19th-century practice
of tracing patterns on the outer walls of
homes before the mud-dung mixture was
dry. The earliest paints were made from
natural colourants, which were soft and
muted. When commercial paints became
available, the palette brightened consider-
ably, and became the vivid range of today.

10--1-
An Xdcbclc wall pu111ti11g /,, \targmct The sk , of the women 5 part1cu arly remarkable since they work completely
Slwsana. " l w is sl1<J\\ 11 ,cared outside freehand Esther Mahlangu, one of the acknowledged stars of the Ndebele world,
her house The highh st., li::ed street ')tfers this explanation for being ab·e to draw straight Imes along the length of a
lights llbow the hou,c, rnpt111c tl1c war 'My nes are straight because my hea1t 1s pure'
aspirational qualit, o f .\.dcl>dc ,ir 1. The frequent upheavals that have mar ed Ndebele history are said to have
w l u d t is cntirch- ocatc<i In '"'lllf11 1nsp,red their unique style of house painting, which shouts, loud and clear, 'Here
1ve Ndebele people' However, this does not explain why many other people in
Southern Africa who suffered similar upheavals did not respond with s1mdarly bril-
1ant art The whole history of the black peoples of South Africa 1s one of forced
removals to hard, 1nfert le land Even among other African people who do wall
pa•nt ng, there 1s no correlat,on between that paint,ng and their ornamental bead-
work as there s among the Ndebele
When the f•Jdebele moved from budding grass houses to mud and dung struc-
tures, they traced decorations on the plaster walls. The repet1t1ve patterns created
w••fi the f,ngers the drying mud and dung plaster were designed to protect the

@
Orro 1n: Surma men with
a child, along the Omo
River of Ethiopia. The men
wve, their /Jodies with Cl
mLxllfff of chal/1 and water
Clnd then draw the pacterns
with their fingers.

LEFT: A trnclirional Kilrnw

dnm1mcr from Kenya
decorares his bod) wirh
patterns dra\\ 11 through
a dwl/1 nm:ture. K,lmyu
men, lilic people in orher
rnltures, draw the patterns
011 one anorher:

109
OPPOSITE: Bumi women of Ethiopia patterns through the coating with their fingers, creating a white-on-brown or
w1ilcrgo scarification to emphasize brown-on-white effect. In add1t1on to beautifying the body, the ash is believed to
thw beaut) Each cut is cairfully impart strength to these young warriors. It also has medional qualities, helping to
made and rnb/Jnl with ash to cnswc keep the bare skin clean and prov1d1ng protection from insects. Each morning they
it will ,csult in a welt. 'put on' a new outfit by creating a fresh design in a new coat of ash.
In the extreme south-west of Ethiopia, where the land borders on Sudan and
barely touches the northernmost part of Kenya, a number of cultures, including the
Surma, Karo and Bumi, exist 1n very close prox1m1ty to each other on both sides of
the Omo River. This region is remote and barren, yet these people have heightened
their precarious existence by living 1n a state of perpetual hostility. In spite of their
difficult lives, all these people practise the art of body painting, and their flamboy-
ant appearance contrasts vividly with their surroundings.
Surma men paint their bodies and their faces as a means of emphasizing their
physical beauty and 1nt1midat1ng their foes. They cover their skin with a mixture of
locally available chalk and water, upon which they draw patterns - similar to the
way the Nuba decorate themselves with ash. Each day they create a new design,
starting just above the knees and covering the entire body, including the genitalia
and the face. The men engage in fierce stick fights among themselves, which are
fought nearly to the point of death. The fights are watched by the girls, whose
faces and cheeks are painted with flowers and geometric patterns.
Using the same chalk mixture as the men, Surma children enjoy painting their
legs white and decorating their entire faces with white stars on the nose, forehead,
cheeks, and especially around the eyes. The children often duplicate the same pat-
tern on a close friend, which makes them look like twins.
The Surma are still known to wear lip disks. Young women of marriageable
age pierce their lower lip and then insert a small clay disk. The skin is stretched as
each successively larger disk 1s inserted, until the desired size is reached. Within
about six months the skin has become elastic enough for the disk or plate to be
easily removed. There is a correlation between the size of disk and the cattle dowry
or bride wealth that the family expects to receive for this girl. Surma women make
the plates themselves using locally available clay. The clay is coloured with ochre
and charcoal, and then baked like any other piece of pottery. The wearing of a lip
plate involves its own etiquette: the plate must always be worn in front of men and
is removed only when eating or sleeping.
The neighbouring Karo people of the Lower Omo River delight in pa1nt1ng
their faces and bodies with dotted designs created with chalk. The patterns emu-
late the look of guinea fowl, and are painted before a dance or ceremony. In addi-
tion to chalk, local substances are used to make yellow and black paints which are
combined to produce bright varicoloured patterns all over the face and chest.
Karo women display extensive scarification. Cuts are made in the form of
numerous dots or small dashes that combine to create an overall pattern. To raise

110
OPP0,ITI hCJCI' f a f f f'llillt·
ing d1j111n tl1e etl111int_y of
this K(l,o 111(111. The K(lro
live along /:t/1iopic1's Omo
Ril'n, 1,11<1 a,c one of
Africa's ,ma/lest and most
chrcatcned peoples

LEFT: This Karo womcm's

nee/ii ace is heavily coated
in ochre, while her face is
chcu11(ltical/y painted with
a yellow mincrnl found in
lorn/ rochs.

113
 the skin into a bas-relief effect, the cuts are rubbed with ash so that they become
infected. When the wounds have healed, the skin is permanently raised.
The third group, the Bumi people, also practise scarif1cat1on. Bumi men create
i"a; ed designs that frame their eyes like eyeglasses. They also work the skin in rows
of cuts above the eyes, 1n the middle of the forehead. The Surma, Karo and Bumi
are sworn enemies, yet these patterns are not Just a means of enhanong their
physical appearance; they also establish their cultural identity, setting each group
apart from their neighbours.
In a number of cultures, including the Maasa1, chalk or clay is used during
orcumcision when boys are 1n1t1ated into manhood. Chalk or clay is part of the dis-
t1nct1ve apparel, grooming and demeanour of the 1n1tiate, indicating to onlookers
that the boy is going through this crucial age-set ceremony. Once he has success-
fully completed the in1t1at1on process and become a moran (warrior), he transforms
This cow 1s considered especially himself into a piece of living art. In add1t1on to jewellery, the Maasai moran creates
beautiful by ils Maasai owt1<T who brilliant and imag1nat1ve patterns all over his legs. He applies a coating of ochre to
ltru burned arllslic designs onlO his legs, and then, while the ochre mixture is still wet, draws patterns with his fin-
rite animal's J11clc. gers to expose his skin. As the ochre dries, his legs acquire a coating of dust stirred

114
up as he moves about, and the pattern mutes into beige and rusty brown tones. The patterns painted 011 thci, faces
The ochre, mixed with sheep fat, protects his skin from the sun and from insects. i11dicatr that these Maasai youths
In the past, when Maasa1 warriors engaged 1n hostilities with neighbouring have bcrn rccc11tlv cirrnmciscd.
peoples, the patterns were intended to make them appear fierce. Now that the
Maasai have adopted a more peaceful lifestyle, the decorations are intended to
make them as attractive as possible to young women. The Maasa1 also brand or
draw patterns on their beloved cattle, especially their favourite animals, expressing
their love of decoration in graphic designs against the beasts' white skin.
The Samburu use a much brighter, orange-hued ochre to decorate their faces
for weddings, often drawing flower motifs, star shapes and geometric designs

115
Ason: Throughout Southern Africa, around the eyes, across the cheeks and on the brow. The men first apply a coat of
chal/1, mLxed with water 10 Jann a ochre around the outside of the face, like a picture frame, before creating the
pas1e, is used a, a slzin mrnngcnr. designs. At wedding dances, girls decorate their faces with zigzag patterns that
It is being applied here b_, Marna accentuate their cheekbones and draw attention to their eyes.
women from ,\lozambique On !Iha de Moc;ambique, an island off the Mozambique mainland, the women
apply a white paste to their faces. The paste, made from a ground-up root that
grows wild 1n the forests of the mainland, acts as an astringent for the skin and
Orro nE: A _101mg \fodaabc man of enhances the beauty of the women. Although the white paste was or1g1nally used
iger competes in rhe )a/1c_y, a male by rural women, it has been widely adopted by those 1n the ot1es. Many women in
beaut_, conlcsl. His face i, painlcd to South Africa use similar preparations made from tree bark or white clay
highlight his best features, cspcciall_,
the slender nose and lips
\\"ODAABE

The Wodaabe are nomads who live scattered across West Africa, 1nclud1ng parts of
Niger. For most of the year. they see few people other than their own families. The
search for fresh grazing for their livestock 1s a constant struggle 1n such an arid
area; the fewer their numbers, the better their chance of surviving. The only time

116
118
the Wodaabe come together 1n a group 1s during the annual
Geerewol festival, a celebration of the bounty of grass that grows
during the rainy season. This is the principal occasion for young
men and women to meet and find partners. It is the ultimate
expression of the Wodaabe belief that they are the most beauti-
ful people on earth.
Artistic face painting is often associated with efforts to
attract a mate, but few cultures go to the same lengths as the
Wodaabe. Their face pa1nt1ng involves a wide variety of products
very much like Western make-up, including preparations for the
eyelids, the lips and the skin itself. The face painting alone would
be enough to single out the Wodaabe as unique, but one aspect
puts these people in a category all their own: it is the men who
use make-up to attract the women. They spend hours preparing
themselves, coordinating elements of their dress, including head
ornaments, and making their faces up, before they begin to
dance for an appreciative audience. The elders watch as well, but
1t is the young women for whom the men parade themselves.
They are on display specifically for their beauty, and the standards
of beauty among the Wodaabe are exacting.
The Wodaabe may fairly be said to be obsessed with appear-
ance. Their lives revolve around the cultivation of beauty, and
they pursue every art that enhances their natural attributes. The
Geerewol is the time when men display their beauty in a kind of
line dance called the Yakey that allows them to compete for the
attention of the women. Because the men believe that the
whites of the eyes are particularly attractive to women, they roll
their eyes as they dance in order to display the greatest area of
white, and cross them to emphasize the whiteness even more.
Teeth represent another crucial element in their attractiveness, so
Wodaabe men part their lips suggestively to expose their sparkling white teeth. OPPOSITE: \\'hrn Wodaabc men
To prepare their faces for the painted designs, and to brighten their skin colour, pnfonn the Yc1llcy. women emulate the
Wodaabe men apply a yellow paste to the skin, from the hairline to the chin. This malic-up and dress to catch the eye of
forms the background for the designs, usually dots or circles of white, with which rh,· most ha11dsom1· of 11,e dancers.
they paint their cheeks, chins and the area around the mouth. Their mouths and
eyes are carefully outlined with kohl; this accentuates the whites of their eyes and
contrasts with the whiteness of their teeth. No detail is neglected: Wodaabe men ABOVE: Before the fol1r_1. \\odaabe mm
even shave their hairlines in order to have a neat 'canvas' on which to paint the carefull_v highlight thri1 eyes, cheells
designs and elongate the face. Equally painstaking attention is paid to headdress, and lip, to accentuate their l,emuv.
ornament and clothing. The men wear brightly patterned, embroidered tunics that
add to their colourful appearance, an overall impression whose effect is multiplied

119
 by their sheer numbers. Rows of safety pins create patterns on the cloth and catch
the sunlight. The men dance side by side, as 1f they were a single unit, all the while
competing for the attention of the women.
Although the Yakey is a trad1t1onal ceremony that demands a trad1t1onal style
of dress, unusual objects are highly sought-after by Wodaabe men. They will attach
any Jewel or glittery object, such as small hand mirrors, that is likely to provide a
reflective quality to their outfits. Cowrie shells, beaded ornaments and pieces of
brass all combine to add to their brilliant display.
Wodaabe women are equally colourful, and choose their outfits with care.
Although for the most part they leave the make-up to the men, the women
trad1t1onally tattoo their faces. They take great care with their ornaments and cloth-
ing, particularly the extensive embroidery on their waistcoats, blouses and skirts.
Beautiful women are much admired and are permitted to wear particular brass
ornaments in their hair. Young women covet the engraved brass leg ornaments
called jabo that are attached below the knees (see page 136). They are worn In
pairs, and force the girl to walk with a rolling gait, which is considered very seduc-
tive. All the elements of male and female dress have the same purpose: to appeal
to the opposite sex. While the Wodaabe don their most extravagant make-up
before marriage, they continue to make efforts to attract other partners, and the
men may have up to four wives. Beauty is at the core of the Wodaabe existence
OPPOSITE: A richly decorated Kamba and continues to occupy them after marriage.
gourd frnm Kcnva features a powe1f11!,
cngraved i111agr of a buffalo. Another

gourd (below) is adorned with 111otifs DECORATED GOURDS

that resemble birds or a,rcraft. Gourds or calabashes, a group of fruits that grow on vines, are used throughout
East Africa. These natural containers grow in many shapes and sizes but they have
in common a round body with a long neck, making them ideal for household use.
After the seeds are removed and the gourds dried, the hollowed gourds are
smoked over an open fire to clean them out and to seal the inner surface. A leather
top decorated with beads Is used to close the gourd and keep liquids from spilling
The Kamba people of Kenya renowned as master carvers (see page 42), and
are also known for their beautifully decorated gourds. Their home territory,
in the forests of Kenya, gives them ample material with which to work, and this
proxImIty to material leads to experimentation. One of the recurring motifs of
Kamba gourd design is Mount KilimanJaro; many generations have passed since
the Kamba people lived In the shadow of the mountain - their ancestral home -
but the use of the motif persists.
Gourds are a form of status enhancer for the family, and are also used as bride
wealth. Kamba gourds are used for beer and for honey Gourds filled with honey
beer are traditionally given as part of the marriage dowry, with both the container
and the contents forming part of the gift.

120
 METALWORK

G old has long been associated with Africa, even though

most of the continent's traditional metalwork, includ-

ing both jewellery and weaponry, has been fashioned from

what are known as 'base' metals - brass, copper and iron. Iron

was the most highly valued because it was the most useful. In

the 18th century, iron bars were used as units of value - one

bought objects, even slaves, with iron. Historically, gold was

the preserve of royalty, and is identified almost exclusively

with the Ashanti of Ghana and the Baoule people of the Ivory

Coast. In spite of formidable gold reserves elsewhere in Africa,

the goldworking tradition was scarcely evident in other

regions. Where gold was mined, it was used in trade and as

backing for currencies beyond Africa's boundaries.

The trnclitio11al l>rm, dzilla coiled £lm1111d this 7':dcl>clc wo1111111, 11cd1, rcatc the clo11g<1tccl l'n,file that these

pcof'lc f i n d , o dcsirn/,lc. /11 the l'll,t. the 111m1l>cr o f ,·ing, wo111 w m inclirntin- ,,J 11rnlth and ,1<1111,.

123
 Creating objects from metal Is quite different from all the other trad1t1onal crafts,
as the work requires more complex methods. The craftsperson does not mould or
shape the material directly by hand; generally, heat is required and often the shap-
ing must be completed by teams. This sets metalsm1th1ng apart even w1th1n the cul-
tures where It is practised. In most cultures, including the Samburu of Kenya and
the Yoruba of N1ger1a, the blacksmith must be from another lineage, since those
who are capable of forming metal through the use of fire are regarded with both
awe and fear. The blacksmiths forged both swords and circumcision knives, as well
as all the utilitarian metal objects needed In trad1t1onal life.
One of the most widely practised metalsmithing methods is lost wax casting.
The process involves the creation of a wax model, which is surrounded by clay or
similar material - plaster of Paris Is used in modern commercial applications but the
method Is quite the same. When the model is heated In a kiln, the wax melts and
runs out - or Is 'lost' - and the resulting space is filled with gold or bronze. Once
the metal has cooled and Is set, the clay model Is broken and the gold or bronze
object Is removed It faithfully replicates every detail that was originally carved into
the wax. The more precise and refined the wax model, the more beautiful and pre-
cise the metal replica will be. The lost-wax technique was employed In the West
African kingdom of Benin as early as the 9th century The famed Benin bronze
heads depicting the obas, the Benin kings, have survived for centuries with every
detail still beautifully rendered.

GOLD
A.son. This fine Bcn111 /iron::e head. Gold has been mined In Africa for more than a millennium - the fabled mines of
made rnrh 111 1hr 161h ccn1un, clcpiu, King Solomon were widely believed to be located In what is now Zimbabwe. That
ldw. mothe, oj Oba Esig1e. The latticc- belief has a basis In reality: gold was mined in Zimbabwe well before 1000. But
11·0rl1 paltcrn of roral beads por1rnvs a gold mining has had its greatest impact at two widely separated parts of Africa: In
specific hairdo of the pei-iod, and South Africa, gold fuels the economy but does not play a cultural role, whereas In
enables u, lo date the piece with Ghana gold Is bound up with the history and culture of the Ashanti people.
rcasmwble mcwacy Although the country was known as the Gold Coast while under British rule, its
modern name is taken from the ancient past The empire of Ghana was well
known to Arab travellers before 1000, who described the fabulous wealth of the
Orro,ITE: The Bow, mct<1l,111,1h, king of Ghana as being built on gold, as indeed It was.
created objects in brass as well as in Ghana was the crossroads of West Africa, a place where caravans crossing the
b1on::c. This brass jlasli iwuld have Sahara met and people shared ideas and goods. Gold was readily worked from
been cm rird /Jy a Brn111 d11cf streams, and panning techniques were used to separate the gold from the sur-
rounding sediment. Trad1t1onally, women panned for gold, while men excavated
the pits from which the gold-bearing ore was extracted. The ready availability of
the metal nurtured the goldsm1th1ng techniques of the Ashanti, and, by the 17th
century, the lost-wax technique was well known to them.

12+
 Gold Is very malleable, and, unlike
bronze, It can be worked with simple
tools. In addition to the objects made
by lost-wax casting, It can be beaten
into very thin sheets, and It can be
drawn into very fine wire. Patterns may
be raised from below the surface or
engraved on the surface.
This extraordinary flexibility, along
with its availability, was at the basis of
the extravagant use of gold in Ashanti
culture. Ashanti metalsmiths created a
staggering quantity of gold objects
Huge pieces of gold jewellery included
chains, pendants and bracelets worn on
both the upper and lower arms, as well
as on the ankles. Necklaces also were
made from numerous gold beads.
But gold was also used In the form of foil to cover entire thrones as well as OrPo,1n-: Among the Pcul of Mali,
ceremonial staffs. The wearing of gold objects was restricted to members of the the upper lip is tattooed This wo11w11s
Ashanti royal family - gold threads were embroidered onto the fabric used for the earrings arc macle from pounclccl
royal robes, and gold rings flashed from every finger of kings and paramount go/cl ,heet. e111cl her gold pendant is
chiefs, providing a dazzling display on ceremonial occasions. fc1,hio11ed to emulate lnaiclwor/1.
Gold was the basic element of trade In the region from the 16th century
onward, and was exchanged for the European products that were In favour. Chief
among these were the glass beads made In Venice, known as millefiore (thousand ABO\'E: Gold is e1mar/1 of status in the
flowers). These beautiful beads were so highly prized that they even came to be Ivory Coast. Thc.sc modern women.
traded for slaves. Thus, they became known as 'trading beads', and were accord- daughters of the Ebrie elite, 11·ra1 large
ed a value equal to their weight in gold. gold plaques sewn 01Ho their tw-/Jcms.
Because gold figured so prominently in Ashanti trade, merchants created a
system of standard weights. These took the form of small figures to be used on
balance scales; each merchant had his own set. Gold weights were traditionally
created in a set of twelve, were made of brass and were balanced against quan-
tItIes of gold dust. The use of gold weights has been traced back many hundreds
of years, but this system of measurement changed through the centuries as the
civilizations involved in trade changed. As new trading partners were found, the
weight system was adapted to accommodate their needs. Ultimately the troy
ounce measuring system became the standard.
Gold weights feature a range of thousands of motifs, taken from the symbols
that are used in other areas of life, and patterned after living creatures or mythical
beings. Some represent everyday items such as the popular wari board game. Some

127
 show people going about their everyday tasks, while others faithfully represent
birds and animals. The forms may also symbolize proverbs or morals from the
Ashanti culture, although these may have been added along the way. The elegant
knot design 1s a symbol of wisdom, and thus represents leadership and ultimately
the king The homely and familiar groundnut (peanut) 1s a basic foodstuff but also
represents an object whose real nature 1s unknown until the outer surface has been
.-\s l>efic, lib ,1m11, wid1111 .-\sltwHi removed. The porcupine, national emblem of the Ashanti people, is a popular form
sonec_,. pm cmwwlC chief I\wia because the animal's formidable and numerous quills represent the strength of the
.-\lna11J1w Alw\\'11ah Daceh II \\ears Ashanti warriors. Over the years, foreign influence could be seen in weights that
gold l>racclces and a gold hew/piece. emulated Western objects such as ships, padlocks and guns.
Gold was also used in the Ashanti culture to
make masks. Only a people with a profusion of
gold could fashion such large obJects from the
precious metal. Unlike the gilding or foil used 1n
anoent Egyptian objects, these pieces were
made of high-carat gold, worked as a sheet of
metal. Once again, the availability of a particular
material may be seen to be crucial to the devel-
opment of material culture.
The centre of the Ashanti kingdom, and
its world of gold, 1s Kumas1, the seat of the
asantehene, or king of the Ashanti people. His
elevated status is shown in the gold that sur-
rounds him on ceremonial occasions. Unlike the
legendary King Midas, the asantehene, in the
person of Otumfuo Opoku Ware I at time of
writing, enJoys his gold and his life too. He
wears masses of gold Jewellery, so much that his
arms and ankles become too heavy to lift.

BAOULE

The lost-wax technique (see page 124) was also

used by the Baoule people of the Ivory Coast to
create both gold and brass beads. These are
known for their extremely fine detail and typic-
ally feature patterns of concentric lines. In order
to achieve this effect, the Baoule use fine waxed
threads in their models. The shapes are formed
by casting these models to replicate the look of
fine wires, and include circles, interwoven lines

128
and zigzags. One of the best-known Baoule designs is a group of flat beads, each The gold plaque 011 rhc headdress worn
made in a different shape and pattern, but all featuring the same fine thread work. by this Ashanti elder is a traditirmal
These would be hung in groups of thirty on the outside walls of wealthy members' ig11 of powc,:
homes during ceremonies. The Baoule even made knife grips covered with gold
leaf - though not the blade itself, since gold is unsuitable for such a use

BASE METALS
Since the early years of the first millennium AD, African cultures have transformed
base metals - iron, brass, copper and bronze - into weapons and other useful
implements. Blacksmiths forged all the tools that were needed for hunting and
daily life, such as wrought-iron daggers, spears and axes. Iron thumb knives, which

129
were fitted around the thumb, were used by the Turkana, while the throwing OrPLNTI: Th,- lwgc no"· prndwu
knives made in what is now the Central African Republic and Cameroon were ll'Orn hi' tl11S Ii11 lwna cider i, in the
fierce instruments with numerous points and cutt1�g edges. Although deadly, these trmlllional {01111 of a lrnf.
weapons were also beautiful, and were shaped into sinuous curves. Iron blades
were used as currency in the Congo, and their fantastic shapes echoed those of
both the panga and the scythe - familiar forms to the local blacksmiths. Knives B1 I LlW: A /miss and wppcr wire
and weapons acquired a high value because they were the most useful, and there- ctcpcsi (chin plug). no111w//_1 \\'Orn
fore the most valuable, objects an individual could own. Unlike coins, which are /,v for lwna women. adorn, tl""
merely symbolic, weapons have an intrinsic value. T111 lw,w 111<111. /vlcn ll'orc inn\' vcr,ion,
Arrows are still an essential tool for the nomadic peoples who bleed their of thh ,,,·nm11<·Iu until the 1970.1, whrn
cattle on a regular basis. The Samburu and Maasai, whose diet consists largely of the me of ivorv was banned in Krnya.
the milk of their cattle, periodically bleed
an animal to mix the blood into the milk
for added strength. While two men hold
the animal steady, another man carefully
aims his bow and arrow at its jugular
vein. The arrow 1s designed to pierce the
skin and start the blood flowing. After
a couple of pints of blood have been
drawn, the wound is rubbed with dung.
No animal is bled more than once a
month, and the Samburu and other
peoples are careful to keep track of
which animal has been bled. In hard
times, when they are forced to sell their
cattle, they may rely on smaller livestock.

JEWELLERY
In most African cultures, base metals,
including brass and iron, were often used
to produce jewellery. In some instances,
aluminium replaced these heavier metals
when 1t became available early in the
20th century.
Brass coils wound around the upper
and lower arms are found in many East
African cultures, including the Maasai
and Turkana. The Maasai surutia, worn
only by a woman who has a circumcised
son, and by her son who borrows the

131
OPPOSITE: For the Himba, who inhabit surutia to wear before his circumcision, has become one of the most imitated
Namibia's Kao1wlm1d region, the use of designs. The simple continuous coil, worn by the Maasa1 on a leather thong, is
metal is highly ritualized. Copper coils borrowed by the son for his initiation ceremony and then returned to his mother.
reach from wrist to elbow w111lc mrral Rendille women of Kenya wear brass or iron wire coiled around their lower
studs made from wire arc pounded arms at marriage. After a woman's first son has been circumcised, a coil is added
onto leather bad1ings. to her upper arm. These ornaments can interfere with the body's normal circula-
tion and may cause the arms to swell above and below the coils. The dzilla, or brass
neck coils, worn by Ndebele women (see page 122) to elongate the neck have a
similar effect. When the coils are taken off, a woman's ability to hold up her head
may be severely compromised
Because It is lightweight and does not tarnish, aluminium is ideal for making
jewellery. The frugal Gabbra of northern Kenya take discarded aluminium cooking
pots and work the metal into square beads that are chiselled and incised with
designs. Before alum1n1um was available, the Gabbra smelted iron ore, found near
Lake Turkana, to produce iron. Aluminium is also worked into nose pendants by the
Pokot and other peoples of Kenya. The Turkana use discarded pots to make ear-
rings, formed In a clay mould, with designs incised using a hot nail.

HIMBA

The Himba of northern Namibia are one of the last peoples to pursue a way of life
that Is little changed from that of their great-grandparents. The Himba are thought
to have migrated into the region from the north-east about four hundred years
ago. Prevented from moving into areas with more rainfall by the Ovambo, they
instead found a way to survive in the stark and forbidding region known as
Kaokoland. Like many nomadic people, they depend on their livestock.
Although the Himba live in the desert, where the midday sun is fiercely hot,
the nights can be bitterly cold since there is no ground cover, and the heat of the
day is lost qu1Ckly once the sun has gone down. In spite of the harsh cond1t1ons in
which they live, both men and women are richly ornamented. The women are fas-
tidious In arranging their hair, dressing It in styles that indicate their marital status.
They coat themselves with a mixture of butter fat coloured with a red ore derived
from crushing certain rocks found in the region. The colour attaches itself to the
skins draped around their hips - the only clothing worn by the Himba. The tinted
fat is used by men and women, and helps to protect them from both heat and cold.
The coloured paste is also mixed with the pounded leaves and stems of aromatic
plants to give off a pleasant scent.
Most of their attire takes the form of jewellery: necklaces, belts and straps.
H1mba women's coiled copper armlets are worn somewhat loosely and do not con-
strict their movements. Each woman wears virtually 1dent1cal jewellery, 1nclud1ng a
leather, shield-shaped ornament studded with metal. The ornament derives its stiff

132
 OrrLNl I The c..trnorcli11w I apprnn111, c of Hi111ba jewellery is acl1in'cd throu. h the u,c of s111all 111ctal beads
011 a lcatha bad1i11g. The beads me 111aclc hy po1111d111g wi,c and rntti11g It to si::r. a11d thfll pressing the pieces
i11to the /,aching. Each J-Ji111ha 11·<m1m1 wrnr, one of tl1ne mctal-st1uldccl oma111C11ts (aho\'e). The ,·cm/lie mea of
Na111ibia whnr the 1-Jimba li\'e has rnablecl them Lo 111aintai11 thrn cli,tinctivc trwlitio11s.

135
.-\&WE: \\odaabr ll"OlllCll of Xigcr shape from a piece of white PVC (polyvinyl chloride) tubing. This very modern
adorn 1hc1J1sch c, "irh brass leg material makes Just the right base and allows the ornament to hold its shape. The
oniamcncs rhac ,csc, id rhnr gmc original colour of the H1mba's coiled necklaces, headdresses and other parts of their
see also page 120). Hc,c, a \\odaabc apparel are all muted through constant and liberal application of body colour com-
11oman hel p s her fncnd rcmo, c her bined with the area's natural dust.
p b o Jo, deaning ll"ilh 1HHCI and sand Although the H1mba have withstood all modern 1ntrus1ons and managed to
ma1nta1n their trad1t1onal way of life, a plan to dam the Cunene River at Epupa Falls
and, 1n the process, to flood their ancestral lands, will end all question about their
Orro,nF: Each \\odaabc 1,0111a11 mll survival as a culture. Resettlement schemes are all based on a complete change of
1, ea, ho Jabo unlil 1hr birth of he, life patterns. The plight of the H1mba 1s one of the most dramatic examples of the
second child. changes enforced from the outside that have an impact on material cultures.

136
 WEAVING

F rom the simple cotton kanga of the East African peoples

to the voluminous trousers of the Senegalese, African

dress is highly differentiated. The fabrics may be locally made

and restricted to royal or elite use, or they may be imported

from Europe and printed with designs that appeal to African

tastes. The flamboyant use of brightly printed fabric among

the Yoruba of Nigeria suits the local climate as well as the body

type of the wearer. The closely wrapped sarongs of the Maasai

and Samburu warriors suit an age set as well as a body type.

Even when African styles are influenced by European ideas,

they depart from the original idea with verve and elegance

and, in the process, become uniquely African.

Among 1hr Samburn of norlhrrn Kenya, printed col/on lwngas arc i,.,-appcd arouncl the hocly by both men ancl
women. Li/1c their .\laasai com1ns. the Samburn p r c f a red fabrics.

139
 Long before there were woven fabrics, people used the inner bark of trees to make
a kind of cloth. The bark was slit and peeled off the tree in one piece, and then
beaten until it became supple and suitable for use as fabric. Bark cloth was utilized
throughout sub-Saharan Africa, wherever there was bark to harvest. It is believed
that the first people to actually make clothing from bark cloth were the Kuba of
what Is now the Democratic Republic of Congo, under their king Mucu Mushanga.
Bark cloth was still widely used by the
Buganda of Uganda through the 1950s. Loose-
f1tt1ng bark robes, wrapped and draped around
the body, were worn by elders at trad1t1onal
gatherings. The cloth was made from the bark of
the ficus tree, with designs sometimes painted or
stamped on the cloth. In the Congo, the Kuba
created patterns by using different-coloured
bark in geometric designs (see page 153). The
colours were placed side by side, with rows of
contrasting colours forming the patterns.
As various cultures began to herd livestock,
they started turning animal hide into clothing.
Many others, however, began to use woven
cloth for their garments.

WOVEN FABRICS
Woven fabrics have been known around the
world for five thousand years; looms for weaving
are at least that old. The technique of weaving
probably originated with basket-making. But,
whether the material employed is raffia, cotton,
silk or wool, weaving is common to nearly all
cultures that have access to materials supple
enough to manipulate.
In Africa, where both men and women
weave, each sex uses a different loom, with each
loom producing a spec1f1c type of cloth. In West
Africa, women sit in front of a fairly wide loom
RIGHT: B.-ightly colou.-ed stn['cd mats that is fixed In one place The woven pieces
woven by women find myriad uses made by women are wide enough to be used
in the housclwlds oj Af1ica. These just as they come off the loom, and may also be
mats we.-e made III the Palma dist.-ict sewn together to form a larger fabric. By trad1-
of nol'them Mozambique. tIon, men work on a narrow, portable band loom

1-1-0
that produces long strips of cloth measuring ten centimetres (four inches) in width.
Many such strips must be combined 1n one piece of fabric large enough to make
clothing. Although the strip loom may appear to place great limitations on the
weaver, in fact he can produce quite varied effects by planning the finished cloth
and incorporating different elements along each strip. The total effect is only
achieved when the strips are sewn together.

Hl
 Because they must look aher the house and children while they work, women
find 1t convenient to use the stationary loom. Men, on the other hand, have no
such obligations and are free to take their looms to an area where they may Join
their friends and weave in a companionable way. Women often cover their looms

142
 when they are not in use and hang Lr t r Thr, 0111/,i1wrw11 of Krnrc dorh
charms or talismans over them to and gold ,,,,,Iv pamr 1,0111 l,1
prevent competitors from stealing r/11, /\my Coa,r 1111,11 comcvs cm
their designs. 01-cm helming imprcrnon of high
,rarus ancl wrnlrh. In rhc f'<ISI, Krnrc
dorh could be "'"I'll on/v hy 111c111/,n,
KENTE CLOTH
lif the Ashanti wy al family.
The most renowned African woven
fabrics are Kente cloth from Ghana
and bogoloanfini, or mud cloth,
from Mali. Originally, Kente cloth
was made exclusively for members
of the Ashanti royal family. Not only
was the cloth restricted to the ruling
elite, but each pattern was woven
especially for a particular king. Even
today, because the cloth ,s so
densely woven and takes such a
long time to produce, a generous
display of Kente-cloth fabric indi-
cates not only a person of royal sta-
tus but also someone of wealth.
The name 'Kente' is derived
from the word kenten, meaning 'a
basket'. The patterns, which were
originally woven from raffia fibres,
resulted in cloth that looked like
a basket - what we would call a
'basket weave'. The weavers them-
selves call the cloth by its Asante
name, nsaduaso, which describes
the process, meaning 'a cloth hand-
woven on a loom'.
Kente cloth dates to the 17th
century, but ,s believed to be based
on an older tradition of strip weav-
ing that had been practised since
the 11 th century. Kente cloth had Its origins ,n the Ghanaian village of Bonwire
(also spelled Bonwu,re). The threads used to weave the original cloths were often
made from imported silk. The silks were taken apart by the weavers, who re-wove
them on strip looms in the patterns that suited their royal clients.

143
 .I'.

.-, r ( • f f,1 t ( I J , 'lft( ,'1(•,-,J(I ff/.,G"f ,d f"fj•r • ,f1

1-r t,r_,1} 1..J. r r,1,,L_• 'J ; , , • '.J f:, ,,,,.. " r r;.; 1

11 tr 1r• ,11, r.,r,,rr1r•, t, ,r- ,,r.,J ''"d prl:"JCr

ir,,,,,r,ri dfl• rr r,q1,.,J r, ,r •r ,s\f p;,";.rr,� ·• " '
,,r,- rr-r,r-.,IHl ,,1,,r,9 rt,- r ,rro1, .trf)
t 1,-1 p,,!!Hr,� rnar, rum,nr_i po,nts ,n th<>
1ifr, ,,f n,,. /\�i,,,nt, pc•opl,, p,,u,-rns becom<>
w,,11 , r,owr, 1ri rti,- rnrnrnur11t1<·s whne they
,,r1• rn,,<lr• ,,nd cornc• ro r<'pre•,r-nt thf' actual
I 11',lory ,incl v,ihH", ol the• people l he sh.-1rcd
l,1•l11·h 11,,1 tl1t > <lotlt communicat£>s may be
'11·.icl' liy ,1fl 1riforrned <,li�f'rvcr 1111s remar�
,il>l1• IH•l11•f •,y•,t1•rn rn.iy bf' tlH• rPason for the
1•xplo'.1v1• q1owth 1n tlH• 11',f' of 1nr1ch11H• mack.
f 1•1111• •,tyl1• ciPwJn'> torl.iy l lw d1st1nct1vf' pc11-
11•111, 11111111•cl1,1lPly 1Clent1fy thf' wParrr as onP
who lu11H>111', J\fric.,n cultwP

111
 ,,:r.;r"'t;'°! ,. ,·\ ..- :..·,·-r:..a ::tt .:Jr- ·-1: at:'·'!
fJ• ca,rs ,urt:: ..:c ,. --of't:', -;.. ·-.icr, .

era 1u 'orfJ'1e•a ar>dO'."er "10Qr.<1.-•e,e"'.S 0<,d,-oi"d, .' e ,','<' ,r','oc

•,;elude .,; CO".'i.l,'. "9 s·• p aga 'lS: '"e S"' O€<l o.a,, g<o.,"O !L .' ,o e a"o e,. •.,

wea. g of CQ40v'S n : " e ; sreo 'aorc co,....es •,

df'?d s·rands But oner pa·:erned '."S a·e , r-d:le "orn ;o- d-coo,..• iao•
on:o ,•,11,ch •he potter., s app ed
The more comp cated Aso,e Neaves are •'10\\'1 1s pre,: ge c o•'l o;orne, •
Nh1ch ha,e ace-k,e openings. The Yoruba once ported quan: t es o· ace and
admired and appreoated the complex· 1 of :; crea: on \\hen \f1ev ,\ere nJb e to
get lace. they began to weave patterns that emu ated t Pres:.ge rerers t>o•" to
the weaver as well as to the wearer, and such clot'l ,s very expens, e

1-h
 ADINKRA CLOTH

While the whole pattern of a Kente cloth 1s created to communicate a message,

Adinkra cloth is built upon a wide vocabulary of symbols. More than eighty sym-
bols are 1n use, symbols that are read Just like the characters of Chinese calligraphy.
These symbols are used as design elements on a variety of goods made by the
Ashanti and so are universally understood. They form a virtual alphabet but go far
beyond mere symbolism. Visually, Adinkra symbols represent the thinking, the his-
tory, the beliefs of the Ashanti people. The word Adinkra means 'farewell' and was
originally associated with funerals and other rites of passage. According to the
widely accepted myth of or1g1n, Ad1nkera (or Ad1nkra), a king of the territory
known as Ivory Coast, tried to copy the Ashanti's revered Golden Stool. In a war
Akwctc. a \,omen, wcaw made by over this claim, Adinkera himself was slain. The cloth he wore when he was killed
the Iba people of Xige1ia, ll,es slzilful featured the stamping technique - or so 1t 1s believed.
\\ca\'ing tcd1111qucs to create a \'h·id The vocabulary of Ad1nkra symbols 1s based on Ashanti proverbs that describe
mix of patterns and colours. The ,·ic!t the events of everyday life. They are sometimes patterned after forms found 1n
fab,ic is produced on the bwad loom nature as well as those that are created by the people. Some patterns capture the
that is used b) \\ omrn behaviour of people as well as the animals in the region. All of these show a keen
eye for observation and the artistic ability
to synthesize ideas into symbols. Adinkra
symbols encapsulate the wisdom and
beliefs of the people in surnnct and
beautiful motifs. The graphic shapes have
been in use for more than a century.
The patterning process begins with a
light-tone, solid-colour cloth. Designs are
carved into a stamping die made from
a calabash (a hard-skinned gourd that
grows on a vine). The natural colours
used with the calabash stamp are made
by boiling the bark of the badia tree and
then mixing 1t with iron slag.
The designer blocks out sections of
the fabric, dividing them up into squares.
Then the symbols are stamped repeat-
edly to create dense rows of patterns.
Each square is stamped with a different
symbol. Although the symbols are
repeated within the square, the many
different symbols used over the entire
cloth give the finished product a lively
visual appeal. A comb is used to create

146
lines on the cloth, and these help to delineate the squares of stamped patterns. Aclmha cloth. 011c of the numn<>us
This reduction of complex ideas to elegant symbols is one of the most remarkable origi11al tc.xtilcs from Ghana and cite
examples of a printed language that is not based on an alphabet. l\'01-:, Coast. Tltr sra111pccl sy111/,ols
Some of the symbols begin with simple, universally recognized shapes such as hal'r spcofic 111rani11gs. <111cl oftc11
Akoma, the heart. In add1t1on to the Western symbolic meaning of love, in Adinkra express l " m - n b or lti,wrirnl rwnr,
terminology the heart also implies patience, faithfulness and endurance. But, when
the heart is embellished so that the lines are extended into curlicues both inside

1-+7
and out, it takes on other meanings. One such is Sankofa, or 'go back to fetch It'. Orro 11 l: A Krnyan hnclsmw1 wral's
It has been interpreted as showing the wisdom to be derived from the learning of up ag<1i11s1 rh,· co/cl morning air in a
the past. By retrieving the past, you can create a better future. long length oj 111pnl cloth. In Ea\l
Several symbols relate to inf1n1ty and are built on designs that repeat in an end- Af1 ica. }<1/>ric"s rnn be wrapped in a
less circle. These are often used to nurture unity and to advise people to avoid con- l11111clrccl clifjnenl ways.
flicts. The free-flowing symbol Bi-nka-bi, or 'do not bite one another', is a direct
symbol of unity, and suggests that people should refrain from fighting. The impor-
tance of the king is described by a circular symbol with many arms, each ending in
a circle. Known as Ohene niwa, or 'in the king's eye', it conveys the power of the
king by suggesting that he sees all, and so nothing can be hidden from him.

MALI CLOTH

Also known as mud cloth, Mali cloth Is a rich fabric dyed with the mud taken from
the rivers that run through the West African country of Mali. Rivers are seasonal in
many parts of Africa, flowing strongly during the rainy season, then slowing to a
trickle in the dry season. Among the Bamana people of Mali, who make the mud
cloth, the fabric is known as bogoloanfini which combines the words bogolan -
something made with mud - and fini, which means cloth.
Mali cloth is readily recognized by its deep brown or black-brown geometric
patterns placed against a beige or off-white background. Bands and borders of
zigzags, diamonds and other symbols are placed within blocks to create dazzling
designs. Although the elements of the designs are quite simple, the placement of
repeating motifs and their juxtaposition on the cloth are rich with meaning for the
informed observer. Some of the symbolism relates to the specific use of the cloth,
for example in initiation ceremonies. Others refer to items that symbolize warriors
and therefore strength and bravery. A pattern called Ce/eju, or 'bottom of the net',
evokes a type of net basket used either for fishing or as a bag for carrying per-
sonal belongings. Kumi Jose kan cloth was made to commemorate a leader, Kumi
Jose, who ruled until 1915. He had an unusually long neck, and the elongated
shape in the design refers to this feature. Symbolic crocodiles feature prominently
in the designs although they are so stylized that they are unrecognizable as such.
For outsiders who cannot read the symbols, they still offer a compelling
visual experience. There is some question as to how widely legible the symbols are
even within Bamana culture. Unlike Adinkra cloth, these meanings are not univer-
sally shared. In addition, new patterns continue to be created by contemporary
cloth makers. Their messages may be as personal as those of any other artist.
Using heavy or rough cotton, the men weave narrow strips of cloth, which are
then sewn together to form a larger cloth. The intricate decoration is executed
by the women. The process of colouring the cloth is extremely time-consuming,
making the finished product highly desirable.

149
 , • •
'
_f,. •.
- ·
• ·••,•···
- 7# ········
. ( !)' @ • · ' ·•@ 8@fi'

"--1111-.I •
/ )

. ..,
(1) - ·@
•@ -
8 -
@
·
@ @
••

r\BO\'l: In the norrhrrn part of rhc Ivory Coast. na, nm· stnp dotlr 1s won-11 lornll\' Tire /i,.cly Scnufo Pon> society
111<1"("''' (IC/er designs w e p<1i11tc,I 011to tire dorlr with a g1cc11 pai111 made Jwm /,oiled leaves. r\ rrs1'! mctlrocl i, 11,cd to
1,roc/11Ct' Mali, lotlr. abo lrnow11 a, 11111d cloth (oppnsnc). /\1,d, , lotlr is ocatnl in J><1tterns that C(ll 11' m e " a g n Jo,· tire
111jo1111ed ol,-cr,·cr 0111c clot/" arc 111mk to lro,ww lrn,ln s. ot/10 w e dnig11,· cl Jo, 111itiatio11 «-re1110111n

150
152
 To colour the cloth, the women first prepare It In a dye bath, using leaves that 01'1't1'1TI. l\u/Ja clvrh, pwclucccl 111 rhr
contain the chemical tannin. Then they gather river mud and allow it to ferment in /\mm 1cgio11 of rill' Onnen rnri,
clay jars. When the mud reaches the right consistency, It is applied to the cloth as Rrpublic of Congo (fonncrl_ Za11c ),
a frame around the pattern envisioned. The tannin that has soaked into the cloth i. nccHnl f,0111 hw1ww Cree f1b1n
reacts with the mud to create the pattern. After the mud has been washed off, the mu/ Jcc1Cu1cs gcomccri< clcs1gm rhar
background colour is bleached to emphasize the design. To describe the colour ocacc a trompe l'ocil cfft"CC.
combination is a bit like considering the stripes on a zebra: is It a brown pattern on
a beige background or a beige pattern on a brown background?
In Bamana sooety, the cloth is worn to mark important stages In life, cere-
monies that celebrate the rites of passage. These include circumcision and con-
tinue through to death, when the cloth serves as a shroud Except for its use by
hunters, the fabric is worn exclusively by women on these ceremonial occasions.
The enormous popularity of Mali cloth has led to a variety of adaptations,
some utilizing lighter-weight cloth that is more suitable for such products as sheets
and tablecloths. While some of these adaptations retain elements of Mali cloth
design, some stray very far from the appeal of the original. The designs are sten-
cilled on in unvarying repetitions that show virtually none of the design imagina-
tion of the original work. Typical of this is fabric that is stencilled with images of
Dogon dancers - not at all traditional but in some ways perhaps more appealing
to the tourist market. The commercial products, unlike the original cloth, are
usually made by men. While these cloths still have a handmade element, Mali cloth
designs have also been adopted for large-scale commercial products that are sold
in upmarket shops around the world.

KUBA CLOTH

Kuba cloth, a tufted or velvet pile raffia fabric, is also known as Kasai velvet, and is
named for the Kasai region of what is now the Democratic Republic of Congo. The
origins of the cloth date to the 17th century and are often credited to King Shamba
Bolongongo. The patterns of this cut or tufted pile fabric are based on 'broken'
geometric forms, with the elements fitting together to form designs. Geometric
shapes, with their built-in symmetry, are used to create eye-catching patterns.
Some involve a running design in which one element crosses under and over
another, all of it an illusion created by the skilful placement of colour.
These complicated and labour-intensive cloths are created using the combined
efforts of men and women. The basic fabric Is actually a mat woven of raffia; the
raffia is prepared from palm-leaf fibres by the men, who then weave the mats on
looms. The woven mat may be softened by ImmersIng It In a mortar filled with cold
water and beating It with a pestle. At this point, the raffia mat passes to the
women, who use It as the background for patterns worked with palm thread The
pile is created by clipping the tufts. Amazingly, the patterns are not marked on the

153
Fcu/i yea,; rhr you11g "omo1 of
Hva::iland g,11/in ar rhc Quff11
Mor/ins liomcsLcwl to 11·cmT a
11n1· Jcmc. The_) 11•rm w m m n t ial/_v
made woven c/01/1 ,, raps fca111ri11g
the shield of Swa::iland.

155
 mats; instead, the women keep the
designs in their minds as they work,
brilliantly anticipating the placement
of the coloured threads that are
needed to complete the design.
Finished Kuba cloths are sometimes
sewn together.
In add1t1on to weaving, women
often embroider the fabric, and may
also attach shells or small pieces of
leopard skin - the symbol of royalty.
Kuba cloths were so highly valued
that they were used for royalty, and
sometimes buried with members of
the royal family. Fabric made for the
wives of the king boasts particularly
complicated embroidery, befitting
their royal status.

%$6.(75<
Among many cultures, weaving Is
also used to fashion household
obJects, and may even constitute the
ABOYE. l',mg 1cccl,. 1wmrn '"'me method of construction for the house itself. Gourds, widely used as containers for
ba,l1cts a, well as mats and othc, liquids (see page 120), including milk, require a balancing support when they are
objects The bnsl1ets made bv 211111 carried on the head or placed on the ground The solution is a circlet woven of
womcn in the Dral1c11sbe1g 1C,l(l0ll of banana fibre or other natural fibres such as papyrus or grass, into which the gourd
KwcC11l11-N"tal fill a wiclc vw 1cty of Is placed. Among the Zulu of KwaZulu-Natal, this woven circle is called inkatha. In
IISCS. ,\tau, haw tightly fitt111g ' ' " ' the dry regions of Kenya where the Samburu live, wild sisal fibres are loosely woven
to make mats for the roofs of houses. These mats are placed over a framework of
wood, itself a lattice form of weaving
Orrosm: //1mba �
.11 Is f,0111 the Basket-making Is widely practised In sub-Saharan Africa, using all kinds of
locally available natural 1ngred1ents, including vines, grasses, reeds, sorghum,
thci, open-topped baslw, to cw ,y papyrus and palm fronds. By combining different colours and weaving techniques,
home j , 111t., gmhnccl in the llll<h. the basket-maker can create a variety of intricate patterns. Varying the placement
of the upright fibres (the warp) with the crosswise ones (the wool) permits an
almost 1nf1nite number of different weaves. Natural dyes made from roots and bark
are applied to impart muted, earthy tones. The fibres may be wrapped around one
another, coiled, interlaced, formed into checks, herringbones and braids. Baskets
may be woven loosely, to sift grain, or tightly, so they can hold liquids. In virtually

156
every culture, materials are readily available that can be utilized to make baskets. OPPOSITI.:: Borswa11a basl1cr mahcrs
The materials determine the fineness of the weave but the ingenuity of the basket- sl1ilfully weave palm fibres ro crcarc
maker determines the ultimate artistry of the work. a multipliciry of fonns and patterns.
The weaving technique is also employed to make baskets of varying size, from 50111c lill-ropJ'cd l)(lsllfts arc so tighrly
tiny snuff and herb containers to enormous grain baskets. Some baskets have fit- wovc11 thar they can hold liquids.
ted lids that look like hats. The distinctive rounded Zulu baskets are among the Trays arc u,ci/ for sifti11g grains.
most beautiful still being made. In Botswana, doum palm fronds are woven into
flat and round forms in dozens of distinctive patterns, with the finished products
ideal for holding grain and seeds. Trays are made according to the same technique. ABOV: A detail of a fo11ga basllCI,
The woven patterns actually tell a story to those w h o know the symbols they rep- fro111 the bonier region bcrwccn
resent. When the baskets are wetted, the coils swell and the basket becomes Zambia a11,I Zimbabwe, shows the
watertight. In Angola, river reeds are dyed and woven into beautiful trays called superb weaving rcclmique of rhcsc
kambalas. Traditional baskets from the Congo are made in square shapes. while people. l l1t· ,wtural lwige and bmw11
those from the Sudan have sharply peaked lids. Serving trays sometimes have culours of the fibres we used ro ocatc
matching lids to protect food from insects. In the Nubian communities of East i11triwtc J>Clt!CIIIS
Africa, weavers often use bright commercial dyes such as green, gold and red
Although weaving is almost universally practised, African peoples have turned
this practical craft into a lively expression of personality and culture. Fabrics such as
Kente cloth and Mali cloth, as well as Zulu and Botswana baskets, have become
highly prized far beyond the traditional settings where they are made and used.

159
 LEATHER

T he hides or skins of domesticated animals are one of

the most basic materials used by African cultures.

Wherever livestock - cattle, goats, sheep, camels - are part of

everyday life, hides furnish a myriad products for everyday

use. Livestock are also at the heart of a family's wealth and sta-

tus within a culture. When the link between a people and its

livestock is broken - because of drought, warfare, urbaniza-

tion or disease - the culture itself is placed at risk. In many

cultures, livestock are prized and cared for with the same

attention paid to human members of the famil y.

/11 the remote Kaohola,1d regio11 of amibia, a Himba wo111a11 wems a soft sliirt
made of calfs/1i11. Her headdress a11d her child's 10111 lot/1 arc also of calfsl1i11.

161
RIGHl A Hnno gi,1 of 110,thcm
Sam1bw \\tars a lrathc, modest_,
apron 01,wmcntc<I "1th /,ms, tassels.

Orro,nr: \\'rapped 111 a ,hccps/1111. a

\\odaal,c bov in Xign trn,h the Jam1h
/i,c,to.d1. These nomadic people ,eh·
hcmt/) 011 thcll' mIIma/,

Skins have long been the trad1t1onal dress of many African peoples. The hides were
scraped clean, beaten until they were soft and supple, then tanned and treated
with ochre and fat. Skins could be stitched together and decorated with beading.
In remote rural villages of the Pokot, Maasa1 and Samburu 1n Kenya, older people
still use skins for clothing In the most isolated areas, some younger people wear
skins as well. As trad1t1ons fade, the wearing of skins will become even more rare.

162
 SAN (BUSHMEN)
A 1Ku11g noman li\'i11g 111 rhc Kalahari
Dcscr r of :-:amibra ea, 1ics her bah_, 1i1 One of the last groups of people to wear skins are the San (Bushmen) of Southern
a caross made of s1
/111 Cw uidg c cases Africa, who have lived continuously In the region for longer than any other culture.
found 011 rhc g1ou11d hm c >
l cc11 added Using small bows and arrows tipped with poison, these hunter-gatherers stalk wild
for dccorarion The 1Ku11g <"lC mem- game In the bush, shoot at close range and then chase the animal until the poison
bers of rhc Sa11 (Bushmen l people. takes effect and It succumbs. Game is hunted only when it is needed, and then the
carcass - the meat, the hide, even the

I L,Lii;\. .. 1 \
sinews - is used in its entirety. For the San
\l l--" &
.\ , '
\ (Bushmen), every bit of the animal has a
!i purpose: hides are used to make slings to
carry babies, the modesty aprons worn by
women and mats to cover the ground.
Arrows are earned in quivers made of skin.
The number of San (Bushmen) still
living trad1t1onally In the dry interior of
Southern Africa Is now thought to be no
more than a few thousand. The ability to
roam freely, making use of only a limited
number of wildlife in order to sustain a
traditional, nomadic life, has been greatly
reduced by the fencing of land for game
parks and the use of even marginal lands
for farm crops and commercial livestock
rearing. But those groups that maintain
their own herds are able to continue mak-
ing household and other goods from the
skins of their animals.

HIMBA

As mentioned In the chapter on metal

(see page 132), the H1mba, who live in the
forbidding Kaokoland region of north-
western Namibia, have managed to main-
tain their trad1t1onal way of life. Their
homeland is desolate In the extreme, an
area of mountains and bone-dry plains.
The Himba had virtually no contact with
Europeans until after 1850. Explorers had
been thwarted by the fierce geography
and climate of the region, the utterly bleak

164
Atlantic Ocean shore - known for good reason as
the Skeleton Coast - and the harsh Nam1b Desert.
Even missionaries left the H1mba alone, and It was
not until 1954 that a mission with a school and hos-
pital was built.
Although the Himba found ways to survive
under these demanding conditions, even they were
defeated by a severe drought in the early 1980s
which wiped out more than eighty percent of their
cattle - perhaps one hundred and thirty thousand
head - as well as tens of thousands of sheep and
goats. When the drought ended, only a few thou-
sand Himba resumed their semi-nomadic way of
life. The land, with its sparse waterholes, requires
that people keep on the move, constantly on the
lookout for feed and water for their livestock.
Only with a viable herd of livestock can a
H1mba family hope to pursue their trad1t1onal cul-
ture. Unlike most other traditional cultures, such as the Maasa1 and Samburu, the AAOVL The rcsowccful Sw1
Himba still dress in skins. The women as well as the children wear skirts and aprons (B11s/11nrn) of 1\;a111ibia /1\'e off the
made of calfskin that has been softened through extensive preparation. Even small land. Thi, /,ewlrcl lrndicr pouch is
children wear tiny aprons made of hide. The women sometimes wear leather belts fillccl 11id1 fnlit gwhcrcd by its 11Ta1C1.
with a variety of metal pieces attached In neat, geometric rows. In spite of their
totally trad1t1onal way of dress, the metal pieces often consist of discarded rifle cart-
ridges and even pins from hand grenades. Divorced from their original uses, the OYFRLr.u: T1w cxcwiples of the use of
metal bits glint in the sun and lend sparkle to the otherwise monochromatic look. lrnthn /,1 the llimba. Page 166 shows
Over their skirts they may wear ornaments of leather onto which they sew cowrie a lrncher dress nchh- ornc1111nurcl I\ it/1
shells and strips of metal. rnwrie shells - highly p, i;:<"£1 <111£1 u,e,l
Everything the Himba wear is heavily coated with ochre; combined with the as rn,n·11cv in the past. The metal
natural colour of the hide, their own skin colour and the reddish colour of the earth beads arc 111aclc by pounding wire and
in the Kaokoland region, this results in a single colour from head to toe. The men rnW11g it to si::r. The pieces arc cltc11
also dress in skins coated with ochre. Although Himba dress is all one tone, the pin,('(/ into rl1r lrathn bad1i11g.
overall effect is nothing short of spectacular. Even when they travel to Windhoek, Page 16i shows a woma11s /cacher belt
the capital of Namibia, they seem perfectly comfortable and at ease In their ochre- cnhw1u-d "irh <1,rmd1011sr of found
soaked skins and leather ornaments. ol')cct,. induding , iflc cw !ridg es, hancl
In spite of the rebirth of trad1t1onal H1mba life - with a cattle herd that now gro1culc pi11s a11cl" 11ml d1ppcr: Tl1c
numbers more than f1fty-f1ve thousand head - the current generation of Himba leather h<1s 1,.... 1
, sofcrned m1£l treated
know they are likely to be the last to pursue their nomadic way of life. Their chil- with o, lire wul Jae
dren, who spent their formative years in refugee camps, have been to school and
have learned to wear Western-style clothing and to listen to radios. They have lit-
tle interest In following the trad1t1onal H1mba way of life.

165
 LOVE OF CATTLE
The relationship between cultures and
their cattle is best expressed by the
Maasa1 of Kenya and Tanzania and the
Samburu of Kenya. Trad1t1onal Maasai
life is inextricably tied to livestock. Their
herds include goats and sheep, but It is
cattle that give a man status. In 1980, 1t
was estimated that there were three
million head of cattle in Maasailand.
The ancestry of the Maasa1 lineages 1s
tied to their cattle and each lineage
brands its cattle with a dist1nct1ve and
recognizable mark When their cattle
breed, the Maasa1 keep the most beau-
tiful animals for their herds; especially
prized are those animals with elegantly
curved horns. Others may be sold for
money or used as meat. The Maasa1,
who sing to their cattle, praise their
virtues as they watch over them 1n the
areas where they graze.
When a Samburu girl marries, her
wedding dress is made from three
goatskins. An older woman prepares
the skins by first stretching them out
and drying them 1n the sun. Then she
scrapes away all the dead matter that
was left when the goat was skinned
The skin 1s treated to make 1t supple,
and then heavily oiled and coated with
ochre. For the wedding, a cape is made
for the bride's mother from a speoally
chosen goa skin. When the skin 1s pre-
pared, one central strip of natural goat
hair 1s left in place, to form a dramatic
stripe down the back of the cape. The
cape is used only for this one occasion.
In many parts of Africa, cattle are
crucial for the payment of lobola (bride
wealth). Specific numbers of cattle are

168
paid - among the Samburu the number is
usually seven - and included among them
should be one ready to deliver a calf,
promising even more wealth. Among the
Zulu of South Africa, lobola is usually ten or
eleven head, with the eleventh being the
traditional sign of the bride's virginity. More
cattle are asked for a chief's daughter; if a
girl has been to university, a higher price is
also demanded.
During a Samburu circumcision cere-
mony, animal skins play prescribed roles in
the ritual. During the days leading up to
the circumcision itself, the boys dress in
a single wrap made of goatskin that
has been blackened with charcoal. Their
mothers rub animal fat into the cloaks
before the boys begin a long journey into
the bush to gather the sticks and other
materials that they will use to make weapons for hunting. For the circumcision, Orro�1n: A ,\laasai cider wrap,
each boy is seated on a specially prepared ox hide covered with a sheepskin from hi111sclf 1i1 a shin decorated ll'ith heads.
a newly slaughtered animal. As soon as the circumcision has been completed, the
boy is carried into a house built just for this ceremony where he is laid out on the
ox hide. He and his mother will live in this house for one to two months, through- ABO\"E: For their daily dicr of millz
out the healing period and during the time he begins to roam the countryside, and hlood. l\le1mai womrn jashi,111
learning the ways of the moran, or warrior. Pieces of the same hide are cut to make co111ai11cr, from gmmls. Brndcd lrat/1e1
a new pair of sandals to be worn only during this period Slaughtering an ox for straps we affixed ro the gou,ds so they
this ceremony represents a considerable financial burden, and reflects the impor- JJHIV he easily rnrricd.
tance of this ceremony in the life of the boy, his family and his entire community

HUNTING
When the Maasai warriors roamed the East African plains, raiding for cattle, they
carried shields made of hide. The ornamental patterns created by the natural col-
oration of the hide indicate the warrior's age set, as well as the bravery he has
shown. Today, with opportunities for displaying bravery greatly reduced, such
shields are more symbolic than defensive 1n function and the patterns may be
designed with tourists 1n mind.
Before circumcision, young boys always made headdresses from the feathers
of lovebirds, sunb1rds or other species prevalent 1n the region, and wore their
mother's earrings (surutia) during this time. Black and white ostrich feathers, which

169
ABO\T. ,\laa,ai \\'<IITIO/"S gatlto at (I are taken only from the male bird, are worn only by a warrior who has proven his
fire T,adi1io11c1/ly, shields were 111adc bravery in the lion hunt. The feathers are attached to a leather band framing the
from b11ffalo hide. although cowhide is face, and make beautiful and dramatic headdresses.
111orc lil1ch to /,c 11scd today Historically, Maasa1 proved their bravery by killing a lion. Boys would hunt as a
group, and one boy would be designated to plunge his spear into the lion while
another one held the tail. The boy who accomplished the extraordinary feat was
OrPlhtH: 1 hi, .\lausm moran 11 entitled to wear the animal's mane as his headdress. When lion hunting was out-
1/ umccl in cm ostrich frnthc, licmlclrcss lawed, boys began to hunt smaller animals, especially monkeys, and to shoot birds
111ow1tnl 011 c1 l>n1,lcd lrntl1c1 {1m11c with arrows; the feathers were made into headdresses before their circumcision.

170
172
 Another aspect of hunting among African cultures Is the use of spotted
animal skins, such as cheetah and leopard, which usually denotes royalty Spotted
fur ornaments, including headbands and capes, are worn by Zulu chiefs as well as
by members of the royal family of Swaziland. Former Za1rean president Mobutu
Sese Seko was invariably seen wearing a spotted fur cap, an effort to show his con-
nection with his cultural trad1t1ons. However, these are symbols of the past, of a
time when wild cats could still be hunted Today, hunting is banned in most African
countries that still have considerable reserves of game.
The use of leather for clothing, shields, and other traditional items continues
to diminish as more and more cultures lose their close contact with livestock herds
and with a semi-nomadic lifestyle. Today's African is more likely to carry a leather OPl'(N 11 : A Swa::i cldc,, wearing
briefcase or a wallet than a shield. trad11w11<1lfw mul lcathn ,.:wmc1lls,
ilanco at a harvest ceremony

EPILOGUE
Many of the traditional items seen in these pages are rarely used today. Others have Bu ow: Clad in fur anti fcatlicrs, King
been adapted to take advantage of new materials. A boy who has undergone a cir- Mswat1 II of Swaziland ta/10 part in <1
cumcision ceremony may no longer spend months in the bush, learning the ways natimwl celebration.
of his people. He may, instead, return to a mission-run school to continue his
Western education. His generation offers a snapshot view of the cultural changes
his people are undergoing: traditions exert powerful forces, attaching a boy to his
age set and to his culture, but education pulls strongly too, with its promises of an
easier life in the oty.
It is too soon to write 'the end' to the story of trad1t1onal African life. When I
was In Kenya in 1974, a circumcision ceremony and age-set creation of the Maasai
was taking place, and it was widely believed that it would be the last ceremony of
its kind Yet, in 1990, I was fortunate enough to be able to attend a circumcision
ceremony of the Samburu. For nearly a week I witnessed the preparations, dances
and rituals surrounding the creation of a new age set; all over northern Kenya, boys
were going through the same rituals, which I observed in the Lorroki Forest, about
an hour's drive from Maraia!.
Yet the end is surely in sight. Increasing urbanization, the pressure of insuffi-
cient land resources to support large herds of cattle and high population growth
rates are all combining to make traditional practices look more like a luxury than
the coherent, stable way of life they truly represent. Ironically, this comes at a time
of awakening interest in trad1t1onal cultures on the part of outsiders.
In South Africa, for instance, cultural villages - many of them imaginatively and
sensitively conceived - go some way toward keeping traditional ways alive. The
process of cultural change can hardly be reversed, yet we can celebrate the inge-
nuity and artistry of African peoples, and the myriad ways in which they have
turned locally available materials into objects of both beauty and utility

173
 INDEX
Page ,mber , bold riburu 115 embroidered hrde see leather weapons 42
refer to photographs •ma 108 Xhosa 92. 93 Hrmba 133, 160. 164-165 sangas 75. 138
ee also parntrng Ivory Coast 150 basketry 157 Kao I oland 132. 164
bogoloanf,n, see kangas 75. 138 Jewellery 134. 135 KaramoIong 27. 28
mud cloth (Mair cloth Kente clmh 9 142, leather 166. 167 Karo 100 112. 113
A Botswana baskets 158 143 household obJects 4 1. scarrfrcatron 110, 114
Abure 46 brass 125. 131 designs of 144-145 42, 43, 120, 121 169 Kasa, velvet see Kuba
Adrnfr d loth 146- 1abo 136. 137 Kenya 148 huntrng 169 cloth
149. 147 see also dz,lla Kuba cloth 152. 153 Kente cloth 9. 1'12, 143
Africa Brandberg 103 mud cloth (Mair cloth) designs of 144-145
colon,zatron 14. 16 brrde wealth see lobola 143, 149, 151 Kenya
,ndependence 16 Brrtrsh East Afrrca designs of 149 1beJ1 37. 38-40 beadwork 5, 6
map 8 Company 42 Ndebele blankets 79 see also Nrgerra Kamba 70
Akan people 31 bronze 124 Ire-dyed 11 lbo 146 Maasar 69. 168
alumrnrum 132 Buganda 73, 140 woven 3. 140-1-12 ,gq,ra 95 Samburu 66. 68
Angola 159. 24 Bum, 98, 111. 114 facral decoration 116 11090/0 82 69. 71
Ovrmbundu 34 35 Bushmen see San 118, 117. 119 ,klwa 84 Turkana 76
asantehene 33. 128 fantasy coffrn 47 llha de Mo<;ambrque 116 body parntrng 109
Ashantr 45. 129. 143 fertrlrty symbols 22. 32. rnrtratron see rrtuals games 44
tulture 127 C 33, 88 inkatha 156 gourds 120
gold 124 calabash see qourds festivals 119 ,nyoga 82 headdress
Golden Stool 31 Cameroon 30. 40 fetishes 32. 33, 33 ,s,phephetu 78, 82, 83 Maasar 63. 65
Aso,e cloth 145. 145 Bamrleke 62 1s1th1mba 82 N1emps 31
awa society 28 carvrng see wood carving Islam 16 Samburu 18· 19
caryatids 33 G Ivory Coast Tur,ana 27. 28, 29
cattle 69, 114 115, Gabbra 132 Abure 46 Jewellery
B 168 games 44, 45 Baoule people 12 3 Maasar 13, 63, 65.
Bamrleke 62 Cedarberg 103 Ghana Drda 11 73
bao 44 Cetshwayo 84 Akan people 123 Ebrre 127 Pokot 72. 74-75
Baoule 128-129 Chad 102 Ashantr 31, 124, 129 Kente cloth 9 Samburu 13, 73
bark cloth 140 orcumos1on see rituals. fabrrc 3 masks 21, 22 leather
Sarotse 38 Congo, Democratrc fantasy coffrn 47 metalwork 128 Maasar 168
base metals 129, 131 Republic of 9. 14• independence 16 Senufo people 46, 150 Samburu 168
see also metalwork 15, 153 stools 31 weaving 46, 14 7 Maasar 2·3
basketry 156-159 copper 133, 133 weaving 147 ,xhwele 95 cattle 114 115
beadwork 16. 60-99 Cote d'Ivoire see gold 9. 123, 124. 127• ,zangoma see sangoma masks 42
Bamrleke 62 Ivory Coast 128, 126 127. 128 1z1golwan, 81 metalwork
belts 68. 70. 76 cowrre shells 73, 76. 77. 129, 133 Gabbra 132
clay 98 98, 166 sheet 127 Pokot 132
colours 68 weights 127 ) Samburu 124
coral 96 see also ornaments 1abo 120. 136 Turkana 130
9lass beads 68 D Gold Coast see Ghana 1ewellery necklaces
Kenya 5. 67-73. 79 Dan 21 Golden Stool 31 earrings 126 Rendrlle 76
Maasa, 63. 65. D1da cloth 11 go/wan, see 1Z1go/wan, Maasar 3. 73 Pokot 65
69. 168 D1ngrswayo 84 Gero 21 Samburu 73 Rendrlle 65
Ndebele 78. 81. 81, Degon 10. 28. gourds 120, 121, 146 Turkana 6 Samburu 18-19, 138
82. 80 masks 25. 26 27 Great Zimbabwe 51-53, gold 126. 127, 128 stonework 58, 59, 59
Nrgerra 39 28, 76 54.55 Maasar 63, 65 Turkana 1, 6, 41, 65
Pando 89 Drakensberg 87. 103 burldrng of 52 necklaces 61 Krkuyu, body parntrng
Rendrlle 76 dz,lla 82 105. 122. 132 Great Enclosure 50-51 Hrmba 134 135 109
Samburu 64 66. 71 soapstone brrd 53 Lega 9 Krs11 stone 58-59, 59
San (Bushmen 60 165 Gusrr see Krs11 Maasar 2-3. 13, 73 Kongo people 33
5outh Afrrca 12 62, E Pando 89 rrtual obIects 36
82. 83 earrings see Jewellery Samburu 13, 18-19. Kuba cloth 152, 153
Tur,ana 6. 76 entente 73 H 64 73 patterns 14-15
Xhosa 4 91. 92. 92. etepes, 131 headdress 169 Turkana 6 Kumas1 128
93. 95 Eth1opra 17. 77. 98 100. gold 127, 128. 129 Xhosa 12. 93 'Kung see San (Bushmeni
Yoruba 62. 94. 95, 99 108. 110, 111. 112, Hrmba 160 neck rrngs see dz1/la KwaNdebele 81
Zulu 85. 86. 87. 88 113, 114 Ivory Coast 9 nose pendant 130 KwaZulu-Natal 84, 156
Benrn 124 125 Ewe 145 Maasar 63 65. 171 Pokot 72 74-75
Blomefreld. Tom 56 Samburu 18-19 Rendrlle 76
hody parntrng 100-121, San 60 symbolism 62, 65, 67 L
107-115. 142 F Zulu 87 Leakey. Mary and Lours
Kar, 100, 112, 113 fabrrc see also weaving headrests 28, 31 103
K,kuyu 109 Adrnkra cloth 146. Karamoiong 27. 28 leather 132. 160-173
Maasa 115 147, 147 N1emps 31 Kamba Han,ar 77
materrals 11 O. 114, Asoke cloth 145, 145 Turkana 27. 28, 29 crrcumcrsron belt 70 Hrmba 160, 166. 167
119 bark cloth 140 Zulu 28 gourds 120. 121 Kenya 5
Nuba 107. 110 ceremonial use 01 153 Herero 162 masks42 Maasar 65, 73, 168

lH
 Nam,b,a 162 nllllef,ore (trading beads) Nuba 107, 110 beadwor, 60 henclrest 27 L 29
Ndebele 82 127 nyanga 88 leather 164. 165 warrior 1
Po,ot 72 Mmasanabo, Emily 84 rock painting,
Samburu 168 monomutapa 52 102. 103
San (Bushmen) 164. moran74.114, 169. 0 sanqoma 88 [I
165 171 oba 99. 124 scarif,cat,on ucu 88
Swaziland 172 Mozambique Ongesa, Nelson 59 Bum, 111 114 Ufly82. 107
leg rings (wgo/wan,) 81 Macua women 116 Ose, Tutu 31 Karo 110. 114 Uganda 73, 140
Lega 9 woven mats 140-141 Ovambo 132 Senufo 46, 150 headrests 27. 28
hghab, 82 Mswat, II, King of Ov,mbundu 34. 35 serpentine stone 56. 58 urbanization 67
lmga koba 82 Swaziland 173 black 58
lip discs 17, 110 Mte,,, Bo1ra 48, 56 green 57
/1photu 82 mud cloth (Mai, cloth) p Sese Seko, Mobutu 173 \V
lobola 168-169 143, 149, 151 painting 100-121 Shaka 84 wall painting
loincloths Mukomberanwa, Nicholas body pa,nt,ng 100-121, Shango (Yoruba thunder Ndebele 4 81, 104.
H,mba 160 57 100, 107-115, 108, god) 37 104. 105. 106,
Ndebele 82 Munge, Mat,sya 42 109, 112, 113, Shona, sculpture 56-58, 106, 107
lost-wax casting 124, 128 murals see wall pa,nnng 115, 142 56. 57 Niger 14-15
Murse 17 materials 110, 114, Sierra Leone 26 see a/so painting
musical instruments 46 119 sisal 156 weaving 138-159
l\1 mwene murapa rock painting 10, 11, Skeleton Coast 165 looms 140- 142
Maasa, 62, 65, 67, 131 (master soldier) see 102-104, 103 Skosana, Margaret 106. Wodaabe 116, 117. 118.
beadwork 63. 65, 168 monomutapa wall painting 4. 14-15, 107 119, 120, 163
colour of 70, 73 81, 104, 104. 105, South Africa 12. 16 Geerewol festival 119
design of 68 106, 106, 107 basketry 156 leg rings (Jabo) 136.
trad,uonal 67-69 N Pokot 132 beadwork 137
cattle 69, 114. 11 S, Nairobi 59 girls 74-75 leg rings 81 wood carving 20-47
168 Nam,b Desert 165 Jewellery 72 Ndebele 78, 79. 80. headreSlS 28, 31
games 44 Nam,b,a Pando 89 81, 82 household objects 41.
gourds 169 Herero 162 Xhosa 4, 91, 92, 42, 43
headdress 63. 65 H1mba 132, 157, 160. 92. 93, 95 Kamba 42
Jewellery 13, 63. 65. 164, 166. 167 R Zulu 85. 86. 87, 88 masks 22-28
73 leather 164 ratt1a 11. 153 cultural villages 173 ritual objects 33-40
kangas 75 Ovambo 132 razor-blade design 81 gold 124 stools 29-31, 33
leather 73, 168 San (Bushmen) 60, 165 Rendllle 76 headrests (Zulu) 28
leather ear flaps 65 Ndandanka, Joseph 58 Rhodesia see Zimbabwe San (Bushmen) 102-104
manhood ritual 114, Ndebele 76, 78. 79, 80. ritual obiects 33-40 wall painting 4, 81, X
115 81-84, 122 Angola 34. 35 104 Xhosa 88-95
shields 170 artists 106, 106, 107 decoration of 39 stonework 48-59 beadwork 4. 62, 65,
wamorhood 73-76 beadwork 62, 65, Kongo people 33. 36 carving 53 90-91, 92. 93
women 2-3 76, 78. 79, BO. 83, symbolism 33. 34, Great Zimbabwe 51-53 facial makeup 12
Macua 116 81, 82 37-40 K1s11 58, 59, 59
Mahlangu, Esther 106 neck rings (dz,1/a) 82 Yoruba 37, 38-40 sculptures 48. 56. 57
Mah razor-blade design 81 ntuals 59 Shona sculpture 51-53, )'
Bamana people 149 leg nngs (1z,go/wan,) mcummIon 54-55. 56. 57. 58 Yakey 116, 117
Dagon 10. 25, 26-27, 81 Maasa, 131-132 soapstone 59 Yoruba
28, 76 loincloth 82 Mai, 10 stools 30. 33 beadwork 39, 62, 94
mud cloth (Mah cloth) marriage blanket 79 Samburu 73-74. 169 for women 33 95, 99
143, 149, 151 Ufly motif 82, 107 rncumc,s,on belt 69 symbolism of 29, 33 crowns 99
Peul 126 wall painting 81, 104, fertility 33 wooden 29, 30, 31, 33 ritual objects 37. 37.
Mandela, Nelson 88 104. 105. 106, InitIatIon 26. 33 Sudan 38-40
map8 106. 107 Ndebele 82 basketry 159 tw,n figures (1beJ1)
Mariga, Joram 56 necklaces see Jewellery Sierra Leone 26 Nuba 107, 110 37-40
masks 21, 22-28 nguba 79 Samburu 69 Surma weaving 144. 145
decoration 22, 23 Niger manhood 114, 115 body pa1nt1ng 108
Dagon 25, 26-27, 28, beadwork 97 rock paIn11ng 11, hp discs 17. 110
76 wall paIntIng 14-15 102-104 surut,a 74, 131 z
female 26 Wodaabe 116, 118. San (Bushmen) Swaziland Zaire, see Congo,
gold 128 119. 136, 137. 163 102, 103 king of 173 Democrat1C Republic of
,nit,at,on 26 Yakey 116, 117 Dagon 10 trad1t1onal dress 172 Zambia
Ivory Coast 21. 22 Nigeria see also pa1nt1ng weaving 154-155 ntual barge 38
Kamba 42 1beJ1 37. 38-40 Zimbabwe 51, 56. 124
Kanaga 28 metalwork 124 Great Zimbabwe
Sierra Leone 26 ritual obiects 37, 37, 5 T 51-53, 54-55
Smge 28 38-40 Samburu 62. 65, 67. 131 Tabaka quarries 59 national symbol 53
McEwan, Frank 56 weaving beadwork 64. 66. 68. Tanganyika see Tanzania Shona people 50, 52
metalwork 122 -137 lbo 146 69, 71 Timbuktu 25 stonework 51-53.
Ashanti 128 Yoruba 144. 145 rncumc,s,on ceremony T1tu Tacu. Pnnce 30 54-55. 56, 57. 58
Baoule 128 Yoruba 139, 144. 145 169 trading beads see Tengenenge 56
Benin 124. 125 beadwork 39, 62, girls 18-19 m,1/ef,ore Tonga bas etry 159
H,mba 167 94, 95, 96, Jewellery 13. 73 Turkana 130. 131 Zulu 84-88
Kenya 124 96. 99 kanga 138 akarum 42 basketry I 56, 159,
lost-wax casting 124. NJemps 31 leather 168 beadwork 6. 76 156
128 Nkat 68 wamorhood 73-76 bowls 41. 42. 43 beadwork 62, 65. 85.
Nigeria 124 nl.isi 33 San (Bushmen) 61, ebun 43 86, 87-88
weapons 131 Nongqawuse 92 102, 164 eleph,t 43 headdress 28, 87

175
 AC KNO\\'LEDGM ENTS
am grateful to all the craftspeople whose work has inspired this Janice Evans and editors Alfred LeMa1tre and Lesley Hay-Wh11ton
boor. and whose trad1t1ons continue to flourish In Africa I thanr all for shepherding this book through its development. The publishers
those who made the study of Africa's material cultures their life work would like to thank all the photographers who have contributed the,r
I am especially grateful to Alan Donovan for his insightful comments talents to this publication, and to the many 1nd1v1duals who have lent
on the text while this book was In production Great thanks go to their time and expertise Special thanks go to Carol Kaufmann of the
Richard Meyer for his help in deod1ng which of the many cultures of South African National Gallery, Cape Town, and to James Masautso,
Africa to include and for his expert comments on the photographs of the Chapungu Sculpture Park, Harare
My thanks to Rhod1a Mann for introducing me to her Samburu Finally, this boo, is dedicated to Jason Laure, who first showed
fnends and for affording me an IntImate loo\ at a Samburu rite of me the way to African cultures, and who has continued to encourage
passage Thanks also to Donna Klumpp P1do for her insights regard- my writing about the crafts of Africa for more than 20 years
ing the Maasa1 use of colour At Stru1k Publishers in Cape Town.
my thanks go to managing editor Annlerie van Rooyen, designer ETTAGALE BLAUER, NEW YOR• 1998

PHOTO CREDITS
ABPL = Anthony Bannister Photo Library BO Mark Lewis/SIL, 81 Shaen Adey, 82 Doreen Hemp/SIL, 83 Marl
SIL = Stru1k Image Library Lewis/SIL, 85, 86, 87 Jean Morns/McGregor Museum, 89 Aubrey
ElliotVMcGregor Museum; 90-91 Hein von Horsten/SIL, 92 Roger de la
Front cover Art Wolfe, spine Alan Donovan, back cover Art Wolfe; Harpe/ABPL, 93 Roger de la Harpe/SIL, 94 Eliot Ehsofon Photographic
front flap Jason Laure, endpapers Jason Laure, half title Victor Arch1ves/Nat1onal Museum of African Art, 96 James H Morns/Panos
Engelbert, title page Peter BlackwelVPhoto Access. 6 Andrew Pictures, 97 Victor Engelbert, 98, 100 Art Wolfe, 102 (top). Bert
Bannister/SIL, 9 Itop left) Eliot Elisofon Photograph,c Arch1ves/Nat1onal Woodhouse; 102 (bottom) Mark van Aardt, 103 Gerhard Dreyer, 104.
Museum of African Art, 9 (bottom rightf INPRA/Patrick Robert/Sygma, 105, 106, 107 Mark Lewis/SIL, 108 Art Wolfe, 109 Andrew
10 Nik Wheeler, t 1 Museum fur Volkerl.unde, Berlin/Werner Forman Bannister/SIL, 111, 112. 113 Art Wolfe, 114 Mitch Reardon, 115 Peter
Archive; 12-13 Roger de la Harpe/SIL, 14-15 Nik Wheeler, 17 Art Blackwell, 116 VolkmarWentzel, 117-119 Victor Engelbert, 120
Wolfe, 18-19 Jason Laure; 20 Lorna Stanton/ABPL, 22, 23 Horst African Heritage/Werner Forman Archive; 121 Werner Forman Archive,
Gassler, 24 Lorna Stanton/ABPL, 26 L1ba Taylor/Panos Pictures; 26-27 122 Mark Lewis/SIL, 124 Bnt1sh Museum/Werner Forman Archive, 125
Jason Laure; 28 (both) Alan Donovan, 29 Victor Engelbert, 30 Klaus courtesy Entwistle Gallery, London/Werner Forman Archive, 126 Nik
Paysan, 31 Mitch Reardon, 32, 33 Gerald Cub1tt, 34. 35, 36. courtesy Wheeler, 127, 128 Eliot Elisofon Photographic Arch1ves/Nat1onal
Entwistle Gallery, London/Werner Forman Archive, 37 P Goodman Museum of African Art, 129 Hutchison Library; 130 Victor Engelbert,
Collection, London/Werner Forman Archive, 38-39 Jason Laure, 40 131 Sean Sprague/Panos Pictures, 133 Gerald Cub1tt, 134 Peter
TRIP/W Jacobs/ABPL, 41 Victor Engelbert, 42, 43 (all) Chris W1teman, P1ckforcVFocal Point Image Library, 135 Jean du Plessis, 136. 137 Victor
44-45 Roger de la Harpe, 46 M & E Bernhe1m/Woodf1n Camp & Engelbert, 138 Marr van Aardt, 140-141 Ian Michler, 142 Betty
Assooates, 46-47 South African National Gallery, on loan from African Press/Woodfin Camp & Associates, 144, 145 Juliet H1ghet/Hutch1son
Image, Cape Town, 48 Mar, Skinner, 50 Mark van Aardt, 50-51, 52 Library, 146, 147 Chns W1teman, 148 Peter Blackwell, 150 Van Bussen
(top and bottom) Keith Begg/SIL, 52 (bottom), 53, 54-55, 56 Mark Collection, The Hague/Werner Forman Archive, 151, 152 Alan Donovan;
Skinner, 57 Keith Begg/SIL, 58 Mark Skinner. 59 Klaus Paysan, 60 154-155 Steve HalVLaure Communications, 156 Walter Knirr/Photo
Anthony Bann1ster/ABPL, 63 Mitch Reardon, 64 Art Wolfe; 65 llba Access, 157 Gerald Cub1tt, 158 Anthony Bannister/ABPL, 159 David
Taylor/Hutchison Library; 66-67 Anthony Bannister/ABPL, 68 Ettagale Wall, 160 Gerald Cubllt, 162 Mitch Reardon, 163 Victor Engelbert, 164.
Blauer, 69, 70 Jason Laure, 71 V Burger/Photo Access. 72 Mitch 165 Anthony Bannister/A8PL, 166 Peter Tarr/ABPL, 167 Getaway/P
Reardon. 74 Andrew Bannister/SIL, 74-75 Getaway/P Wagner/Photo Wagner/Photo Access, 168 Peter Blackwell, 169 Lorna Stanton/A8PL,
Access, 76 S1lv10 F1ore/Travelpress/lNPRA, 77 Art Wolfe, 78, 79 (both). 170. 171 Roger de la Harpe, 172, 173 Steve HalVLaure Communications

First published in 1999 All nghts reserved No part of this publ1Cat1on may be reproduced,
by New Holland Publishers (W J Ltd stored In a retrieval system or transmitted, m any form or by any
London • Cape Town • Sydney • Auckland means, electronic, mechan,cal, photocopying or othervv1se, without
the prior wntten permIssIon of the publishers and copyright holders
24 Nutford Place 14 Aquatic Drive
London Wl H 600 Frenchs Forest ISBN 1 85368 970 X
United Kingdom NSW 2086, Australia
Managing editor: Annlene van Rooyen
80 McKenzie Street 218 Lake Road Editors: Alfred LeMa1tre and Lesley Hay-Whitton
Cape Town 8001 Northcote. Auckland Designer: Janice Evans
South Africa New Zealand Design assistant: Lellyn Creamer
Picture researcher: Carmen Watts
Consultant: Alan Donovan
24681097531 Map illustrator: Annette Busse
Proofreader: Lesley Hay-Whitton
Copyright © 1999 New Holland Publishers (UK) Ltd Indexer: Claudia Dos Santos
Copyright© 1999 In text Ettagale Blauer
Copyright © 1999 In photographs as credited above Reproduction by Hirt & Carter Cape (Pty) Ltd
:opynght © 1999 in map New Holland Publishers (UK) Ltd Printed and bound In Singapore by Tien Wah Press (Pte) Ltd

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