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reference to two groups of people in Africa

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The culture of a people is what marks them out distinctively from other human societies in the
family of humanity (Agboola, 2018). The full study of culture in all its vastness and dimensions
belongs to the discipline known as anthropology, which studies human beings and takes time to
examine their characteristics and their relationship to their environments (Agboola, 2018).
Culture, as it is usually understood, entails a totality of traits and characters that are peculiar to a
people to the extent that it marks them out from other peoples or societies (Austen, et al., 2013).
These peculiar traits go on to include the people's language, dressing, music, work, arts, religion,
dancing and so on. It also goes on to include a people's social norms, taboos and values
(Canavire-Bacarreza, et al., 2020). Values here are to be understood as beliefs that are held about
what is right and wrong and what is important in life (Canavire-Bacarreza, et al., 2020). A fuller
study of values rightly belongs to the discipline of philosophy. Axiology as a branch of
philosophy deals with values embracing both ethics and aesthetics (Cattaneo & Wolter, 2009).

This is why philosophical appraisal of African culture and values is not only apt and timely, but
also appropriate (Chen & Li, 2021). Moreover, the centrality of the place of values in African
culture as a heritage that is passed down from one generation to another, will be highlighted. We
shall try to illustrate that African culture and values can be appraised from many dimensions in
addition to examining the method of change and the problem of adjustment in culture (Chen &
Zhou, 2022). Here we hope to show that while positive dimensions of our culture ought to be
practised and passed on to succeeding generations, negative dimensions of our culture have to be
dropped in order to promote a more progressive and dynamic society (Chen & Li, 2021).

Edward B. Taylor is reputed as the scholar who first coined and defined culture in his work
Primitive Culture (1871) and reprinted in 1958. Taylor saw culture as that complex whole which
includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs or any other capabilities and habits
acquired by man as a member of society. This definition captures the exhaustive nature of culture
(Chen, 2021). One would have expected that this definition would be a univocal one - but this is
not so. In fact, there are as many definitions of culture as there are scholars who are interested in
the phenomenon (Cheung & Chan, 2008). Culture embraces a wide range of human phenomena,
material achievements and norms, beliefs, feelings, manners, morals and so on. It is the patterned
way of life shared by a particular group of people that claim to share a single origin or descent.
In an attempt to capture the exhaustive nature of culture, Bello (1991: 189) sees it as "the totality
of the way of life evolved by a people in their attempts to meet the challenge of living in their
environment, which gives order and meaning to their social, political, economic, aesthetic and
religious norms thus distinguishing a people from their neighbours" (Zhao & Wang, 2021).

Culture is to be understood as the way of life of a people. This presupposes the fact that there can
be no people without a culture (Zhao, 2018). To claim that there is no society without a culture
would, by implication, mean that such a society has continued to survive without any form of
social organisation or institutions, norms, beliefs and taboos, and so on; and this kind of assertion
is quite untrue (Wolff, 2015). That is why even some Western scholars who may be tempted to
use their cultural categories in judging other distinctively different people as "primitive", often
deny that such people have history, religion and even philosophy; but cannot say that they have
no culture (Thu & Goto, 2020).

Shona Culture

The Shona are a people whose ancestors built great stone cities in southern Africa over a
thousand years ago. Today, more than 10 million Shona people live around the world. The vast
majority live in Zimbabwe, and sizeable Shona populations are also located in South Africa,
Botswana, Zambia and Mozambique. The Shona have their own language, which the Penn
Language Center estimates is spoken by about 75 percent of the population of Zimbabwe. The
center notes that the language has multiple dialects and sub-dialects. The Shona work in a variety
of occupations, and their artists are well known for their finely carved wooden headrests and
stone sculptures (Kubota, 2016).

Traditional Shona religion recognizes the god Mwari "as the creator and sustainer of the
universe," wrote Takawira Kazembe, a lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe, in two
ethnographic studies published in 2009 and 2010 in the Rose+Croix journal. In the two studies,
Kazembe conducted interviews with those who practice traditional Shona religion in Zimbabwe
and also witnessed a number of traditional ceremonies and practices. Kazembe's studies revealed
that traditional Shona religion is very complex and is often misunderstood by Westerners. While
the Shona believe that they can communicate with the spirits of their ancestors, they do not
worship them but ask their dead ancestors to convey petitions to Mwari on their behalf. "People
consider themselves as so low as to be unworthy of talking or interacting directly with the
Divine. They rely on the mediation of the spirits," wrote Kazembe.

The ancestors of the Shona are believed to have helped found Great Zimbabwe, an 800-hectare
(1,977 acres) city that flourished between the 11thand 15th centuries A.D. Recognized as a
UNESCO World Heritage Site, Great Zimbabwe was a center for trade, and archaeologists have
found artifacts from as far away as China in the city. Explorers from Portugal appeared on the
coast of east Africa at the end of the 15th century and over the next few centuries a mix of
European traders, missionaries and colonists all vied for influence in the area.

Zimbabwe (then called Rhodesia) was under British control in the time after World War II and in
the 1960s and 1970s a series of wars were fought between European colonists and the indigenous
people of the region (including the Shona) for control of Zimbabwe. Daneel documented this
conflict in his photographs, showing spirit mediums warning of air raids and helping fighters
communicate with the spirits of their ancestors. In 1979, the war ended in defeat for the
European settlers and Zimbabwe became fully independent in 1980. Recently the country has
been hit by political and economic problems that caused Zimbabwe's currency to suffer from
hyperinflation and the currency has lost all value.

There were five main Shona groups, each with a distinct dialect of the Shona language, including
Jekesai’s people, the Zezuru. Each of these groups included many smaller regional groups led by
patriarchal chiefs, who each had authority over the headmen of several individual villages.
Gender roles were fairly rigid, with boys and girls learning their separate responsibilities from
their relatives of the same gender. Women were responsible for most of the farming work, as
well as maintaining the huts, cooking, and brewing beer. Older men were the leaders of the
community, while younger men and boys herded the livestock and hunted.

Family is central to Shona culture. Traditional marriages were polygamous and created large
extended families. Typically, a few families lived together in a kraal (also called musha)
consisting of many small huts surrounding a central area where livestock were kept. Separate
huts housed a kitchen, sleeping quarters for each wife, a granary, and storage. The huts were
circular, with wood-framed walls plastered with cow dung and mud, conical thatched roofs,
packed cow dung floors, and west-facing doorways. At this time, a Shona marriage was
considered a contract between two families as well as two individuals. A prospective husband
would pay a bride-price (roora) to his fiancee’s family, as a gesture of gratitude for raising her
and as compensation for the loss of her labor (although in the play Chilford considers it
equivalent to selling the woman).

Cattle were a crucial component of traditional Shona life. They were used not only as draft oxen
for farming but also as a form of money, since prior to colonization the Shona had no currency.
Bride-prices were usually paid in cattle, and smaller transactions might involve the exchange of a
goat or sheep. Because of this the Shona would rarely eat beef, slaughtering a cow only for
special occasions such as funerals or as a ritual sacrifice. In the 1890’s, Europeans accidentally
introduced the rinderpest virus, which infects cattle; within a few years, almost 90% of the cows
in southern Africa were dead (either of the virus or as a result of the colonists’ misguided
attempts to stop its spread by preemptively killing herds), devastating the Shona economy.

The Shona religion is a blend of monotheism and veneration of ancestors. The creator god,
Mwari, is omnipotent but also remote; ancestors and other spirits serve as intermediaries between
Mwari and the people. At the top of the spirit hierarchy are the mhondoro, spirits of dead clan
founders and kings who watch over entire clans, regions, or the Shona people as a whole. Kaguvi
and Nehanda, who incited the Shona to join the anti-colonial rebellion depicted in The Convert,
were the mediums of powerful mhondoro.

The vadzimu (singular mudzimu) are the ancestors of specific families, and they continue to
exist as long as they have living descendants to remember and honor them. A recently deceased
person’s spirit does not become a mudzimu until the kurova guva ceremony, usually held one
year after the death, at which the living relatives invite the spirit to return to the family and watch
over them as an ancestor. Those who die childless or very young cannot become vadzimu
because they have no direct descendants. Instead they become wandering spirits called mashavi.
All of these spirits communicate with humans through spiritual mediums, called svikiro. Each
medium can become possessed by one specific spirit, and takes on the authority and social role
of that spirit. For example, the Shona kings (mambo) were traditionally considered to be
mediums of Mwari himself.

Another important aspect of Shona culture is the n’anga, medicine men (and women) or
“witchdoctors.” Their healing methods include spiritual guidance as well as traditional herbal
medicine (muti), since in the traditional Shona worldview many physical ailments have spiritual
causes. A n’anga may consult the ancestral spirits to determine whether a taboo has been violated
or a ritual omitted, and then advise his or her patient on how to appease the spirits.

The Shona today: The Shona still make up the majority of Zimbabwe’s population. Many of the
traditions described above have been integrated into modern, Westernized culture. Instead of
cattle, grooms may give their future in-laws gifts of housewares, clothing, and cash; n`angas
continue to practice, but may also refer patients to hospitals when necessary; and many
Zimbabweans practice some blend of both Christianity and traditional spiritual beliefs.

Ndebele Culture

The four major ethnic divisions among Black South Africans are the Nguni, Sotho, Shangaan-
Tsonga and Venda. The Nguni represent nearly two thirds of South Africa’s Black population
and can be divided into four distinct groups; the Northern and Central Nguni (the Zulu-speaking
peoples), the Southern Nguni (the Xhosa-speaking peoples), the Swazi people from Swaziland
and adjacent areas and the Ndebele people of the Northern Province and Mpumalanga.
Archaeological evidence shows that the Bantu-speaking groups that were the ancestors of the
Nguni migrated down from East Africa as early as the eleventh century (Vu, 2012).

The isiNdebele language, of which there are variations, is part of the Nguni language group.
IsiNdebele is one of the 11 official languages recognized by the South African Constitution, and
in 2006 it was determined that just under 600 000 South Africans speak isiNdebele as a home
language. Similar to the country's other African languages; isiNdebele is a tonal language,
governed by the noun which dominates the sentence.

There are three main groups of Ndebele culture: The Southern Transvaal Ndebele (now Gauteng
and Mpumalanga); ii. The Northern Transvaal Ndebele (now Limpopo Province) around the
towns of Mokopane (Potgietersrus) and Polokwane (Pietersburg). iii. The Ndebele people of
Zimbabwe, who were called the Matabele by the British. The two South African Ndebele groups
were not only separated geographically, but also differed in their language and cultural practices.
The Ndebele of the Northern Province consisted mainly of the BagaLanga and the BagaSeleka
groups who were influenced by their Sotho neighbours, and adopted much of their language and
culture (Thu & Goto, 2020).
The famous house-painting, beadwork and ornamentation often spoken of as Ndebele are
produced mostly by the Ndzundza Ndebele of Mpumalanga and Gauteng (Southern Ndebele).
This group speaks a variation of isiNdebele that is considered a ‘purer’ form of the language, and
is closely related to the Zulu language. This version is the only written form of the language.

Strongly patriarchal attitudes and practices are evident in Ndebele communities. Perhaps more
than many other groups, Ndzundza men – especially those of chiefly background – continue to
practice polygamy. Women must practice ukuhlonipha (respect) towards their husbands and
parents-in-law in particular, but also towards men in general. Making and selling beadwork,
mats, dolls and other crafts have thus provided some Ndebele women with an independent
livelihood. These include internationally famous women like Esther Mahlangu – who has been
commissioned to paint her designs on BMWs and South African Airways jets - and those with
humbler aspirations (Sahnoun & Abdennadher, 2020).

Rites of passage or initiation ceremonies are practiced among the Ndebele; Ukuwela is a male
initiation that marks the passage from childhood to adult status. Through the process of initiation,
young boys are inducted into traditional lore and the deep mysteries of the group. This
knowledge is passed on from one generation of initiates to the next, ensuring that the transfer of
knowledge is maintained.

One of the occasions on which isikhethu is enunciated through beaded and decorative clothing is
iqhude (girl's initiation), which occurs at puberty. At a wedding, female participants also dress in
elaborate ceremonial clothing. Here, the bride and her female relatives and attendants are dressed
in beaded aprons and necklaces. For both these rituals, the financial provision for a young
woman's finery is made by a male relative. These colourful clothes also bear vivid testimony to
the distinctiveness of Ndebele culture within the broader world of inter-ethnic politics (Qian &
Smyth, 2011).

Ndebele people have always managed to retain their cultural practices. More recently, women in
Ndzundza society have come to be thought of as the custodians of isikhethu (lit. "that which is
ours") which consists of the relationships, beliefs and practices on which the very essence of
Ndebele identity is centred. Alongside the care of ageing in-laws, and the socialisation of and
inculcation of values in children, this role includes the manner in which women clothe their
bodies in various ceremonial contexts.
Some Ndebele people converted to Christianity under colonialism and missionary influence.
However, although there are many Christian converts, ancestral beliefs have not disappeared.
Instead, there has been a mixture of traditional beliefs and Christianity. Ancestral spirits are
important in Ndebele religious life, and offerings and sacrifices are made to the ancestors for
protection, good health, and happiness (Pike, et al., 2006).

Ancestral spirits come back to the world in the form of dreams, illnesses, and sometimes snakes.
The Ndebele also believe in the use of magic. Fortune such as bad luck and illness is considered
to be sent by an angry spirit. When this happens, the help of a traditional healer is sought, and he
or she will communicate with the ancestors, or use natural herbs and prayers to get rid of the
problem. Most Ndebele trace their ancestry to the area that is now called KwaZulu-Natal. The
history of the Ndebele people can be traced back to Mafana, their first identifiable chief.
Mafana’s son and successor, Mhlanga, had a son named Musi who, in the early 1600’s, decided
to move away from his family (later to become the mighty Zulu nation) and to settle in the hills
of Gauteng near Pretoria.

After Chief Musi’s death, his eldest son, Manala was named future chief. This was challenged by
another senior son, Ndzundza and the group was divided by the resulting squabble between the
two. Ndundza was defeated and put to flight. He and his followers headed eastwards, settling in
the upper part of the Steelport River basin at a place called KwaSimkhulu, near present-day
Belfast, leaving Manala to be made chief of his father’s domain. Two further factions, led by
other sons, then broke away from the Ndebele core. The Kekana moved northwards and settled
in the region of present-day Zebediela, and the other section, under Dlomo, returned to the east
coast from where the Ndebele had originally come (Pike, et al., 2011).

By the middle of the 19th century, the Kekana had further divided into smaller splinter groups,
which spread out across the hills, valleys and plains surrounding present-day Mokopane
(Potgietersrus), Zebediela and Polokwane (Pietersburg). These groups were progressively
absorbed into the numerically superior and more dominant surrounding Sotho groups,
undergoing considerable cultural and social change. By contrast, the descendants of Manala and
Ndzundza maintained a more recognisably distinctive cultural identity, and retained a language
which was closer to the Nguni spoken by their coastal forebears (and to present-day isiZulu).
Hence, the formation of the Southern vs. Northern Ndebele (Durmaz & Pabuçcu, 2018).
A third group, subjects of the Zulu leader Mzilikazi, fled north from Natal after his defeat by
Shaka in 1817. Details of their incorporation into the South African Ndebele groups are
confusing and under-researched, but it appears that Mzilikazi settled with a Ndebele group for a
period before being defeated by the Voortrekkers in 1836. At this point he trekked over the
Limpopo River to present day Zimbabwe, and settled in an area between the Limpopo and the
Zambezi Rivers that later became known as Matabeleland. He is therefore credited as being the
founder of the Ndebele in Zimbabwe (Ma, et al., 2019).

By the 1820s, Nzundza homesteads were widely dispersed along the Steelport River. This scatter
of homesteads was due in part to raids by Mzilikazi and his followers (mentioned above), but
also to factional conflict after the death of Chief Magodongo. From the 1840s, white farmers
(Boers), who had been migrating to the Highveld in growing numbers since the 1830s,
encroached on the areas occupied by the Ndzundza Ndebele. Boer settlements, established
between the Olifants and Steelport rivers, were threatened by the proximity of the chiefly
stronghold of Konomtjharhelo, established by the Ndzundza Chief Mabhoko I.

In 1883, during the reign of the Mabhoko, war broke out between the Ndzundza and the (Boer)
Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek (South African Republic). For eight months, the Ndebele held out
against the onslaught by hiding in subterranean tunnels in their mountain stronghold at
Konomtjharhelo near the town of Roossenekal. From time to time, Mabhoko’s brave warriors
crept past the enemy lines undetected to fetch water and food. However, after two women of the
tribe were ambushed in the nearby woods and tortured, one revealed the Mabhoko’s
whereabouts. After the Mabhoko’s defeat, the cohesive tribal structure was broken up, and the
tribal lands confiscated. Despite the disintegration of the tribe, the Ndebele retained their cultural
unity.

After 1877, with the British annexation of the Transvaal and the 1879 defeat of the Pedi by the
British, the balance of power shifted away from African independent kingdoms in the region. In
the autumn of 1883, war broke out between the Boers and the Ndzundza under Nyabela. A
strategy of siege and attrition was staged by the Boers under Commandant Pier Joubert. For eight
months, Nyabela, with those Ndzundza who had left their dispersed settlements along the
Steelport to group around him, were besieged at Konomtjharhelo. A Boer myth has it that they
were hidden in a centralized fortress of interlocking caverns, but recent evidence suggests that
the well-armed Ndzundza were dug into a series of fortified settlements which spread over a
much wider area. The destruction of Ndebele crops and the seizing of their cattle were largely
the undoing of the chiefdom, whose people were gradually starved into submission (Jenkins, et
al., 2019).

In July Nyabela surrendered and left his capital for the last time, as the victorious Boers torched
it behind him. The conditions imposed by the victors onto the vanquished were very harsh.
Nyabela and other members of the chiefly family were imprisoned, Ndzundza lands were
confiscated and given to the Boers who had participated in the siege, and members of the polity
were given to Boers as indentured farm labourers and servants. Nduzundza were thus scattered
widely over the southern regions of the Transvaal Republic, including the districts of Lydenburg,
Middeburg, Standerton and Wakkerstroom.

Later, under apartheid, many Ndebele living in the northern Transvaal were assigned to the
predominantly seSotho-speaking homeland of Lebowa, which consisted of several segments of
land scattered across the northern Transvaal. Others, mostly southern Ndebele, who had retained
more traditional elements of their culture and language, were assigned to KwaNdebele.
KwaNdebele had been carved out of land that had been given to the son of Nyabela, a well-
known Ndebele fighter in Kruger's time. The homeland was, therefore, prized by Ndebele
traditionalists, who pressed for KwaNdebele independence through the 1980s.

KwaNdebele was declared a "self-governing" territory in 1981. However, very few of its
300,000 residents could find jobs in the homeland, so many inhabitants worked in the industrial
region of Pretoria and Johannesburg. At least 500,000 Ndebele people lived in urban centres
throughout South Africa and in homelands other than KwaNdebele through the 1980s. During
the 1980s and the early 1990s, many Ndebele recognized a royal family, the Mahlangu family,
and the capital of KwaNdebele was called KwaMhlanga. The royal family was divided, however,
over economic issues and the question of "independence" for the homeland (Sahnoun &
Abdennadher, 2020).

These disputes were overridden by the dissolution of the homelands in 1994. At that time, in
addition to the estimated 800,000 Ndebele people in South Africa, nearly 1.7 million Ndebele
lived in Zimbabwe (Matabele), where they constituted about one-sixth of the population, and
another 300,000 lived in Botswana. In September 1854, 28 Boers were killed in what would later
become the Northern Transvaal. These Boers were killed in three separate incidents by an
alliance of the Ndebele chiefdoms of Mokopane and Mankopane. In anticipation of a military
retaliation that he knew would come, Mokopane and his followers retreated into some caves. In
late October two Boer commandos and their Kgatla allies attacked the caves, but failed to take
them or force the people out. The commandos laid siege to the caves.

The siege lasted about three weeks. By the end of the siege, between 1 000 and 3 000 people in
the caves had died, and many others had been captured as prisoners of war and enslaved. In
addition, the Boers took 6 300 cattle, 1 200 goats and 450 kg of ivory. On the Boer side, there
were few deaths from the siege. A major casualty, however, was Piet Potgieter. He was shot
from inside the cave. The number of deaths among the Kgatla allies are unknown. This event has
come to play a central role in the development of Afrikaner nationalism. From the Boer
perspective, African “savages,” without any reason, had killed the Boers when all they were
trying to do was to extend “civilisation.” Indeed, the “murders” of Boers in this version are
referred to as a “massacre.”

The death of Mokopane and his many followers, however, was not considered to be important
enough to be called a massacre. But there were reasons the Ndebele attacked the Boers in the
1850s. The people of Mokopane and Mankopane had been subjected to raids for cattle and
people to enslave. We have an account of how these raids worked. Here is a report of how
Hermanus Potgieter, well known as a raider, operated:

“They spanned out their wagons at the foot of a rise on which there stood a native village.
Presently a couple of natives came down the hill to the encampment and greeted Potgieter. Upon
this, he drew out a ramrod and stuck it upright in a neighbouring ant heap and pointed to it, but
said nothing. The two natives returned to the village and came back presently bringing a couple
of slaughter goats. H. Potgieter said never a word but looked sternly at them and pointed to the
ramrod. They went back and fetched an ox. H. Potgieter still pointed to the ramrod. Then they
went and fetched a couple of tusks of ivory and put them down, but the ramrod remained erect”.
Hermanus Potgieter and his men mounted their horses, rode around the hill and up to the kraal
and shot some natives. Presently they came back driving the cattle to the camp and a number of
captured children” that was the requirement when the ramrod was stuck upright.” It was against
such raids and encroachment on their lands and resources by the Boers that the incident had
occurred.

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