Solution Manual for Macroeconomics Canadian 1st

Edition Hubbard OBrien Serletis Childs 0137022107

9780137022106
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Unemployment and Inflation

Brief Chapter Summary and Learning Objectives

5.1 Measuring the Unemployment Rate and the Labour Force Participation
Rate (pages 122–126)
Define the unemployment rate and the labour force participation rate, and understand
how they are computed.

▪ Statistics Canada uses the results of a monthly household survey to calculate the
unemployment rate, the labour force participation rate, and the employment-population
ratio. An establishment survey, or payroll survey, is used to measure total employment in
the economy.

5.2 Types of Unemployment (pages 126–129)

Identify the four types of unemployment.

▪ There are four types of unemployment: frictional, structural, cyclical, and seasonal.

5.3 Explaining Unemployment (pages 129–131)

Explain what factors determine the unemployment rate.

▪ Government policies can reduce the level of frictional and structural unemployment by
aiding job search and worker retraining.
▪ Some government policies can add to the level of frictional and structural unemployment
by increasing the time workers devote to searching for jobs, by providing disincentives for
firms to hire workers, or by keeping wages above their market level.

Copyright © 2015 Pearson Canada Inc.

 CHAPTER 5 | Unemployment and Inflation 65

5.4 Measuring Inflation (pages 131–134)

Define price level and inflation rate, and understand how they are computed.

▪ The price level measures the average prices of goods and services in the economy. The
inflation rate is equal to the percentage increase in the price level from one year to the next.

5.5 Using Price Indexes to Adjust for the Effects of Inflation (pages 135–136)
Use price indexes to adjust for the effects of inflation.

▪ To correct for the effects of inflation, we can divide a nominal variable by a price index
and multiply by 100 to obtain a real variable.

5.6 Real versus Nominal Interest Rates (pages 136–137)

Distinguish between the nominal interest rate and the real interest rate.

▪ The real interest rate is the nominal interest rate minus the inflation rate.

5.7 Does Inflation Impose Costs on the Economy? (pages 137-139)

Discuss the problems inflation can cause.

▪ When the inflation rate is different from the expected inflation rate some people gain and
some people lose.

Key Terms
Consumer price index (CPI), p. 132. An Inflation, p. 131. A general increase in the
average of the prices of the goods and services prices of goods and services over time.
purchased a typical household.
Inflation rate, p. 132. The percentage increase
Cyclical unemployment, p. 127. in the price level from one year to the next.
Unemployment caused by a business cycle
recession. Labour force, p. 123. The sum of employed and
unemployed workers in the economy.
Discouraged workers, p. 124. People who are
available for work but have not looked for a job Labour force participation rate, p. 123. The
during the previous four weeks because they percentage of the working-age population in the
believe no jobs are available for them. labour force.

Efficiency wage, p. 130. A higher-than-market Menu costs, p. 138. The costs to firms of
wage that a firm pays to increase worker changing prices.
productivity.
Natural rate of unemployment, p. 128. The
Employment-population ratio, p. 123. A normal rate of unemployment, consisting of
measure of the portion of the population frictional unemployment plus structural
engaged in paid work. unemployment.

Frictional unemployment, p. 126. Short-term Nominal interest rate, p. 136. The stated
unemployment that arises from the process of interest rate on a loan.
matching workers with jobs.

Copyright © 2015 Pearson Canada Inc.

66 CHAPTER 5 | Unemployment and Inflation

Price level, p. 132. A measure of the average Structural unemployment, p. 127.

prices of goods and services in the economy. Unemployment that arises from a persistent
mismatch between the skills and attributes of
Producer price index (PPI), p. 134. An average workers and the requirements of jobs.
of the prices received by producers of goods and
services at all stages of the production process. Unemployment rate, p. 122. The percentage of
the labour force that is unemployed.
Real interest rate, p. 136. The nominal interest
rate minus the inflation rate. Working age population, p. 122. People 15
years of age and older who are legally entitled to
Seasonal unemployment, p. 127. work in Canada.
Unemployment that is due to seasonal factors,
such as weather or the fluctuation in demand for
some products during different times of the year.

Chapter Outline
BlackBerry reducing its global workforce by 40 percent.
In September 2013, BlackBerry, formerly one of Canada’s largest tech companies, announced it would be
laying off 40 percent of its worldwide employees – estimated at 4,500 workers. The layoffs were due to the
problems the company had experienced with falling demand for its smartphone during the 2007–2009
recession and from competition from world leaders, Apple and Samsung. The layoffs also indicated how
slowly the worldwide economy was recovering from the recession of 2007–2009. Economists at Statistics
Canada and the Bank of Canada were forecasting that unemployment would not return to normal levels for
at least another two years. Some economists had even begun speaking of the “new normal,” in which
unemployment might be stuck at high levels for many years.

5.1 Measuring the Unemployment Rate and the Labour Force Participation
Rate (pages 122-126)
Learning Objective: Define the unemployment rate and the labour force participation
rate, understand how they are computed.

A. The Household Survey

Each month Statistics Canada conducts the Labour Force Survey to collect data needed to compute the
monthly unemployment rate. They then use this data to calculate the unemployment rate. People are
considered employed if they worked during the week before the survey or if they were temporarily away
from their jobs. People are considered unemployed if they did not work in the previous week but were
available for work and had actively looked for work during the previous four weeks.

The labour force is the sum of employed and unemployed workers in the economy. The unemployment
rate is the percentage of the labour force that is unemployed. Discouraged workers are people who are
available for work but have not looked for a job during the previous four weeks because they believe no
jobs are available for them. The labour force participation rate is the percentage of the working-age

Copyright © 2015 Pearson Canada Inc.

 CHAPTER 5 | Unemployment and Inflation 67

population in the labour force. The employment-population ratio measures the percentage of the working
age population that is employed.

B. Problems with Measuring the Unemployment Rate

The unemployment rate is not a perfect measure of the current state of joblessness. During a recession, an
increase in the number of discouraged workers occurs, but these workers are not counted as unemployed.
The Labour Force Survey (LFS) also counts people as being employed if they hold part-time jobs even
though they would prefer to hold full-time jobs. There are other problems, which cause the measured
unemployment rate to overstate the extent of joblessness. The survey that is used to measure the
unemployment rate does not verify the responses of people included in the survey. A person might claim
to be actively looking for a job to remain eligible for government programs for the unemployed. Other
people might be employed but engaged in illegal activity or might want to conceal a legitimate job to avoid
paying taxes.

C. Trends in Labour Force Participation

The labour force participation rate determines the amount of labour that will be available to the economy
from a given population. The higher the labour force participation rate, the more labour will be available
and the higher a country’s level of GDP. The labour force participation rate of adult men has declined
gradually since 1975, but the labour force participation rate of adult women has increased sharply. The
overall labour force participation rate rose from 61.5 percent in 1976 to a high of 62.7 percent in 2008.

D. How Long Are People Typically Unemployed?

In the modern Canadian economy, the typical unemployed person stays unemployed for a relatively brief
period of time, although that time lengthens significantly during a recession.

E. Job Creation and Job Destruction over Time

The Canadian economy creates and destroys thousands of jobs every year. The creation and destruction of
jobs results from changes in consumer tastes, technological progress, and the successes and failures of
entrepreneurs in responding to the opportunities and challenges of shifting consumer tastes and
technological change. When the LFS announces the increases or decreases in the number of people
employed and unemployed each month, these are net figures.

5.2 Types of Unemployment (pages 126-129)

Learning Objective: Identify the four types of unemployment.

A. Frictional Unemployment and Job Search

Most workers spend some time engaging in a job search, and most firms spend time searching for someone
to fill a job opening. Frictional unemployment is short-term unemployment that arises from the process
of matching workers with jobs. There will always be some workers who are frictionally unemployed
because they are between jobs and in the process of searching for new ones.

Some unemployment is due to seasonal factors, such as weather or fluctuations in demand during different
times of the year. Seasonal unemployment refers to unemployment due to factors such as weather, variations
in tourism, and other calendar-related events.

B. Structural Unemployment
Structural unemployment is unemployment that arises from a persistent mismatch between the skills and
attributes of workers and the requirements of jobs. This type of unemployment can last for longer periods
than frictional unemployment because workers need time to learn new skills.

Copyright © 2015 Pearson Canada Inc.

68 CHAPTER 5 | Unemployment and Inflation

C. Cyclical Unemployment
When the economy moves into recession, many firms find their sales falling and cut back on production.
As production falls, firms lay off workers. Cyclical unemployment is unemployment caused by a business
cycle recession.

D. Seasonal Unemployment
Seasonal unemployment is unemployment that is due to seasonal factors, such as weather or
the fluctuation in demand for some products during different times of the year. Examples include
department stores hiring in November and December followed by layoffs in January, ski resorts
closing down at the end of the ski season, and construction projects laying off in parts of Canada
with harsh winter weather. Statistics Canada publishes two sets of unemployment figures each
month: one that is seasonally adjusted and another that is not seasonally adjusted. The seasonally
adjusted data eliminate the effects of seasonal unemployment.

E. Full Employment
The natural rate of unemployment is the normal rate of unemployment, consisting of frictional
unemployment plus structural unemployment. The natural rate of unemployment is also called the full-
employment rate of unemployment.

Teaching Tips
Though categorizing unemployment as frictional, structural, or cyclical is useful in understanding the
sources of unemployment, Statistics Canada provides estimates of total unemployment. It does not classify
unemployment as frictional, structural, or cyclical.

Extra Solved Problem 5.2

The Reasons for Unemployment
Some of the data Statistics Canada collects regarding the reasons people are unemployed appear in the
following table (numbers are in thousands, not seasonally adjusted).

Unemployment Reason for unemployment

Job losers New and
Temporary Job re-
Year Rate Number Total layoff Other leavers entrants
2004 7.2 1,234.4 1,182.0 82.0 1,100.0 134.4 500
2005 6.8 1,177.8 1,137.1 79.3 1,057.8 120.0 493.8
2006 6.3 1,109.3 1,074.6 82.5 992.1 117.2 469.1
2007 6.0 1,079.6 1,042.7 78.2 964.5 115.1 458.7
2008 6.1 1,105.4 1,066.3 77.3 989.0 116.4 476.6
2009 8.1 1,490.7 1,491.3 117.0 1,374.3 116.4 604.8
2010 8.1 1,495.4 1,462.9 81.6 1,381.3 114.1 628.5
2011 7.5 1,394.6 1,348.5 71.9 1,276.6 118.0 602.6
2012 7.3 1,372.0 1,323.7 71.3 1,252.4 119.6 611.3
Source: Statistics Canada. Labour force survey estimates Table 282-0054, Table 282-0215.

Copyright © 2015 Pearson Canada Inc.

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 The Project Gutenberg eBook of Travels through Central
Africa to Timbuctoo and across the Great Desert to Morocco
performed in the year 1824-1828, in Two Volumes, Vol. I
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at
www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will
have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using
this eBook.

Title: Travels through Central Africa to Timbuctoo and across the Great
Desert to Morocco performed in the year 1824-1828, in Two
Volumes, Vol. I

Author: René Caillié

Release date: January 20, 2023 [eBook #69847]

Language: English

Original publication: United Kingdom: Henry Colburn and Richard

Bentley, 1830

Credits: Galo Flordelis (This file was produced from images generously
made available by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS

THROUGH CENTRAL AFRICA TO TIMBUCTOO AND ACROSS
THE GREAT DESERT TO MOROCCO PERFORMED IN THE YEAR
1824-1828, IN TWO VOLUMES, VOL. I ***
 René Caillié

TRAVELS

THROUGH

CENTRAL AFRICA

TO

TIMBUCTOO;

AND

ACROSS THE GREAT DESERT,

TO MOROCCO,
PERFORMED IN THE YEARS 1824-1828.
BY RÉNÉ CAILLIÉ.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON:
HENRY COLBURN AND RICHARD
BENTLEY,
NEW BURLINGTON STREET.
 1830
PRINTED BY O. SCHULZE, 13, POLAND STREET.
 ADVERTISEMENT

Among the geographical problems which, during the last half century,
have occupied the attention of the scientific world and awakened a spirit
of adventure in enterprizing individuals, has been the existence of a large
and populous city in the heart of Central Africa. The solution of this
problem appeared to be a subject worthy of the solicitude even of
Societies and Governments; and various expeditions have been
dispatched at their expense to explore the unknown interior of that
continent, with a particular view to the settlement of this long agitated
question. In vain, however, have Houghton, Browne, Hornemann, and
Park—in vain have their successors, our countrymen, Tuckey, Peddie,
Campbell, Gray, Ritchie, Bowdich, Oudney, Clapperton, Denham and
Laing—in vain have other European travellers, Burckhardt, Beaufort,
Mollien, Belzoni, started from different points of the coast of Africa,
animated with the hope of removing the veil which enveloped the
mysterious city:—all have either perished or been baffled in the attempt.
Of this number Major Laing alone reached the desired goal; but the
results of his perseverance and his observations were lost to his country
and to the world through the barbarous murder of that officer, and the
consequent dispersion of his papers and effects.
Our neighbours, the French, have therefore just ground for exultation
in the fact, that what British enterprize, seconded by the liberality of the
British government, failed to accomplish, has been achieved by a very
humble individual of their nation, and by means of his own slender
unassisted resources; and they have certainly a right to boast that M.
Caillié, the author of the work here presented to the public, is the first
European who has succeeded in the attempt to penetrate to Timbuctoo,
and returned, in spite of the perils interposed by the climate and by the
still more destructive passions of men, to communicate all the
information that circumstances enabled him to collect.
Of the importance of this information the adjudication of a premium
of 10,000 francs (upwards of £400 sterling) by the Geographical Society
of Paris to the traveller, affords presumptive evidence. When it is
considered that, pursuing his course eastward from the French colony on
the Senegal, he advanced by way of Kakondy, Kankan, and Timbo, to
the distance of two hundred miles beyond Soulimana; that he then
proceeded northward through more than one hundred villages to Jenné;
that, there embarking on the great river Dhioliba (the Joliba of Mungo
Park) he enjoyed the best opportunities for observing its course, its
islands, and the extensive lake of Debo, which has afforded matter for so
much discussion, during a voyage of nearly a month to Timbuctoo; that
he has furnished positive information of high political and commercial
interest respecting that city; and that he has proved the practicability of
reaching it from the coast of the Mediterranean by traversing the great
Desert which girdles Africa, and through which he returned to the
territories of Morocco: —when all this is considered, it must be admitted
that his merits have not by any means been overrated.
In this country also, which has long taken the lead in the
encouragement of geographical discovery, it is fair to presume that the
work in which M. Caillié has recorded, in language of unaffected
simplicity, the observations made in a journey of 4500 miles, (of which
3000 were through regions either absolutely, or nearly unknown), cannot
but possess powerful attractions for every class of readers, whether
pursuing the career of trade, of science, or of politics, whether in quest of
individual advantage or personal information.
 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
Pedestrian journey from St. Louis to Neyreh — Passage to N’ghiez —
Manners of the inhabitants — Miraculous stone — Departure —
Robbers — Mode of fishing with nets — The steam-vessel — The
author’s arrival among the Braknas—Conversation with Mohammed
Sidy Moctar, chief Marabout to the king — Reception by the king.
CHAPTER II.
The author is forced to turn physician — Distrust of the Moors —
Description of the camp of King Lam Khaté — Schools — Amusement
of the women.
CHAPTER III.
Method of cultivating and using millet — Character of the Hassanes
or warriors — The Balanites Ægyptiaca, its fruit, method of extracting
oil from it — Quarrel excited by a woman — Manner of protecting
oneself from cold in the tents — Method of collecting gum — Marriages
of the Marabouts, and of the Hassanes — Inheritance of property —
Method of tanning leather — Dress of the Moors.
CHAPTER IV.
Difficulty in going to market — Oxen stolen by a neighbouring tribe
— The Ramadan — Circumcision — The feast of Tabasky — Gum trade
with the Europeans — Author’s return to St. Louis.
CHAPTER V.
Disappointments experienced at St. Louis — The author takes up
various occupations — He departs once more — Particulars respecting
the environs of Kakondy — The Nalous, Landamas, or Lantimas and
Bagos.
CHAPTER VI.
Departure of the author on his great expedition — Manners and
customs of his travelling companions, and account of the caravans in this
part of Africa — The Caura — Mountains of Lantégué — River of
Doulinca — Smelting of iron — Rio Pongo — Mountain of Touma —
Description of Irnanké and its inhabitants — Telewel — Cataract of
Cocouo — Orange trees.
CHAPTER VII.
Popoco — Granite mountains — The Author’s party crosses the Bâ-
fing (the principal tributary of the Senegal) near its source — Great
cataract — Fouta-Dhialon — Langoué — Couroufi — Schools —
Albinos — Industry of the inhabitants. The traveller obliged to turn
physician.
CHAPTER VIII.
Bridge over the Tankisso — Departure for the Kankan — Description
of Fouta-Dhialon — Character, manners and customs of the Foulahs —
Country of Kankan-Fodéa — Butter-tree — Course of the Dhioliba —
Countries of Couranco, Sangaran, and Kissi-kissi — Mandingo
marriages — River of Bandiégué — Bagaraya — Saraya — Bacocouda
— Warlike dances.
CHAPTER IX.
Description of Baléya — Arrival on the banks of the Dhioliba —
Courouassa — Sambarala — Bouré, a mountainous country, rich in gold
— Crossing the Dhioliba — The river Yendan — Kankan — Description
of the town — The market — Gold of Bouré — A religious festival —
Ordeal of fire — Critical situation of the traveller — Diseases of the
country.
CHAPTER X.
Further account of Kankan and its environs — Council of elders —
State of trade, and civilization — Kissi — Bouré — Trade between
Bouré and Bamako, Yamina, Ségo, Sansanding, and Jenné — Working
of gold mines — Establishment of Bamako — Passage of the Milo, and
several other tributary rivers of the Dhioliba.
CHAPTER XI.
Wassoulo — Manners and customs of the inhabitants — Flourishing
state of agricultural industry — Hospitality — Kankary — Sambatikila
— Reflections on the sale of slaves — Scarcity — Description of the
residence of the Almamy — Commerce — Smith’s work — Bambara
villages — Arrival at Timé — Ranges of mountains.
 CHAPTER XII.
Abode at Timé — Weekly market — The traveller falls seriously ill of
the scurvy — Is nursed by a negress — Rainy season — The author
prevented from joining the caravan departing for Jenné — Fertility of the
neighbourhood of Timé — Desperate condition of the traveller — His
recovery after four months’ illness — Description of a funeral.
CHAPTER XIII.
Description of Timé and its environs — Character, manners, and
customs of the inhabitants — Period of circumcision for males, and
excision for females — Manufactures, trade, and agriculture —
Indigenous plants — Diseases.
CHAPTER XIV.
Departure from Timé, January 9th, 1829 — The name of Kong,
applied by Mungo Park to a chain of mountains, is a generic term — Use
of bells in caravans — Loubakho — Cacoron — Dancing and music of
the Bambaras — Sananso — Dhio — The oil palm-tree — Talé —
Customs of the inhabitants — Borandou — Grotesque mask — Tangrera.
CHAPTER XV.
Cultivation of tobacco — Tangrera — Fara — Bangaro — Itinerant
musicians — Débéna — Tiara — Part of the caravan proceeds to
Sansanding — Bee-hives — Siracana — The Bagoé, a navigable river —
The Lous — Bandiarana — Bridge over the Koua.
CHAPTER XVI.
Oulasso — Fabibrisso — Toumané — Implements of husbandry —
Couara — Koraba — Douasso — Kong — Baunan — Garo — Forges
— Nibakhasso.
CHAPTER XVII.
Dwarf cotton — Coloni — The Iolas, a Foulah tribe — Bancousso —
Carabara — Marshes — Ropes made of the hibiscus — Brick-making —
Construction of houses — Kerina. —Foudouca — Medina — Lotus
bread — Touma-dioman — Marianan — Arrival at Galia on the banks of
the Dhioliba, opposite to Jenné.
CHAPTER XVIII.
 Crossing the Dhioliba — Abode at Jenné — Description of the town
— Manners and customs of the inhabitants — Trade — English and
French goods — Buildings — Population — Schools — Religion—Food
and clothing — Geographical details — Course of the river — The
Massina — Residence of the sherif of Jenné — A dinner — Use of tea,
sugar and porcelain — Preparations for the Author’s departure for
Timbuctoo.
 INTRODUCTION.

Having cherished from my earliest infancy a strong desire to become

a traveller, I have always seized with avidity any occasion that could
facilitate the means of acquiring knowledge; but, notwithstanding all my
efforts to supply the want of a good education, I have not been able to
procure more than a scanty store of information. My thorough conviction
of the inadequacy of my means frequently grieved me, when thinking of
all that I needed for the performance of the task which I had imposed on
myself; but still, while reflecting on the dangers and difficulties of such
an enterprise, I hoped that the notes and observations which I should
bring back from my travels would be received with interest by the
public. I did not, therefore, relinquish for a moment the hope of
exploring some unknown portion of Africa; and in the sequel the city of
Timbuctoo became the continual object of all my thoughts, the aim of all
my efforts, and I formed a resolution to reach it or perish. Now that I
have had the happiness to accomplish this design, the public will perhaps
grant some indulgence to the narrative of an unpresuming traveller, who
relates simply what he has seen, the events which have befallen him, and
the facts which he has witnessed.
I was born in 1800, at Mauzé, in the department of the Deux-Sèvres;
my parents who were poor, I had the misfortune to lose in my childhood.
I received no other education than what the charity-school of my village
afforded; and as soon as I could read and write, I was put to learn a trade,
to which I soon took a dislike, owing to the reading of voyages and
travels, which occupied all my leisure moments. The History of
Robinson Crusoe, in particular, inflamed my young imagination: I was
impatient to encounter adventures like him; nay, I already felt an
ambition to signalize myself by some important discovery springing up
in my heart.
Geographical books and maps were lent to me: the map of Africa, in
which I saw scarcely any but countries marked as desert or unknown,
excited my attention more than any other. In short, this predilection grew
into a passion for which I renounced every thing: I ceased to join in the
sports and amusements of my comrades; I shut myself up on Sundays to
read all the books of travels that I was able to procure. I talked to my
uncle, who was my guardian, of my desire to travel: he disapproved it,
forcibly representing the dangers which I should incur at sea, and the
regret which I should feel far away from my country and my family—in
short, he neglected nothing to divert me from my project. My resolution,
however, was irrevocable; I still insisted on setting out, and he made no
further opposition.
All that I possessed was sixty francs, and with this trifle I proceeded
to Rochefort in 1816, and embarked in the brig La Loire, bound to
Senegal.
This vessel, as it is well known, sailed in company with La Méduse,
on board which was M. Mollien, with whom I was not then acquainted,
and who has since made such interesting discoveries in the interior of
Africa. Our brig, having luckily parted company with La Méduse,
arrived without accident in the road of St. Louis. From that place I
proceed to Dakar, a village in the peninsula of Cape Verd, whither the
unfortunate persons saved from the wreck of La Méduse were conveyed
by La Loire. After a stay of some months at this dreary spot, when the
English had restored the colony to the French, I set out for St. Louis.
At the moment of my arrival, the English government was preparing
an expedition, under the direction of Major Peddie, for exploring the
interior of Africa: when ready, it proceeded to Kakondy, a village
situated on the Rio Nuñez. The major died on his arrival there. Captain
Campbell, who assumed the command of the expedition, set out with his
numerous caravan to cross the high mountains of Fouta-Diallon: in few
days he lost part of his beasts of burden and several men; he nevertheless
determined to pursue his journey, but no sooner had he entered the
territories of the almamy[1] of Fouta-Diallon than the expedition was
detained by order of that sovereign. It was obliged to pay a heavy
contribution to the almamy for permission to return by the way it had
come, to recross rivers which it had passed with great difficulty, and to
endure such persecutions that, to put an end to them and to render his
march less embarrassing, the commander caused the dry goods to be
burned, the muskets to be broken, and the gunpowder to be thrown into
the river. On this disastrous return Captain Campbell and several of his
officers ended their lives at the same place where Major Peddie died:
they were interred at the same spot with him, at the foot of an orange
tree, at the factory of Mr. Bethmann, an English merchant.
The rest of the troops of Captain Campbell’s expedition sailed for
Sierra Leone.
Some time afterwards, a new expedition was formed, and the
command of it given to Major Gray. The English spared neither trouble
nor expense to render it still more imposing and more numerous than the
first. To avoid the terrible almamy of Timbo, the travellers proceeded by
water to the Gambia and sailed up the river. As soon, as the expedition
had landed, it traversed Oulli and Gabou, and at length arrived in
Bondou; but the inhabitants of Bondou are like those of Fouta-Diallon,
equally fanatic, and equally malevolent, and their king showed not less
ill will towards the English. Upon pretext of some old debt or other
contracted by the English government, he demanded such a quantity of
goods that Major Gray was soon entirely stripped, and obliged, as will be
seen, hereafter, to send an officer to the Senegal to procure more, in the
hope of obtaining a passage by means of them.
I was ignorant of these unpleasant circumstances when I heard of the
English expedition; and not doubting that Major Gray, standing in need
of hands, would eagerly accept the offer of my services, though I was a
stranger to him, I determined to proceed by land to the Gambia. I set out
from St. Louis, accompanied by two negroes who returned to Dakar, and
took the road leading from Gandiolle to the peninsula of Cape Verd. We
travelled on foot: I was then very young, and my companions were two
vigorous walkers, so that I was obliged to run in order to keep up with
them. I cannot express the fatigue I felt, under the oppressive heat,
journeying over a burning and almost moving sand. If I could but have
obtained a little fresh water to allay the thirst which consumed me!—
none was to be found but at some distance from the sea; and we were
obliged to keep near the beach, that we might have a more solid footing.
My legs were covered with blisters, and I thought that I should have been
knocked up before we reached Dakar: at length, however, we arrived at
that village, where I made no stay, but immediately took a passage in a
boat which conveyed me to Goree.
The torments which I had already endured led me to reflect on the still
greater hardships to which I was about to expose myself: the persons
who felt a friendship for me, and M. Gavol in particular, had not
therefore much trouble to divert me from, my design; and, to gratify in
some measure my fondness for travel, that worthy officer procured me a
gratuitous passage on board a merchantman which was sailing for
Guadeloupe.
I arrived in that colony with some letters of recommendation, and
obtained a petty appointment, which I held but for six months. My
passion for travelling began to revive; the perusal of Mungo Park gave
new strength to my projects; and lastly, my constitution, having
withstood a residence of some length at the Senegal and in Guadeloupe,
gave me hopes of this time executing them with success.
I sailed from Pointe-à-Pitre for Bordeaux, and thence returned to the
Senegal. Arriving at St. Louis, at the conclusion of 1818, with scanty
resources, for I had exceedingly diminished them by useless voyages, I
was not to be deterred by any consideration: every thing seemed possible
to my adventurous spirit, and chance seemed to second my designs.
M. Adrien Partarrieu, who had been sent by Major Gray to purchase
at St. Louis the goods required by the King of Bondou, was preparing to
rejoin the expedition. I called upon M. Partarrieu, and proposed to
accompany him without salary or engagement of any kind for the
moment. He replied that he could not promise me any thing for the
future, but that I was at liberty to join him if I pleased. I had soon
decided—happy to seize so favourable an opportunity of visiting
unknown countries and participating in an expedition of discovery.
M. Partarrieu’s caravan was composed of sixty or seventy men both
white and black, and thirty-two camels richly laden.
We set out, on the sixth of February, 1819, from Gandiolle, a village
in the kingdom of Cayor, situated at a short distance from the Senegal.
The damel, or king, whom our presents had rendered favourable to us,
issued orders that we should be well treated; we met every where with an
hospitable reception, and in several places the people carried their
generosity so far as to subsist our whole company without accepting any
remuneration. On reaching the frontiers of Cayor, we came to a desert
which separates it from the country of the Yolofs. It is well known that
formerly these two countries belonged to the same sovereign, who
governed them with the title of boor, or emperor, and that the damel is
only an independent vassal: we experienced the same kind reception
from the subjects of the boor of Yolof.
 It was not long before we had to regret the generous, hospitality of the
Yolofs. On quitting their country we entered a desert, where, for five
days’ journey, we were exposed to a thousand hardships. I hope to be
forgiven for entering into these details, the only ones which could have
fixed themselves in the memory of a mere youth, travelling rather in
quest of adventures than for the purpose of making observations.
Our camels were so laden with goods, that we had been able to take
with us but a very small quantity of water: it was soon found necessary
to deal out but a very small portion to each person: mine was not more
abundant. How could I complain—I, a useless consumer, attached to the
expedition through the mere condescension of the leader! I had no right
to find fault, but I suffered extremely from thirst. I was sometimes
reduced to extremity; for, having no beast to ride upon, I was obliged to
follow on foot. I have been since told that my eyes were hollow, that I
panted for breath, and that my tongue hung out of my mouth: for my
own part, I recollect that at every halt, I fell to the ground from
weakness, and had not even the courage to eat. At length my sufferings
excited the pity of all; and M. Partarrieu had the kindness to divide with
me his portion of water as well as a fruit which he had found. This fruit
resembles the potatoe; its pulp is white and of an agreeable flavour: we
subsequently found many such, which were of great service to us.
A sailor, having in vain tried all means to allay his thirst, and set
about seeking fruits, was deceived by the resemblance borne by one to
that which M. Partarrieu had given to me. He ate it, and it set his mouth
on fire as if it had been pimento: from the retching and the violent pains
with which he was seized we concluded that he was poisoned; every one
cheerfully gave up to him some of his allowance of drink; but he
appeared to be relieved so suddenly that I have since thought his illness
was only a feint to excite pity and get a little more water. I was not,
however the worst off, for I saw several drink their urine.
We arrived at length at Boulibaba, a village inhabited by pastoral
Foulahs, who live during part of the year in the woods and subsist
entirely upon milk seasoned with the fruit of the baobab. To us
Boulibaba was a paradise; we there found limpid and abundant springs:
the water which we eagerly drank seemed to us excellent, but we had to
pay a high price for it, the Foulahs to whom it belonged being poor and
very selfish. We encamped near the village, the straw houses of which
are in the form of a sugar-loaf truncated at top: the door is so low that, in
order to enter, the inhabitants are obliged to crawl on all fours.
 No sooner was our arrival known than the whole village sallied forth
to look at us: a Foulah came to the foot of the tree where I was resting
and asked me in the Wolof, which I understood, for a grigri[2] to confer
riches. I wrote one for him, and out of gratitude he gave me a bowl of
milk. I was nevertheless his dupe, for scarcely was he gone when I
perceived that he had stolen my black silk cravat.
On quitting Boulibaba we had another desert without water to
traverse: before we entered it, we thought it advisable to recruit ourselves
from the fatigues which we had undergone and to sojourn some days
with the Foulah herdsmen. A stock of water was procured: guides were
hired, and we set out.
After we had made half a day’s journey we arrived at Paillar, where
we laid in a fresh store of water. It would not have been prudent to
traverse Fouta-Toro, the inhabitants of which are thieves and fanatics: we
avoided it by turning a little to the south. The precautions which we had
taken to obviate the want of water cheered our minds. The country in
general appeared to us to be fine: we beheld with admiration trees of
great height, with umbrageous foliage, covered with birds of various
kinds, which by their song enlivened these solitudes. It was no doubt the
agreeable sensations produced by this scenery that caused us partly to
forget our fatigues, though we travelled from sun-rise till near ten
o’clock at night, taking but a few moments’ rest during the day. On the
fifth day, however, we were all exhausted: we suffered from thirst, and
our water was nearly spent. European ingenuity came to our succour:
peppermint-drops were distributed among us, and we experienced
immediate relief. Our camels suffered severely for want of water and
forage, having no other food than young branches of trees, cut off here
and there.
At length we reached a hamlet where the negroes readily brought us
some calebashes of water, but they were not prodigal of it, and this was
prudent, considering the number of men and animals to be supplied: for
my part, I received no more than about a large glassful. But no sooner
did we begin to drink than swarms of bees settled upon the vessels
containing the water, and even upon our lips, disputing it with us; and to
this horrid punishment, these grievous pangs, we had been several times
exposed during the journey. I have frequently seen the water-skins
covered with bees, which we had no means of driving away but by
burning green wood, the smoke of which forced them to quit.
 At length we entered Bondou. M. Partarrieu, who was extremely
afraid of falling in with the almamy, wished to avoid Boulibaneh, his
usual residence, and to reach Bakel speedily and by the direct route; but
the inhabitants of Potako, the second village we came to, manifested a
disposition to oppose this design. It was therefore necessary to encamp
for the purpose of holding a palaver.[3] This palaver still continued; we
were near wells, but were not supplied either with water or provisions;
no millet was brought, and a war of famine was commenced. This
system of attack upon us was the worst and the most dangerous of all: it
behoved us to meet it with firmness and resolution. M. Partarrieu, who
was not deficient in these qualities, was preparing to pursue his route
directly towards Bakel, and we were on the point of starting, when Major
Gray, the commander of the expedition, who came to meet us, appeared
on horseback, and directed us to go to Boulibaneh, under the idea that
the almamy would keep his word, and that, after he had received our
goods he would suffer us to pass. Major Gray was rather credulous. For
the rest, the inhabitants, as soon as they saw us change our route, readily
permitted us to draw water and brought us abundance of provisions of all
kinds. Peace being concluded and both parties on good terms, traffic
commenced.
The day after the arrival of Major Gray we received orders to set out
and to take the road to Boulibaneh: we could do no other than obey; but,
that the inhabitants of that capital might not remark the great quantity of
goods which we brought with us, we entered the place at night. I was in
the rear-guard, with some English soldiers mounted on asses: these poor
fellows were exhausted with fatigue: never had they made so arduous a
campaign; they proposed to stay behind: I prevented them from so doing
and we at length rejoined, though rather late, the head of the caravan,
which we found asleep in the camp that it had formed outside the town.
This camp was nothing more than a cluster of straw huts, surrounded by
a palisade four feet high, formed of trunks of trees interlaced with
branches.
Our people had neglected to inclose the wells within the palisade of
the camp—an unpardonable oversight, which in the sequel exposed us to
the most severe privation. The chiefs of the expedition proceeded on
their arrival to pay their respects to the old almamy, carrying with them
valuable presents to dispose him in our favour.
This was not all: they were obliged to make him fresh presents every
day, for the greedy almamy was incessantly craving. Curious to see this
sovereign, I repaired to his residence: I penetrated thither without
impediment, and found the king of Bondou seated on a mat spread upon
the ground, watching a negro mason belonging to our expedition, for
whom he had applied, that he might build him a stone powder-room
destined to contain the ammunition with which we had presented him.
The almamy of Bondou, a man of about severity, had quite white hair,
a long beard, and a face deeply wrinkled. He was dressed in two
pagnes[4] of the country and covered with amulets down to the ancles.
He eyed me with a look of indifference and seemed to pay much more
attention to the work of the mason than to my presence, which afforded
me leisure to examine without giving him offence.
Having staid some days at Boulibaneh, during which we were on the
best terms with the inhabitants, Major Gray made arrangements for
quitting this royal residence. But before his departure he deemed it right
to make the almamy a farewell present: it consisted of a piece of Guinea
cloth,[5] and a few trifling articles. Whether the prince was dissatisfied
with it, or apprehensive that the English were going to join the French
for the purpose of attacking his dominions, or had vowed not to allow us
to pass, he declared with feigned regret that he could not permit us to
proceed to Bakel; that he would suffer us to go to Clego, but we must
traverse his territories and those of Kaarta: otherwise there was no
alternative for us but to take the road of Fouta-Toro, to reach the
Senegal. These two routes were equally arduous and dangerous for us,
since we were sure to find in both those countries people as fanatic and
as barbarous as the inhabitants of Bondou. It was evidently the almamy’s
design to cause us to be plundered and perhaps murdered. Our situation
became alarming. A council was held, and the indignation excited by the
almamy’s conduct caused the adoption of the violent measure of opening
by force a passage to Bakel. The animals were immediately laden, and
preparations made for breaking up: but no sooner was our intention
known than the king’s soldiers, fifty in number, armed with lances and
muskets, came and possessed themselves of the wells and surrounded
our camp. We had but little water, through the imprudence which I have
mentioned above; and notwithstanding the economical manner in which
we employed it, we were on the point of being totally cut off from it. In
Africa it is easier to reduce a place by thirst than by famine.
This was not the only danger that threatened us; the war-drums were
already heard on all sides. At the sound of this tocsin of alarm, crowds of
armed men hastened to obey the summons of their chiefs; and a
tremendous uproar every where prevailed. In less than two hours a
numerous army was on foot, ready to rush upon us: resistance became
impossible, since we were no more than one hundred and thirty persons.
Notwithstanding the ardour and the despair which animated all of us, we
could not hope to withstand so many foes united. It was useless
therefore, to think of fighting, and all that could now be done was to
endeavour by new negociations to avert the calamities which threatened
us: such were the sentiments of the chief officers of the expedition; they
conceived that a battle could not fail to have a most disastrous issue; and
that, independently of the loss of men and the pillage of goods, it would
thenceforward render the whites objects of horror and execration in the
interior of Africa. These prudent reflexions induced our chief to demand
a palaver, which was granted by our enemies, but with the superiority
and haughtiness of men sure of victory.
The almamy rejected all the propositions that were made to him, and
arrogantly, dictated the conditions of peace: all that could be wrung from
him by dint of solicitations and presents was permission to keep as near
the Senegal as possible, that we might not be in want of water: but he
was inflexible in regard to the route which we were to pursue; Fouta-
Toro, or no water, was his definitive answer. We submitted thankfully to
every thing, and, when once assured of our obedience, he made a sign to
the soldiers who guarded the wells to retire, and we could then drink
with security. The anxiety in which we were during this parley, added to
the heat, caused us to consider this permission of the almamy’s as a
kindness, especially for our animals, which had been on their legs with
their loads ever since day-break, without eating or drinking.
Our departure for Fouta-Toro was deferred till the following day. Our
caravan resembled a long file of prisoners: a multitude of horsemen
hovered upon our wings, to prevent our straggling. The almamy was
more vigilant on this point than any other; the traitor, to make the more
sure that this valuable booty would not escape his allies of Fouta-Toro,
followed us to our first halting-place, and did not leave us till he had
received a fresh present; but, on retiring, he committed the duty of
superintending our march to several princes of his family, who
accompanied us with a numerous escort of soldiers, horse and foot.
Night having come on, a large fire was lighted, and, that we might no
longer be embarrassed by the baggage which retarded our progress,
orders were issued that every one should throw into it all he possessed,
excepting such articles of clothing as were absolutely necessary. This
useful sacrifice was made before the faces of the Foulahs, who in vain
entreated us to desist. In our just indignation against them we would
rather have suffered death than have allowed them to save so much as a
handkerchief from the flames.
At day-break the next morning we entered Fouta-Toro preceded by a
very bad reputation. The people of Bondou had so effectually
recommended us to their neighbours, that wherever we went we met with
only hostile looks and inimical dispositions; neither were we any where
suffered to supply ourselves with water till the price of it had been fixed:
the reader will perhaps scarcely believe that frequently it cost us six
francs per bottle. If we ever deviated from the track prescribed by our
convention with the almamy of Bondou, the natives immediately secured
all the wells, and we were obliged to return to the route agreed upon lest
we should perish with thirst. At another time, on the contrary, the people
of village would have forced us to quit the road we were pursuing for
another which would have taken us to a distance from the Senegal. I
know not how we should have been able to withstand this fresh violence,
since we were to have been allowed access to the wells only upon the
dreadful condition of pursuing this latter route; as we were all reduced to
extremity and our strength exhausted, two wretched blunderbusses
would not have sufficed for laying siege to the wells. Fortunately, M.
Partarrieu found means to gain a chief, who procured us two skinfuls of
water: they cost us nearly ten francs a bottle; but having allayed our
thirst we somewhat recovered our spirits and pursued our journey.
Having got out of this dilemma, we proceeded to another village,
situated at a little distance from the Senegal, intending to take the first
opportunity of approaching the river. Here we halted to hold council: it
was resolved that we should rest there, and break up secretly in the
middle of the night for the purpose of gaining the bank of the river. This
resolution of M. Partarrieu’s was opposed by Major Gray; he objected
that we might be attacked by the way, and that, after having broken the
convention we should be treated as deserters, and surely murdered;
adding, that he had better take with him one attendant and make the best
of his way to the French factory at Bakel, to solicit succour. In vain did
M. Partarrieu strive to convince him of the imprudence of such a plan
and the danger in which we should be left by his absence, “When the
Foulahs,” he added, “shall know that our chief is no longer with us, they
will consider us as a body without head and not hesitate to attack us.” All
was to no purpose; the major would not listen to any remonstrance, and
departed. In the morning, the Foulahs discovered his absence; they came
in crowds, accusing us of treachery, and using terrible menaces; they
were even preparing to fire, when M. Partarrieu conceived the happy
idea of telling them that he had quarrelled with Major Gray, and that he
would rather die than suffer him to come back to us. This tale was
believed; the Foulahs were appeased and permitted us to go to a village
situated near the river.
Major Gray accordingly repaired to Bakel, where he obtained a few
blacks, with whom he set out to rejoin us; but, like ourselves he did
wrong in coming off without water; having been unable to procure any
by the way, he dispersed his men to seek for some. They not only found
none, but lost themselves in the woods, where they fell in with the
Foulahs, who, apprized of their departure, had gone in force to oppose
their junction with us, and easily made them prisoners. In this affair a
few shots were fired: several French negroes were dangerously wounded,
and one of them had his thigh broken: Donzon subsequently performed
amputation at Bakel.
The news of this disaster soon reached us; without loss of time M.
Partarrieu repaired to the village where Major Gray was detained;
entreaties, presents, threats, nothing could prevail upon the Foulahs to
release him; and the joy we felt on being allowed to proceed at not too
great distance from the river was embittered by grief at seeing the major
conducted on horseback, under a strong escort, by a contrary route to
ours. The Foulahs took him away solely with a view to induce us to turn
back and follow him; but, conceiving that this proof of our attachment to
the major would only have involved us in destruction, we took good care
not to run into the snare which was laid for us, as, by so doing, we
should in all probability have merely increased to no purpose the number
of victims to an imprudence, which no solicitations could dissuade the
major from committing.
We continued our route, still proceeding northward. After suffering at
several places a repetition of the same torments, we reached Adgar, a
village only a day’s journey and a half distant from Bakel. Here M.
Partarrieu halted and encamped close to the place, as if he intended to
make a long stay there: he then visited the chief, and talked to him of
sending off his sick to Bakel, that he might afterwards proceed with
more ease to Fouta-Toro; but, perceiving that this plan displeased the
village chief, he had recourse to a stratagem to gain his consent: he told
him that, not having animals enough to carry all his baggage, he should
leave part of his goods with him. The chief, perceiving in this
proposition the means of subsequently possessing himself of a valuable
booty, assented to every thing. M. Partarrieu immediately directed part of
the chests with which the camels were usually laden to be filled with
stones, and having locked these chests, he had them carried to the chief
of the village; he then put aside the chests containing our goods. The
camels, it is well known, are accustomed to cry when they are loaded; to
obviate the danger in which this cry, the signal for our departure, might
have involved us, we took care to make our camels utter this cry for
several successive nights, that the inhabitants of the village might not
know the moment of our flight.
All the arrangements being made, a very dark night was chosen, and
as soon as we judged that every body was asleep, we started, leaving
tents, huts, and palisades, standing, without extinguishing the fires which
we had kindled, without even removing the pots which had been set on
them for our supper, that the discovery of our departure by the
inhabitants might be delayed as long as possible. The justice of this
calculation of a prudent foresight was speedily demonstrated.
Part of the caravan pushed on before by a route which it opened for
itself. I remained with the rear-guard, under the direction of M.
Partarrieu and an English serjeant who had the superintendence of the
baggage: this division set out an hour later than the other.
Such was our fear of being discovered, and so sensible were we of the
imminence of our danger, that our march was more like a rout than a
retreat. Forsaken chests and bales were to be seen every where; nay the
very animals, as if aware of the peril and anxious to avoid it, were more
untractable than ever, and scampered away across the country after
throwing off their loads. It was more than two hours before we came up
with our first division. Gracious Heaven! what anxiety we felt during
those two painful hours! scarcely durst we ask what had become of our
companions, scarcely durst we think of them; we fancied that they were
taken, and had every reason to apprehend the like fate ourselves. A horn
was blown from time to time: this signal of distress, amid the silence of
night and the horror of the desert, had something doleful which made us
shudder. Could we but have heard some answer to it! but no, not the
faintest sound, not even the shriek of a night-bird enlivened the woods
which we traversed in the utmost haste. Presently we perceived nothing
but ambuscades on all sides; every bush, every tree, assumed to our
agitated minds the form of armed enemies; every branch was mistaken
for a levelled musket. At length we had recourse to a final expedient to
convey to a distance an intimation of our approach. A gun was fired:
echo by repeating the report several times, increased our consternation
without imparting a hope that we were heard. I then compared our
situation with that of the victims on the raft of La Méduse, cast upon the
bank of Arquin, without hope of relief. Excessive fear gave us the
courage of despair, and we made such a noise with our horns that the
first division at length heard it and answered us. With what joy did we
accelerate our pace to come up with it! at last we joined it just as day
began to dawn. We hastily deliberated on the course to be pursued. On
all sides we were surrounded with dangers; but, at any rate, the farther
we proceeded from the village which we had left the preceding night, the
nearer we should approach to the Senegal. This plan was unanimously
adopted; and to carry it into effect with the greater chance of success, we
abandoned baggage, animals, goods of all sorts; such was the panic that
had seized every mind.
Day-light appeared, and enabled us to discover a village close to us;
but fortunately its inhabitants had not yet risen, and we were not
perceived. We soon came to a stony road which indicated the vicinity of
the river; the hope of procuring water rendered our thirst more
tormenting, and agitated our minds to such a degree that we kept
advancing without knowing where we were: and we might have
continued thus but for a negro whom we met and forced to conduct us to
the river: he first led us past a field, where several negroes, who were at
work, fled at sight of us towards their village. At length, at ten o’clock in
the morning, we arrived at a hamlet situated on the left bank of the
Senegal, at a little distance from Bakel. Without halting there, we lost no
time in availing ourselves of a ford a short way off to cross the river.
Though the water was then low, yet in some places it was up to our
chins, so that every man was obliged to carry his things upon his head
for fear of wetting them.
We were now on the right bank of the river, and it was high time we
were, for some of our number were still crossing when multitudes of
Foulahs appeared on the other side armed with pikes and arrows. It had
been all over with us had we fallen in with them in the woods, for they
were the neighbours to our camp, enraged at having been deceived by
our stratagem. They durst not cross the river; but reckoning upon our
simplicity, they made signs to M. Partarrieu to come to them and explain