Infants Toddlers and Caregivers A Curriculum of Respectful Responsive Relationship Based Care and Education 11th Edition Gonzalez Mena Test Bank 1

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Chapter 05–Attachment

Infants Toddlers and Caregivers A Curriculum


of Respectful Responsive Relationship Based
Care and Education 11th Edition Gonzalez
Mena Eyer 1259870464 9781259870460
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Chapter 05
Attachment

Multiple Choice Questions

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written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
Chapter 05–Attachment

1. (p. 92) Attachment is _____.


A. only an issue after toddlerhood
B. not important during the first year
C. an important two-way relationship between an infant and an adult
D. All of the answers are correct.

Attachment is an emotional bond between an infant and an adult that involves closeness and
responsiveness. The experience is bidirectional; the infant and adult have a mutual interaction
back and forth with each other.

2. (p. 93) The first noticeable slowing of brain activity happens during _____.
A. the end of infancy
B. the beginning of formal schooling
C. adolescence
D. old age

A large number of synapses are active during a child's first ten years. By adolescence, about
half of these synapses are discarded or "pruned."

5-2
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written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
Chapter 05–Attachment

3. (p. 98–99) All of the following are important suggestions to assist caregivers in supporting a
parent with a toddler suffering from separation anxiety except
A. reassure the parent that you understand it is hard to leave.
B. remind the parent that immediate departure of the parent is best for the child once
goodbyes have been said.
C. support the child in his or her sadness.
D. distract the child with an activity so he or she won't feel sad.

When a child is experiencing a strong emotion like separation, it is important to support the
emotion and allow the child time to work through it. Transitioning a child too early to an
activity or interaction may serve as a distraction from the emotion and does not address the
child's needs.

4. (p. 97) Crawling toward, following with a gaze, and crying when separated from an
attachment figure are all _____.
A. behaviors to make the attachment figure feel guilty
B. antisocial behaviors
C. proximity-seeking behaviors related to attachment
D. All of the answers are correct.

Infants and toddlers use several behaviors to remain close to people they become attached to.
As their development increases, so do their behaviors. For instance, the infant may have only
cried before but now crawls and cries. These behaviors establish both an auditory signal and
increased proximity to the attachment figure.

5. (p. 97) Interactional synchrony is like an "emotional dance" between a caregiver and a child,
sending important signals and sharing emotions. What does this "emotional dance" form for
the child?
A. a physical foundation for trust
B. positive experiences that stabilize brain connections
C. a basis for attachment
D. All of the answers are correct.

Interactional synchrony is a form of communication between a caregiver and a child. It forms


a foundation for trust and attachment, and it strengthens synapse connections in the child's
brain.

5-3
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written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
Chapter 05–Attachment

6. (p. 92) Technologies in neuroscience that are noninvasive


A. use minor surgery to examine the brain.
B. don't interfere with natural brain function.
C. use laparoscopy as a primary mode of examination.
D. are never scary for children.

Noninvasive technologies in neuroscience such as MRI and CAT scans have made our
understanding of how the brain functions more comprehensive than ever before.

7. (p. 93) Specialized nerve cells are called _____.


A. neurons
B. synapses
C. axons
D. None of the answers is correct.

Neurons are the basic building blocks of the brain. A neuron's input and output fibers send
messages to other neurons, forming the basic support system for cognitive growth and
development.

8. (p. 92) Early experiences have a _____ impact on the architecture of your brain.
A. mild
B. moderate
C. decisive
D. minimal

Neuroscience definitively shows that the architecture of the brain is linked not only to
genetics but also to early exposure to a variety of interactions within the social and physical
environment.

5-4
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written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
Chapter 05–Attachment

9. (p. 97) The pathways in the brain that form the physical foundation of trust are caused by
what behavior?
A. touching
B. fondling
C. feeding
D. All of the answers are correct.

Seemingly simple, everyday interactions between infants and responsive caregivers are vital
to strengthening pathways in the brain.

10. (p. 104) What is early intervention?


A. identifying young children with disabilities
B. identifying young children "at risk" for developing disabilities
C. creating a plan for supports so that children with disabilities can achieve their full potential
D. All of the answers are correct.

Early intervention is very important for identifying children with special needs and creating a
plan to make sure that they are supported to reach their full potential. The plan outlines
experience and opportunities based on the developmental needs of a child.

11. (p. 95) Identify a true statement about mirror neurons.


A. They fire both when an animal acts and when the animal observes the same action being
performed by another animal.
B. They are only present during the first year of life and are then discarded.
C. They lack awareness of an intention or a goal.
D. They make the brains of young children two-and-a-half times more active than the brains
of adults.

A mirror neuron is a neuron that fires both when an animal acts and when the animal
observes the same action being performed by another animal. Mirror neurons
distinguish between biological and nonbiological actors and seem to have some
awareness of intention or goal.

12. (p. 106) Which of the following is an attachment behavior observed in mobile infants
(up to 18 months)?
A. verbalizing feelings once they start talking
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fashions. They display great taste in the graceful folds which they give to
it, and seem to take a pride in the variety which they can produce by the
different modes of folding this simple garment.
The women dress in a manner somewhat like that of the men; but, in
lieu of the sarong, they mostly wear a rather longer petticoat, called a
bedang. When obliged to go out in the sun, they also wear a jacket,
without sleeves and open in front; but as this jacket hides the glossy
brown skin on which they pride themselves, they generally lay it aside
when in the house.
In youth they are remarkable for their slender and graceful forms; but,
unfortunately, after a woman has passed the age of twenty, she begins to
deteriorate, and at thirty is an old woman. The face is pleasing in
expression, despite of the artificial means whereby the women do their
best to make themselves hideous. The eyes are black, clear, and
expressive, and the lashes singularly long. The nose is rather disposed to
turn upward than downward, and the mouth is terribly disfigured with
the continual chewing of betel and the mode in which the teeth are filed
and blackened.
The chief point in a Dyak woman’s beauty is her hair, which is black,
wonderfully thick, and shining, and so long that when allowed to flow
over the back it nearly touches the ground. Of this ornament the women
are inordinately vain, and, when engaged in conversation, are fond of
flinging their shining tresses from side to side by coquettish tossings of
the head. Unfortunately, the fever which is so prevalent in many parts of
Borneo has the effect of bringing off all the hair, so that many a young
girl is thus deprived of her chief ornament.
The women belonging to some of the tribes wear a most singular
bodice, composed of bark and bamboo, and kept together by successive
rings of brass wire, which form a strong and weighty bodice, to the lower
part of which is attached the bedang, or petticoat.
Mr. Boyle seems to have taken a strong aversion to these bodices.
“When a Dyak lover attempts to pass a tender arm round his sweetheart’s
waist, instead of the soft flesh, he finds himself clasping a cuirass of
solid metal. Nor is this all; for fashion ordains that the Dyak heiress shall
invest her available means in the purchase of long gauntlets of twisted
brass wire, reaching from the knuckles to the elbow; and if, in her turn,
she encircles her lover’s neck with a responsive arm, the wretched man
finds himself clasped by a horrible fetter, which draws a little bit of his
flesh between each of its links, and pinches him fearfully. For these
reasons, caresses are not common among Dyak lovers; after all, perhaps,
they are only a habit.
“But, apart from their inconvenience, these brazen ornaments are
decidedly tasteful and pretty. The ordinary color of a Dyak girl, when she
does not stain her body with turmeric, is a dull brownish yellow, and the
sparkling brass rings are a great relief to this complexion. They are not
removed at night, nor, in fact, during the wearer’s lifetime, unless she
outgrow them.”
More than once the possession of these strange ornaments has proved
fatal to the wearer, the woman having fallen overboard from a canoe, and
drowned by the enormous weight of her brass ornaments. In some parts
of Borneo the girls are not content with their brass bodices, bracelets,
and anklets, but must needs encircle their throats with the same material.
They take a long piece of stout brass wire, and twist it spirally round
their necks, so that the lower part of the coil rests on the shoulders, and
the upper part comes just under the chin, causing the wearer to hold her
head upright, and having a most inelegant and awkward effect.
The Kayan women are exceedingly fond of a peculiar bead which is of
several colors, looking as if it were a black bead into which pieces of
green, yellow, blue, and gray material had been carefully let. A rich
woman will sometimes wear several strings of such beads just above the
hips. The different strings are connected with each other so as to form a
single ornament. For one such hip-lace (as Mr. St. John calls it) a woman
has given property equal to thirty-five pounds of our money; and the
same woman had several others for which she had given scarcely less,
together with a great number of inferior value.
The Kayan women carry the tattoo to a great extent, and follow
exactly the same plan as the Samoan warriors, i. e. being completely
tattooed from the waist to the knees. They are very fond of this
ornament, and are apt to wear their dress open at the side so as to exhibit
it. When the women bathe, they think that the tattoo is quite sufficient
dress, and at a little distance they really look as if they were wearing
short trousers.
As has been already mentioned, the Sea Dyaks do not, as a rule, care
for the tattoo, and in this respect the women follow the example of the
men. They are, however, equally fond of ornament with their sisters of
the land, and adorn themselves with most scrupulous care on festive
occasions. Mr. Boyle gives an animated description of the gala-dress
worn by the Saibas Dyak girls and women during a great feast given by
the chief.
“Meanwhile the female portion of the community had been preparing
for their part in the proceedings. At this moment they came from the
interior of the house, and the stately magnificence of their appearance
showed that time and labor had not been spared in arraying themselves
for this great occasion. From the neck to the hips they were covered over
with large agate beads; string of them was heaped on string, till many of
the women were cuirassed an inch thick in solid stone before and behind.
“Upon their heads was placed a piece of bead-embroidered cloth, in
which were arranged thin skewers of painted wood about five inches
long: there were about twenty of these bits of wood disposed about their
heads, and each was attached to the other by strings of brilliant glass
beads. Five or six of these many-colored loops hung from each skewer,
and they were entwined into a graceful network. The effect was very
pretty, though barbarous, and the solemnity of the ceremonies was much
enhanced by the stately uprightness which the women were compelled to
observe in moving, on peril of disarrangement of this delicate structure.”
They also wear conical hats, made of split rattan. These hats are very
light, and last for a wonderful time. A specimen was presented to me by
a lady who had worn it for four years, and had certainly not treated it
with any consideration. Yet it is as strong and good as ever, and the
colors are as fresh and bright as when the hat was first made. The rattan
has been split into very narrow strips, and stained red, yellow, and black,
while some of the strips have had the natural color discharged, so as to
make them nearly white.
The hat is fixed on the head by a broad loop of plaited palm leaf,
which is fastened to the side. Hats made on this principle are prevalent
throughout the whole Archipelago.
Among the ornaments which are worn by the Dyaks are the little bells
which have already been mentioned as forming part of the appendages of
an earring. These ornaments called “garunongs,” and mostly worn by the
women on the edges of the bedang or petticoat, are almost exactly like
our hawk-bells, being nothing more than little hollow spheres of brass or
bronze about the size of a boy’s playing marble, with a small metal ball
in the interior by way of a clapper, and a moderately wide slit at the
bottom. To some of the bells the remarkable beads are attached. These
bells keep up a musical chime or jingle as the wearer walks, and are
therefore used in dances and on great occasions.
The general treatment of the Dyak women is good. They certainly
have to work hard, but so have their husbands, and, as we shall presently
see, they are not the abject slaves such as are too often found among
savage nations, but maintain their share of influence in the family, and
are perfectly capable of assisting themselves when the occasion requires
it. They are accustomed to work in the fields, and the universal
chopping-knife or parang is seldom out of their hands. The constant use
of this weapon hardens their hands and often deforms the fingers.
When they come home from their work in the field, they have the
heaviest portion of their work before them, their evening task being the
husking and winnowing of the rice for supper and for the meals of the
following day. The rice is first pounded in large troughs by means of
long and heavy wooden poles, which are held perpendicularly, lifted up,
and then allowed to fall on the grain, and, as a rule each trough occupies
three women, who work for about half an hour. This pounding separates
the husk from the grain, and the next process is to winnow the rice by
means of a shovel and a fan.
The evening meal is then cooked and eaten, the children fed, the
bronze dishes put away, and then the women can sit quietly in the
veranda, and eat their betel in peace. Although this mode of life seems
rather hard, and the husbands appear to be acting harshly toward their
partners in letting them work in this manner while they sit in their
houses, chew betel, and talk over the gossip of the day, there is really a
very fair reciprocity of labor. While the wives have been working in the
fields, the husbands have been fishing, and in so doing have repeatedly
exposed their lives to danger, the rollers being at certain seasons of the
year exceedingly dangerous. At Mukah, as at other places, the wives
insist upon being furnished with fish by their husbands, and, in case the
men should come home unsuccessful, the women fasten their doors and
bar them out. Indeed, so long as the marriage holds good, the relation of
husband and wife seems to be conducted in a manner similar to that
which is so graphically depicted by Scott in his “Antiquary.”
In order to show the appearance of the Dyak women in their ordinary
and gala costumes, two figures are introduced into illustration No. 2 on
page 1113. One represents a Dyak girl before arraying herself in the
mass of ornaments with which she loves to decorate herself on festivals.
She wears, as usual, the bedang, or petticoat, which, if she be of ordinary
condition, is made of cotton, but if she be rich, of silk. It is twisted round
the waist in the manner practised by the men, but, in addition, is fastened
to the brass belts which surround her waist. Her long glossy hair is
flowing to the full extent, before the owner gathers up its massive tresses
preparatory to adorning her head with the complicated decorations, of
full dress.
The other figure represents her as she appears in all the glory of full
gala costume. As far as absolute dress goes, she wears no more than she
did before, the only alteration being that her bedang is the best which she
has, and is sometimes beautifully embroidered. On her arms are several
thick rings of brass, and the singularly uncomfortable brass gauntlet
extends from the wrist to the elbow. Her neck and bust are nearly
covered with the heavy agate beads, and on her head is the complicated
cap, with its curious arrangement of wooden spikes and glass beads.
CHAPTER CXV.
BORNEO—Continued.
WAR.

DYAK WEAPONS — THE SUMPITAN, OR BLOW GUN — CONSTRUCTION OF THE


WEAPON — THE INLAID OR METAL BUTT — THE SPEAR HEAD, OR
BAYONET — THE SUMPIT ARROW — THE UPAS POISON AND ITS EFFECTS —
DESCRIPTION OF THE TREE — THE QUIVER — THE PARANG, OR SWORD,
AND ITS VARIETIES — THE PARANG-LATOK, AND ITS CURIOUS HANDLE —
POWER OF ITS BLOW — TWO BLOWS OF AN EXECUTIONER — THE PARANG-
IHLANG: ITS CURIOUSLY FORMED BLADE — AN AWKWARD WEAPON —
POWER OF THE PARANG-IHLANG, AND ITS VALUE — THE SHEATH AND ITS
ADDITIONAL KNIFE — DOUBLE-EDGED PARANG, WITH CHARMS — A
SINGULAR ORNAMENT — THE KRIS AND ITS VARIETIES — ITS WAVED AND
LAMINATED BLADE — EFFECT OF THE LIME JUICE — THE EXECUTIONER’S
KRIS.

We now come to the subject of Warfare, which forms perhaps the most
important branch of Dyak history. Whether the Dyaks belong to the Land
or Sea division, they are always warlike, though the latter are fiercer,
perhaps braver, and certainly more enterprising than the former. In order
to understand the system by which they wage war, we must first examine
their weapons. I will take that which is the most characteristic; namely,
the sumpitan, or blow gun.
We have here a weapon, the like of which we have not seen in any
country that we have hitherto investigated; namely, an instrument by
means of which missiles are projected by means of compressed air. The
principle on which the sumpitan acts is precisely similar to that of fire-
arms, though the propelling power is obtained in a different and more
simple manner. In fact, the sumpitan is nothing but the “pea-shooter” of
boys, very much enlarged, and carrying an arrow instead of a pea or clay
ball.
This curious weapon is about eight feet in length, and not quite an inch
in diameter, and is bored with the greatest accuracy, a task that occupies
a very long time, the wood being very hard, and the interior of the
sumpitan smooth and even polished. It is not always made of the same
wood, the specimens in my own collection being of different material,
one of very dark and the other of very light wood. The surface is of equal
thickness from end to end, and, as it generally has to enact the part of a
spear as well as of a sumpitan, it is very strong and heavy.
One of these weapons, brought to England by the late Admiral Young,
is of a beautiful colored wood, and is beautifully inlaid, both at the butt
and the point, with metal. The last few inches of the butt are entirely
made of metal, the weight of which causes the weapon to balance itself
easily when held to the lips. The pattern of the inlaying may be seen in
fig. 1, of the illustration entitled “Sumpitans,” on the 1122nd page.
The other sumpitan, fig. 2, is of a very dark, almost black wood, which
is brightly polished on the exterior as well as in the interior, and is not
inlaid. The butt, however, is encased with brass for five inches, the brass
being very thick and heavy at the end, and deeply ridged, so as to look at
a little distance as if it were a spiral brass wire coiled round the butt of
the sumpitan.
At the tip of this weapon is a spear head, very thick, broad, and strong,
sharply edged and pointed, and decorated with engraved patterns after
the manner employed by Dyak smiths. It is firmly bound to the sumpitan
by brass wire or rattan, and is an exact analogue of the bayonet, the spear
head being fastened to the side of the weapon, and not interfering with
the flight of the missile. The bore of the weapon is very small, not quite
half an inch in diameter, and it is really wonderful that the maker could
contrive to hollow it with the perfect precision which is necessary for the
accurate flight of the arrow.
We next come to the missile which is projected through the sumpitan.
This is a very tiny arrow, made of the thorn of the sago palm, about
seven or eight inches long, equally thick from base to point, and not
thicker than a large steel knitting-needle. In order to make it fit the bore
so that it can be propelled by the breath, it is furnished at the butt with a
conical piece of pith or soft wood, so that it exactly fits the bore. In some
of the arrows, the cone is hollow, and a few of them are furnished with
wing-like appendages along the shaft. As a rule, however, the solid cone
is in most general use.
These arrows are so small that the wound which they inflict is in itself
insignificant, and would not be sufficient to kill any animal larger than a
rat. They are, however, converted into weapons of the most formidable
character by being smeared at the tip with poison obtained from the
upas-tree.
The reader is probably aware of the many tales that are told of this tree
—how that it poisons the country for a mile round, and how that the
deadly juice can only be obtained by means of condemned criminals,
who earn their pardon in case they can bring off a bottle of the juice.
Even in more recent days the upas-tree has not lost all its legends, and
many persons still believe that actual contact with the tree or its leaves
produces a sensation of faintness. This, however, is not the case; neither
is the actual juice of the tree so deadly as is supposed.
A wound made by an arrow poisoned with upas juice is sure to be
fatal, provided that the poison be quite fresh; but it loses its power very
rapidly, and after it has been exposed to the air for two hours it is useless,
and must be renewed. When fresh, it is fatal in a very short time, as was
found by Mr. Johnson, who led an attack on the Kanowit Dyaks in 1859.
He lost thirty men in the attack, every one of them being killed by the
tiny sumpit arrow, and not one having a mark on him, except the little
wound made by the arrow’s point.
Should the poison have been exposed to the air, the wounded man has
a chance of recovery; and it has been found that a large dose of spirits,
sucking the wound, and keeping the sufferer continually in motion will
generally overcome the virulence of the poison. Indeed, the sumpit arrow
seems to have much the same effect as the bite of the cobra, and the
treatment which is efficacious for the snake bite answers equally well for
the arrow wound.
The juice of the upas-tree is procured simply by boring a hole in the
trunk, from which the juice issues in a white, cream-like state. It is
received in little flasks made of bamboo, which are closed in the most
careful manner, in order to exclude the air. One of these flasks in my
possession is five inches in length, and about half an inch in diameter.
One end is naturally closed by a knot, and the other is sealed with the
most scrupulous care. First, a plug of soft wood has been inserted into
the end, after the manner of a cork. Over the plug a lump of beeswax has
been firmly kneaded, and over the wax a piece of membrane has been
tied when wet. Although the upas juice is white when it first issues from
the tree, it speedily becomes black when exposed to the air.
The upas-tree is called scientifically Antiaris toxicaria, and it belongs
to the natural order Astocarpeæ, the best known species of which order is
the well-known bread-fruit tree. All the plants of this order produce a
white milky juice, which is always acrid and deleterious, and in many
instances is exceedingly poisonous. Yet those parts of the plant, such as
the fruit, in which the milk is replaced by sugar in the process of
ripening, are not only harmless, but even nutritious. The tree grows to a
considerable size, and the bark of the trunk has a reddish hue.
The reader will at once understand how formidable is this weapon. It
is greatly to be dreaded even when the Dyak warriors are met in open
battle, and in naval engagements the showers of poisoned arrows that are
continually shot through the port-holes render the gunners’ task a most
unpleasant one. But the sumpitan is much more to be dreaded by land
than by sea; and when it is employed in bush warfare, the boldest soldier
shrinks from the encounter. The Dyak who wields it lies hidden in the
thick foliage, sure that, even in case of discovery, he can glide through
the tangled thickets into a place of security. The sumpitan makes no
report, and gives out no smoke as an indication of its position, but the
deadly arrow flies silently on its errand, and the only intimation of the
presence of an adversary is the slight tap with which the arrow strikes its
mark.
The only disadvantage of the sumpitan is that its range is a short one,
the light arrow being seldom used at a distance exceeding forty yards,
though a man who is accustomed to its use can propel an arrow for
seventy or eighty yards. At this distance, however, it is not to be dreaded,
as its force is so expended that it can scarcely break the human skin.
Some of these arrows have their heads made of the barbed bone of the
sting-ray, which snaps off at a touch, and remains in the wound if the
man tries to draw out the weapon. Others have separate heads made of
wood, which become detached as soon as the shaft is pulled. The native
name of the head is jowing.
(1.) PARANG LATOK.
(See page 1123.)
(2.) DYAK SUMPITANS.
(See page 1119.)
(3.) PARANG IHLANG.
(See page 1124.)

The Dyak generally carries thirty or forty of these arrows in a


peculiar-shaped quiver. It is made of the ever useful bamboo, and is
furnished with an appendage by which it can be stuck into the belt and
carried at the side. This appendage is made of hard wood, and is lashed
to the quiver by a broad belt of rattan, most beautifully plaited. The
quiver is closed by a conical wooden cover, which is always secured by a
string so that it shall not be lost. Some of the Dyak quivers are highly
polished, covered with carvings, and are almost to be ranked with works
of art. Many of these quivers have an inner case or lining of dried skin or
membrane, so as to exclude the air, and preserve the poison of the arrow
as long as possible.
When the Dyak uses the sumpitan, he holds the mouthpiece to his lips
between the two first fingers of his left hand, while with his right he
supports and aims the heavy weapon, which requires a strong as well as a
practised man to direct it steadily.
The weapon which comes next in importance to the sumpitan is the
parang or sword, of which there are several varieties. The Dyaks pride
themselves greatly on their swords, and the excellence of their
workmanship is so great that they have good reason for pride. Their
forges are of excellent quality, and some of the tribes are able not only to
forge their own weapons but to smelt their own iron.
The commonest of all the Dyak weapons is the sword called parang-
latok, which is carried by every man and nearly every woman. It is used
not only as a sword, but as an axe, and is indifferently employed for
cutting through the jungle or cutting down the enemy. The shape of this
sword is very peculiar, as may be seen from illustration No. 1, on the
preceding page, which represents a specimen in my collection.
The blade is formed after a very curious pattern. Toward the hilt it is
squared, and is in fact nothing but a square bar of steel nearly half an
inch in thickness, and three quarters of an inch in width. From the hilt to
the point the blade becomes gradually wider and thinner, so that the
broad point, two inches in width, contains just the same amount of metal
as the half-inch square hilt. It is evident that the sword is first forged into
a square bar of equable size, and is then beaten out flatter and flatter
toward the point.
The illustration shows that the blade of the sword is bent at a
considerable angle toward the hilt. This curious shape, awkward as it is
to an unaccustomed hand, forms the principal value of the sword. When
the parang-latok is used for cutting down branches or chopping a path
through the jungle, it is grasped at the squared portion of the blade, and
is used just as we use the common bill-hook in this country. But when
the object which is to be chopped lies on the ground, the parang is held
by the handle, so that the angular shape allows the blade to be used with
full force. It is the habit of holding the parang by the squared portion of
the blade, that disfigures and even deforms the fingers of the women, as
has already been mentioned on page 1118.
The ordinary parangs have no attempt at ornament upon them, but
those of better construction are covered with patterns engraved upon the
blade, of which we shall see some examples.
In war, this sword is a most formidable weapon. It is so heavy,
weighing on an average two pounds, that a blow from it is sufficient to
crush the skull or break the limb of a man, and, even if it had no edge, it
would equal in efficacy the merai of the New Zealander. But the parang-
latok has a very sharp edge, which is kept in the best order, and, when a
blow is delivered with it, the very form of the weapon causes it to make
the terrible “drawing cut,” the blade being drawn through the wound
nearly from hilt to point. In consequence of this peculiarity, the wounds
made by the parang-latok are very severe, and the natives pride
themselves greatly on the depth of the wound which they can inflict.
One of the modes by which they try their skill is killing a pig with a
single blow of a parang-latok, a good swordsman being able to sever the
animal completely, and to drive the point of his weapon into the earth. If
the reader has been accustomed to use the sword, he will see that to
strike downward at an object so near the ground is by no means an easy
task.
When an English swordsman performs the feat of severing a sheep at a
single blow, he has several advantages which are denied to the Dyak. In
the first place, the sheep is already dead, so that he can take his aim in
quiet, whereas the pig is alive, so that the Dyak must aim his blow as he
can. Then the sheep has been skinned and cleaned, so that the sword has
not so much resistance to overcome. Lastly, the sheep is suspended, so
that the swordsman can use the most effective blow, namely, “Cut 6,” i.
e. a sweeping, horizontal cut from left to right, which can be delivered
with the full swing of the arm.
Were it not for the peculiar form of the parang-latok the feat of
severing a pig could not be accomplished, but the angular shape of the
blade and its gradually increasing width combine the power of the
drawing cut with the chopping force gained by the weight of the weapon.
The sheath of this parang is neatly made of two flat pieces of wood,
neatly hollowed inside to receive the blade, and bound together in the
most elaborate manner by a series of belts, twelve or fourteen in number.
These belts are made of very narrow strips of dark rattan, and are twined
into an endless four-plait. In my own specimen, there are thirteen of
these belts. Attached to the upper end of the sheath is the cord by which
the weapon is hung to the side. This cord is doubled, is made of scarlet
and yellow cotton plaited square, and is ornamented at the ends with two
large tassels, the strings of which are yellow tipped with scarlet tufts.
The parang-latok is more a Malayan than a Dyak weapon, but it is in
favor with the Dyaks, and, as has been mentioned, has come into general
use.
The Malays use it in execution, and are able to decapitate a man at a
single blow, the executioner standing at his side and a little behind him.
On one occasion, an executioner, who was distinguished for the skill
with which he wielded a very heavy parang which he possessed, stood
between two criminals as they knelt on the ground, and with a right and
left hand blow struck off both their heads. The same man, who was one
of the police, being annoyed by the howling of some dogs in the street,
rushed out with his parang, and with one blow cut in two the first animal
which he met.
We now come to another weapon, the parang-ihlang, which is one of
the most extraordinary swords in the world, and more troublesome and
even dangerous to strangers than can well be conceived. This is a
smaller, shorter, and lighter weapon than the parang-latok. From point to
hilt it measures nineteen inches, and in extreme breadth of blade is rather
under an inch and a half. It weighs rather less than one pound six ounces,
and altogether appears to be quite insignificant when compared with the
parang-latok. We shall see, however, that in the hands of an experienced
swordsman it is even superior to that weapon on account of a strange
peculiarity in construction. The general shape of the blade of the parang-
ihlang can be seen in illustration No. 3, on page 1122. It is very thick and
heavy toward the hilt, where it is nearly squared, like the parang-latok,
but becomes gradually thinner toward the point, which is finished off in
a series of scooped patterns that look at a little distance as if the sword
had been broken. The back is quite straight, and along it and on either
side of the blade is a series of small patterns engraved with much
neatness and freedom of execution.
But the most remarkable thing about the blade is, that instead of being
nearly flat as are European sword blades, it is convex on one side, and
concave on the other, as is shown at the section, fig. 5. Owing to this
form, it can only be used for two cuts, one downward and one upward;
and if used in the wrong direction, it flies off at an angle, and is nearly
certain to inflict a wound on the man who wields it. These swords are
made either for the right or left hand, so that a man who is not acquainted
with the peculiarities of any parang is afraid to use it without a careful
trial, lest he should make the wrong cut with it, and so wound himself.
Small and insignificant as this weapon looks, it is capable of inflicting
the most dreadful wounds, the peculiar concavity of the blade aiding it in
a most remarkable manner. Like the parang-latok, it is used as a chopper
as well as a sword, and in experienced hands is a most effective tool.
One man, described by Mr. Brooke, was a celebrated swordsman, and
has been known to sever at a single blow a log of tolerably hard wood as
thick as a man’s leg.
Even English officers have been so much impressed with the value of
this weapon, that they have only carried the regulation sword for show,
preferring the parang-ihlang for use. The Sea Dyaks, who have been
already mentioned as essentially warriors, prefer this sword to any other
weapon, though the real inventors and principal makers of it are the
Kayans, who belong to the Malanau division of the Land Dyaks. As a
rule, the ordinary Land Dyaks use the parang-ihlang but little, and when
they do use it are apt to hurt themselves. Mr. Boyle mentions an instance
where the eldest son of a chief had cut himself seriously on both shins
through his incautious use of this weapon.
“The finest parangs,” writes Mr. Boyle, “or those esteemed so, are
found in the graves of Kayan warriors, which are consequently rifled by
Dyaks and Malays on every possible occasion. I have one, purchased at
Kennowit, which I was told had been obtained from a sepulchre, three
hundred years old—a rather improbable assertion, though I believe the
weapon was really found in a Kayan grave, for it was strangely stained
and rusted when I bought it.”
The Dyaks are very proud of the quality of their blades, and hold even
the best European steel in utter contempt. It is said that their swords are
made of old files, which are imported in large quantities; but, whatever
may be the material, the temper of their blades is marvellously excellent.
These parangs not only take a razor-like edge, but are exceedingly tough,
and when used for bush-work beat the very best English implements. Mr.
Boyle remarks, that whereas his own hunting-knives, which professed to
be the finest steel possible, broke and gapped, the Dyak parangs were not
in the least injured.
Such a blade as has been described is exceedingly valuable, even in its
own country, and one of the best quality cannot be purchased under ten
pounds sterling. It may be easily imagined that when a Dyak is fortunate
enough to possess one of these valuable blades he will not be content
with an ordinary handle and sheath, but will lavish upon his weapon all
the powers of his native art. The handle, instead of being of simple
wood, is of bone, carved deeply and boldly into patterns, and is always
bent at right angles to the line of the blade. It is further ornamented by
sundry tufts of human hair, dyed of various colors, of which deep red,
yellow, and green are the favorites. The hilt is generally bound with brass
wire, and, for a small-handed race like the Dyaks, affords an excellent
hold. An European generally finds that the narrow handle is very
awkward and cramped, and is not sufficient for his grasp.
The scabbard of this weapon is covered with ornaments. Instead of
being a plain and simple sheath, like that of the parang-latok, it is made
of a hard wood, of a dark, rich, mahogany color, which takes a very high
polish. This is carved in elaborate and really artistic patterns, the carving
being confined to the front of the scabbard.
In the middle, just under the carved part, is a piece of fur, and below
the fur is a tuft of human hair dyed red. In most cases of swords made by
uncivilized races, there is some danger to the hand in drawing them, the
edge of the sword being apt to project between the two flat pieces of
which the sheath is made. In order, however, to guard against such an
accident, the maker of the parang-ihlang places a piece of rattan against
each edge of the scabbard, so that the blade cannot by any possibility cut
the fingers, even if the hand should grasp the sheath. The various parts of
this sheath are bound together by six belts of plaited rattan and three
belts of brass wire, plaited most beautifully, in that form which is known
to sailors as the Turk’s head.
The belt by which the sword is attached to the wearer is made of
rattan, cut into very narrow strips and plaited into thongs, three of which
thongs are again plaited together to form the belt. On the opposite side of
the scabbard is a second sheath, of the same length as that to which it is
fastened, but small and cylindrical. This sheath is made of red and
yellow cloth, is lined with bark, and is intended for the reception of a
knife which is peculiar to the Dyaks. One of these knives maybe seen at
fig. 3, in the illustration of the parang on page 1129. The handle of this
knife is made of the same hard wood as that of which the sheath is
formed. It is nearly cylindrical, about half an inch in diameter, and
fourteen inches in length, the blade being short, pointed, and barely two
inches in length. This curious knife is used by the Dyaks for splitting
rattan, and similar purposes, the long handle being held under the left
arm, while the rattan is drawn with both hands, across the edge of the
blade.
The natives are singularly averse to parting with this knife. They will
sell the sword, if a sufficient price be offered, but will always endeavor
surreptitiously to withdraw the knife, so that, out of many parangs which
have been brought to Europe, comparatively few have the knife attached
to them. In one specimen in my collection, the weapon appears to be
quite perfect, but, on withdrawing the knife from its sheath, it is seen that
the Dyak has cleverly substituted a bladeless handle for the real knife.
Both the weapons which have been described were presented to me by
C. T. C. Grant, Esq.
There is also in my collection a third kind of parang, which at first
sight looks almost exactly like the old Roman sword. It is thick, massive,
weighty, and at first sight looks more like an ancient than a modern
weapon. On a closer examination, however, the peculiar Dyak
workmanship is evident. Though it is not like the preceding weapon,
convex on one side, and concave on the other, the two sides are entirely
distinct. The blade is double-edged, very thick in the middle, and sloped
off rather abruptly to the edge on either side.
The handle is only made of wood, but is profusely decorated with
human hair of different colors and considerable length, and it is bound
with a broad belt of plaited rattan. The sheath for the knife is entirely
made of bark, and the knife itself is shown at fig. 2. Like the scabbard of
the parang-ihlang already described, that of this weapon is richly carved,
and adorned with fur and long tufts of human hair.
The belt by which it is suspended is made of rattan split very fine, and
plaited so as to form a strap nearly an inch in width, and the sixth of an
inch in thickness. It is rounded at the edges, and at the upper part it is
ingeniously separated into two portions, so as to form a loop.
The chief peculiarity of this weapon lies in the number of charms
which are attached to it. First come two teeth, and then there is a
beautifully plaited little case, something like the cocoon of an insect,
containing several little pieces of wood. Next comes a small bag of
netted string, about an inch and a half in length, in which is a stone, and
then come three little flattish baskets, with covers, which are empty.
Fastened to the belt by several thongs is a curiously shaped piece of
wood which I believe to be used for sharpening the edges of the sword,
and to the end of the sheath is hung by a string of beads a feather, the
quill of which has been carefully wrapped with red and black string.
This weapon is in all ways a most formidable one, and to European
travellers is by far the best for practical purposes. The handle is rather
larger than is the case with either of the preceding weapons; the blade
has not that curvature which renders it so perilous a weapon in
unpractised hands; it is double-edged, and either edge can be used with
equal facility; and lastly, it possesses a point, which is not the case with
the other forms of the sword.
One Dyak chief had an ornament attached to his sword of which he
was exceedingly proud. It was an enormous tuft of hair, being nothing
more nor less than the pigtails of ten Chinese whom he had killed, and
whose hair he had fastened to the scabbard of his sword. This ornament
must have been singularly inconvenient to him. There is in my collection
an average specimen of a Chinese pigtail. It weighs nine ounces, so that
the weight of the ten must rather exceed five pounds and a half, while the
length is five feet, so that ten tufts of hair, each five feet in length, must
have given the wearer an infinity of trouble as he walked.
The reader will already have noticed how the various forms of sword
are used alike by the Malays and the Dyak tribes. There is another
weapon, which, though strictly a Malay invention, is used by the Dyaks,
and indeed, with some variations, throughout the whole of the Malay
Archipelago. It is called the kris, sometimes, but wrongly, spelt creese,
and is so common that any ordinary collection of weapons is sure to
contain several specimens of the kris. It is remarkable for three points. In
the first place, the handle is not set in a line with the blade, as in ordinary
daggers, but is bent at a right angle; next, the blade is almost always
waved in form, like the flaming sword with which the old painters armed
the angels who kept the gates of Paradise; and thirdly, the blade is never
smooth, but dull, rough, and indented with curved grooves much
resembling in form the marks on a “browned” gun-barrel. By referring to
the illustration “Kris” on page 1129, the reader will better understand its
peculiarities.
There are few weapons which vary more in value, or in which the
price set upon them is so apparently excessive. A first-rate blade, even
without the handle and sheath, will cost from eighteen to twenty pounds,
and an ordinary one can scarcely be purchased under two pounds. They
have by no means the appearance of being valuable weapons, the steel of
the blade being not only rough and corroded, but looking as if it were
composed of successive laminæ which are on the point of being
separated. This effect is produced by steeping the blade in lime juice,
thus causing a partial corrosion of the metal, which is made of small
pieces of steel twisted and welded together in such a manner as to
produce exceeding toughness.
One of these weapons in my collection is worn away almost to a mere
ribbon of steel by the action of the acid, and, strange as it may seem,
weapons of this kind, which look much as if they were mere pieces of
rusty iron-hooping, are the most valued by connoisseurs. The length of
grain in this weapon is wonderful, the corrosion of the lime juice
showing it in the most perfect manner. The long grooves can be traced
from one end of the blade to the other, following the waved form of the
narrower portion, and curling round in the wider part near the hilt, as if
the whole of the blade had been forged out of steel wires laid parallel to
each other and then welded together.
The lime juice takes off from the edge that razor-like smoothness
which is so much admired in European blades, and gives it a ragged,
saw-like appearance that is peculiar to the instrument. This edge,
however, is a terrible one for penetration into human flesh, and answers
the purpose even better than a plain and sharp edge could do.
The form of the kris is sufficient to tell the reader the mode of
handling it, the weapon being thrust forward just as a man points with his
extended forefinger, and not grasped according to the conventional ideas
of painters. Spaniards, who are proverbially expert in the use of their
long knives, hold and use them in nearly the same manner, laying the
extended forefinger along the blade as a guide, and thrusting forward
instead of striking downward. The average length of a kris blade is about
a foot, but some are nearly as long as ordinary swords, while others are
only six or seven inches in length.
Very great pride is taken in an old family kris, the owner regarding it
with a veneration that is almost superstitious. Generally, the handle is
quite plain, but the more wealthy have it made of gold, and encrusted
with precious stones. This weapon is seldom used in war. It is carried
more as the symbol of a gentleman than as a weapon to be used in actual
fight, and plays the part that the sword used to play in the last century.
The kris is much used in executions, the weapon being one made
expressly for the purpose, quite straight, thin, and narrow. In all cases it
is used in the same manner, though there are some variations in detail.
Generally, the man who is to suffer walks quietly and unbound to a chair,
in which he seats himself, mostly solacing his last moments by chewing
the betel-nut. His arms are then extended, and held by two men, while
the executioner, standing behind him, places the point of the kris just
above the left collar-bone, and strikes it downward into the heart, so that
death is instantaneous.
In some places the execution kris is very narrow, thin, and sharp on
both edges, like a lancet. The executioner takes a small tuft of cotton
wool, and twists it lightly round the blade of the kris, just above the
point. He then holds the cotton wool between the finger and thumb of his
left hand, so as to keep the kris upright. After placing the point of the
weapon on the right spot above the left collar-bone, he drives it
downward into the heart with his right hand, and the man is dead. Still
holding the cotton wool between the finger and thumb, he draws out the
kris, and, as the point is withdrawn, presses the cotton wool into the
small wound which it has made, so that the weapon is quite clean and
bright, and not a drop of blood is allowed to be seen. There is no doubt
that this mode of execution is as certain, swift and merciful as any that
can be devised. It is equal in these respects to the guillotine, and has the
great advantage of being absolutely bloodless, and requiring no scaffold
or visible apparatus. A traveller might pass within two yards of the fatal
spot, and not know that anything out of the ordinary way was being
done.
Some of these weapons have been used for many successive
generations, and are highly prized, some being valued at sums which to
Europeans seem almost fabulous. One of these execution krises was
shown at the Great Exhibition in London, but was lost, together with
many other weapons of great value.
The spear is a weapon much favored by many Dyak tribes, but little
employed by others, the spear head at the end of the sumpitan answering
every practical purpose. In fact it is used, like the club of the Fiji
Islander, as a summons to battle, and serves the same purpose as the fiery
cross of the Scotch Highlands. This symbol is instantaneously obeyed,
and, as it runs through a country with almost magical speed, a chief can
raise a large force within a very short time. On one occasion, during the
rajahship of Sir James Brooke, an incipient rebellion was ingeniously
stopped by finding the “calling-out spear” as it lay hidden in a canoe, and
taking possession of it. The people strenuously denied that such an
article ever existed; but when it was taken from its hiding-place, the
projected rising instantly collapsed.
CHAPTER CXVI.
BORNEO—Continued.
WAR—Concluded.

THE BORNEAN SHIELD, ITS USUAL SHAPE AND DECORATIONS — MODE OF USING
IT — A CURIOUS SHIELD IN MY COLLECTION — HEAD HUNTING AND ITS
ACCOMPANYING HORRORS — OBJECTS OF SIR JAMES BROOKE’S MISSION
— HIS MODE OF SUPPRESSING THE PRACTICE — “OPENING MOURNING” —
THE FISH SPEARING AND THE FEAST — VALUE OF HEADS — TREACHERY
AND CUNNING — THE BAFFLED HEAD HUNTERS — DYEING AND
PRESERVING THE HEADS — THE HEAD HOUSES — COURAGE IN WAR —
STORMING A NATIVE FORT — A NAVAL BATTLE — TRAPS AND PITFALLS —
MAKING PEACE.

By way of defensive weapons, the Dyaks use the shield, which is


made of wood, and is generally of an oblong form. Like the parang, it is
decorated with various ornaments, the chief of which are hair, beads, and
feathers. The hair is made into flat tufts, and fastened at regular intervals
all over the shield, as is seen in an illustration at the foot of next page,
which represents a fine specimen in the magnificent collection of the late
Mr. Christy. In the centre of this shield there is a rude and evidently
conventional representation of the human face, the eye being circular, of
very great size, and painted white in the centre. At the top and bottom of
the shield are similar figures, but of smaller size. Some shields, which
are now very seldom seen, have the entire human form painted on them,
the legs issuing from the chest, and the neck being entirely dispensed
with. The tufts of hair on this shield are black.
The mode of using the shield and sword is shown in their sword
dances, and Mr. Brooke, who had great experience in the Dyak weapons,
gives the following opinion of their value:—Sword dances with shields
were going on. Each tribe has a peculiar step and code of its own; but as
an attack and defence in earnest they all seemed to be equally ridiculous.
“However, in the event of an opponent using a shield, I feel convinced
that an European could not stand against them, as they are able to crouch
their bodies entirely behind it, and can spring immediately from such an
attitude behind it without losing their balance. But without a shield a
man with a rapier would be more than a match for any of them, unless,
as is possible, a heavy Dyak weapon were to cut a light sword in two.
This, however, no dexterous fencer would be likely to allow, and, after
the first blow from a heavy weapon had fallen, the opponent would be at
the mercy of a light swordsman.”
With due respect to the opinion of so competent an authority, I cannot
but think that, even when furnished with this shield, the Dyak ought not
to overcome a good fencer. The very fact that he is obliged to hold his
shield before him, and consequently to stand either with his left side or at
least his breast fronting his adversary, shows that he can have but a very
short reach with his weapon, while his opponent, armed with a small
sword, and using only the point, can remain entirely out of reach of the
parang’s edge, while he himself is within easy distance of the Dyak, and
ready to bring in the fatal point of his weapon at the slightest opening
made by his opponent.
The reader may remember that the parang described on page 1125 has
attached to it, among other ornaments, a single feather. This feather has
been taken from the rhinoceros hornbill, a bird which the Dyaks hold in
much respect, and which they will not eat, however hungry they may be.
The quill feathers of the wing and tail are black, with a band of white,
and by both Malays and Dyaks they are thought to possess certain
virtues, and are used as talismans. The bird is considered to be an
emblem of war, and for this reason the sword sheaths, shields, and cloaks
worn in war time are decorated with its feathers; and the huge horny
beak of the bird is scraped thin, polished, and made into earrings.
(1.) DYAK KRIS
(See page 1126.)
(2.) BORNESE SHIELD.
(See page 1131.)
(3.) PARANG WITH CHARMS.
(See page 1125.)

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