Egypt

DEATH
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AFTERLIFE
in ANCIENT EGYPT
JOHN H.TAYLOR
MEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
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JOHN H. TayLtor
AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
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Published for The Trustees of The British Museum by
THE BRITISH MUSEUM PRESS

To RoxiE WALKER
© 2001 The Trustees of the British Museum
First published in 2001 by British Museum Press

A division of The British Museum Company Ltd
46 Bloomsbury Street, London WC1B 3QQ
A catalogue record for this book is available

from the British Library
ISBN 0 7141 1917 2
Designed by Harry Green
Typeset in Garamond
Printed in Slovenia
by Korotan
FRONT COVER Inner coffin of the priest Hornedjitef. Late

3rd century Bc. From Thebes.
BACK COVER Limestone shabii figure of Nefer. 18th

Dynasty, about 1500-1400 Be. (See fig. 81.)
HALE-TITLE PAGE Inner coffin of awoman ofhigh status

named Henutmehyt. Early 19th Dynasty, about 1250 Bc.
From Thebes. H. 188 cm. (See fig. 167.)
TITLE PAGE Rituals performed on the day of burial, from

the tomb chapel of Nebamun and Ipuky at Thebes, late
18th Dynasty, about 1380 Bc. (See fig. 97.)
CONTENTS
PREFACE 7
1 DEATH AND RESURRECTION
IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SOCIETY 10
2 THE ETERNAL BODY: MUMMIFICATION 46
5 PROVISIONING THE DEAD 92
4 FUNERARY FIGURINES: SERVANTS FOR THE AFTERLIFE 112
> THE THRESHOLD OF ETERNITY:

TomBs, CEMETERIES AND MorTuUARY CULTS 136
6 MaGIc AND RITUAL FOR THE DEAD 186
ve THE CHEST OF LIFE: COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI 214
8 THE BURIAL AND MUMMIFICATION OF ANIMALS 244
BIBLIOGRAPHY 264
CHRONOLOGY 266
ILLUSTRATION REFERENCES 267
INDEX 268
PREFACE
e still speak of death as one of the great rites of passage of

Paintings on the interior of human existence. Whether we believe that life continues beyond death, or ends
the outer coffin of the priest at that moment, or whether we admit that we do not know, death is a door
of Amun Amenemope. Early
through which we must all pass. Every civilisation, ancient and modern, has
22nd Dynasty, about
945—900Bc. From Thebes. confronted this issue. A society’s attitude to death is one of the factors which
(See fig. 170.) enables us both to define its culture and to empathise with its people as individ-
uals, however widely their reactions to death may differ from our own.
Among the peoples of the ancient world, the Egyptians occupy a unique posi-
tion with regard to their approach to death and the possibility of resurrection,
since so much of the evidence that has survived comes from a funerary context.
Egyptologists are fortunate in having at their disposal a wealth of evidence which
illuminates the thought-processes, theological concepts and attitudes of the
ancient Egyptians. Yet in spite of this, we are still some distance from a full
understanding of their systems of belief. The surviving texts and images, abun-
dant though they are, all too frequently allude to concepts and narratives that
were known to the members of that society, but are not explained for the benefit
of a disinterested observer from a quite different culture 3000 years later. It is our
duty, then, to tread cautiously as we make our interpretations, taking particular
care to avoid straying beyond the limitations of the evidence.
The present book arose in the context of the creation of a new permanent
display of the collections of funerary material in the British Museum funded by
the Bioanthropology Foundation. It seeks to provide the museum visitor and the
general reader with the background information needed to understand the moti-
vating factors and the practicalities of the ancient Egyptians’ funerary practices.
In the present climate of ultra-specialisation, few, if any, would attempt to
write a definitive work on so large a subject — and this has not been my intention.
If the chapters which follow serve as a stimulus to the reader to seek further
information, they will have achieved their purpose.
It is a pleasure to dedicate this book to Roxie Walker. Thanks to her enthusi-
asm and dedication, the public display of Egyptian funerary artefacts at the
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
British Museum has itself been given new life. It is owing in large measure to her
generous financial backing and her interest in every aspect of the work that this
project has been brought to a successful conclusion. A special word of gratitude
is also due to the British Museum Friends, for additional financial support.
For assistance in the preparation of this book, I would also like to thank my
colleagues in the Department of Egyptian Antiquities, Vivian Davies, Jeffrey
Spencer, Richard Parkinson, Nigel Strudwick and Joyce Filer. Andrew Middleton
and Caroline Cartwright of the Department of Scientific Research have shared
with me the results of their investigations of ancient timbers, pigments and
embalming substances, references to which appear in the text. Kenneth Thomas
kindly identified the insect remains illustrated in fig. 53. I wish also to thank
the following members of the Department of Conservation, who patiently
restored and studied many of the objects illustrated: Rachel Berridge, Karen
Birkhélzer, Anne Brodrick, Hayley Bullock, Lorna Butler, Pippa Cruickshank,
Vincent Daniels, Jane Foley, Marilyn Hockey, Bridget Leach, Heidi Leseur,
Denise Ling, Amelie Mithivier, Jennifer Potter, Monique Pullan, Janet Quinton,
Sophie Rowe, Fleur Shearman, David Singleton, Helen Tayler, Wendy Walker,
Clare Ward, Fiona Ward and Barbara Wills. Claire Thorne created the admirable
reconstructions which appear as figs 73 and 103-6. Thanks are also due to
Andrew Boyce for permission to reproduce his drawing of the miniature coffin
from Amarna (fig. 166).
Coralie Hepburn and Laura Brockbank ably and patiently edited the text.
Finally, a special word of thanks is due to the British Museum's photographers,
Lisa Baylis, Christi Graham, Sandra Marshall, Janet Peckham and James Rossiter.
The quotations appearing on pp. 35, 45, 170 and 177 are reproduced from
M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London), II
(1976), 17, 115-6, I (1973), 19, 24. Those on pp. 13, 39-40, 43 and 45 are
from R. Parkinson, Voices from Ancient Egypt (London, 1991), 133, 134, 142,
145-6. Those on pp. 50-1 and 78 are from C. Andrews, Egyptian Mummies, 2nd
edn. (London,1998), 12-13. Those on pp. 47 and 215 are from, respectively:
M.P. Pearson, The Archaeology of Death and Burial (Swwoud, 1999), 71, and
J. Assmann, “Death and initiation in the funerary religion of ancient Egypt’, in:
Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt (Yale Egyptological Studies 3, New
Haven, 1989), 140.
PREFACE
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CHAPTER
DEATH AND RESURRECTION

IN ANCIENT
EGYPTIAN SOCIETY
he civilisation of the ancient Egyptians has fascinated the

1. The sun setting behind outside world for more than two thousand years. Their vast technological
the cliffs on the west bank achievements in raising the pyramids and the myriad temples which stand along
of the Nile, regarded by
the Nile vie for our admiration with the beauty of their painting and sculpture
the Egyptians as the land
of the dead.
and the extraordinary elegance and complexity of the hieroglyphic script.
The Egyptians’ success was founded on the fortunate occupation of a friendly
homeland — an environment protected by deserts, sea and turbulent river
cataracts, and watered and made endlessly fruitful by the action of the Nile,
bringing its annual gift of fertilising silt. Within this world, the Egyptians
demonstrated unique organisational talents to create a well-balanced society, in
which every man, woman and child knew his place, and confidently expected to
enjoy the necessities of life, provided that the king’s word was obeyed and the
gods contented by offerings in their temples. The stability of their culture over
more than four thousand years provided an unrivalled opportunity for the long-
term development of strategies to deal with the demands of life and the chal-
lenge posed by death. These attitudes were expressed in many ways — in
monumental architecture, in sculpture and painting, and in writing. Thanks to
the hot, dry climate of Egypt, in which even a scribe’s rough memorandum on a
scrap of papyrus can survive for millennia without decay, we are able to enter
into the minds of the people of the past, to form an understanding of their
hopes and fears, and to perceive the ways by which they sought to control their
own destinies.
The Egyptians, like the members of other ancient societies, saw their home-
land as the centre of the universe. The welfare of Egypt could be assured pro-
vided that the cosmos was maintained in order, through performing the will of
the gods. If the conditions for perpetuating life on earth could be determined,
why should life after death be unattainable? And why should not this new life be
an eternal existence, endowed with the best elements of the earthly life and
purged of its ills and misfortunes?
It was, then, out of a love of life that the ancient Egyptians derived their firm
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belief in a life after death. It is often observed that they appear to have devoted
greater efforts and resources to preparing for the afterlife than to creating a con-
venient environment for the living. Although this impression is partly the result
of the history of archaeological investigation in Egypt, there is a degree of truth
in it; the houses of the living, even the palaces of the kings, were constructed
chiefly of perishable materials such as mud-brick, reeds and wood. The tombs of
the dead, for the most part, were made of stone. This reflects the contrast appar-
ent to the minds of the Egyptians, between the transient earthly life, requiring
only a temporary dwelling, and the eternal afterlife, for which a permanent set-
ting was needed. The tomb was frequently referred to as the ‘house of eternity’
and collections of instructions urge the use of stone for its construction. It was,
then, a firm belief in an eternal afterlife, rather than an obsession with death
itself, which provided the motivation for the building of the pyramids and the
spectacular funerary monuments which have drawn visitors to the banks of the
Nile from the classical era to the present day.
ATTITUDES TO LIFE AND DEATH
In the ancient Egyptians’ view of the universe, the continued existence of the
world and its inhabitants depended to a large degree on the fulfillment of natural
cycles. The rising and setting of the sun, the phases of the moon, the motions of
the stars, the annual flooding of the Nile, and the growth and death of plants
were perceived as manifestations of potent creative forces and as reassuring signs
that the ideal order of familiar things would continue indefinitely. Human life
was also viewed as part of the great scheme of creation, and was regarded as
cyclical, an experience which, like the endless re-emergence of the sun each
dawn, could be expected to repeat itself throughout eternity.
Texts show that the Egyptians perceived an individual human life as a series of
changes, beginning at birth and passing via adolescence and maturity to old age
and death. Death, however, was regarded not as an end, but merely as a further
change, albeit a highly important one, leading forward to another type of exis-
tence. Spell 178 of the Book of the Dead (see pp. 196-8) describes death as ‘the
night of going forth to life’, emphasising that it was viewed as a transitional state,
leading to the afterlife.
Naturally, this conception was the product of many centuries of thought. The
relatively sophisticated rationalisation of death which it implies surely did not
allay all fears. Hence the Egyptians’ attitude to death, as expressed in their writ-
ings, was an ambivalent one. From the emotional viewpoint, they feared and
abhorred the ending of human life as much as any other society. Tomb inscrip-
tions appeal to the living as ‘O you who love life and hate death . . ... Some texts
even deny the occurrence of death: spell 144 in the Coffin Texts contains the pas-
sages “You have departed living; you have not departed dead’ and ‘Rise up to life,
for you have not died’. Yet intellectually the Egyptians recognised that death was
inevitable; only by passing through it could the afterlife be attained. The major-
12
DEATH AND RESURRECTION IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SOCIETY
ity of funerary texts, therefore, express an acceptance of death, which is usually

referred to obliquely or euphemistically. Dying was likened to the arrival of a
boat at its harbour; it was the end of one journey but at the same time the begin-
ning of another. The realm of the dead was ‘the land that loves silence’ or ‘the
beautiful West’. The west, where the sun set, was regarded as the entrance to the
netherworld, and hence as the region of the dead; it was probably for this reason
that cemeteries were usually situated on the west bank of the Nile. Death was
sometimes rendered more acceptable by emphasising that whereas life is short,
the afterlife is eternal:
As to the time of deeds on earth,

It is the occurrence of a dream;
One says: “Welcome safe and sound,’
To him who reaches the West.
The two opposing views of death are contrasted in a literary text of the
Middle Kingdom, the ‘Dialogue between a man tired of life and his ba’. In this
work, two aspects of the same individual, the physical being and the 6a (a spiri-
tual entity; see pp. 20-3) deliver different attitudes to death. The da emphasises
the painfulness arising from death, which separates a man from his home and
deprives him of the light and warmth of the sun. The pessimistic man, on the
other hand, welcomes death in a series of poetic similes:
Death is to me today
Like a sick man’s recovery,
Like going outside after confinement.
Like the scent of myrrh,
Like sitting under a sail on a windy day.
Like a man’s longing to see home,
Having spent many years abroad.
The earliest clear signs of a belief in the survival of death date from the begin-
ning of the fourth millennium sc. During the Badarian and Nagada I-II cultures
(c. 4400-3200 Bc), the corpse was usually laid in an individual pit-grave, which
would probably have been covered by a low mound of earth to serve as a protec-
tion and a marker. Gifts for the dead were placed with the body (see fig. 2). The
essentially practical character of most of the objects provided — ceramic and
stone jars of food and drink, maceheads, flint knives and other tools and
weapons, cosmetic palettes and personal jewellery — indicate that at this stage the
afterlife was regarded as an extension of earthly existence, a state in which the
deceased would experience the same needs and require the same comforts as
those in life. Already at this formative period it is possible to recognise the
fundamental aspects which were to characterise Egyptian funerary practices
13
DEATH AND THE APTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
2. Reconstructed burial of an
unidentified adult man of the
late Predynastic period, about
3400 Bc. Around the
naturally preserved body are
stone and pottery vessels, flint
knives, a mudstone palette
and beads. From Gebelein.
L. of body 163 cm.
3. Sandstone relief showing

the Sons of Horus carrying
four of the principal modes
of human existence, which
they present to the deceased
Amenemhat. Imsety holds the
heart, Hapy the 6a, Duamutef
the ka and Qebehsenuef the
mummy. The deceased and
his wife are depicted again at
left. 19th Dynasty, about
1250 Bc. From the tomb of
Amenemhat (no. 163) at
Thebes. 13042 cm.
14
DEATH AND RESWRRECTION IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SOCIETY
throughout the succeeding four millennia. Chief among these were the notions
that the deceased required nourishment, and that some form of physical activity
was possible (since tools and weapons could not be used without the ability to
move, nor could offerings be consumed). Moreover, the provision of objects of
amuletic or magical significance, even at this early date, is indicative of a belief
that the individual could gain personal access to the supernatural.
The establishment of a unified state with centralised government and a liter-
ate bureaucracy, about 3100 Bc, coincided with an acceleration in the develop-
ment of burial practices. Tombs evolved into complex architectural structures,
and proper burial ultimately came to involve a series of rituals and the provision
of magical texts and images. The underlying notions of posthumous existence
evolved throughout many centuries, and the nature of the afterlife came to be
formulated within a framework of religious doctrines, texts and practices.
THE INDIVIDUAL, AND PERSONAL SURVIVAL OF DEATH
The Egyptians believed that the universe was inhabited by three kinds of beings:
the gods, the living and the transfigured dead. Egyptian cosmogonic mythology
explains the origins of the principal gods, but does not provide a detailed or
coherent account of the creation of humanity. It is clear, however, that man was
considered to be a complex being, who could experience immortality in various
forms. The Egyptian view of man is evident from many texts, and it is important
105)
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE DN ANGLE
ND VEG YP a
to recognise that a simple dualistic division into ‘body and ‘soul’, as expressed in
some other religions, does not reflect the reality of their approach. Writings
reveal that the ancient Egyptians perceived man as a composite of physical and
non-physical elements. These were termed kheperu, ‘manifestations’, and might
be more accurately described as ‘aspects’ or ‘modes’ of human existence. The
most important of these aspects wére the physical body and the heart, and the
non-physical entities known as the ka and the 6a. Each of these, together with
the name and the shadow, were believed to enshrine some unique quality of the
individual. Several texts and artistic representations point to the importance of
preserving a range of these aspects in order to survive death. In the tomb of the
scribe Amenemhat (18th Dynasty) at Thebes, ka, ba, corpse (khat) and shadow
(among others) are mentioned; in a relief from the tomb of another Amenemhat
of the following dynasty, the totality of the deceased is represented by his body,
his heart, his ka and his ba, which are shown being presented by divinities to
their owner (see fig. 3). Each of these aspects was capable of supporting indepen-
dently the continued existence of the person after death, but each had to be nur-
tured and maintained according to its special needs if the afterlife was to be
successfully attained. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the whole of
the Egyptians’ elaborate funerary preparations were devoted to preserving these
elements throughout eternity.
The body and the heart

As the most familiar form of human existence, the body was, understandably,
held to be of paramount importance. The process of physical development and
deterioration which it underwent during the earthly life was regarded as part of a
larger cycle of existence, one in which the body would continue to play a part
after physical death. Proper disposal of the dead body was a matter of concern to
the Egyptians from prehistoric times. As in other pre-literate cultures, it is prob-
able that — initially at least — the manner of its treatment was determined as
much by factors of hygiene and control of grief as by notions of preparing for an
afterlife. However, by the late fourth millennium Bc, the treatment of the body
and the deliberate selection of gifts placed in the grave point to developing ideas
about human survival beyond death. It is clear that a physical body was consid-
ered essential for the deceased’s continued existence. Attainment of the afterlife
depended on preservation of the body and the ability of the individual members
to function, but more importantly the body served as the physical base for the
entities known as the ka and the 6a, which required a physical form. Mummifi-
cation, the preservation of the corpse by artificial methods, arose in response to
this need. But ancient Egyptian mummification was not simply the preservation
of the body as it had been in life; the aim was to transform the corpse into a new
eternal body, a perfect image of the deceased. This body, the sah, was not
expected to rise up and be physically active after death, since its principal func-
tion was to house the ka and the ba. Only through the survival and union of
these aspects of the individual after death could resurrection take place.
16
The distinction between the earthly body and the transfigured eternal one is
apparent in the terminology used. The words khet and iru (‘form and ‘appear-
ance’) denoted the body in life. The dead body — either unmummified or
embalmed — could be termed &hat, but specifically appropriate to the embalmed
body were the words tut, which can mean ‘mummy’ or, more generally, ‘image’,
and sah, denoting a body on which the proper rites of mummification had been
performed, fitting it for its special role in the afterlife. The distinctive appearance
of the sah is well-known from mummies, anthropoid coffins and mummiform
statues: the limbs enveloped in brilliant white wrappings, the face and hands of
gold, the hair a long tripartite wig, usually coloured blue (see fig. 4). These were
attributes which belonged to divinities, and through the processes of mummifica-
tion they were conferred on the deceased, making him too a divine being. The
divine character of this eternal body is emphasised elsewhere in a genre of texts
which equate each of the individual parts of the body with a deity:
My hair is Nun; my face is Ra; my eyes are Hathor; my ears are

Wepwawet; my nose is She who presides over her lotus leaf; my
lips are Anubis; my molars are Selkis; my incisors are Isis the
goddess; my arms are the Ram, the Lord of Mendes...
4. Painted wooden figurine The creation of this new, eternal body involved the special treatment of the
representing the mummy of corpse and involved the use of materials with magical significance. The aims of
yng on a Bice these treatments, and the pro-
The figure forms part of a
cedures used, varied from
model of a funerary boat
(see fig. 67) and illustrates one period to another,
the idealised appearance of and will be described
the mummified dead. 12th below, pp.‘46—91. Here
Dynasty, about 1850 Bc.
it should be noted that
From a tomb at Thebes.
L. 18 cm. preservation of the
body as in life was
not a primary aim.
Special importance
was also attached to
the heart (see fig. 5),
which was regarded as the centre of the
individual, both anatomically and emotionally.
Medical texts written on papyri show that the heart
was believed to be the focal point from which vessels commu-
nicated with all parts of the body, and it was the heart, rather than
the brain, that was regarded by the Egyptians as the location of the intellect
and memory. Here also resided the moral aspect of the individual. Retaining com-
mand over one’s heart was essential, for not only did it govern the mental processes
but it gave control over the bodily faculties in the afterlife. Care was taken to pre-
serve it in situ during mummification, and the Book of the Dead included several
spells to ensure that the deceased should retain his own heart, and that it should
17
not be taken from him or turned against him in the hall of judgement by any of
the denizens of the underworld. Spell 26 includes the words:
I shall have power in my heart, I shall have power in my arms,

I shall have power in my legs, I shall have power to do whatever
I desire; my 6a and my corpse shall not be restrained at the portals
of the West when I go in or out in peace.
Further magical protection was provided in the tomb via heart amulets and
the heart scarab inscribed with appropriate spells from the Book of the Dead.
Besides ensuring continuity from the living to the resurrected person, the impor-
tance of the heart was further manifested in the judgement of the deceased
before Osiris, an episode described in detail in spells 30B and 125 of the Book of
5. Painted wooden pectoral

depicting a woman named
Mehytkhati in a posture
associated with ritual
purification. Between her
hands she protects her heart,
retention of which was
regarded as essential
if the deceased was to enter
the afterlife. 19th Dynasty,
about 1250 Bc. From Thebes.
107.5 cm.
the Dead. Here the symbolic weighing of the heart in the balance against the
image of maat (the cosmic order) was believed to determine the deceased’s wor-
thiness to be admitted into the afterlife (see below, p. oF:
The ka
The most important of the non-physical aspects of man was the ka. This word,
written with a hieroglyphic symbol representing a pair of upraised human arms,
embodied a highly complex notion, which defies direct translation into a single
English word or phrase. The nature of the ka was multi-faceted and, as the con-
cept changed over time, the Egyptians’ use of the term was not consistent.
The relationship of the ka with an individual had some of the character of

that of a twin or ‘double’. It came into existence at a person’s birth and was
sometimes depicted as an identical copy of the individual. Scenes of the mytho-
logical birth of the king show the god Khnum fashioning the child-king and the
ka simultaneously on a potter's wheel. The £a was not a physical counterpart; it
had no concrete form, and so it was given
substance by representation in the form of
a statue which served as its dwelling (see
fig. 6). The ka also had connotations of
reproduction. It is phonetically identical
to a common word meaning ‘bull’, and
forms an element ofother words of related
significance (including ‘vagina’ and ‘to be
pregnant’). Through its connection with
male potency and the passage of seed from
father to child at the moment of concep-
tion, the ka represented a continuous link
with past generations. The Instruction of
Ptahhotep expresses this idea in the words:
‘He is your son. Your ka begot him’.
Utterance 600 in the Pyramid Texts con-
tains references to the creator god Atum
implanting the ka within the gods and the
king by embracing them. This notion may
explain the hieroglyphic sign of the two
upraised arms, which perhaps represents
the embrace symbolising the contact
between one generation and the next.
The role of the ka in funerary beliefs is
well attested. Most important is its associ-
ation with the ‘life force’ of the individual.
It was of course understood that food and
drink were essential to life, and the ka was
intimately connected with sustenance. A
6. Wooden statue fundamental connection between ka and food and agriculture is apparent from
representing the ka of King semantic evidence, since the sound ka formed an element of several related
Awibra Hor, from his tomb at
words, including ‘food’ or ‘sustenance’, ‘crops’ and ‘to plough’. During life, an
Dahshur. The lifesize figure,
originally painted and gilded,
individual could feed himself, but after death it was no longer possible for the
stands within a shrine and is body to receive nourishment. It was by feeding the ka that the individual was
identified as the ruler’s ka by kept alive. Fulfilling this crucial need was the most important role of the a in
the upraised-arms hieroglyph the afterlife, for it was the principal mode of existence through which the
attached to the top of the
deceased received nourishment. Tomb inscriptions regularly state that the funer-
head. 13th Dynasty, about
1750 sc. H. 170 cm. ary offerings were ‘for the ka’ of the deceased (see fig. 7). The ka could leave the
body in the burial chamber, passing into the tomb chapel, where offerings were
7. Nestanebisheru before an presented. The ka required a physical form to inhabit after death and for this
offering table in the shape of reason the corpse was mummified. To receive nourishment, however, the ka
the ka hieroglyph. The chief
needed to leave the body and move to the offering-place. Here, a statue was pro-
importance ofthe fa in the
cult of the dead lay in the fact vided, in which the fa resided during the important nourishing process. Statues
that it was the state of could be set up in temples as well as in the tomb to enable the person repre-
existence in which the sented to receive a share of the offerings made to the gods. This nourishment did
deceased received sustenance. not of course take place in any concrete sense — the ka was believed to absorb the
Food offerings were regularly
described as being ‘for the ka’;
life-giving power of food, and this sufficed to keep the individual alive. The ka
here the form of the offering was thus essential for survival in the next world and in order to reach the trans-
table reflects this. Early 22nd figured state and enter the afterlife the deceased needed to be reunited with his
Dynasty, about 930 Bc. From ka, which separated from the body at death. Hence the dead were often referred
the ‘Royal Cache’ at Deir
to as ‘those who have gone to their kas’, while the tomb was termed the ‘house of
el-Bahri, Thebes. H. 52 cm.
the ka’.
The ba
The concept of the 6a (like that of the ka) was complex and diverse, and the use
of the term changed through time and according to whether it was applied to
gods, to the king or to non-royal individuals. As described in texts of the Old
Kingdom, the ba of a god or of the king encompassed the powers of that entity.
It was the vehicle by which they were manifested as individuals, and hence the
word is sometimes translated as ‘personality’ — though this is not an altogether
satisfactory interpretation, since even an inanimate thing such as a town or a
door had its own 6a. In these early texts, and in later inscriptions of a non-funer-
ary character, a god or a place could have two or more bau (pl.), which embod-
ied the totality of the divine powers or deities associated with them.
But it is in funerary literature from the Middle Kingdom onwards that the
concept of the 6a in relation to the ordinary mortal is most clearly developed. In
these texts each individual has his own ba-spirit, personified as one of the modes
in which he continues to exist after death. Although not a physical being, the ba
was credited with many human characteristics. It was able to eat, drink, speak
and move. The capacity for free and unrestricted movement was in fact the
single most important characteristic which the ba possessed; it was the means by
which the dead were empowered to leave the tomb and to travel. Depictions of
the 6a in tomb-paintings, and on papyri and coffins begin in the New Kingdom
20
and continue to the Roman Period. Doubtless on account of its association with
mobility, the form chosen for the representation of the ba was that of a bird with
a human head, and often with human hands and arms as well (see figs 8-10).
The behaviour of the ba is described in many mortuary texts of the New
Kingdom and later periods. These sources emphasise its ability to separate from
the body at death. While the corpse remained inert in the tomb (which was fre-
quently equated with the netherworld), the ba was able to fly away to visit the
world of the living, or ascend to the sky to travel with the sun god in his barque.
Vignettes from the Book of the Dead show the ba perched on the facade of the
8. Section of the Book ofthe tomb (see fig. 8), and some funerary stelae of the Late Period have a small ba
Dead papytus of the scribe figure attached to the top. During these absences from the tomb the ba could feed
Any. On the left, Any and his
itself, but each night it had to return to the corpse in order to be reunited with
wife Tutu are shown playing
the board-game sewet in the its physical ‘base’ or ‘anchor’. Without this periodic contact the deceased would
afterlife. To the right they perish. Several spells in the Book of the Dead are concerned with the relationship
appear again in the form of between the 6a and the corpse, in particular spell 89, ‘for letting a ba rejoin its
their ba-spirits perched on
corpse in the realm of the dead’, which addresses the gods with the words: “The
the facade of the tomb.
19th Dynasty, about 1270 Bc.
sacred barque will be joyful and the Great God will proceed in peace when you
From Thebes. H. 42 cm. allow this ba of mine to ascend vindicated to the gods . . . May it see my corpse,
may it rest on my mummy, which will never be destroyed or perish.’ The
vignette of this spell shows the 6a hovering above the mummy, with which it is
about to merge (see fig. 10). The papyrus of Nebqed in the Louvre contains a
Bit
9. Wooden shabu figure
representing the deceased
holding the da in his hand.
18th Dynasty, about 1300
Provenance unknown.
ie 30.3%em.
10. The ba, depicted as a

ded bird, rejoins
in the tomb.
Vignette from spell 89 of
the Book of the Dead in the
papyrus of the scribe Nakht,
late 18th Dynasty, about
1300 Bc. From Thet
Ink, Bonsante
unique scene in which the ba is depicted flying down the shaft of the tomb to
the burial chamber in which lies the mummy. This union of 6a and corpse pro-
duced resurrection, just as the uniting of the sun god and Osiris in the under-
world each night (see below, p. 29) rejuvenated both gods. On account of this
doctrine, it was essential that the corpse should be transformed through mum-
mification into an eternal, perfect body which could be reunited with the ba.
The name and the shadow

The preservation of the name (ven) was also very important to the survival of
death. The name was not simply a means of identifying the owner; it was, just as
much as the body, heart, ba or ka, an essential aspect of his individuality, a
medium through which his existence was manifested, distinguishing one person
from the multitude. The concept of the name’s holding the essence of the being
is familiar from many ancient societies besides that of Egypt, and is reflected in
the late story in which the goddess Isis obtains influence over the sun god Ra by
discovering his secret name. Most ancient Egyptian names embodied a meaning
which was believed to have a direct relationship with its owner’s wellbeing. Many
express the protection or favour of a god or goddess, such as Amenhotep (Amun
is content’). One penalty for the most serious crimes was to have one’s name
changed from one of good omen to one which would bring misfortune: there are
several examples of this practice in the records of the trials of persons implicated
in the harem conspiracy against Ramesses II (c. 1184-1153 Bc), where, for
example, the name Ramose (‘Ra is the one who gave birth to me’) is replaced by
‘Ramesedsu (‘Ra is the one who hates him’).
Since the name was so closely linked with the prosperity of the bearer, survival
of death was linked to remembrance of the name. It was necessary for it to be
pronounced in the context of the offering ritual (see pp. 94 and 192-3), in order
to provide nourishment for the dead. Failing that, funerary texts appealed to
anyone who might visit the tomb in future years to pronounce the appropriate
formula so as to supply offerings for the dead person; thus, as long as the name
was remembered, the dead would continue to live. Many texts emphasise the
importance of remembrance as a means of survival after death. The Instruction of
Papyrus Insinger, a wisdom text of the Graeco-Roman Period, contains the line:
‘The renewal of life for the dead is leaving his name on earth behind him.’ The
Egyptians therefore took great care to ensure that the names of the dead were
preserved. They were inscribed prominently on the public parts of the tomb
structure, such as the doorways, facade, stelae and funerary cones, and also on
coffins, sarcophagi and other objects which were to be sealed up in the burial
chamber or storerooms within the tomb. Although these things were not
intended to be seen again after the burial, the very presence of the written name
on the objects would ensure the owner's survival. The preparation and equipping
of a tomb for one’s parents, a mark of filial piety, was often recorded as having
been done ‘in order that his/her name might live’.
Particularly important was the association between the name and the repre-
23
DEATH AND THE APTEREIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
sentation of the deceased in the form of a statue or a two-dimensional painted or

carved figure. In conceptual terms, name and depiction were complementary,
standing in the same relationship to the person depicted. Images of human
beings were therefore wherever possible identified by a name, and also often by
titles. Placing the name on a statue appropriated the image to the deceased, pro-
viding him with a second or substitute body in which to exist and through
which to receive offerings. It was also important that the mummy itself should
be identified. The name was usually written on the coffin or cartonnage casing,
symbolically a substitute for the mummy itself, and often the vehicle for the all-
important iconography of the transfigured deceased. In the Graeco-Roman
Period, when many mummies were buried without coffins, the name was
inscribed on a wooden label attached to the wrappings. This ensured identifica-
tion after embalming, and delivery to the correct necropolis.
Still more telling is a passage in one of several texts which eulogise the life of
the scribe (Papyrus Chester Beatty IV). Here it is stated that although the tomb
and the paraphernalia of the mortuary cult may perish, an individual’s writings
will ensure that his name endures. Obliteration of the written name from any
object or monument destroyed its association with the original owner. There are
many examples of the intentional destruction of names in tombs and on sar-
cophagi and statues. This was often done to enable them to be reused for
another person (see pp. 180-2), but in some cases the damage appears to have
been intended to hinder an individual’s prospects of rebirth by destroying one of
the modes in which he could exist after death.
The aspect of the individual which had the least clearly defined role was the
shadow. It was believed that the shadow, like the ba, could be dissociated from the
body, so as to move freely and independently. It was occasionally depicted as a sil-
houette of the deceased emerging from the tomb. Since each body cast a shadow,
it was perceived as containing some part of the individuality of the owner. Some-
times, however, the shadow was closely identified with the body itself.
Although the deceased could survive through each of the aspects described
above, the ideal was for all of these forms to be perpetuated after death, and to
be united. This applied above all to the relationship between the body, the ba
and the ka. To make certain of the union of these aspects after death was the
principal purpose of the funerary rituals, and the desired state which would
result is expressed in the following text from the Book of the Dead: ‘may his heart
be sweet, may it join his body, his a-spirit to his body . . . Twice purification to
his ka-spirit, to his ba-spirit, to his corpse, to his shade, to his mummy; he shall
never perish before the lord of the sacred land’.
MYTHOLOGIES OF REBIRTH
The desire to survive death is of course a hope common to most human societies,
and it is usually placed in a framework of religious belief. In this, ancient Egypt-
ian culture was no exception. Although belief in an afterlife undoubtedly arose
24
before the invention of writing, ways of expressing the belief in mythological

terms — and thus rationalising it — developed during the dynastic era. Egyptian
writings enable us to trace the evolution of a succession of different concepts of
human survival after death. Each major concept was first articulated for the king,
and was originally reserved for his use alone, subsequently becoming available to
non-royal persons. It was highly characteristic of Egyptian culture, however, that
the emergence of a new concept did not necessarily displace that held previously.
Different beliefs were maintained side by side for centuries and, although some
rationalisation occurred, the divergent doctrines were never fully synthesised.
The earliest written sources for the nature of the Egyptians’ beliefs about
the afterlife are contained in the Pyramid Texts of the late Old Kingdom (see
pp. 193-4). This great collection of spells draws on different traditions and con-
tains several divergent views as to the king’s afterlife. The earliest concept of the
afterlife of the king was that he would ascend to the sky, joining the circumpolar
stars, regarded by the Egyptians as eternal since they are always visible from
Egypt. While this idea was still prominent in the Pyramid Texts, it was later
superseded by other myths, centering on the gods Osiris and Ra. Both these gods
were endowed with the power of creation, being associated with the cycles of the
sun, the Nile and vegetation. Both, too, were perceived as having triumphed
over death, and hence offered excellent models for mortals to aspire to. Their
respective mythologies thus provided an explanation for the resurrection of man as
well as a means of describing the world in which the dead would dwell. In time,
these systems of belief became applied not only to the king, but to his subjects as
well, giving everyone an equal chance of reaching the afterlife.
Osiris
Osiris is chiefly famous as the central figure of a cycle of myths describing his
death and resurrection. He was also, however, an important figure in one of the
main Egyptian accounts of creation, associated with the cult centre of Heliopolis.
This story describes how from a primeval watery chaos (Nun) there emerged a
mound of earth on which appeared the god Atum. Atum created first atmosphere
and moisture (the god Shu and the goddess Tefnut), and they in turn produced the
god Geb (earth) and the goddess Nut (sky). The offspring of this pair were the
gods Osiris and Seth, and the goddesses Isis and Nephthys. The story of Osiris’
subsequent murder and resurrection is alluded to countless times in texts and
images from the Old Kingdom onward, but the most complete account of the
myth is that recorded by the Greek author Plutarch in the second century ap. In
Plutarch’s version Osiris figures as a king of Egypt in the remote past, who civilised
his people, teaching them agriculture and establishing laws. His jealous brother
Seth, seeking to destroy Osiris, invited him to a feast, at which a beautiful chest
was offered to the guest who would fit perfectly inside it. When Osiris climbed in,
Seth’s confederates sealed the lid and threw the chest into the Nile, and Osiris was
drowned. After a long search, Isis, the sister and wife of Osiris, recovered her hus-
band’s body, only for it to fall into the hands of Seth, who cut it into fourteen
2)
pieces which he scattered throughout Egypt. Isis and Nephthys again searched and
retrieved every part of Osiris’ body with the exception of the phallus. The jackal-
headed Anubis mummified the corpse, and Osiris was resurrected by Isis and
Nephthys. Osiris then became the ruler of the realm of the dead, while his son
Horus, having successfully challenged the usurper Seth for the kingship of Egypt,
avenged his father’s murder and assumed his place on the throne.
11. The god Osiris, ruler of Plutarch’s narrative is a relatively late synthesis made up of elements which
the underworld, enthroned originally formed parts of other myths, notably the conflict between Horus and
under a canopy. He is
Seth, with its important links with kingship and the royal succession. These ear-
attended by the goddesses
Isis and Nephthys, and before lier myths included episodes which are frequently alluded to in funerary texts
him on a lotus flower stand and iconography, such as the injuring and restoration of the wedjat, the eye of
the four Sons of Horus. The Horus, which later became a powerful protective amulet. According to another
royal sceptres held by Osiris
element of the myth, Horus and Seth came before a tribunal of the gods which
symbolise his kingly status,
and the green colour ofhis
resulted in the vindication of Horus, a scenario which was reflected in the judge-
skin reflects his associations ment before Osiris which every dead man and woman had to undergo in order
with the new growth of to enter the next life (see below, pp. 36-7).
plants, regarded by the
In some of the Old Kingdom Pyramid Texts (Sth to 6th Dynasties) the dead
Egyptians as a metaphor for
king is identified with Osiris, and thereby was believed to experience rebirth just
rebirth. From the papyrus of
Hunefer, early 19th Dynasty, as the murdered god had done. In the First Intermediate Period, this path to new
about 1280 Bc. From Thebes. life became available to all Egyptians, each of whom could be individually iden-
H. of sheet 40 cm. tified with Osiris. From this time onwards the names of the dead were regularly
preceded by that of Osiris, so that ‘the Osiris N’ became synonymous with ‘the
deceased N’, who could then experience resurrection. Many features of the
burial ritual and the tomb equipment promote this assimilation. The deceased in
his coffin takes the place of the mummified Osiris and is addressed in texts as
Osiris; he receives the protection of Nut, Isis, Nephthys and Anubis — all deities
who played important roles in the Osirian myth.
The principal centre of the cult of Osiris was at the city of Abydos, tradition-
ally identified as the god’s burial-place. This site had been important since the
formative years of the Egyptian state (before 3000 Bc), when the earliest kings
were buried there. The original local deity of Abydos was the jackal-god Khenti-
mentiu, the ‘Foremost of the Westerners’ (i.e. the dead), but his identity became
absorbed by Osiris as the cult of the latter acquired ever greater prominence.
This amalgamation resulted in the name Khentimentiu being applied to Osiris
as an epithet, which appropriately reflected his later role as ruler over the dead.
Osiris’ cult-centre at Abydos became a major place of pilgrimage. Those who
could make the journey paid at least one visit there during their lifetime, and
this formed an element of the ideal funeral ceremonies after death. This journey
is shown in tomb paintings, and model boats to convey the dead to Abydos were
provided in tombs.
Osiris was represented as a mummiform figure, dressed in a white linen
shroud, and provided with royal crook and flail sceptres, and distinctive crowns
(see fig. 11). In several images, both two-dimensional and in the round, he also
appears with erect phallus (miraculously restored by Isis after the reconstitution
of Osiris’ body). This signifies the notion that the fertility of the land was also
closely linked with the resurrection of the god. Osiris also had links with the
inundation of the Nile and the life-cycle of vegetation. In this manner he sym-
bolised the capacity of the earth to bring forth new life. This was another
metaphor for resurrection and was manifested in art, Osiris often being depicted
with green flesh. By assimilation, the deceased is sometimes also shown thus,
particularly on coffins of the Late Period.
The sun god

According to one of the main Egyptian creation myths, the sun god was the
creator of the universe and the originator of all life. He is most familiar under
12. Scene from the Book of the name Ra, essentially the daytime sun, but could also be manifested under
Amduat, which describes and many other names and guises. The newly-risen sun at dawn was known as
illustrates the nocturnal
Khepri, represented as a scarab beetle propelling the solar disc into the sky; the
journey of the sun god
through the Duat or
evening sun was equated with Atum, the creator god in one of the main cos-
underworld. The god, in his mogonic myths.
ram-headed nocturnal form, As noted above, the Egyptians saw the act of creation as cyclical. Hence
stands within a barque, which rebirth was brought about by the same god who originally created the universe
is towed along a waterway
towards the eastern horizon.
and life. The endless cycle of sunrise and sunset was perceived as a powerful
Here, in the guise of the scarab metaphor for continuous rebirth after death, and the daily journey of the sun
beetle Khepri, he projects the became the model for eternal existence. The Books of the Underworld, inscribed
solar disc into the sky, while
in the royal tombs of the New Kingdom, describe how each evening the sun was
his corpse (lower right)
believed to enter the subterranean netherworld, or Duat (see fig. 12). Here he
remains in the underworld.
From the papyrus of the priest travelled by barque during the twelve hours of night along a river which passed
of Amun Ankhefenkhons, Late through a series of underground caverns, populated by divine beings both amiable
21st or early 22nd Dynasty, and hostile, and also by the dead, who awoke to new life as the sun god’s rays
about 970-900 Bc. From
shone on them (see below, pp. 33-4). His journey was opposed by the forces of
Thebes. H. 20 cm.
chaos, embodied in a giant serpent named Apep, who had to be combatted and
28
13. A symbolic depiction of

the sunrise. In its complete
state, the scene showed two
symmetrical images of the
Theban priest Amenemope
offering to seated gods.
In the centre stands Nun
(personification of the
primeval watery abyss)
transferring the barque of
the sun at dawn into the arms
of the sky goddess Nut. From
a fragment of the coffin of
Amenemope. End of21st or
beginning of 22nd Dynasty,
Thebes. H. 47.7 cm.
overthrown each night before the eastern horizon was reached. The crucial
episode in the journey took place in the fifth hour of the night, when the sun
god encountered his own corpse, equated with the mummified Osiris, and the
two were united. The sun god’s power resurrected Osiris, and the sun god, by
merging with his corpse, was himself rejuvenated, releasing the creative forces
necessary for the continuation of life. This union served as the model for the
joining of ba and mummy, by which ordinary mortals were rejuvenated (see
above, pp. 21-3). Hence funerary texts emphasise the close association of the
deceased with both Osiris and the sun god. This relationship becomes particu-
larly marked in funerary texts and images from the 19th Dynasty onwards.
Each new day therefore was a repetition of the ‘first time’, the original creation
of the universe, and, consistent with this idea, the sun god was himself regarded
as emerging from the earth as a newborn child at dawn (see fig. 13). The sun at
dawn was Khepri, and hence the scarab became a symbol of regeneration.
Rebirth was thus seen as being dependent on association with the sun god (see
fig. 14). In the case of the dead king this association was particularly close. In
many of the spells of the Pyramid Texts the dead king spends his afterlife travelling
29)
14. The sun god, in the form with the sun god across the sky, and even at this early period a direct identifica-
of awinged solar disc with
tion of the king with the sun god was made: ‘Your body is [King] Pepy, O Ra;
human arms, holds the sign
of life (ankh) to the face of the
your body will be nourished as Pepy, O Ra’. The identification of the king with
mummy. Above is the sky in the god himself was expressed even more forcibly in the later Books of the Under-
the form of the goddess Nut, world. From the Middle Kingdom, however, this afterlife with the sun god (like
and beneath the mummy’s that with Osiris) was accessible to the king’s subjects as well, as many passages
bier are the four canopic jars.
from the Coffin Texts and the Book of the Dead show. The dead travelled with Ra
Painting on the foot of the
inner coffin of the priest in his barque, partaking of his resurrection, and fighting his foes in the under-
Hor. 25th Dynasty, about world. For this reason, the deceased is often represented spearing the Apep ser-
700-680 Bc. From Thebes. pent on behalf of Ra. In characteristic Egyptian fashion, this concept was held
H. of coffin 180 cm.
alongside that already mentioned, in which the dead were resurrected by the life-
giving rays of the sun as the god passed through the realm of the dead each night.
ACHIEVING IMMORTALITY: BECOMING AKH
The survival of the dead depended, in broad terms, on their entering a new state
of existence, in which they were integrated into the cyclical patterns of the uni-
verse. Since gods such as Ra and Osiris were immortal and were repeatedly reju-
venated, the deceased, through a close identification with them, could hope to
partake of endless rebirths as well. This cyclical eternity, manifested in the world
through the motions of sun and the changes of the seasons, was denoted by the
word neheh. This was differentiated from djet, eternity, in which time was viewed
as linear, carrying the implication of a static, unchanging existence: this was the
continuous afterlife in the tomb, in which the dead were nourished and provi-
sioned for ever by the mortuary cult and by the magical power of texts and
images. The dead could survive in both ways as long as the universe endured,
and this is reflected in two common but alternative names for the tomb: Aut en
neheh and per-djet, both of which can be translated as “house of eternity’.
Attaining the afterlife depended on the deceased’s survival through the various
modes of existence discussed above (ka, ba, body, name, etc.). Proper preparation
had therefore to be made. A secure burial place was needed for the body, which
ideally should be preserved by mummification to enable the a to be reunited with
it. A chapel or offering place was needed, where the rituals to sustain the ka could
be performed. The deceased also required access to special powers and knowledge
to pass safely through hazards and to enjoy a comfortable existence in the nether-
world. All these needs were satisfied by a gerset neferet, or ‘a good [proper] burial’,
the various elements of which will be examined in the following chapters.
The state of existence which the deceased aimed to reach in the beyond was
called akh. This word, written with the hieroglyphic sign of a crested ibis, is used
to denote the individual dead in the netherworld, and also their state of being.
In this context it can be translated as ‘transfigured being’. But the term akh is
also used outside the context of non-royal funerary literature. In secular texts it
has connotations of ‘effectiveness’; in religious texts it is an attribute of gods who
are closely associated with the powers of creation and regeneration. Atum, Ra,
31
DEATH AND THE AFPTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
Nut, Osiris, Isis and Horus were all described as akh and had the power to
confer the status of akh on others. The deceased, by becoming akh, acquired
‘effectiveness’ as well as some of the qualities of those gods, not becoming their
full equals, but being identified with them and endowed with a creative energy
akin to that employed in the creation of the world. This gave them the means to
arise from the inertia of death to new life (as the inert state of the primordial
chaos was transformed into the ordered, created universe capable of supporting
life). Akh also had associations with light and luminosity, perhaps also to be
understood in the context of the origin of the universe, which is linked in Egypt-
ian thought with the notion of the creation of light. To be ak, then, was to be
an effective spirit, enjoying the qualities and prerogatives of gods, having the
capacity for eternal life and being capable of influencing other beings — as seen
in the letters to the dead (see below, pp. 42-3).
Akh is different to the other ‘modes’ of human existence. Unlike the ka, ba
and name, which are aspects of the individual, akh is the state achieved only after
death, and after a successful passage through tests and dangers. Not all the dead
were imagined as akhu. Those who had lived wicked lives were denied the
blessed state, and were condemned to a second death, total extinction, after suf-
fering horrifying punishments. To help the deceased to become akh was the pri-
mary aim of all the funerary preparations, and hence funerary texts were
collectively called sakhu, ‘that which makes [a person] ak/’ (see p. 193).
THE REALM OF THE DEAD
The reaching of the transfigured state, the ‘afterlife’, was conceived in terms of a
‘physical passage’, a journey along prescribed paths which the deceased had to
take. Burial in the tomb was the prelude to this journey; the procession to the
tomb on the day of burial is paraphrased as letting ‘the god [the deceased] ascend
to his horizon’. The horizon, as the place where the sun rises and sets, was of
course endowed with regenerative significance, and denoted the goal of the
transfigured dead.
The actual location and topography of the world of the dead, as described in
texts of different periods, was subject to numerous variations. The Pyramid Texts
of the Old Kingdom situate it in the northern sky, and the dead king was to reach
it by ascending to the heavens, after which he would live among the gods, accom-
panying the sun god Ra. The Coffin Texts, formulated in the period after the Old
Kingdom, present a more developed concept. The celestial realm of the sun god is
now complemented by an earth-bound underworld, which was the kingdom of
Osiris. In order to reach this realm safely, the dead had to possess special knowl-
edge: the names of the denizens of the underworld, the locations of paths, water-
ways and gates, and the necessary words and acts to pass these. This information
was included in the Coffin Texts, into which were incorporated compositions now
known as “guides to the hereafter’, which provided the inexperienced deceased
with the information required to lead him safely to his destination. One of the
ay
15. Map of the routes to the
netherworld from the Book of
Two Ways, a painting on the
floor of the outer coffin of the
physician Gua. The diagram
and its accompanying text
served as a guidebook to
inform the deceased about the
topography of the hereafter
and to equip him with the
knowledge to behave correctly
when encountering its
inhabitants. 12th Dynasty,
about 1850 Bc. From Deir el-
Bersha. L. of coffin 260.5 cm.
earliest of these compositions is the Book of Two Ways, inscribed chiefly on coffins
of the Middle Kingdom (see fig. 15). This gives precise details of the paths lead-
ing to the hereafter, one of which consists of earth, the other of water, and details
are included of important features of the region; the deceased must negotiate
mounds and fiery lakes, and pass hostile demons whose names he must know in
order to pacify them. This text is accompanied by a large graphic element, in
effect a ‘map’, painted on the floor of the coffin, on which the deceased can walk.
Funerary literature, images and amulets provided the deceased with special
knowledge and magical aid to overcome obstacles to reaching the afterlife safely.
The most detailed sources which actually describe the realm of the dead are the
Books of the Underworld, composed in the New Kingdom. These describe the
nightly journey of the sun god through the subterranean underworld as he makes
his way from the western to the eastern horizon. According to the Book ofAmduat
and Book of Gates, the underworld was divided into twelve regions, each of which
corresponded to one hour in the sun god’s journey, and each of which was occu-
pied by the dead. As hour succeeded hour, the sun god’s barque, sailing on the
underworld river, entered cavern after cavern. As his rays illuminated the cavern
they brought new life to the dead, who until that moment had lain inert in their
33
a
|
ED.AEE
ns
1.3
i
\
re
16. Representation of coffins. They would awake, throw off their mummy-wrappings, and enjoy a com-
agriculture in the afterlife, the plete human lifespan during the single hour of the night when they were in the
vignette of spell 110 of the
presence of Ra. The dead were judged and rewarded according to their behaviour.
Book of the Dead. The ideal
state of existence, which the
The righteous cultivated and received offerings. The wicked received their punish-
dead achieved after becoming ments. At the end of the hour the god sailed on and the great doors slammed shut;
akh, included an agricultural the dead would lament his departure and return to their sleep until the next night.
paradise known as the Field
Once they have reached the eternal realm, the transfigured dead are represented
of Reeds. From the papyrus
of Kerqun. Ptolemaic Period,
either as bas or as humans. They may be depicted in the iconography of the sah:
305-30 Bc. From Thebes. white-clad, with golden skin, the iconography in fact familiar from mummies and
H. 38.5 cm. mummiform coffins. Alternatively, they appear as living beings dressed in the cos-
tume of everyday life. In this guise, they are often represented in the Book of the
Dead in a specific environment called the Field of Reeds or Field of Offerings. This
is a kind of ‘paradise’ reserved for the righteous, which is a reflection of the envi-
ronment of Egypt, with waterways and cultivated banks. Here the deceased would
plough, sow, and harvest abundant crops, which would provide food offerings for
eternity (see fig. 16). Even this ideal world could however have unwelcome aspects.
Every deceased Egyptian was subject to perform agricultural labour for the gods,
and to escape this unpleasant task was one of the main functions of the magical
figurines known as shabtis, which became increasingly common elements of burial

equipment from the Middle Kingdom (see pp. 112-135).
The rationalisation of different concepts of the hereafter had by the New
Kingdom produced a vision of the afterlife in which the deceased had a variety
of alternative experiences at his disposal. This well-known text from the tomb of
Paheri at Elkab introduces us to a number of the important elements of the
Egyptian attitude to the afterlife: sustenance, the use of the bodily faculties, free-
dom of movement and the capacity to exist in a variety of forms:
You come in, you go out,

Your heart in joy at the praise of the lord of gods;
A good burial after revered old age,
After old age has come.
You take your place in the lord-of-life [the coffin],
You come to the earth in the tomb of the West.
To become indeed a living ba,
It shall thrive on bread, water and air;
To assume the form of phoenix, swallow,
Of falcon or heron, as you wish.
You cross in the ferry without being hindered,
You fare on the water’s flowing flood.
You come to life a second time,
Your ba shall not forsake your corpse.
Your ba is divine among the spirits [akhu],
The worthy das converse with you.
You join them to receive what is given on earth,
You thrive on water, you breathe air,
You drink as your heart desires.
Your eyes are given you to see,
Your ears to hear what is spoken;
Your mouth speaks, your feet walk,
Your hands, your arms have motion.
Your flesh is firm, your muscles are smooth,
You delight in all your limbs;
You count your members: all there, sound,
There is no fault in what is yours.
Your heart is yours in very truth,
You have your own, your former heart.
You rise to heaven, you open duat,
In any shape that you desire. . .
THE JUDGEMENT OF THE DEAD
To enter the afterlife it was not enough that proper funerary preparations be
made. The deceased also had to demonstrate that he was of good character, as
39
SERRE dE Re ee
52 3 i
Y OF > | \
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17. The judgement of the evidenced by proper conduct during his life on earth. Many tombs contain bio-
dead. On the left, Hunefer is graphical inscriptions intended to demonstrate that the deceased was of upright
conducted to the balance by
character, by emphasising good deeds and the avoidance of evil acts, in general
the jackal-headed Anubis,
who also adjusts the scales. conformity to what were regarded as acceptable standards of behaviour. This was
The monster Ammut living according to maat, conceived by the ancient Egyptians as the basis for all
crouches beneath the balance, order in the universe. Maat was ‘what is right and embraces the notions of truth
so as to swallow the heart
and justice. It was personified as a goddess. For the universe to continue it was
should the weighing indicate
essential that maat be maintained; without maat chaos would ensue, in which
a life of wickedness. The ibis-
headed Thoth records the the ideal hierarchy of society would be overturned. A crucial duty of the king
outcome and, on the right, was to increase maat, and every individual had a responsibility to live according
Hunefer, having been to this principle by following accepted codes of proper behaviour. Doing maat
declared maa-kheru (‘true of
brought rewards in the form of a good afterlife: ‘She accompanies the person
voice’ or ‘justified’), is led by
Horus towards Osiris (not who practises maat down into the realm of death. He is placed in a coffin and
shown). From the papyrus of buried with her; his name shall not be erased from the earth’.
Hunefer. Early 19th Dynasty, The concept of a judgement of the dead is mentioned as early as the Old
Kingdom, when tomb inscriptions refer to a tribunal of the gods, though this is
H. 40 cm.
chiefly for obtaining justice for misdemeanours committed on earth, such as
damaging a tomb. The idea was developed during the Second Intermediate
Period by including a judgement as the culmination of the deceased’s passage to
36
the next world. This judgement described at length in spell 125 of the Book of
the Dead was an inescapable trial through which every deceased had to pass to
reach the state of resurrection.
The judgement took place in the Hall of the Two Truths (or Two Maazts), into
which the deceased was conducted by Anubis who had been responsible for his
mummification (see fig. 17). The dead man greeted the gods of the judgement
hall with the words ‘I know you, I know your names’. As in his passage through
the gateways of the hereafter, he was again cross-examined to establish that he
possessed arcane knowledge. In versions dating to the New Kingdom the judge-
ment is usually presided over by Osiris, accompanied by Isis and Nephthys and
the Sons of Horus; in later periods, the place of Osiris is often taken by Ra.
Forty-two gods who acted as assessors sat in the hall, and the deceased had to
greet each one by name and deny that he had committed a specific misde-
meanour while alive. The forty-two ‘sins’ enumerated in this ‘declaration of
innocence’ included offences against ethics, society and cult practices:
O Far-strider who came forth from Heliopolis, I have done no falsehood.

O Fire-embracer who came forth from Kheraha, I have not robbed.
O Dangerous One who came forth from Rosetjau, I have not killed men.
O Flame which came forth backwards, I have not stolen the god’s offerings.
O Blood-eater who came forth from the shambles, I have not killed
a sacred bull.
O Serpent with raised head who came forth from the cavern,
I am not wealthy except with my own property.
O Commander of mankind who came forth from your house,
I have not reviled God.
Having made this declaration, the deceased stood before a balance. His heart
was placed on one of the scale pans, to be weighed against the image of maat
(either personified as a goddess figure wearing an ostrich feather, or the feather
alone). The heart, as the seat of the intelligence and memory, contained a record of
the deceased’s actions in life. The symbolic weighing revealed the nature of the
deceased’s relationship with maat. An even balance signified a life in conformity
with maat, whereas wrongdoing caused the heart to weigh heavier than the image.
During this weighing, the heart was temporarily out of the deceased’s control, and
there was a fear that it might reveal to the gods of the judgement hall something
which would harm its owner’s chances of attaining the afterlife. Spell 30B of the
Book ofthe Dead would prevent the heart from disclosing anything untoward:
O my heart which I had from my mother!

O my heart which I had from my mother!
O my heart of my different ages!
Do not stand up as a witness against me,
Do not be opposed to me in the tribunal,
Do not be hostile to me in the presence of the Keeper of the Balance.
Shi
This spell was inscribed on an amulet called a ‘heart-scarab’ which was placed
on the mummy’s breast or within the wrappings (see pp. 205-6). Successful pass-
ing of judgement meant that the deceased was declared maa-kheru ‘true of voice’ or
justified. His eternal survival was confirmed, and he was assured of perpetual suste-
nance. He is depicted in jubilant pose, arms upraised, and adorned with feathers
symbolising his being in harmony with maat. In Book of the Dead vignettes he is
presented by Horus to Osiris, In the papyrus of Any, the gods declare the verdict:
The Osiris scribe Any, justified, is righteous. He has committed no

crime, nor has he acted against us. Ammut shall not be permitted to
prevail over him. Let there be given to him of the bread-offerings
which go before Osiris and a permanent grant of land in the Field of
Offerings as for the followers of Horus.
Ammut, ‘The Devourer (of the Dead)’, was a hybrid creature depicted as a
composite of animals which had a reputation for ferocity. Her head was that of a
crocodile, her front legs those of a lion, and her hindparts those of ahippopota-
mus. In the vignette of the judgement, she crouches near the balance ready to
swallow the hearts of those who the weighing reveals to have lived a life of
wickedness. This consumption of the heart of an unrighteous person denied him
access to the afterlife.
The world of the dead was a hierarchical society, just as the earthly life had
been, but one divided on a somewhat different basis. Besides the gods and the
deceased king, it was inhabited by the blessed and the damned. The notion that
the afterlife was reserved only for those of good character is clear from the judge-
ment of the dead, in which the hearts of those found to have lived wickedly are
swallowed by Ammut. In this tradition, no further details of their fate are
revealed. The contemporary Books of the Underworld, however, dwell at greater
length on the separation of the righteous from the damned. The subterranean
world through which the sun god passes each night is occupied by both cate-
gories of being. The visitation of the sun god provides the occasion for their fates
to be assigned to them. The blessed dead, or akhu, who have lived according to
the principle of maat, are granted new life and offerings; those who have not are
termed mut, literally ‘the dead’, the term signifying those who would not experi-
ence rebirth. Whereas the akhu are said to have adored the sun god, the mut are
equated with his foes (the forces of chaos who threaten the continuation of the
cosmic order). They are condemned to a series of horrifying torments, including
decapitation and burning in furnaces, images somewhat reminiscent for us of
early Christian notions of hell. These tortures resulted in the total extinction of
these negative entities, to whom the afterlife was forever denied.
The possibility of this ‘second death’ provoked a very real fear, and numerous
funerary texts were intended to protect the unwary deceased from this fate. The
realm of the dead, indeed, held many perils for those who were unprepared. The
integrity of the body had to be preserved, and spells were provided to ensure
this, while other spells warded off hunger and thirst. Several passages in the
38
Coffin Texts allude to the danger of existing in a manner in which the normal
functions of life were reversed — walking upside down, and, even worse, eating
and drinking one’s own excrement and urine.
DEATH AND THE DEAD IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SOCIETY
The circumstances of death

Among the varied terminology applied to the act of dying, comforting
euphemisms abound. Hence death is described as being ‘at rest’, or becoming
‘weary or ‘weary of heart’. It is likened to sleep (an appropriate prelude to an
awakening to new life), departure on a journey, or arrival at a destination. The
vast majority of written references to death shun the unpleasant reality of the
experience. Artistic depictions of the moment of death are virtually unknown,
except in the case of the defeated enemies of the king or the gods.
Examination of human remains from tombs shows that most Egyptians could
not expect to live much beyond the age of thirty. As in all ancient societies, cer-
tain population-groups such as young children and mothers were particularly
vulnerable. The prevalence of disease in ancient Egypt is abundantly evident,
both from the medical papyri and the study of mummies, and there can be no
doubt that illnesses were responsible for a high proportion of deaths, yet the
cause of death of known individuals is rarely mentioned in texts. While some ail-
ments, such as blindness, were interpreted in certain circumstances as punish-
ments from the gods for misdemeanours, many were probably regarded simply
as hazards of living, to which everyone was subject.
The immediate cause of death appears to have been less important to the
Egyptians than the manner or circumstances in which it occurred. Long life was
desired, provided that it was not accompanied by excessive debility. ‘A good
burial after an honoured old age’ is often mentioned as an aspiration, and an
ideal lifespan of 110 years is frequently mentioned. What was important was to
be able to make proper preparations for one’s burial in the traditional manner.
There was clearly anxiety lest one should die in circumstances which might
hinder this being done, and hence harm the chances of reaching the afterlife.
The components desired for a good burial are neatly summarised in a passage
from the tale of Sinuhe:
Return to Egypt!
For it is today that you have begun to be old, have lost your manhood,
and have thought of the day of burial,
the traversing to blessedness.
A night is assigned for you with oils,

and wrappings from the hands of Tayet.
A procession shall be made for you on the day of burial,
with a mummy case of gold,
a mask of lapis lazuli, a sky over you,
39
and you on a hearse,

with oxen dragging you,
and chantresses before you.
The dance of the Dead shall be performed at the mouth of your tomb,
and the funeral invocation recited for you;
sacrifice shall be made at the mouth of your tomb-chamber,
with your pillars, built of white stone,
in the midst of the royal children’s.
To die in a foreign land was therefore highly undesirable for the ancient Egyp-
tians, not simply on account of suffering death in unfamiliar surroundings, but
because to die among foreigners carried the danger that the individual might be
denied a proper burial according to Egyptian custom — and this might jeopardise
one’s chance of reaching the afterlife. Texts lay emphasis on this undesirability of
dying outside Egypt. In the tale of Sinuhe, the hero, who has spent many years
dwelling abroad, longs for home, declaring: “What is more important than that
my corpse be buried in the land in which I was born.’ He is urged by the Egypt-
ian king to return, in terms alluding directly to this matter: “You shall not die
abroad! Not shall Asiatics inter you. You shall not be wrapped in the skin of a
ram to serve as your coffin.’ Sinuhe gratefully responds: “Truly good is the kind-
ness that saves me from death. Your &a will grant me to reach my end, my body
being at home!’
For those who did die beyond the frontiers, an attempt might be made to
recover the body for mummification and burial in Egypt. Pepinakht (who
lived during the reign of Pepy II, c. 2278-2184 Bc) records in his tomb
inscription at Aswan how he was commanded by the king to rescue the body
of Anankhet, who had been killed by the ‘sand dwellers’ on the Red Sea coast,
where he was building a ship to sail to the land of Punt. Another example is
contained in the autobiography of Sabni (6th Dynasty), inscribed in his tomb
chapel, also at Aswan. Sabni’s father Mekhu had died while leading an expedi-
tion into Nubia, and Sabni records how he set out with troops and with gifts
for the local Nubian ruler, in order to retrieve the body of his father. The body
was found, loaded on to a donkey, and brought to Egypt. Sabni proudly
records that the king praised him for this act of piety, and dispatched
embalmers from the Residence to carry out the mummification of Mekhu (see
also p. 76). Not all Egyptians who died abroad were as fortunate as Mekhu,
however; some were buried where they died — but not necessarily without
Egyptian rites. The records of later foreign expeditions list embalmers among
the personnel, to mummify those who died outside Egypt; an expedition to
the Wadi Hammamat under Senusret I (c. 1965-1920 Bc) included thirty
embalmers.
Probably the largest numbers of Egyptians who died abroad were soldiers.
Garrison troops might be buried locally, as were some of those who were sta-
tioned at fortresses in Nubia during the late Middle Kingdom. The majority of
40
those killed in battle were probably buried on the spot. Some might be brought
home, but perhaps only under special circumstances. One such group was the
approximately sixty battle casualties of the early Middle Kingdom buried at Deir
el-Bahri. Their funerary preparation was rudimentary — arrows were found still
embedded in some of the bodies — but evidently some trouble had been taken to
bring them to Thebes for burial.
Among the many forms in which death came, drowning was regarded as a
particularly fortunate fate. Those who drowned in the Nile were thought to be
specially honoured by the gods, and in texts from the 30th Dynasty and later
they are entitled /esy, ‘favoured one’. It was apparently believed that the drowned
were transmitted immediately to the realm of the dead, and a scene in the Books
of the Underworld shows the inert bodies of drowned persons being brought
ashore by the gods. This notion perhaps owes its origins to the idea that waters
were a medium for the renewal of life.
It is apparent from the above that premature death, even in violent circum-
stances, did not necessarily harm one’s chances of reaching the afterlife. Those
who were executed for major crimes such as treason, however, were potentially
denied the afterlife, as expressed in the phrase “There is no tomb for the rebel’.
Execution by burning was a punishment for serious offences, and since the
corpse was destroyed in the process no afterlife was possible for those con-
demned to suffer this fate. In the trials of persons charged with conspiring to
murder Ramesses III (c. 1184-1153 Bc), a distinction was made between the
punishments decreed for those of ordinary status, and those of high rank, the
former being executed, but the latter being allowed to commit suicide, appar-
ently as a mark of clemency. The distinction perhaps lay in the notion that exe-
cution terminated existence permanently, whereas suicide was still compatible
with an afterlife. In the Dialogue between a man tired of life and his Ba (cf. p. 13),
the man contemplates suicide as a means of release from suffering, and there is
no implication that this was viewed as morally wrong.
The status of the dead in Egyptian society

For the ancient Egyptians, the barriers between the world of the living and
that of the dead were somewhat fluid. It is abundantly clear from texts that
the dead were not excluded from society. The dead were remembered through
the funerary monument, and contact was maintained principally through the
performance of the mortuary cult. This provided the occasion for the living to
visit the burial places of their deceased relatives, to make offerings and to hold
communication with the dead. In this way the continuity with the past which
was so important to the Egyptians was maintained, while at the same time the
integrity of the family unit was reaffirmed. Relatives bore the chief responsibility
for maintaining the cult of the dead, a duty which fell above all to the eldest
son. Inheritance of family property was linked to this act, but in any case provid-
ing for dead parents was regarded as an important filial duty (see p. 171). The
dead, indeed, exercised considerable influence over the economy of Egypt, since
41
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPE
substantial resources, manpower and material wealth were expended in equip-

ping them for eternity.
Funerary inscriptions often list the special occasions on which the dead hoped
to receive offerings in their tombs. These were various festivals in the religious
calendar, such as the New Year festival, the monthly and half-monthly festival or
the festivals of particular deities. At Thebes, the most important of these occa-
sions was the Beautiful Festival of the Valley, an annual event which took place
between inundation and harvest. This centred on the visit of the cult-image of
Amun-Ra to the mortuary temples of the New Kingdom rulers on the west
bank. This visit took place amid great ceremony, the image being brought out of
its sanctuary at Karnak and ferried across the Nile on a barque and then con-
veyed in a great procession by canal to the mortuary temples of the kings. The
culmination of the festival was the god’s visit to Deir el-Bahri, where he was
installed in the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut. The cultic significance of the
event lay in the supposed union which took place between the god Amun and
the goddess Hathor, to whom the Deir el-Bahri valley was particularly sacred. In
this way the fertility of the land was renewed. The festival also provided the
opportunity for a reunion of the living with their dead relatives. The funerary
images of the dead followed that of Amun in the procession and this was fol-
lowed by a feast, in which the deceased was the ‘guest of honour’, receiving
renewed offerings.
Contact with the dead was also maintained in the home. Small sculptured
busts of painted limestone or wood have been found in houses of the New King-
dom, particularly at Deir el-Medina, the community which housed the crafts-
men who built and decorated the royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings. These
busts are exceptional in Egyptian art in representing only a part of the body, the
head and shoulders, usually wearing a tripartite wig and a floral collar (see fig.
18). A few bear the name of a particular deceased person, but most are unin-
scribed and appear to be generic images of unspecified ancestors. These busts
were probably installed in small shrines located in the frontal part of the house,
functioning as the foci of domestic cults of ancestors. Some busts have been
found in cemeteries, indicating that these cults were also maintained at the tomb
(see pp. 184-5). A related category of monuments, also well-represented at Deir
el-Medina, are small limestone stelae on which are images of specific ancestors
who carry the title ‘effective spirit of Ra’ (akh iger en Ra). This designation makes
clear that those represented were the transfigured dead who dwelt in the realms
of the sun god and Osiris. They were doubtless also the subjects of the busts.
The dead were believed to be capable of intervening in the world of the living.
The most striking illustration of this is the fact that letters were written to the
dead. Some of these were written on papyrus, the main epistolary medium used
among the living, but the majority were inscribed in hieratic script on the sur-
faces of pottery bowls. It is likely that these bowls were filled with food and
placed in the tomb chapel in the expectation that the spirits of the dead would
be attracted by the food-offerings and would then read the letters. Another
42
DEATH AND RESURRECTION IN ANCIENT BHGYPLIAN S.OCLE
TY
example is inscribed on a stela.

Most of the letters date to the
Old and Middle Kingdoms,
though later examples are
known. In most cases the
deceased person, addressed as
akh, was a relative of the
writer. The letters outline a
variety of problems to which,
it would seem, no solution
could be found by natural
means. The writers were
therefore petitioning the
dead to help them, or
complaining of problems
which they attributed to
the influence of the dead.
The letters show that the
akhu were believed to be
18. Limestone busts able to intercede in a tribunal in the hereafter. Some suggest that the dead were
representing deceased thought to retain something of their character beyond death, whereas others
ancestors. Images such as
express a sense of outrage at hostile behaviour attributed to dead relatives.
this were set up in household
shrines and at tombs, and In a letter written on the back of a funerary stela of the First Intermediate
appear to have acted as the Period, a sick man asks his dead wife to act on his behalf:
focus for cults maintained by
private individuals on behalf How are you? Is the West taking care (of you) [as you] desire? _
of their dead relatives. Look, I am your beloved on earth,
19th or 20th Dynasty, about (so) fight for me, intercede for my name!
1295-1070 sc. Probably from
I have not garbled a spell before you, while making your name to live upon
Thebes. H. (left) 25.5 cm.
earth.
Drive off the illness of my limbs!
May you appear for me as a blessed one [ak/] before me,
that I may see you fighting for me in a dream.
I shall lay down offerings for you when the sun’s light has risen,
And J shall establish an altar for you.
It is interesting that the inducement for the dead lady’s intercession is the
assurance of proper funerary offerings. Also unusual is the suggestion here that
communication may take place via a dream, a very early instance of this notion,
which is better known from later periods.
Much more bitter is the celebrated letter to the dead woman Ankhiry, a rare
example of a letter to the dead from the New Kingdom preserved in Papyrus
Leiden 371. Here the husband rebukes his dead wife, attributing evil to her
although he had treated her well in her lifetime and has performed the proper
funerary rites for her:
43
What evil thing have I done to you that I should have come into this wretched
state in which I am? What have I done to you? What you have done is that you
have laid hands on me, although I had done nothing evil to you . . . |made you
a married woman when I was a youth. I was with you when I was performing all
manner of offices. I was with you, and did not put you away. I did not cause
your heart to grieve ... And when you did sicken of the sickness that you did
have, I caused to be brought a master-physician, and he treated you, and he did
everything whereof you did say, “Do it.’ . . And when I arrived in Memphis, I
asked leave of Pharaoh, and I came to the place where you were [buried], and I
wept exceedingly together with my people in front of my street-quarter, and I
gave linen clothes to wrap you, and I caused many clothes to be made, and I left
no good thing that it should not be done for you . . . But behold, you do not
know good from bad. It shall be decided between you and me...
In a passage from the same letter, not cited here, the widower states that he
expects to have justice by means of a tribunal of the gods, in which his letter will
be used to plead his case. The precise nature of the ‘evil’ which he attributes to
Ankhiry does not emerge, although there is an indication that he was contem-
plating remarriage and was suffering uneasy emotions.
There is no doubt that the dead were also to be feared. Those who presented
the greatest threat to the living were the hostile dead, or mut, those who had
been denied transfiguration into the blessed state either on account of evil con-
duct in life or because some other factor had prevented them from entering the
hereafter — violent death, or not having been given proper burial. Mut could
harm the living, and magical texts provide instructions for warding off their
influence. The akhu, or transfigured dead, could also prove troublesome to those
on earth. Magical spells protected houses and their inhabitants, particularly
those asleep, from the unwelcome attentions of the spirits of the dead, who were
believed to bring illness and bad dreams. In a ‘ghost story’ preserved on ostraca
from the New Kingdom, the akh of a long-dead official haunts the Theban
necropolis because his tomb has fallen into ruin, and is only appeased when
promised a new tomb and mortuary cult to provide offerings for eternity.
Positive and negative views of death:

scepticism and counter-scepticism
The Egyptians were fully aware that even the most careful preparations for death
could not avert the eventual decay or destruction of the tomb and the cessation
of the mortuary cult. The positive, hopeful tone of the mortuary texts is bal-
anced by a genre of literary compositions, mainly dating to the Middle King-
dom, which express scepticism about the worth of making elaborate preparation
for the afterlife. This theme was taken up in the Harper's songs, the most famous
of which is stated to have been inscribed in the tomb of one of the kings named
Intef at Thebes. The general tone of these texts is that tombs fall into ruins, mor-
tuary cults do not endure and no one returns from the realm of the dead to
44
strengthen the hopes of the living. Therefore one should live only for the pre-
sent, enjoying the pleasures of life to the full.
Those gods who existed aforetime,

who rest in their pyramids,
and the blessed noble dead likewise,
buried in their pyramids.
The builders of chapels, their places are no more.
What has become of them?
I have heard the words of Imhotep and Hordedef,

whose sayings are so told:
what of their places? Their walls have fallen;
their places are no more, like those who never were.
None returns from there to tell their conditions,
to tell their state, to reassure us,
until we attain the place where they have gone...
... Be not weary-hearted! Follow your heart and happiness!
Make your things on earth! Do not destroy your heart,
until that day of lamentation comes for you!
The Weary-hearted does not hear their lamentation;
mourning cannot save a man from the tomb-pit.
chorus: Make holiday! Do not weary of it!

Look, no one can take his things with him.
Look, no one who has gone there returns again.
A text from a much later period (first century Bc) on the stela of Taimhotep
presents a pessimistic view of the state of existence in the hereafter. The dead
lady, who had been wife of the High priest of Ptah at Memphis, had died young
and addresses her husband, urging him to take pleasure in life, for the nether-
world is a dark and gloomy place, populated by the inert dead.
The negative view of the afterlife produced an opposing reaction, which is
most eloquently expressed in the harper’s song from the tomb of Neferhotep:
I have heard those songs that are in the tombs of old,

What they tell in extolling life on earth,
In belittling the land of the dead.
Why is this done to the land of eternity,
The right and just that has no terrors?
Strife is abhorrent to it,
No one girds himself against his fellow;
This land that has no opponent,
All our kinsmen rest in it
Since the time of the first beginning.
Those to be born to millions of millions,
All of them will come to it.
45
CHAPTER
THe ETERNAL BopDy:

MuUMMIEICATION
THE FUNCTION AND ORIGINS OF MUMMIFICATION
he notion of the importance of the corpse is implicit in the

practice of inhumation, which began in Egypt perhaps as early as 55,000 Bc. We
do not know how the Egyptians first conceived the idea of an association
between the preservation of the corpse and a life after death, although we can
speculate. In many burials of the Predynastic period, the hot, dry sand which
formed the filling of the shallow grave quickly and effectively absorbed all fluids
from the corpse, leaving skin, hair and finger- and toe-nails very well preserved.
It is often supposed that this lifelike appearance, perhaps observed when such
bodies were accidentally disinterred during later tomb-making, may have gener-
ated a belief that human existence did not end with death, and that survival of
the body played a part in the new life. Whether or not this is true, it is clear from
later texts that, by the dynastic period, the body was regarded as an important
medium through which the individual could continue to exist after death (see
pp. 16-17). Its principal importance was as a home or harbour for the ka and
the ba, each of which would be united with the body in the realm of the dead,
and so perpetuate the existence of the deceased. It was therefore highly impor-
tant that it should not decay. Many funerary texts emphasise the importance
attached to retaining the integrity of the bodily members. There was a notion of
the sanctity of the human body, and a horror of its destruction, particularly by
fire. Death by burning was the punishment for some of the most serious
offences, and was the fate reserved in the next world for the unrighteous who
opposed the sun god, as described and depicted in the Books of the Underworld
of the New Kingdom; here the evil are seen being decapitated and their bodies
burned in fiery furnaces. Since fire consumed the corpse almost completely,
nothing remained to serve as a dwelling for the spiritual aspects of the individ-
ual. For this reason, cremation was never practised by the ancient Egyptians, and
even members of the Roman élite of Egypt were mummified. According to a tra-
dition recorded by Herodotus, the Persian conqueror Cambyses (525-522 Bc)
THE ETERNAL BODY: MUMMIFICATION
had the mummy of King Ahmose II (d. 526 Bc) exhumed, abused and finally
burned; the story may be apocryphal but the impiety with which the act was
regarded is beyond doubt.
A primary aim of proper burial, then, was to protect the corpse from destruc-
tion, and as funerary practices evolved greater efforts were devoted to ensuring
the security of the body. The culmination of this trend was mummification, the
preservation of the corpse by artificial methods. In essence, the process perfected
by the Egyptians consisted of extraction of the internal organs, thorough drying
of the body, packing, anointing and wrapping in linen. This process is nowadays
referred to by the terms embalming or mummification. ‘Embalming’, derived
from the Latin in balsamum, means to preserve through the agency of balm;
‘mummy’ derives from the Persian word mummia, ‘bitumen’.
The word was applied to Egyptian preserved bodies probably
on account of their often blackened appearance, which
might have suggested that they had been treated with bitu-
men. The occasional use of bitumen in mummification as
early as the New Kingdom is suggested by recent analytical
studies, but so far there is no proof that it was widely used
until the Late Period — the darkening of the skin of many
mummies being a consequence of the use of resin. None the
less, the term ‘mummy’ has become firmly established as a
description for an artificially preserved corpse.
It is often supposed that these techniques were adopted
because the introduction of deeper graves, wood- or brick-
lined burial chambers and coffins, around 3000 Bc, frus-
trated the natural preservative process by insulating the
corpse from the dry sand which had so efficiently desiccated
19. Body of awoman of earlier bodies. This may have been a consideration, but it cannot be regarded as
the mid-Predynastic period the only factor involved. Mummification, in fact, was more than an elaborate
(about 3500 BC), excavated
procedure to prevent or retard decay. It was carried out in a ritual context. By the
in the cemetery of
Hierakonpolis. Human
Old Kingdom, the notion had arisen that the body had to undergo special treat-
remains from this site show ment to equip it for its new role as an eternal image of the deceased. The con-
the earliest evidence so far cept of transforming the corpse is found in many societies both ancient and
discovered for attempts at modern. In the words of Pearson: “The body is not simply a biological entity but
artificial preservation of the
corpse using linen wrappings
is a carefully crafted artefact, further worked and transformed after the moment
and resin. Remains of matting of death.’ Egyptian mummification provides a classic illustration of this notion.
in which the body was Ritual treatments of the corpse are already attested in Egypt in prehistoric
wrapped are visible at the top. times, and it was in this context that mummification arose. As early as the
second half of the fourth millennium Bc, as discoveries at Hierakonpolis show,
corpses were being wrapped in hides or linen, and resin and linen padding were
being used to create an idealised body (see fig. 19). These practices became more
widespread with the passage of time. These treatments clearly influenced later
mummification procedures, so that by the 1st Dynasty the use of linen wrappings
was well-established. However, other traditions co-existed alongside that of
47
preservation, notably the practice of intentionally dismembering the body. In

this process the soft tissues of the corpse were permitted to decompose, after
which the bones were placed back together - though not always in their correct
anatomical relationship. Bodies treated according to this method have been
found in graves of the late Predynastic period at Naqada and Adaima, and in
some Old Kingdom tombs at Giza, Meidum and Deshasha, and there are iso-
lated examples of the practice as late as the 6th Dynasty. Such burials are, how-
ever, rare at all periods; in the Old Kingdom this treatment seems to have been
restricted to persons of high status.
At a remote period of prehistory, dismemberment may have been designed to
incapacitate the dead, so as to ward off any harm which they might bring to the
living. But other concerns were also operating. The notion of dismemberment of
the body occurs repeatedly in religious texts of the dynastic period. Usually it is
perceived in a negative light, as a hazard to be avoided in the netherworld. In the
myth of Osiris, the concept is to some degree rationalised. The dismemberment
of the god’s body by Seth — an act repugnant in itself — represents the state of
deprivation which death brings about, and the reconstituting of the corpse
through mummification becomes a metaphor for the overcoming of death itself.
Passages in the Pyramid Texts urge the dead king: ‘Receive your head, collect your
bones, gather your limbs together’. It would therefore be less strange than it may
at first appear if mummification in its early stages encompassed the dismember-
ment and subsequent rejoining of the bodily parts.
It seems then, that the procedures which we call mummification arose in
Egypt from multifarious traditions. In the course of the Old Kingdom, dismem-
berment seems to have been abandoned, and the treatment of the body moved
in a different direction. The aim of the process was to transform the corpse into
a sah, an eternal and perfect image of the deceased, a new body endowed with
magical attributes. This necessarily involved the use of parts of the earthly body,
but at most periods it was not the intention to preserve the body exactly as it had
appeared in life. Indeed, a substantial proportion of the body’s substance was
removed during the mummification process and either disposed of or buried in
separate containers.
Particular attention was focused on the external appearance of the wrapped
mummy, creating a perfect image around the ‘core’ of the original corpse. This
ideal image changed through time. In the Old Kingdom, the exterior of the
body was modelled in resin-soaked linen or plaster to resemble a statue, and
dressed in clothes. From the First Intermediate Period to the Roman era a differ-
ent iconography was in vogue, the limbs confined within the wrappings and the
head covered with an idealised mask. The physical remains inside the wrappings
were often poorly preserved. Most mummies of the Old and Middle Kingdoms
contain little more than the bones, and — with the exception of the mummies of
the royal family — the same is largely true for the New Kingdom. The most
striking illustrations of this tendency date from the Roman period, when
treatment of the corpse was often extremely crude and careless, yet the external
48
trappings were rich and elaborate. The main exception to this situation is
during the Third Intermediate Period, when special efforts were made by the
embalmers to restore the integrity of the corpse and to reproduce its appearance
in life.
Since the creation of this perfect body was an important element in the trans-
figuration of the dead, each of the various stages of embalming took place in a
ritual context, with accompanying liturgy and ritual acts. Even some of the
materials used in mummification had religious as well as preservative functions.
Beeswax, with which the body was sometimes coated, had connotations of
rebirth, while the molten resin with which many mummies were treated was per-
haps regarded as conferring divine status on the deceased.
SOURCES FOR THE PROCEDURES
Ancient Egyptian records are remarkably ret-

icent on the technical procedures of
embalming. This reflects both the nature of
the surviving sources, which are heavily
biased towards formal, religious subjects,
and a reluctance to depict the details of a
process which, however essential to the sur-
vival of death, involved violation of the
human body. Many tomb chapels were dec-
orated with scenes of craftsmen preparing
equipment for the burial, but mummifica-
tion is usually represented only in a discreet
and formal fashion, the embalmer-god
Anubis tending the fully wrapped body,
which is provided with a set of canopic jars.
20. Scenes of mummification It was probably considered inappropriate to depict the details of evisceration and
painted on the coffin of the desiccation in the ritually sensitive context of the tomb because of the firm belief
priest Djedbastiuefankh from
that what was represented pictorially could through magic become eternal real-
el-Hiba. Below, the corpse
(depicted as a silhouette of the
ity. A few scenes from Theban tombs of the New Kingdom have been inter-
naked body) undergoes the preted as representations of mummification, but more plausibly depict the
preliminary washing. Above is manufacture and decoration of anthropoid coffins. However, mummification
the body laid on a lion-shaped
does appear to be shown in a series of figured scenes on the lids of two coffins of
table and attended by
embalmers, one of whom
the Late Period from el-Hiba, now in Hildesheim (see fig. 20).
represents the jackal-headed Textual allusions are also scanty, and usually consist of no more than passing
god Anubis. The hatched area references to the duration of the deceased’s sojourn in the embalming workshop,
below the corpse possibly and rather formal listings of materials to be used in mummification. More infor-
represents the natron used as
mative are the rare archaeological discoveries of embalmers’ tools, and the more
a drying agent. Late Period,
about 600-300 sc. H. of
numerous caches of embalmers’ refuse. The sacerdotal component of mummifi-
coffin 177 cm. cation is best documented in the Ritual ofEmbalming, a text devised as a manual
for those preparing the corpse. It comprises sections describing the practical
49
manipulation, wrapping and anointing of the body, and the prescribed ritual
acts and words which accompanied each stage in the process. The principal sur-
viving documents of this text are hieratic papyri of the Roman Period (P. Bulaq
3, Louvre 5158 and a document in Durham). These almost certainly enshrine
traditions deriving from a much earlier period; unfortunately, no document pre-
serves the complete text, only the later stages of the ritual surviving. The Rhind
Magical Papyrus, dating from about 200 Bc, also contains some details of
embalming procedures, including the positioning of incisions in the skin for
subcutaneous packing.
If indigenous sources are relatively unrevealing, the same cannot be said of the
writings of the Classical authors Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus. Their
accounts of mummification preserve much information which is not found in
any other written source, but which can often be confirmed through examina-
tion of the mummies themselves.
Herodotus of Halicarnassus, the ‘Father of History’, visited Egypt in about
450 sc, during the First Persian Period. His account of mummification is the
single most important written source on the subject, and, though often quoted,
cannot be omitted here:
There are those who are established in this profession and who practise
the craft. When a corpse is carried in to them they show the bearers
wooden models of mummies, painted in exact imitation of the real
thing. The best method of embalming, so they say, is that which was
practised on one whose name I cannot mention in this context [i.e.
Osiris]. The second method they demonstrate is somewhat inferior and
costs less. The third is cheapest of all. Having indicated the differences,
they ask by which method the corpse is to be prepared. And when the
bearers have agreed a price and departed, the embalmers, left behind in
the workshop, begin embalming.
In the best treatment, first of all they draw out the brains through the
nostrils with an iron hook. When they have removed what they can in
this way they flush out the remainder with drugs. Next they make an
incision in the flank with a sharp obsidian blade, through which they
extract all the internal organs. Then they clean out the body cavity,
rinsing it with palm wine and pounded spices, all except frankincense,
and stitching it up again. And when they have done this they cover the
corpse with natron for seventy days, but for no longer, and so
mumumify it. After the seventy days are up they wash the corpse and
wrap it from head to toe in bandages of the finest linen anointed with
gum, which the Egyptians use for the most part instead of glue. Finally
they hand over the body to the relatives who place it in a wooden
coffin in the shape of aman before shutting it up in a burial chamber,
propped upright against a wall. This is the most costly method of
preparing the dead.
50
Those for whom the second and less expensive way has been chosen are
treated as follows: the embalmers fill their syringes with cedar oil which
they inject into the abdomen, neither cutting the flesh nor extracting the
internal organs but introducing the oil through the anus which is then
stopped up. Then they mummify the body for the prescribed number of
days, at the end of which they allow the oil which had been injected to
escape. So great is its strength that it brings away all the internal organs
in liquid form. Moreover the natron eats away the flesh, reducing the
body to skin and bone. After they have done this the embalmers give
back the body without further ado.
The third method of embalming which is practised upon the bodies of

the poor is this: the embalmers wash out the abdomen with a purge,
mummify the corpse for seventy days, then give it back to be taken away
Diodorus’ account agrees with that of Herodotus in many respects, notably

the three ‘classes’ of burial and the evisceration of the corpse. He also supplies a
number of interesting details not mentioned by Herodotus, particularly with ref-
erence to the embalmers (see pp. 54 and 76).
Much of the data derived from these sources has been confirmed and greatly
expanded through the modern examination of mummies. Occasional unwrap-
pings had taken place before the nineteenth century but had yielded little infor-
mation of lasting value. The Napoleonic Egyptian expedition of 1798-1801 and
the publication of the massive Description de l’Egypte aroused widespread interest
in all things Egyptian during the early nineteenth century. One manifestation of
this was the frequent unwrapping of mummies, and although many of these
operations were motivated chiefly by morbid curiosity, others were organised
along lines of scientific enquiry, resulting in the recovery of detailed information
about the procedures involved. The advent of radiography, and, more recently,
computerised tomography (CT) scanning, has greatly facilitated the collection of
data while having the advantage of being totally non-invasive.
MAIN FEATURES OF EGYPTIAN MUMMIFICATION
The methods of mummification evolved through time, from the late fourth mil-
lennium BC to the first few centuries AD. Examination of mummies has demon-
strated the basic accuracy of Herodotus’ statement that different processes were
available simultaneously, apparently according to the status or wealth of the indi-
vidual. The following account describes the procedures which would have been
observed in the most elaborate mummification.
Washing
The first stage was the purification of the corpse by washing. This would be done
very soon after death since, in the hot climate of Egypt, decomposition began
immediately. For this preliminary washing a dilute solution of natron (see below,
= 2d =o—l 4 Le Ne
—-
ona1 He i MeeTTT 404A SA

YO
|
andi
—— a
2 S T L L A
o M
e D ( (im) f\
ik (s7 iiLA
AUah ambAiURA Aa
a
21. The bu, or tent of
purification, as depicted in
the tomb of Pepiankh at Meir.
The zbu was a temporary
structure erected close to the
tomb, in which the corpse
underwent a ritual cleansing
prior to mummification. On
the right, the coffin, mounted
on a lion-shaped bier, is
carried out by the embalmers.
22. Ritual purification of the

deceased by the gods Horus
and Thoth. The streams of
liquid consist of the
hieroglyphic signs for life
(ankh) and dominion (was).
Painting on the cartonnage
mummy-case of
Tjentmutengebtiu. Early
22nd Dynasty, about 900 Bc.
From Thebes. H. 169 cm.
pp. 55—G) in water was probably used. It took place in a temporary structure, ©
probably a tent of reeds and matting, close to the Nile or to a canal. In the Old
Kingdom, the structure in which the body of the king was purified was called
the seh-netjer (divine booth), that for non-royals the iu (short for ibu en wab,
tent of purification); in later periods, the term seh-netjer predominated. Images
of the bu in Old Kingdom tombs (see fig. 21) depict it as a tent-like structure
with two entrances or ramps communicating with water; emplacements for such
a structure have been identified in the valley temples of the pyramids of kings
Khafra (c. 2558-2532 Bc) and Pepy II (c. 2278-2184 Bc).
SP?
Cleansing of the corpse before mummification was doubtless a practical

necessity, but the ritual aspects of the washing were perhaps of greater signifi-
cance. According to Egyptian belief, water held important purifying and life-
giving qualities. Each dawn was a repetition of the original birth of the sun god
from the watery chaos of Nun (see fig. 13), and his emergence into the sky as a
newborn god was preceded by a washing performed by Horus and Thoth.
Hence lustration came to be closely associated with rebirth, and this accounts for
its incorporation into the funerary rites. A ritual purification was necessary
before the dead king could ascend to heaven in the manner of his divine model,
the sun god, and private individuals are occasionally depicted in tombs and on
coffins, undergoing this lustration (see fig. 22). Here again, Horus and Thoth
may be depicted performing the ceremony, and in Papyrus Rhind they are
mentioned specifically as cleansing the deceased on his entrance
into the necropolis.
Removal of the brain

The next stages of mummification were carried out in another
structure, the wabet or per-nefer (see below, p. 77). Here, the
embalmers set about extracting the internal organs. These were
subject to very rapid decomposition and would quickly spread
corruption to the entire corpse if they were not removed or
treated as soon as possible. The first operation was the extrac-
tion of the brain, which, according to Herodotus, was only per-
formed in the most expensive method of embalming.
Examination of mummified heads shows that the majority have
an artificial perforation through the roof of the nasal cavity (via
the ethmoid bone) into the cranium. This was probably made
using a small chisel or awl and was an operation requiring great
skill. In the majority of examples examined the perforation had
23. Cutaway view of the skull been made through the left nostril, and in some cases the adjacent flesh is visibly
of the mummy of distorted as a consequence. The perforation sometimes extended to the ethmoid
Tjentmutengebtiu (see fig. 22),
air cells and even to the eye socket, though this is probably an indication of lack
a three-dimensional image
created using a CI-scanner. of skill by the operative. Once access to the cranium had been gained the iron
The brain has been extracted hook mentioned by Herodotus was inserted into the cranial cavity to break up
by the embalmers, and the the brain tissue (assuming that this had not already liquefied through natural
cerebral cavity packed with processes of decay). The remains would then have been extracted via the nostril
linen (here artificially coloured
purple), inserted via the left
and disposed of. The ancient Egyptians apparently did not understand the func-
nostril. CT images of the tion of the brain and hence adopted no special measures to preserve it.
roots of the molar teeth As an alternative to extraction via the nose, the embalmers occasionally with-
demonstrated that drew the brain through an eye-socket, through a hole made in the cranium, or,
Tjentmutengebtiu died
in one instance (see below, p. 84), via the foramen magnum at the base of the
aged between nineteen and
twenty-three years. Early skull. The empty skull cavity was often packed with linen cloth or sawdust,
22nd Dynasty, about 900 Bc. inserted by the same route as that used to remove the brain (see fig. 23). In some
From Thebes. cases, molten resin was poured into the skull and allowed to solidify.
Se
Removal of viscera
The embalmers’ next task was the removal of the organs within
the body cavity. For this operation, the corpse was laid on its back
on a stone table. Actual examples of calcite embalming tables have
been found at the Step Pyramid at Saqqara (c. 2670 Bc), in the
tomb of King Horemheb in the Valley of the Kings (c. 1295 Bc),
and at Memphis, where the sacred bulls of Apis were mummified.
The sides of the tables were carved in the form of standing lions,
and the central surface sloped slightly towards the foot end, to
enable the body fluids to drain into a receptacle. For the mummi-
fication of persons of lower status a wooden table was used; an
example found at Thebes, and used in the embalming of the offi-
cial Ipy (11th Dynasty), consisted of a wooden board with four
wooden battens positioned at intervals to support the corpse.
Using a knife of obsidian or some sharp stone such as flint, the
embalmer made a short, straight incision in the left side of the
abdomen, and removed the stomach and intestines by hand (see
fig. 24). After perforating the diaphragm, he also extracted the
lungs and the liver from the thorax. The heart was intentionally
left in place since, as the location of the intellect and memory, it
would be required to play a major part in the judgement of the
deceased before the god Osiris (see Chapter 1), and therefore had
to remain under the direct control of its owner. The kidneys were
sometimes removed during this stage of mummification, but are
often found to have been left in situ. The principal organs
extracted from the body — the liver, lungs, stomach and intestines
— were embalmed separately (see below, pp. 64-76).
Diodorus Siculus, in his account of mummification, records a
strange tradition which applied to the evisceration of the corpse.
The man who made the incision, to whom Diodorus gives the
name paraschistes (literally, the ‘ripper-up’), immediately ran away,
while his colleagues shouted curses and threw stones at him.
Diodorus explains: “They suppose him to be worthy of hatred
who applies force to the corpse of a fellow creature, or wounds it,
or executes any evil in general upon it.’ It is likely that this ritual
24, Unwrapped mummy ofan unidentified woman ofhigh status.

The incision made on the left side of the abdomen to extract the
viscera is clearly visible. The entire corpse has been carefully coated
with molten resin, and particular attention was paid by the
embalmers to the preservation of the facial features and the finger-
and toe-nails. Late Third Intermediate Period, about 700 Bc.
Probably from Thebes. H. 152 cm.
54
condemnation (as it surely must have been) was a means of averting by magic
any negative consequences which might follow from the performance of an act
that was necessary but still fundamentally abhorrent to Egyptian principles of
proper conduct.
As an alternative to extracting the viscera through the abdomen, the
embalmers sometimes injected a fluid into the rectum, as stated by Herodotus.
The ‘oil of cedar’ which he mentions (in fact, probably juniper oil) would not,
25. When the embalmers had however, dissolve the organs in the manner suggested, and some uncertainty
completed the mummification hangs over the identification of the substance used. It is possible that the true
of acorpse a rectangular
intention of the embalmers was to preserve the organs im situ, rather than to
plaque of metal or wax was
often placed over the remove them in liquid form, since in several mummies treated in this manner
evisceration-wound. Like substantial remains of the internal organs were found to be present.
many others, these examples After the removal of the contents of the thorax and abdomen, the interior of
of white metal (perhaps tin) the body was cleansed with water and — according to Herodotus — with palm
bear the image of the wedjat
wine. This was done in preparation for the desiccation of the body.
eye which represents the eye
of the god Horus. Probably
Third Intermediate Period, Drying the body; the use of natron
about 1069-664 Bc. The lengthiest part of the process was the dehydration of the body. Removal of
Provenance unknown.
all fluid effectively prevented the growth of bacteria which might lead to decay.
Dimensions oflargest
specimen 8x6.4 cm.
Occasionally this was accomplished simply by air-drying, but in the majority
of cases of authentic mummification a chemical process was employed. As an
55
alternative to the desert sand which had preserved the bodies of predynastic
Egyptians, another natural substance was used as a drying agent. This was natron
—a compound of sodium salts which occurs in a natural state at several locations
within Egypt, chiefly in the Wadi Natrun in the Libyan Desert, north-west of
Cairo. This was the site of an ancient branch of the Nile, now occupied by a
series of salt lakes. Natron occurs in solution in the waters and as an encrusted
deposit on the bottom of the lakes and on the ground around their shores.
Textual sources confirm that both these sources — and doubtless others besides —
were exploited by the ancient Egyptians.
Natron had a number of uses in ancient Egypt,
but it is best known as a drying agent for the
embalming of corpses. It effectively drew moisture
from the body, and may have been valued particu-
larly for its effectiveness in breaking down the fatty
tissues. Scientific analyses of embalmers’ salts from
various periods has indicated that the chemical
composition of natron was variable. In many sam-
ples the predominant constituents are sodium car-
bonate and sodium bicarbonate, but there is
usually also a quantity of sodium sulphate and
sodium chloride (common salt). Indeed, some
samples consist chiefly of sodium chloride, and, as
laboratory experiments have shown that this could
achieve mummification almost as effectively as
26. Linen package containing natron, it is possible that it was used as an alternative by Egyptian embalmers.
the crystalline salts used to However, since several of the samples tested represent embalmers’ refuse, it is
extract moisture from the
possible that the chemical make-up of the salts had undergone alteration during
corpse. Large numbers of
these packages were stuffed the mummification process and do not represent their original composition.
inside the body cavity to Although natron in solution has been found in some tombs, the bulk of
absorb fluids from within, archaeological evidence and the results of modern laboratory experiments indi-
while the exterior of the
cate that the salts were usually employed in the form of a dry powder. Small
corpse was covered with a
heap ofsalts in dry, powder
linen packages of natron were stuffed inside the body cavity, perhaps together
form. Probably Third with temporary packing materials such as rags and wood shavings (see fig. 26).
Intermediate Period, The body was then completely covered with natron, and was set aside for a pre-
about 1069-664 Bc. From scribed period, during which its entire fluid content was absorbed by the natron,
Deir el-Bahri, Thebes.
14.8x11.6 cm.
leaving the corpse thoroughly desiccated. Several texts indicate that this part of
the process would have lasted about forty days, and modern experimental mum-
mification carried out on the bodies of birds and small animals has confirmed
that complete dehydration can be effectively achieved in this time; the seventy
days mentioned by Herodotus actually refers to the duration of the entire mum-
mification process, including the wrapping and the various ritual acts (see
below). It is possible that, at its most sophisticated, the drying process involved
more than one stuffing with natron in order to ensure thorough desiccation of
the body.
Packing
Dehydration resulted in the disappearance of most of the muscle tissues and sub-
cutaneous fat, leaving the body as little more than a skeleton covered with dark,
rather wrinkled skin. Once the natron had been removed, the embalmers set about
restoring some of the lost substance of the corpse to compensate for its shrunken
appearance. The body cavities were rinsed and filled with packing materials to pro-
vide support and to lend a pleasant smell. These materials often included linen,
sawdust and earth, as well as aromatic resins. In many mummies of the Late to
Roman periods molten resin was poured into the interior. Occasionally dried
lichen was used. In the 21st Dynasty, packing materials were also inserted beneath
the skin in an attempt to render the corpse more lifelike (see below).
Anointing and cosmetic treatments

The exterior of the body was anointed with oils and perfumes, to provide a
pleasant odour and to restore some degree of suppleness to the dried limbs. The
Ritual of Embalming emphasises the religious significance of these operations.
According to this text, the anointing sought to endow the body with the ‘odour
of a god’. The Ritual enumerates several applications of oils at this stage. These
included an anointing of the body from the shoulders to the feet with oils identi-
cal to those used in the Opening of the Mouth (see Chapter 6). The substances
most extensively used were coniferous resins, which were applied in large quanti-
ties, both in liquid form and as a viscous paste. In addition to their lubricating
and aromatic qualities, the resins served to protect the body from the destructive
effects of moisture, and for this reason they were applied generously to the exte-
rior of the corpse before wrapping began. In many mummies liquefied resin was
also poured into the body and the cranium after the extraction of the brain and
viscera, probably both to arrest bacterial activity and to provide a filling for the
cavities. Some mummies were filled with a mixture of solidified resin and resin-
impregnated linen. Various coniferous resins, including cedar oil, were used in
ancient Egypt. Modern analyses have also demonstrated that some of the resin
was obtained from the péstacia, and that the incense used by the Egyptians in
religious rituals came from the same source. Since incense (in Egyptian senetjer,
‘that which makes divine’) played a part in conferring divine status, a symbolic
dimension may also have been present in its use in mummification — to assist in
the transfiguration of the deceased.
Bitumen or asphalt, the source of the modern term ‘mummy’ (see above, p. 47)
was sometimes used as well as or instead of resin. Bitumen has in fact been
identified on some mummies, such as that of the priest Djedhor from Akhmim
(c. 250 Bc) (see fig. 51), though its use in earlier periods was rare.
Before beginning the wrapping of the body, the embalmers paid attention to
its adornment. The hair was carefully arranged, and bald patches were concealed
by the attachment of false plaits and other hair extensions. Artificial eyes were
placed into the sockets. Features which had been lost in life or had disappeared
in the embalming process, such as eyebrows, were sometimes added in paint. A
57
28. Finger of an unidentified

mummy with gilded silver stall in
place. Finger- and toe-stalls were
fitted to mummies of persons of
high rank. 26th to 30th Dynasties,
about 664—323 Bc. From
Memphis. L. 7.2 cm.
27. Prosthetic toe made of few cases are known in which missing limbs were replaced by artificial substi-
cartonnage, originally fitted tutes. These include crude imitations of arms and legs using sticks, and elaborate
with a toe-nail made of a
items such as the artificial toe found within the wrappings of a mummy of the
different material. This is one
of the earliest known Third Intermediate Period (see fig. 27). In the most elaborate treatments, gold or
examples of an artificial limb. silver stalls were placed over the tips of the fingers and the toes (see fig. 28).
It is reported to have been
found on a mummy, but signs
Wrap pings
of wear and refurbishment
show that the prosthesis had
The standard material for mummy wrappings was linen; as the textile of every-
probably been worn in life, day use for clothing and bed-covers it was produced in large quantities. Wrap-
and that it was adapted to be ping the corpse in strips and sheets of linen is attested as early as c. 3400 Bc in
attached to the body after graves at Hierakonpolis. It had apparently become an element of the formal
death. Probably 21st to early
26th Dynasties, about
treatment of the dead by the Ist Dynasty, even before the development of true
1069-600 Bc. From Thebes. mummification.
Ly IN Orern Wrapping the body, of course, helped to preserve its integrity, but texts indicate
that in the pharaonic period the wrapping also possessed religious significance.
Several texts explain that the wrappings were supposed to be provided by Tayet,
the goddess of weaving, or by the weavers of the goddess Neith:
One gives to you your bandages (seshed)

and your mummy-wrappings (wetyz)
Which the weavers of Neith have woven,
You clothe yourselfin a pure garment and lay aside the other.
The arms of Tayet clothe you.
29. The cloth used to wrap The reality was often rather different. Some royal mummies were indeed
mummies was almost wrapped in the finest quality linen, but in many instances the cloth used was
invariably linen. Coloured
recycled, having previously seen service as clothing or bed-covers. Garments were
threads woven into the fabric
are often indicative of reuse, found among the wrappings of the mummy of Sety II (c. 1200-1194 Bc) (one
as on these pieces. The roll bore the name of Sety’s predecessor Merenptah, c. 1213-1203 Bc,’and hence
on the left formed part of the must have been a piece from the royal household), and names and identification
mummy of the lady Takush
marks have been found on the linen used to wrap the bodies of private individu-
(25th Dynasty, about 680 Bc,
from Thebes); the other pieces
als. Perhaps families kept a store of discarded household cloth for this purpose.
are from unidentified Whereas some garments were used in a virtually complete state, others were torn
mummies of uncertain date. into strips; surviving portions of decorated borders (woven patterns and fringes)
betray the original function of some of the cloths as parts of garments, and inci-
dentally show that ancient Egyptian clothing was often more colourful than
artistic depictions suggest (see fig. 29). The wrappings of a mummy in the
museum at Lyons were found to incorporate substantial parts of the sail of a
boat, prompting speculation that the dead man might have been a sailor.
In general, the head and the limbs were first wrapped individually, and the
wrapping often proceeded with large sheets and narrow strips of cloth applied in
alternating layers. Folded sheets and wads of linen were inserted from time to
time to help to create the standard shape for the mummy. In many 21st Dynasty
mummies a dense layer of resin was applied during the wrapping, to distinguish
the outer and inner layers of cloth. The process was completed by the applica-
tion of a large outer shroud covering the entire body from head to foot. In mum-
mies of the New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period, this shroud was often
Dy)
dyed a deep pink colour, using plant-dyes such as that of the saff flower
(Carthamus tinctorius L). The use of a reddish pink — a solar colour — may have
conveyed the notion of resurrection by the life-giving rays of the sun. In most
cases this colour has faded owing to exposure to light, but depictions of mum-
mies in contemporary paintings show the red shroud distinctly. Long strips of
linen, arranged vertically, laterally and diagonally, held the outer shroud in place,
and were dyed in colours to contrast with the shade of the shroud.
The wrapping was as much a ritual activity as the rest of the embalming,
occupying a substantial part of the time devoted to the process. Incantations
30. The funerary mask were uttered as each piece of linen was put in place; the words to be spoken are
represented the deceased in recorded in the Ritual of Embalming, which also describes the shape, colour and
the transfigured state, with
proper positioning of various cloths. Some of these had special names associating
the shining golden skin
appropriate to a divine being them with particular deities such as Ra-Horakhty, Hathor and Thoth. Both this
(the flesh of the gods was text and the Book of the Dead include directions for the placing of amulets within
believed to be of gold). It also the wrappings to protect the deceased and assist them towards rebirth. An enor-
provided magical protection mous variety of funerary amulets was produced (see pp. 201-7), and pieces of
for the head of the deceased,
and assured his
jewellery were also placed on the body. In the case of a wealthy individual these
transfiguration through an might include collars, pectorals, earrings, bracelets and finger rings of gold, silver
association between his bodily and precious stones.
members and those of various The quantity of linen used to wrap a body varied, and was not necessarily
gods. Gilded cartonnage
related to the wealth or status of the deceased. An exceptional instance was the
mask, Late Ptolemaic to early
Roman Period, first century mummy of Wah, a minor Theban official of the 11th Dynasty, which was
BC to first century AD. wrapped in approximately 375 square metres of linen.
Provenance unknown.
H. 44 cm.
External trappings and masks
In the Old Kingdom, the body was prepared as a living image of the dead person,
with facial features reproduced and clothing applied. From the First Intermediate
Period, a different iconography was adopted, in which the body was enveloped
and provided with important trappings which served to represent the deceased in
the transfigured state — a visible sign that he had successfully reached the afterlife.
The most important of these trappings was a mask which fitted over the head like
a helmet (see fig. 30). By the principle of sympathetic magic the donning of a
mask identified the wearer — whether living or dead — with the entity represented
by the mask; so, for example, animal masks representing gods were worn by magi-
cians and priests. The funerary masks placed over the heads of the dead per-
formed an analogous function, representing them in the state aspired to after
death, as transfigured beings, equipped with divine qualities.
The features were for the most part idealised depictions of a deceased person
in the divine state, and should not be regarded as portraits; the only possible
exceptions are the masks made for royal individuals (such as the gold mask
of Tutankhamun, c. 1336-1327 Bc), where facial features distinctive of the
sculpture of a particular ruler might be reproduced (though to what extent this
image was a likeness of the actual person is debatable). Placing magical power
around the head reflects a particular concern in the minds of the Egyptians. The
60
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN AN @LEN DT PEG Nor DT
loss of the head, depriving the deceased of the ability to see, hear, eat, speak
and breathe, was one of the most feared dangers of the netherworld. Spell 43 of
the Book of the Dead, ‘for preventing a man’s decapitation in the realm of the
dead’, includes the words: “The head of Osiris shall not be taken from him; my
head shall not be taken from me.’ The mask protected against the loss of the
head — but also had a more specific function in ensuring continued existence
after death. This is expressed in spell 531 of the Coffin Texts (revised and
incorporated into the Book of the Dead as spell 151B), in which the individual
parts of the mask are identified with the bodily members of particular deities or
with the barques of the sun god: ‘Your right eye is the Night-barque, your left
eye is the Day-barque, your eyebrows are (those of) the Ennead, your forehead
is (that of) Anubis, the nape of your neck is (that of) Horus . . .’ The text also
contains allusions to the deceased’s association with Osiris and Ra, providing
additional assurance of rebirth. The mask thus emphasised the deceased’s
elevation to a divine state, and this is reflected in certain common features of
the iconography of mummy masks, notably the gold colouring of the skin and
the blue wig, imitations of the attributes of gods.
While the funerary masks of kings were made of solid gold, those of persons
of lower rank were usually constructed of cartonnage, an inexpensive yet durable
material, composed of linen and plaster moulded into shape over a disposable
core. Masks of this type enjoyed several phases of popularity until the Roman
31. Mummies of the

Ptolemaic and Roman Periods
were frequently identified by
wooden labels inscribed in ink
with the name and parentage
of the deceased, and often his
or her place of abode. These
tags were attached to the
outer wrappings by cords,
and served to ensure that the
mummy was transported to
the correct place of burial.
Roman Period, after 30 Bc.
L. of largest label 16 cm.
62
Period. At that time, several alternative types of funerary image were in vogue,
including plaster heads and panel-portraits, painted in encaustic (a technique in
which hot wax is used as a medium) or tempera (see figs 52 and 180).
Other trappings were used at different periods. During the Third Interme-
diate Period a dyed red-leather stola was often placed around the mummy’s
neck, either within the wrappings or on their surface. This ‘stole’ was often
represented in art as one of the trappings of deities, and perhaps conferred pro-
tection and divine status on the deceased. It also became part of the iconogra-
phy of mummiform coffins (see Chapter 7). From the 25th Dynasty to the
Ptolemaic Period a network of blue-green faience tubular beads, threaded in a
lozenge pattern, was placed on the front of the body, over the outer wrappings
(see Chapter 6). These nets appear to have carried celestial significance, the
colour and patterning recalling the starry sky. Such patterning appears on
dresses worn by the goddesses Isis and Nephthys in their role as protectors of
Osiris, and a garment with this design is often depicted as worn by Osiris him-
self. The placing of the bead-nets over mummies therefore conferred the pro-
tection of the goddesses as well as identifying the deceased as Osiris. During
the Roman Period the outer linen shroud of the mummy was frequently
painted with a full-length image of the deceased, usually in Hellenistic dress,
accompanied by Egyptian deities.
Disposal of waste
Excavations in the Theban necropolis have brought to light numerous caches of
embalming materials which represent the leftovers from mummification. These
usually consist of pottery jars containing cloths and rags stained with body fluids
and embalming oils, natron salts and packing materials. Most of these were evi-
dently used in eviscerating, drying and cleansing the body. The correct disposal
of this material was a matter of some importance. The cloths and salts had been
in contact with the body and had probably absorbed some of its fluids, in addi-
tion to being contaminated with small fragments of skin, hair or fingernails. Per-
haps because such material was considered unclean from the ritual viewpoint, it
was buried near but not actually in the tomb. Moreover, as it contained part of
the corpse it required proper disposal to ensure the integrity of the deceased’s
body, and to prevent any portions of it falling into the hands of persons ill-dis-
posed to the deceased who might use them to work magical spells which would
threaten the wellbeing of the spirit. This formal disposal of the residue of mum-
mification may underlie an enigmatic element of the funerary rituals depicted in
New Kingdom tombs. This focuses on an object called the tekenu, which is
drawn on a sledge with the coffin and canopic containers to the place of burial.
The tekenu is depicted as an amorphous bundle with a human head, resembling
the form of a contracted human body, and it is conjectured that it represents the
portions of the corpse which were not included in the mummy or the canopic
containers (see below, pp. 64-76). In the 25th and 26th Dynasties, these left-
overs were sometimes wrapped in a large shroud imitating the appearance of
63
an authentic mummified body, and buried close to the tomb in a coffin

inscribed with the name of the deceased, further emphasising the personification
of the remains.
PRESERVATION OF THE VISCERA
The manner of treatment accorded to the different internal organs of the body
varied according to the ancient Egyptians’ perceptions of their significance. As
noted above, the brain was discarded, apparently
because its function was not understood, whereas the
heart — regarded as the physical ‘centre’ of the individ-
ual and the location of the intelligence — was deliber-
ately left in place within the chest cavity. Of the organs
which were extracted during mummification, four
were singled out for separate preservation. These were
the liver, the lungs, the stomach and the intestines.
The kidneys were sometimes preserved as well, but
have been less frequently identified in mummies than
the four just mentioned. The reason for the selection
of these particular organs is not fully understood, but
in view of the importance attached to nourishing the
dead it is probably no coincidence that the organs
connected with digestion were among those most con-
sistently preserved. Each of the organs was also
regarded as an independent embodiment of the
deceased himself, and this is reflected in the manner of
their treatment. The visceral packages were treated as
miniature mummies, separately preserved and encased
in containers which have affinities with full-sized
32. The organs which were coffins. Occasionally they were even wrapped in the shape of a mummy and pro-
extracted from the body vided with small cartonnage masks in precise imitation of the type placed over
during mummification
the head of the corpse.
were preserved and placed
in special containers in the According to Diodorus, the internal organs extracted by the embalmers were
tomb. Examination of these rinsed with palm wine and treated with spices. This statement may be correct,
remains using scientific but has not been confirmed by archaeology. Examination of the viscera of mum-
techniques has yielded
mies indicates that in many cases they were preserved in a similar manner to the
important evidence for
patterns of health and disease
body itself, first being dried with natron and coated with resin, before being
in ancient Egypt. This wrapped in linen. The degree of success achieved in the preservation of these
histological section of lung fragile organs varied. A number of specimens from the New Kingdom and Third
tissue, from a canopic
Intermediate Period are sufficiently well-preserved to have yielded data about
container of the Ramesside
period (about 1295-1069
various diseases from which the deceased had suffered. These include lung com-
BC), shows evidence that the plaints such as anthracosis and pulmonary oedema, and parasitic worm infec-
deceased suffered from tions like schistosomiasis (see fig. 32). However, some visceral packages have
pulmonary fibrosis. turned out to contain mainly resin and other preservatives, with little trace of the
64
actual organs, suggesting that the embalmers were sometimes unsuccessful in

preserving the soft tissues themselves. They may in fact have been unable to dis-
tinguish one organ from another in their desiccated state, a possibility supported
by burials in which parts of the same organs are found to have been included in
more than one of the packages, as observed in mummies in the Munich
museum. The fact that the formalities of creating and burying such packages
were still observed under these circumstances is a strong indication of the pre-
dominantly ritualistic importance of the act.
Canopic jars and their protective deities

The embalmed organs were placed in the burial chamber of the tomb, close to
the coffin containing the corpse. Special receptacles were designed to house
them. The earliest of these, dating to the Old Kingdom, took the form of a cubic
chest of stone or wood, divided internally into four compartments. Later chests
imitated the shape of a aos or shrine. The evolving form of these chests con-
forms closely to the development of outer coffins and sarcophagi, emphasising
their conceptual role as ‘coffins’ for the viscera. At first, the organ packages were
placed directly into the chest without additional protection, but beginning in
the late 4th Dynasty the practice arose of providing a set of four jars of stone,
pottery or wood, each to contain one of the major organs preserved. These jars
were either placed inside the chest, or deposited on the floor of the burial cham-
ber or in a special niche.
The ancient Egyptians do not seem to have had a specific term for these con-
tainers. They are referred to in inscriptions simply as gebu en wet, ‘jars of
embalming’. They have become known in Egyptological parlance, however, as
canopic jars. The term derives from the town of Canopus in the Delta, where,
according to Rufinus (fourth century AD), a vase-shaped object was worshipped
which probably represented a local form of Osiris. Classical writers linked the
city and the vase-fetish with Canopus, the pilot of Menelaus, who was supposed
to have drowned in a storm and been buried near the city to which his name was
given. Though this image had no direct connection with the jars made to hold
embalmed viscera, the term ‘canopic’ has since become firmly attached to them.
It was important that the organs be protected in order to ensure their contin-
ued usefulness to the deceased. Their safety was entrusted to four divinities:
Imsety, Hapy, Qebehsenuef and Duamutef, collectively known as the Sons of
Horus. These were very ancient deities, who are mentioned in the Pyramid Texts
as performing a wide range of actions on behalf of the deceased king; they sup-
ported him, joined his limbs together, washed his face, opened his mouth, and
also warded off hunger and thirst from his body, the latter role associating them
closely with the digestive organs. In these early sources, at least two of the ‘sons’
were pairs of gods, male and female counterparts, an original status reflected in
the survival of the grammatical dual-endings -ty/-wy in the name of Imsety, and
probably also that of Hapy (which seems originally to have been Hepwy). By the
Middle Kingdom, both their function and their individual characters had
65
evolved, and the canonical tradition of four singular gods had been established.
By this date their principal role was that of protecting the internal organs con-
tained in the canopic jars. They were regularly invoked in inscriptions on the jars
and chests, and from the New Kingdom onwards, each god had his distinctive
iconography. In the most common tradition Imsety was depicted with a human
head, Hapy with that of a baboon, and Qebehsenuef and Duamutef with the
heads of a falcon and a jackal respectively. The jackal and falcon heads were
probably adopted from the iconography of the ‘Souls’ (dau) of Buto and Hier-
akonpolis (representing the primeval kings of Egypt), with whom the Sons of
Horus had associations. Variations on this iconographic pattern occurred from
time to time, particularly in the Third Intermediate Period, when Qebehsenuef
was frequently depicted as jackal-headed and Duamutef as falcon-headed.
The Sons of Horus were themselves guarded by four goddesses. Two of these,
Isis and Nephthys, were prominent as protectors of the dead, having — according
to the myth — played an important part in the resurrection of the murdered
Osiris. They protected Imsety and Hapy, while Duamutef and Qebehsenuef
were guarded, respectively, by Neith and Selkis. These four goddesses are often
invoked in inscriptions on the sides of coffins and canopic chests, though at Deir
el-Bersha, a necropolis of the city of Ashmunein, the association of the Sons of
Horus with goddesses followed an independent local tradition, with Sendjet and
Renenutet replacing Isis and Nephthys.
No inscription states which organs were supposed to be protected by which
deity. The only evidence for this comes from examinations of the contents of
undisturbed canopic jars and (for mummies of the 21st to 22nd Dynasties)
identification of organs found inside the body accompanied by wax or resin fig-
ures of the Sons of Horus. Generally speaking, this evidence indicates that
Imsety protected the liver, Hapy the lungs, Duamutef the stomach, and
Qebehsenuef the intestines. However, only a minority of burials have yielded
evidence on this, and there are a number of exceptions to the above pattern,
suggesting that variant traditions may have been operating at different periods
or in different parts of Egypt.
The evolution of canopic containers

Because it was important that canopic jars should function properly to magically
protect the body organs, a canonical form for them was established at an early
date, undergoing only relatively minor variations over a period of 2500 years. In
the same way, other vessels with strong ritual associations — such as the hes-vase
used for making libations — retained their characteristic shape for long periods.
This ritual import probably explains why in a large number of instances the jars
were placed in the tomb empty, as is the case in the Old and Middle Kingdoms,
when evisceration of the corpse was not always carried out, and again in the
Third Intermediate Period when the organs were replaced in the body but jars
were still provided.
Apart from possible emplacements for canopic chests in some 2nd—3rd
66
Dynasty tombs at Saqqara and elsewhere, the tombs of high officials of the early
4th Dynasty at Meidum are the earliest to include a special place specifically for
the viscera. These are niches cut into the south wall of the burial chamber. Wall-
niches or pits occur in the same location in tombs of the reigns of Khufu (c.
2589-2566 Bc) and Khafta (c. 2558-2532 Bc) at Giza. Most were found empty
33. Calcite canopic jar with but in the tomb of Ranefer at Meidum remains of viscera, wrapped in linen,
painted wooden stopper in were still in place.
the form of ahuman head.
Bit os Ray of te in The canopic nich or piti was usually no longer provided
pic niche ide i the tomb after the
in
Mal cee Has eouldee 4th Dynasty. The viscera were placed instead in separate receptacles. The earliest
is typical of the Middle is the calcite (Egyptian alabaster) chest made for the burial of Queen Hetepheres
Kingdom. At this period, I, mother of Khufu. It was found in her tomb at Giza, placed in a niche cut in
all four lids of a set of
jars the southern end of the burial chamber’s west wall. The chest was divided inter-
usually represented human
faces, which were probably
nally into four compartments into which the viscera were placed directly. When
Ree Se ccF Larue the tomb was found in 1925, the chest still contained the remains of the linen-
12th Dynasty, about 1900 Bc. wrapped packages, which lay in a dilute solution of natron in water.
From Deir el-Bersha. The earliest datable canopic jars are the limestone set made for Queen Mere-
Tl. 29.5'cm.
sankh III (c. 2500 Bc), found in her tomb at Giza. The canopic jars of the Old
Kingdom were simple in design. They were usually made from limestone or
calcite, and are distinguished by their shallow, convex disc-shaped lids.
The jars were usually undecorated and uninscribed — though the vizier
Kagemni, who was buried in a tomb at Saqqara in the 6th Dynasty, was
provided with a fine set of calcite canopic jars incised with his name
and titles.
By the Middle Kingdom, sets of four jars had become usual in élite
burials. The jars were made of pottery, wood, limestone or calcite —
the latter notable for their high exterior polish. They usually
have a pronounced shoulder and a tapering profile. Jars with
disc-shaped lids in the Old Kingdom tradition continued to
be made in this period, but now the lids more usually took
the form of human heads (see fig. 33). An early example of
one of these human-headed lids, dating from the late 11th
Dynasty, was found at the temple-tomb of King Men-
tuhotep II (c. 2055-2004 Bc) at Deir el-Bahri. The appear-
ance of the complete jars with their lids in place clearly reflects
that of the canonical mummy image introduced in the First
Intermediate Period (see p. 81), underlining the conception of
the viscera as embodiments of the deceased. This idea was
expressed explicitly in a set of canopic jars made of cartonnage for
Djehutynakht of Bersha, which represented the human body with
arms and feet individually depicted. In the majority of cases, how-
ever, the jars have a smooth surface, and the lids in all probability
represent not the deceased but the Sons of Horus. Early depictions of
these gods vary; on the interiors of canopic chests from Deir el-Bersha
they are all represented with the head of a falcon (appropriate to the
67
DEATH AND THE AETERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
offspring of Horus), but on coffins of the 12th Dynasty from Asyut all four con-
sistently have human heads, and this became their standard iconography in the
Middle Kingdom. In several sets of canopic jars, three of the lids have bearded
heads, while one is beardless and has a lighter skin-colouring than the others, an
indication of female sex. Such jars are sometimes specifically identified as Imsety,
whose originally feminine character is indicated by the grammatical form of the
name. The role of the Sons as guardians was further emphasised in this period by
the addition of inscriptions on the jars invoking their
protection. This concept was sometimes graphically
illustrated by the depiction of human arms on the
sides of the jar, as though embracing the contents. A
redware jar of this type in the British Museum, bear-
ing a formula naming Duamutef, has the god’s arms
modelled in high relief, the hands grasping the ankh
and was sceptre (see fig. 34).
The outer chests for canopic jars continued to imi-
tate contemporary coffins in form, decoration and
inscriptions. During the Middle Kingdom the chests,
like the coffins, developed from a flat-lidded type to
one with a vaulted top. The canopic chests from the
necropolis of Bersha are particularly interesting in
this respect; several of them are decorated internally
with passages from the Coffin Texts, among which are
the earliest instances of the shabti spell (see Chapter
4), and there are also figures of the Sons of Horus
and tutelary goddesses.
The evolution of the canopic chest continued
during the Second Intermediate Period. Several buri-
als found at Thebes included wooden canopic chests
of distinctive type, having vaulted lids with end-
34. Redware canopic jar made boards, and images of the Anubis-jackal painted on the sides. The chest made for
for the official Wahka. The King Sebekemsaf (c. 1600 Bc), now in Leiden, had an internal lid on which the
inscription invokes the aid
of the god Duamutef, whose
four canopic jars were painted in profile. Curiously, actual jars from this period
protective embrace is are rather rare, and it may be that in many cases the linen-wrapped viscera were
graphically represented by placed directly into the wooden chest.
the human arms carved on In the 18th Dynasty the provision of canopic jars underwent a revival. They
the sides of the jar; the god’s
were often made of clay, fashioned on a potter’s wheel, and sometimes of stone
hands grasp the ankh (sign
oflife) and the was sceptre,
or wood. The body of the jar was usually squat, with a prominent shoulder, and
symbolising his authority. the lids followed the tradition of the Middle Kingdom in representing all four
Probably from the tomb of Sons of Horus with human heads (see fig. 35). The lids of a few 18th Dynasty
Wahka II at Qaw el-Kebir.
jars, however, represented the distinctive animal-heads of the Sons, and this
12th Dynasty, reign of
became standard practice in the reign of Ramesses II (c. 1279-1213 Bc) in the
Amenemhat III, about
1800 Bc. H. 28.6 cm. 19th Dynasty. The form and material of the jars also changed in the Ramesside
Period, with limestone and calcite the favoured materials rather than pottery or
68
35. Canopic jars made for the 36. Calcite canopic jar from
Child of the Royal Nursery, a set inscribed for Queen
Ahmose (left), an unidentified Mutnedjmet, the wife of the
owner (centre) and Renseneb pharaoh Horemheb. The
(right). 18th Dynasty canopic shape is typical ofjars dating
jars were frequently made of to the 19th and 20th
painted pottery, as these Dynasties. The hieroglyphic
examples illustrate. Early to text is the speech of the
mid-18th Dynasty, about goddess Isis, and refers to her
1550-1450 sc. Provenance protection ofImsety, one of
unknown. H.. (left to right) the Sons of Horus who in
33'em, 92 cm,.3 lcm. turn guarded the internal
organs. Early 19th Dynasty,
about 1290 sc. Probably
from Saqqgara. H. 41 cm.
DEATH AND THE AETERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
wood, while blue-glazed faience was occasionally used. The distinctive ‘Rames-
side shape’ is tall and slender, and without the pronounced shoulder of 18th
Dynasty jars (see fig. 36). A standardised inscriptional formula also emerged,
painted or incised on the jar in three or four vertical columns, in which the
organ within the jar was identified both with the deceased and with its protec-
tive genius, around which protection is extended by the four goddesses.
The protection of the Sons of Horus by the four goddesses was also reflected
in the depiction of the goddesses on the sides of canopic chests in the New King-
dom. The chests themselves regularly imitated the shape of a shrine with a
cavetto cornice and sloping roof. They were usually mounted on runners to
37. Painted wooden canopic

chest containing four jars of
Neby. The shape of the box
resembles that ofa shrine,
with a cornice and a sloping
roof. It is mounted on sledge-
runners, on which it could be
drawn to the tomb during the
funeral procession. On the
sides are protective figures
of the Sons of Horus and the
goddesses Isis, Nephthys,
Neith and Selkis. The four
jars, also of wood, have
stoppers in the form of
human heads. 18th Dynasty,
H. 63.5 cm.
38. Canopic container in the

form of aminiature wooden
coffin, one of a set inscribed
for the Scribe of the Treasury
of Amun, Sutimose. The
coffin still contains a linen-
wrapped package enclosing
the embalmed lung of the
dead man. Histologicai study
of asmall sample of this tissue
revealed that Sutimose had
suffered from anthracosis
and pulmonary oedema. Late
From Thebes. L. 29.5 cm.
enable them to be drawn along the ground, and indeed are depicted being pulled
in this way (often surmounted by an image of Anubis) in representations of the
funeral procession (see fig. 37). The chests made for private individuals were
usually of painted wood; those for kings were of calcite. Examples found in the
Valley of the Kings contain four cylindrical cavities, each covered by a human-
headed stopper. In the calcite canopic chest found in the tomb of Tutankhamun
(c. 1336-1327 Bc), each cavity contained a miniature gold anthropoid coffin
with glass and semiprecious inlays, inside which was a visceral package. After
the 19th Dynasty, kings seem to have returned to using individual jars, but
canopic coffinettes were used sporadically for non-royal burials. The treasury
HM
DEATH AND THE APTERLIFPE IN ANCTENT EBeGYPT
scribe Sutimose (20th Dynasty) possessed a set of such

miniature coffins, all of which were human-headed (see
fig. 38); another set in the Turin Museum bears the heads
of the Sons of Horus.
At the end of the New Kingdom the manner of
preparing the mummified viscera changed. Each of the
preserved organs was wrapped in a separate package
accompanied by a small figurine of one of the Sons of
Horus, and placed inside the body cavity before the
mummy was wrapped. The replacing of viscera within
the body is first attested in the mummy of Ramesses V
(mid-20th Dynasty, c. 1147-1143 Bc), and became the
standard method in the Third Intermediate Period, when
the organs were contained in four (or occasionally seven)
packages (see fig. 39). The reason for the change is
unknown, but a desire to restore the physical integrity of
the corpse may have been an influential factor. The
figurines of the Sons of Horus which accompanied the
packages were commonly made of beeswax; other exam-
ples were made from resin or from wax over a core of
clay or resin (see fig. 40). The majority of the images
represent the deities in mummy-shape and adorned with
stolae crossing on the front and back of the body; other
examples, however, depict them as living beings, wearing
divine costume. The colour of these figures was deliber-
ately altered using pigments or bleaching; hence some
are yellow (imitating gold and suggesting divine —
perhaps specifically solar — associations); some are red
(perhaps again denoting solar associations, or protection);
some black (the colour most frequently associated with
death and rebirth), and others white (indicative of ritual
purity, the colour of the garments worn by the blessed
dead). Good examples of these figures have been found
in the Royal Cache and the Bab el Gasus cache-tomb at
Deir el-Bahri (21st Dynasty), and they remained in use
until the end of the Third Intermediate Period. One of
the latest known sets of wax figures comes from the
mummy of the woman Irtyru from Thebes (25th
Dynasty); in this case, the figures were not placed inside
39. Mummy of a priest of Amun. The chest cavity has been the body but within the wrappings, a variant practice also
exposed to reveal the linen-wrapped packages containing known from the 21st Dynasty.
the internal organs, which were regularly replaced inside the
body by the embalmers in the 21st Dynasty. From the tomb
As a consequence of the change in the method of
of the priests of Amun (Bab el-Gasus) at Thebes. 21st depositing the viscera, canopic jars became superfluous.
Dynasty, about 1069-945 Bc. However, they continued to be provided in well-appointed
72
40. Wax figurines

representing the Sons of
Horus, the deities who
guarded the internal organs
of the dead. During the Third.
Intermediate Period, when
the viscera of mummies were
replaced in the body cavity in
linen bundles (see fig. 39),
each package was provided
with a figure of this type to
confer magical protection.
21st to 25th Dynasties,
about 1069-664 Bc.
H. of largest 13.3 cm.
burials of the Third Intermediate Period. The kings buried at Tanis and the
members of the family of the Theban rulers of the 21st Dynasty were provided
with sets of jars. These jars were fully functional but were of course empty (see
fig. 41); in many other cases, however, dummy jars of stone or painted wood
were provided. Some of these were carved in one piece with integral heads;
others have detachable lids but contain only a shallow cavity, too small to
accommodate organ-packages. It appears that the jars were retained on account
of their ritual significance and out of respect for the longstanding tradition that a
set of jars was a necessary component of a proper burial outfit. The association
of the names of the genii with the heads on the jars exhibits a number of varia-
tions on the traditional pattern during this period, particularly with respect to
Duamutef and Qebehsenuef, who frequently appear with the heads of a falcon
and jackal respectively (see fig. 42). The widespread occurrence of this change on
canopic jars and also in coffin decoration suggests the existence of alternative tra-
ditions, rather than error on the part of ancient scribes.
ue
wh as hl EST TS
Ge ey, ell’)
i Dor
41. Calcite canopic jars The practice of placing visceral packages in canopic jars was revived in the late
with painted wooden lids 25th Dynasty; the jars of the Kushite rulers buried at el-Kurru and Nuri show
representing the heads of the
that this development occurred (at least for kings’ burials) in the reign of
four Sons of Horus: Imsety
(man), Hapy (baboon), Tahargo (690-664 Bc). The reintroduction of functional jars, perhaps reflecting
Duamutef (jackal) and the archaising trends which were manifested in art and material culture at the
Qebehsenuef (falcon). This period, was quickly adopted throughout Egypt, 26th Dynasty examples being
set was made for the lady
attested at Thebes, Abydos and Saqqara. 26th Dynasty canopic jars were fre-
Neskhons, wife of the high
priest of Amun Pinedjem II.
quently made of calcite. They are often of large size and are barrel-shaped, being
21st Dynasty, about 1000 Bc. widest a little above the middle (see fig. 43). The lids usually represent the
From the ‘Royal Cache’ at zoomorphic heads of the Sons of Horus (now identified once more according to
Deir el-Bahri, Thebes. the traditions of the New Kingdom), but are occasionally uniformly human. A
H. 36.5—40 cm.
more elaborate formulaic text was devised for the inscriptions. This is first
42. Set of dummy canopic jars of painted 43. Calcite canopic jars of the
wood. During the Third Intermediate Period, army commander Neferibre-
when the internal organs were replaced inside emakhet. The owner was the
the body, canopic jars continued to be placed son ofanother general named
in the tomb, though many were solid Psamtek-sa-Neit. The
imitations. These specimens also illustrate inscriptions promise the
the breakdown of the traditional pattern of protection of the goddesses
iconography for the Sons of Horus at this Isis, Nephthys, Neith and
time; here the falcon head is associated with Selkis, and that of the four
Duamutef, and that of the jackal with Sons of Horus. Late 26th
Qebehsenuef. 25th Dynasty, about 700 Bc. Dynasty, about 570-525 Bc.
Provenance unknown. H. 28-35.5 cm. From Saqqara. H. 33-5 cm.
UD
encountered with the royal jars of the 25th Dynasty and continues to the Ptole-
maic Period. However, the return of functional jars did not completely supersede
the replacing of the viscera within the body or in the mummy wrappings. In
some cases, the viscera were placed on the thighs; in other cases returned to the
body cavity, as in the mummy of Hornedjitef in the British Museum (see front
cover), dating to the late third century Bc. In the latter case, a wooden shrine-
shaped canopic chest was also included in the tomb, but its four compartments
contained only potsherds wrapped in linen, as ‘dummy’ viscera.
THE EMBALMERS AT WORK
The embalmers were organised in a hierarchy, like the priests of a temple, and
those who carried out the more important tasks held sacerdotal titles. The opera-
tions were supervised by the Aery seshta, or “Master of Secrets’, the ‘secrets’ being
the specialised treatments performed on the corpse to preserve it. The hery seshta
was closely linked with the god Anubis, who had mummified Osiris, according
to mythology. In the ritualised process of mummification the deceased was iden-
tified with Osiris and, accordingly, the hery seshta played the part of Anubis; it is
possible that he wore a jackal-headed mask during the proceedings to emphasise
this association. However, the depictions of a jackal-headed man in scenes such
as figs 20 and 133 more probably represent a hypothetical ideal in which Anubis
himself performed the mummification and its rituals. References to embalming
several times mention the deceased being “in (or under) the hands of Anubis’.
Other participants included the khetemu negjer, or ‘seal-bearer of the god’ and
the khery-hebet (‘keeper of the sacred book’, or lector-priest), who read out the
appropriate words at different stages of the ritual. The practical aspects of the
work were carried out by embalmers called wetyu, of whom there were doubtless
many. Their tasks would have included the preparation of water, oils, resin,
natron and cloth. Greek texts identify two specialist types of embalmer — the
paraschistes (“incision maker’ or ‘ripper-up’) and the taricheutes (‘pickler’), though
these are not distinguished in Egyptian sources.
As embalming became widespread, the personnel involved gradually increased
in numbers; according to Diodorus, the office was hereditary. In the Old and
Middle Kingdoms, when mummification was usually reserved chiefly for the
royal family and persons of high rank, it is likely that only privileged individuals
were permitted to carry out the necessary operations. At this period, mummifi-
cation could be awarded by the king as a favour in recognition of good service or
an exemplary act of piety by a subordinate. The biography in the tomb of Sabni
at Aswan (6th Dynasty) records the sending from the Residence of officials to
carry out the mummification of Sabni’s father Mekhu (see Chapter 1). These
comprised two embalmers, a chief lector-priest, besides other officials, mourners,
various oils and utensils, and the ritual knowledge (literally the ‘secrets’) of the
two embalming workshops or wabety (at this period there was a Northern and
a Southern wabet). With the passage of time, the techniques and the special
76
knowledge required probably became established in provincial centres, leading

to local traditions of embalming.
After ritual purification in the zbu (see p. 52), the body was transferred to the
place of embalming. This is often termed the wabet, literally the ‘pure place’ or
‘place of purification’. Another term frequently used is per-nefer, often translated
‘Good/Beautiful House’, but perhaps best rendered as ‘House of rejuvenation’.
In the Old Kingdom, part or all of the embalming of the dead king took place in
the valley temple of the royal pyramid. The embalming of other individuals was
carried out in a temporary structure erected close to the tomb. The work per-
formed in these places occupied a specified period of time, which is often men-
tioned in texts: from the 18th Dynasty onwards, the figure of seventy days is
mentioned several times as the length of time between death and burial:
A good burial comes in peace, your seventy days having been completed
in your place of embalming (wader).
There are several texts, ranging in date from the 5th Dynasty to the Ptolemaic
Period, which show that the duration of the mummification process was vari-
able. The seventy-day period is perhaps to be understood as the length of time
during which mourning for the deceased took place, within which period the
body was embalmed. Only for an elaborate mummification would seventy days
be required. This would have comprised about thirty-five to forty days for the
evisceration and drying of the body and a further thirty to thirty-five days for
anointing and wrapping. The length of time occupied by the latter operations
would have depended more on ritual requirements than practical necessity.
Sometimes considerably longer treatments are documented. The body of the
father of the vizier Senedjemib, whose tomb was at Giza, was in the wabet for
one year and two-thirds (see Chapter 5). Inscriptions in the tomb chapel of
Queen Meresankh III in the Eastern Cemetery at Giza (late 4th Dynasty) men-
tion the dates of death and burial: “Year 1, first month of shemu [harvest-season],
day 21. The resting of her ka and her proceeding to the house of purification’
44. Document written in and ‘Year after 1 [i.e. Year 2], second month of peret [season of sowing], day 18.
demotic on papyrus, Her proceeding to her beautiful tomb’. The interval between these two dates
containing the statement of
amounts to 273 or 274 days. If this time was spent entirely in the place of
Phagonis, probably a lector-
priest, who acknowledges embalming an exceptionally long mummification would be indicated. The skele-
receipt of quantities of natron ton of the queen, however, showed no evidence of special treatment.
and linen for the Mummification was not always carried out by professionals. Within a close-
mummification of acorpse,
knit community such as the workmen’s village of Deir el-Medina it could be
with a promise to hand over
the body to the choachytes (the
done by a relative or work colleague. Much more information about the organi-
officials responsible for burials sation of embalmers is available for the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, from
and the service of the dead) which survive contracts made between embalmers and relatives of the deceased.
on the 72nd day after death. Some of these documents on papyrus include receipts for materials used and a
Year 16 of the reign of
promise to deliver the completed mummy to the family on a specified day
Ptolemy II, December 270 to :
January 269 Bc. From Thebes. (see fig. 44).
H. 20 cm. Despite the ritual framework in which mummification was supposed to take
77
DEATH AND THE APTERLIPE NG eAUNIG
eb IN) 0 PE Gayerer
place, the realities of the embalmers’ workshop must have been hideous, particu-
larly when large numbers of corpses were being processed simultaneously for it
would have been impossible to maintain a sterile environment within the tent-
like working-areas. Insects certainly had access to the workshops, and were able
to lay their eggs on the bodies, as is clear from the many beetles and larval skins
which have been discovered when mummies have been unwrapped (see fig. 45).
Even the bodies of small rodents have been
found between layers of wrappings, where
they had presumably crept while the partly-
wrapped body was unattended, only to
become trapped.
Instances of carelessness and dishonest
practice on the part of the embalmers are
also numerous. Radiography has revealed
that many mummies of the Roman Period,
though elaborately wrapped and adorned,
are very poorly preserved and were probably
in an advanced state of decomposition
before the embalmers began their work. The
bones are frequently in disarray and some
45. Beetles adhering to body parts are found to be missing altogether. Some Theban mummies of the
the resinous coating on the 21st Dynasty, though found undisturbed by archaeologists, had been plundered
interior of the wooden coffin
of their jewellery and amulets while still in the embalming workshop, only the
of King Nubkheperra Intef.
The substance apparently impressions being left in the bandages, which had been unwound and then
remained glutinous for some replaced.
time after the body was placed The reputation of the embalmers seems to have varied. According to
in the coffin, and entrapped
Diodorus, they were ‘considered worthy of every honour and consideration,
a number of carrion beetles
(dermestes), which had
associating with the priests and even coming and going in the temples without
perhaps escaped through hindrance, as being undefiled’. Herodotus, however, perceived them as artisans,
the wrappings ofthe corpse. neither deserving of respect nor altogether trustworthy. The most explicit state-
17th Dynasty, about 1600 Bc. ment of the irregular behaviour of embalmers comes from Herodotus, who
From Dra Abu el-Naga,
Thebes. H. of coffin 170 cm.
recorded a scurrilous story that necrophilia was practised by some among them:
Now the wives of important men, when they die, are not handed
over to be embalmed at once, nor women who are especially
beautiful or famous. Not until the third or fourth day has elapsed
are they given to the embalmers. They do this to prevent the
embalmers violating the corpse. For they say that one of them was
caught who had actually abused a newly-dead woman; a workmate
denounced him.
THE EVOLUTION OF MUMMIFICATION
The procedures used in mummification changed over time. It is generally sup-

posed that technical innovations were introduced by those who embalmed the
78
bodies of the king and his relatives, and were subsequently extended to non-
royal persons. At some periods, different techniques were practised simultane-
ously, as noted by Herodotus, but a chronological development is apparent.
Pre-Old Kingdom
The Egyptians of the Predynastic period buried their dead in simple shallow pits,
oval or circular in shape, scooped out of the desert sand. The corpse was laid on
its side with the arms and legs tightly flexed and the hands placed in front of the
face — an apparently embryonic posture, which may point to the early develop-
ment of a concept of rebirth. The body was sometimes wrapped in matting or
hides, but was otherwise in direct contact with the sand. The body fluids were
rapidly absorbed by the sand, leaving skin, bones, hair, nails and internal organs
all well preserved.
During the second half of the fourth millennium Bc, burials began to be more
elaborately prepared, and greater efforts were made to protect the body. Besides
wrapping it in hides or matting, basket trays and simple wooden box-coffins
were introduced, and the grave-pit itself was more carefully made, with vertical
sides and a wooden roof. These well-intentioned arrangements unfortunately
proved detrimental to the body’s survival, since they insulated it from the sand
filling of the grave — the main agent of natural preservation. Most corpses buried
in this manner decomposed together with their wrappings, leaving only the
bones.
Provision of a coffin and a roofed grave with internal facings became marks of
status, and were particularly significant in the formative stages of the pharaonic
state, around 3000 Bc, when the hierarchy of Egyptian society was becoming
progressively emphasised. Once these improvements had been introduted, it was
no longer acceptable to the élite members of society to be buried in a simpler
style. No less important was the transformation of the corpse into an idealised
body which would serve the deceased in the new life. Hence more and more
attention began to be focused on preserving the body by artificial methods.
Experimentation along these lines had already begun in the late Predynastic
period; burials dating to about 3500 Bc discovered at Hierakonpolis in 1997
already showed the use of linen, both in strips to wrap the corpse and in the
form of bundles acting as padding, perhaps to help retain the shape of the body.
Moreover, traces of resin on the skin of these corpses hint at efforts to achieve
more elaborate preservation. The few surviving remains from high-status graves
of the Ist and 2nd Dynasties show that wrapping the body in linen was a well-
developed practice. Linen bandages were found on a disembodied arm from the
tomb of King Djer (c. 3000 Bc) at Abydos, and early dynastic burials from
Saqqara had all the limbs wrapped separately in linen bandages; in one case eight
layers were counted on the limbs and up to fourteen over the chest. In these
cases the soft tissues usually did not survive, with only the bones being preserved
inside the wrappings. Some burials of this period reflect the alternative tradition
(see p. 48) of dismembering the corpse and wrapping the dry bones.
79
Old Kingdom
In the Old Kingdom, important advances were made in the procedure of
mummification, though at this period the most elaborate treatments were
probably available only to members of the royal family and to officials of very
high status. For this reason, and on account of the robbery of most Old King-
dom tombs, very few mummies from this period have
survived. Those that have illustrate a well-defined
methodology. Although the brain was left undis-
turbed, the viscera were extracted from the body cavity
and preserved separately. This practice had been intro-
duced at least by the beginning of the 4th Dynasty
(c. 2600 Bc), since a calcite chest for the viscera was
found in the tomb of Queen Hetepheres I, mother of
King Khufu (c. 2589-2566 Bc) (see above, p. 67).
Some method of drying the corpse must have been
employed during this period, probably involving the
use of natron, but precise details are lacking. It became
customary for the corpse to be laid out with the limbs
fully extended, a practice which coincides roughly
with the adoption of the evisceration of the deceased.
This ‘extended’ posture had already been introduced
during the 3rd Dynasty, at which date the first full-
length coffins are attested (see p. 218). The soft tissues
were not well-preserved, and the embalmers seem to
have devoted most of their efforts towards the external
appearance of the wrapped mummy, which was fash-
ioned into a lifelike but idealised image of the
deceased, rather like a statue. Linen padding was
inserted under and over the skin, to fill out the shape
46. Mummy of a man found of the body, particularly the facial features, which were carefully modelled in
in a shaft-tomb near the layers of linen impregnated with resin. Arms, legs, ears, fingers and toes were
causeway of the pyramid of
individually modelled, and hair was rendered in a naturalistic manner. The
Unis at Saqqara. Using linen
soaked in resin, the body fragmentary human remains discovered in the pyramids of Djoser, Sneferu,
has been fashioned into Raneferef, Djedkara-Isesi and Unis, at Saqqara, Abusir and Dahshur, indicate
an idealised image of the that the bodies of Old Kingdom rulers were prepared in this manner. A similar
deceased as a living being,
treatment is attested in the case of non-royal individuals. The mummy of
with arms and legs separately
prepared, Facial features have Ranefer from Meidum was padded with linen and coated with resin, the indi-
been added in paint, and the vidual limbs and the head moulded, and the eyes and eyebrows painted on the
body has been dressed in a outer wrappings.
linen kilt and priest’s In an alternative treatment, applied to mummies found in tombs of the 5th
shoulder-strap. This method
of mummification was
and 6th Dynasties at Giza, a coating of fine plaster was added to the outer wrap-
characteristic of the Old pings. This coating, sometimes painted, was often confined to the head, but
Kingdom. 5th Dynasty, occasionally extended over the entire body, which was represented naturalisti-
about 2494-2345 Bc. cally, with the limbs delineated.
80
The lifelike appearance of Old Kingdom mummies was enhanced

in some cases by the addition of clothing and other trappings. The
body of an unidentified woman found in a 5th Dynasty tomb at
Giza wore a sheath-dress and had realistic breasts elaborately fash-
ioned from layers of linen. Another female from a Giza tomb wore
an inlaid gold fillet, gold and bronze necklaces and bracelets, and a
faience bead-net dress. In this case, the fingers were individually
modelled in clay. A male mummy found at Saqqara (see fig. 46)
was dressed in the linen kilt and priestly shoulder-strap familiar
from artistic representations of the period, and traces of a kilt on
one of the plaster coverings from Giza show that some mummies
prepared by this method were also represented clothed. The bodies
of the kings were apparently treated in the same manner. In the
pyramid of Pepy I (c. 2321-2287 Bc) at Saqqara were found part of
a pleated kilt and a gilded wooden sandal, on the sole of which
were carved the ‘Nine Bows’ representing the traditional enemies
which the Egyptian king symbolically trod underfoot. These finds
suggest that the mummy of this king, at least, was prepared in a
lifelike form, equipped with royal trappings.
First Intermediate Period

An important innovation of this period was the creation of a new
iconography for the mummified body. While evisceration and
drying continued to be practised according to the principles estab-
lished in the Old Kingdom, the external appearance of the body
was changed. Instead of a lifelike image of the deceased, with
limbs, fingers and toes and naturalistic facial features, the
embalmers enveloped the entire body in a cocoon oflinen, conceal-
ing the individual members, and completed it with a mask of
painted cartonnage placed over the head (see fig. 47). This is the
form which was known by the name sa/ (see Chapter 1). The earli-
est examples of bodies prepared in this way are known from
provincial cemeteries such as Sheikh Farag and Hagarsa, but the
style rapidly spread throughout Egypt.
47. Mummy of aman named Ankhef. The mask of

painted cartonnage depicts an idealised image ofthe
deceased wearing a wig and collar and with a beard
and moustache. It extends beneath the outer
wrappings to cover the upper body. In the time at
which Ankhef lived, the mummy was usually placed
on its left side, the face aligned with the eyes painted
on the exterior of the coffin (see fig. 104). Early 12th
Dynasty, about 1950 Bc. Prom Asyut. L. 170 cm.
81
Middle Kingdom
The number of well-preserved mummies from this period is relatively small,
but those found provide indications that several different techniques were in
use at this period. The mummies of some of the wives and courtiers of Men-
tuhotep II (c. 2055-2004 Bc), found in tombs at Deir el-Bahri, had been pre-
pared in a simple manner. They showed no abdominal incisions to extract the
viscera, which in most cases were found still within the body cavities. There
were some signs that oil or resin might have been injected via the anus, but the
evidence was inconclusive and it may be that the bodies had simply been
wrapped, without any attempt at evisceration. The preservation of the soft
tissues and hair of these mummies was consistent with a process of drying by
means of an external application of natron and oil or resin. Fingernails, epider-
mis and — in some cases — hair had been lost, but the bodies had evidently been
wrapped while the soft tissues were still flexible; jewellery placed on the body of
the woman Ashait had left its imprint in the flesh. Another mummy from Deir
el-Bahri, dating from the late 11th or early 12th Dynasty, is that of the official
Wah. In this case, the organs of the abdominal cavity had been extracted via an
incision in the flank, and the soft tissues were well preserved. As with the other
mummies discussed here, however, more attention had been devoted to the
wrappings and external adornments. Wah’s mummy was provided with a gilded
mask and enveloped in a huge amount of linen (see p. 60). At several points
during the wrapping, the textile had been coated with resin, as though to pro-
vide a sealant, and jewellery and amulets were placed between some of the
many layers of linen.
Middle Kingdom mummies from other sites exhibit signs of different meth-
ods of treatment. Evisceration was frequently performed, as indicated by the
provision of canopic containers in many tombs of the 11th and 12th Dynasties.
The modelling of the facial features over the skull by means of layers of linen, as
in the Old Kingdom, continued, as exemplified by the head of the provincial
governor Djehutynakht, found in his tomb at Deir el-Bersha. In this case, details
such as the eyebrows were added in black paint on an outer layer of linen. The
mummies from this tomb, however, were also provided with masks, so that the
facial modelling on the bodies may ultimately have been concealed. In general,
the mummification process in the Middle Kingdom did not result in consistent
survival of the soft tissues, and the majority of bodies from this period were
reduced to skeletons.
The embalmers may have attempted to remove the brain as early as the Old
Kingdom, but it was not until the Middle Kingdom that this practice became
more widespread, although the procedure was still at an experimental stage. CT-
scanning of the skull of Djehutynakht, mentioned above, showed that the brain
had been extracted not via the nostrils as in later periods, but through holes
made in the maxillary sinuses. This technique resulted in damage to the eye-
sockets of the skull, and was not continued after the Middle Kingdom.
A striking indication of the range of mummification techniques in use at this
82
period is provided by the bodies of about sixty soldiers, who had been killed in
battle and were brought back to Thebes for burial in a collective tomb at Deir el-
Bahri (see p. 41). Several exhibit fatal wounds, including arrows in situ; other
mutilations were probably caused by birds of prey before the bodies were
removed from the battlefield. The preservation of these corpses had been carried
out in a simple but effective manner, by burying them temporarily in sand
(traces of which still adhered to the skin) and wrapping them in linen. They are
thus counterparts to the naturally-preserved bodies of the Predynastic period,
which they resemble in terms of the state of their preservation.
Second Intermediate Period

The embalming techniques of the 12th Dynasty seem to have continued in use in
the 13th, although evidence is scanty. The mummies of King Hor (c. 1750 Bc)
and the king’s daughter Nubheteptikhered, who were buried at Dahshur, had
evidently been eviscerated, since canopic containers were provided. The bodies
themselves, however, consisted of little more than the bones when found.
The Hyksos chieftains who ruled northern Egypt during the later Second
Intermediate Period (c. 1650-1550 Bc) appear to have followed the burial cus-
toms of their Palestinian homeland, to judge from the tombs excavated at Tell el-
Daba in the north-east Delta. Mummification has not been identified at that
site, although it continued to be practised at Thebes, the power-base of the
indigenous 17th Dynasty rulers. The few specimens which survive from this
period, however, are not well preserved. The mummy of King Segenenra Taa (c.
1560 Bc), dating to the end of this period, consists essentially of skin and a disar-
ticulated skeleton. In this case, the poor preservation perhaps resulted in part
from the exceptional circumstances of the king’s death. A series of severe wounds
in the skull show that he had been the victim of a violent attack, probably on the
battlefield. The mummy of his successor Kamose (c. 1555-1550 Bc) was appar-
ently also inefficiently embalmed, since it is reported to have fallen to pieces
when discovered at Thebes in 1857. Another burial of this period, found at
Qurna, was enclosed in a richly gilded anthropoid coffin but, in spite of elabo-
rate wrappings, only the bones survived.
New Kingdom
Important advances in embalming were achieved in the New Kingdom, doubt-
less facilitated by the long-term stability and prosperity which Egypt enjoyed
during this 500-year period, and the availability of a wider range of materials
from abroad (particularly oils and resins) through improved commercial con-
tacts. The developments are traceable via the mummies of the kings and queens
of the period, many of whom were buried at Thebes. It is a reasonable assump-
tion that these bodies represent the best methods available at the time of their
preparation, and they illustrate the fact that the most skilled embalmers were
now able consistently to preserve the soft tissues of the body as well as the bones
(see fig. 48).
83
The extraction of the brain became a

regular feature of sophisticated embalm-
ing at this period. The embalmers who
carried out the mummification of King
Ahmose I (c. 1550-1525 Bc) at the
beginning of the 18th Dynasty removed
the atlas vertebra from the neck, and
extracted the brain through the foramen
magnum at the base of the skull. This
difficult technique was not repeated and
subsequently the standard method of
removing the brain was that described
by Herodotus — by piercing the ethmoid
bone and inserting a metal hook into
the cranial cavity, after which the brain
tissue was drawn down through the nose.
Evisceration continued to be a stan-
dard practice and was usually performed
via the abdominal incision. The position
of the incision changed through time.
After the removal of the organs the body
cavity was stuffed with packing material.
The incision was often left open, though
48. Head of the mummy of a leaf-shaped plaque of gold foil might be placed over it.
King Sety I. This specimen is Large quantities of resin were applied over the body, and in many cases, skin,
the most perfectly preserved
hair and nails were well preserved. However, the loss of the subcutaneous fat and
ofthe royal mummies ofthe
New Kingdom, discovered in
the muscle tissue during the dehydration process often caused severe creasing
the cache at Deir el-Bahri on and wrinkling of the skin. In some cases the epidermis was lost during the
the Theban West Bank in drying process, and fingernails became loosened. A number of mummies exhibit
1881. Early 19th Dynasty,
threads around the finger-ends, apparently tied on to prevent the loss of the nails
about 1279 Bc.
during embalming.
The position of the arms of kings’ mummies changed during the 18th
Dynasty. Ahmose I and Amenhotep I (c. 1525-1504 Bc) appear to have been
prepared with their arms at their sides. From the reign of Tuthmosis II (c.
1492-1479 Bc), however, the arms were crossed on the breast. Royal sceptres
were placed in the hands of Tutankhamun (c. 1336-1327 Bc), and were proba-
bly provided for other kings besides. The crossed-arms position seems to have
been reserved for kings at this period; in the mummies of non-royal individuals
the arms are usually placed by the sides, with the hands covering the genital area.
The body cavities of the royal mummies were filled with a variety of materials
— usually resin-soaked linen but in a few cases of the 19th and 20th Dynasties
with lichen, sawdust or a fatty substance apparently mixed with natron. Resin
was extensively applied to the surfaces to exclude moisture and help to prevent
bacterial activity. The fact that in some cases the resin has penetrated into the
84
interior of the bones indicates that it was applied in

a heated state. In the case of the mummy believed
to be that of Amenhotep III (c. 1390-1352 Bc),
who had been obese at death, resin was inserted
beneath the skin to restore substance to the fea-
tures. Other cosmetic treatments are attested in this
period. Several elderly queens were suffering from
thinning hair at the time of their deaths, and artifi-
cial extensions were added. Hair and fingernails
were stained with henna, and artificial eyes were
provided. These were sometimes fashioned from
linen, but in some instances small onions were used
as substitutes for the eyes themselves, which usually
shrank to the back of the orbits during the drying
process.
These elaborate techniques were evidently avail-
able to the highest ranking members of the court,
but the majority of mummies of non-royal individ-
uals of the New Kingdom present a different pic-
ture. Although the external trappings may appear
impressive, the actual techniques of mummification
employed were rudimentary; often the corpse was
simply dried and wrapped, without any attempt to
extract the brain or viscera. This method was
observed in the mummies of the parents and other
members of the family of Senenmut, one of the
most influential officials in the reign of Hatshepsut.
An example in the British Museum is the mummy
of Katebet, an elderly woman who probably died
around the end of the 18th Dynasty (see fig. 49).
Considerable expense seems to have been lavished
on her beautiful gilded mask and other adorn-
ments, but radiography has demonstrated that the
brain was not removed, that little soft tissue sur-
vived and that large quantities of mud had been
49, Mummy of an elderly woman named Katebet. The head is

covered by a mask ofgilded cartonnage, and pectoral ornaments
and a shabti figure lie over the torso. CT-scanning has revealed that
mummification was rudimentary; the brain was not extracted, and
large amounts of dense packing material, probably mud, were applied
to the exterior of the corpse before wrapping, perhaps to prevent it
from falling to pieces. Late 18th or early 19th Dynasty, about
1300-1280 Bc. Found in an unidentified tomb at Thebes. L. 165 cm.
85
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANGIENT EGYPT
used to prevent the body falling apart — suggesting that embalming had been
rudimentary at best. Written references show that mummification was not
always done by professional embalmers, but could be carried out by relatives or
colleagues. The bodies of the family of the necropolis workman Sennedjem from
Deir el-Medina had been prepared very simply; a contemporary reference from
the same community mentions that the workman Neferabet ‘wrapped up’ his
deceased brother. Doubtless such unprofessional operations did not represent
the highest standards of embalming.
Third Intermediate Period

The years following the end of the New Kingdom represented the technical peak
of Egyptian mummification procedures. The processes of evisceration and
drying used in the New Kingdom had been perfected and had become standard
practice, and the embalmers of the 21st Dynasty turned their attention increas-
ingly to recreating the natural appearance of the body. In an effort to restore full-
ness to the shrivelled features and limbs, the embalmers inserted packing under
the skin. Mud, linen, sand, sawdust, and occasionally other materials were used
for this purpose. The neck, chest, back and legs were stuffed via the flank inci-
sion made to remove the viscera. Additional incisions were sometimes made to
facilitate the stuffing of the back and legs: the shoulders and arms were stuffed
via incisions in the shoulders, and the cheeks packed via the mouth (see fig. 50).
Overstuffing sometimes caused skin to burst, as occurred in the case of Henut-
tawy, the wife of Pinedjem I (c. 1050 Bc).
The treatment of the viscera changed at the end of the New Kingdom. Instead
of being placed in canopic jars, the preserved liver, lungs, stomach and intestines
were replaced in the body cavity. Each organ was wrapped in a separate linen
package and accompanied by a wax figure of one of the Sons of Horus to confer
50. Head of the mummy of

the lady Nany, a member of
the ruling family of the high
priests of Amun at Thebes in
the early 21st Dynasty, about
1050 sc. The body
exemplifies the sophisticated
embalming techniques of
the period, including
subcutaneous packing to
restore substance to the
shrunken features, and careful
arrangement of the hair. From
an intrusive burial in the 18th
Dynasty tomb of Queen
Merytamun at Deir el-Bahri,
Thebes.
86
magical protection. Although the canonical number of packages was four, this
custom was not always observed, several mummies of the 21st Dynasty contain-
ing seven packages.
Elaborate cosmetic treatments were carried out. The skin of male mummies
was painted red, that of female bodies yellow (in conformity with the artistic
convention for distinguishing male from female). Thinning hair was eked out by
extensions, and artificial eyes of glass or stone were inserted into the eye-sockets.
Repairs were even made to the skin, where damage had occurred. Defects in the
skin of an elderly woman, probably caused by bedsores, were repaired by sewing
on leather patches. Injuries in life which had resulted in the loss of bodily mem-
bers were sometimes made good by the use of prosthetics. A finely made artifi-
cial toe, discovered in the wrappings of a mummy, may have been worn in life to
conceal a disfigured foot before being incorporated into the mummy.
After the 21st Dynasty, a decline in the standards of mummification began.
Although subcutaneous packing and the replacing of viscera inside the body
continued into the 22nd Dynasty, the range of other treatments employed seems
to have narrowed with the passage of time.
Late Period
Mummies of the 26th Dynasty and later exhibit signs of deteriorating standards
of preservation. Subcutaneous packing was less frequently employed, and there
was an increasing tendency to rely on the use of large quantities of molten resin
to preserve the body. The distinction of methods according to cost mentioned by
Herodotus is exemplified by several bodies which seem to have been prepared
according to his ‘cheaper’ method. An example is the mummy of the woman
Irtyersenu (late 26th Dynasty) which was dissected and examined in 1821 by
Augustus Granville. This mummy had no flank incision and contained a sub-
stantial portion of the viscera, which had perhaps been preserved by means of an
anal injection. Canopic jars were reintroduced during this period, but did not
attain universal use; in many mummies the viscera were placed on or between
the thighs and held in position by the outer wrappings. The positioning of the
arms began to change at this period, the arms more frequently being crossed on
the breast, instead of the fully extended position which had been usual in earlier
centuries.
Ptolemaic Period
The often inferior standards of embalming continued into the Ptolemaic Period,
when many bodies were crudely preserved by being coated in a thick layer of
resin, although for persons of wealth and high status elaborate treatments were
still available (see fig. 51). The mummy of the priest Hornedjitef from Thebes
(late third century BC) appears to have been carefully preserved. Radiography
showed that the brain had been extracted and the skull cavity partly filled with
molten resin. The viscera had been wrapped separately and replaced in the body
cavity as in the Third Intermediate Period.
87
51. Mummy of aman named
Djedhor. The outer wrappings
have been carefully coated
with a black substance, which
has been identified chemically
as bitumen from the Dead
Sea. Over this black coating
have been placed a gilded
mask and a group ofpainted
cartonnage plaques,
representing the goddess Nut
with outspread wings, the
Sons of Horus, Isis and
Nephthys and other deities.
Ptolemaic Period, about 250
BC. From Akhmim. L. 156
cm.
‘ iilQ
52. Mummy of a young man
named Artemidorus in a
painted and gilded stucco
case. The portrait-panel sl
the deceased dressed in a
tunic and mantle of Roms
style, and with his hair
brushed forward in the
manner of the Trajanic period
(second century AD).
Traditional Egyptian funerary
scenes in gold leaf appear on
the body, the case as a whole
exemplifying the mixing of
classical and Egyptian styles
characteristic of the Graeco-
Roman period. CT-scanning
has revealed that the
developmental state of
Artemidorus’ bones and teeth
is consistent with an age at
death ofaround the early
twenties, as the portrait
implies. AD 100-120.
From Hawara. L. 167 cm.
: G8:
.
SEA Sy
53. Mummy of a young adult
man, found at Thebes.
Radiography has shown that
the brain has been extracted
through the nose, and
viscera via an abdominal
incision. The external
preparation of the body recalls
the methods used in the Old
Kingdom. The facial features
have been carefully modelled
using resin-soaked linen, and
the limbs filled out with a
granular packing material.
The arms, legs, fingers
toes have been individually
wrapped, and the eyes,
eyebrows and mouth painted
on the wrappings. The natural
hair of the deceased has been
intentionally left exposed.
Finely patterned wrapping has
been applied to the forearms,
and the body adorned with a
belt, armlets and straps.
Ptolemaic or Roman Period,
after 305 Bc. L. 162 cm.
Roman Period
A large number of mummies from the Roman Period have survived, and the rich
decoration which many of them exhibit testifies to the importance attached to
the external appearance of the wrapped body and its trappings. As in some ear-
lier periods, such lavish adornment is often associated with crude and inferior
preservation of the body itself (see fig. 52). Unwrapping and radiography of
mummies of this period has revealed that the corpse is often poorly preserved.
The bones are sometimes disarticulated and disordered; some parts of the body
are missing altogether and sometimes a single ‘mummy contains parts of more
than one body. This suggests that the embalmers often carried out their work in
a rudimentary fashion and that many of the bodies were in an advanced state of
decomposition before work on them began. Although ‘restorations’ of damaged
or incomplete bodies were carried out, these were usually crude efforts using
wooden splints, rolls of linen, mud and pottery — a far cry from the sophisticated
cosmetic treatments used in the Third Intermediate Period.
More elaborate treatments were, however, available at this period, as one
unidentified male mummy in the British Museum illustrates (see fig. 53). The
brain was removed via the nose and the organs extracted from the body cavity.
Before wrapping, the embalmer carefully modelled the facial features and the
shape of the limbs to create a lifelike appearance, using resin-soaked linen for the
face, and a granular packing material to emphasise the breasts. The facial features
were painted on the wrappings, and the crown of the head was intentionally left
uncovered so that the natural hair could remain visible. The limbs were wrapped
separately and the fingers and toes individually bandaged, the feet being
wrapped to imitate sandals. Finally, patterned wrapping was applied to the fore-
arms, and the body was adorned with a belt, armlets and straps. Despite the
prominent breasts, the body is that of an adult man, and the elaborate prepara-
tion, though exceptional for the period, is highly idiosyncratic, and recalls the
style of mummification used in the Old Kingdom. Several other mummies pre-
pared in the same style are known, and it is possible that all these individuals
were mummified in the same embalming workshop.
The end of mummification

The latest well-dated mummies are attributable to the second and third centuries
AD. After this date the traditions of pharaonic burial customs declined. Mummi-
fication was condemned as a pagan practice by the Coptic church, whose bish-
ops preached against it, and much simpler styles of burial were increasingly
adopted. However, in spite of official disapproval, crude mummification contin-
ued in the Christian era — the bodies of Coptic monks found at Thebes show
signs of having been dried using salts (perhaps natron) and wrapped in bandages
and shrouds, and the practice may have survived until the Islamic conquest in
AD 641.
91
CHARTER
PROVISIONING THE DEAD
_ he custom of providing the dead with material things for

their comfort and wellbeing has been practically universal in all societies. Even
today, the placing of gifts or treasured possessions in the coffin may help to
assuage the sense of loss or ameliorate feelings of guilt on the part of those left
behind. In ancient Egypt, providing for the dead was not merely a reaction to
bereavement — it was essential to survival beyond the grave. Without proper pro-
visioning there could be no afterlife.
NOURISHING THE DEAD
The most basic requirement for human survival, the need for food and drink,
was a major consideration in funerary preparations at all periods. For the Egyp-
tians, the simplest way to satisfy this need on behalf of the dead was to place
supplies of foodstuffs in the grave or burial chamber. This practice is well
attested during the late Predynastic and early Dynastic periods, when all but the
poorest graves contained storage jars of stone or pottery filled with grain, water,
beer or wine. Substantial quantities of such supplies have been found in some
graves of the Ist and 2nd Dynasties. In some of these, the raw materials for food
production, rather than the finished product, were provided, but there were
exceptions. Loaves of bread, cakes, and cooked meats were sometimes placed in
the grave, and occasionally the food was laid out on plates and in bowls as a
meal, consisting of several courses. One such feast for the dead, found in a tomb
of a woman of the 2nd Dynasty at Saqqara, included a porridge of ground
barley, a quail, a pigeon stew, a cooked fish, ribs of beef, cooked kidneys,
wheaten loaves and cakes, fruit and cheese.
Trussed birds, joints of meat (including ox and calf), bread and cakes were
placed in tombs of the Old Kingdom, sometimes enclosed in limestone boxes
carved to represent their contents. By this period, however, the nourishing of the
dead was usually being taken care of by magic and ritual, and the custom of pro-
viding real comestibles appears to have waned until the New Kingdom, when
DD
PROVISTONIN G THE DEAD
there was a resurgence of the practice. Many loaves, cakes, fruits and other items
have been found in tombs of the 18th to 20th Dynasties, particularly at Thebes,
where local conditions are especially favourable to the survival of such imperma-
nent items (see figs 54—5). The tombs of the kings and other individuals of high
status also contained portions of meat which had been mummified and wrapped
in linen, sometimes coated with resin or oil. These provisions were enclosed in
wooden cases carved in the shape of the contents, which usually included geese,
ducks, pigeons, joints of beef and portions of sheep or goat. A black-painted
wooden box in the British Museum, perhaps from the burial of the high-ranking
Theban woman Henutmehyt (c. 1250 Bc) contains enough meat for a substan-
tial meal, comprising a selection of linen-wrapped fowl and joints cut from a
small quadruped, possibly a goat.
Clearly, limited food supplies of this kind were not meant to be replenished,
54-5. Above, pottery jar

containing loaves of bread,
heavily contaminated with
impurities, froma grave at
Hierakonpolis, about 3500 Bc.
The burial of real food was
later partly superseded by the
offering cult and the magical
role of images and models,
but a resurgence of the custom
seems to have occurred in the
New Kingdom, from which
period the loaves below
probably date. Probably
18th or 19th Dynasty, about
1550-1186 Bc. From Thebes.
Diam. of palm-fibre plate
19 cm.
93
and therefore could not be expected to nourish the deceased for eternity. Such
food must in fact have fulfilled a symbolic rather than a functional role. This has
been borne out by microscopic examinations of samples of the loaves and cakes
recovered from tombs. These are frequently found to be composed of substan-
dard ingredients, heavily contaminated with waste products which would have
made them extremely unappetising. However, this would not pose a problem if
56. Painted limestone relief the food-offerings were regarded simply as tokens, and there is evidence to sug-
from the shrine or funerary
gest that this attitude was indeed held from the earliest times; loaves found in
chapel of Kemsit, one of the
jars in the Predynastic cemetery at Hierakonpolis, dating to about 3500 Bc,
wives of King Mentuhotep II
(about 2055-2004 sc). proved to be made predominantly of chaff, and hence would have been inedible
Kemsit is depicted savouring (see fig. 54). Bread and cakes from New Kingdom tombs in the British Museum
the scent of a jar of perfumed have also been discovered to contain a high proportion of chaff, in addition to
ointment and stretching out
other contaminants.
her hand to receive offerings.
On the right, a servant, whose
figure is lost, was shown PROVISIONING BY MAGIC
pouring a drink into a cup
and uttering the words The offering cult
inscribed in a vertical line:
Throughout most of the pharaonic period the sustenance of the dead was taken
‘For your ka, gifts and
offerings’. From Deir el-Bahri, care of by magical means. Funerary texts indicate that it was not the physical
Thebes. H. 37.5 cm. body but the ka which required feeding (see Chapter 1) (see fig. 56). The ka was
dependent on the world of the living to make this possible. This need was met
chiefly through the establishment of a mortuary cult, served by relatives of the
deceased or by priests, whose duty it was to present offerings to the dead in the
context of a formal ritual. This took place in the tomb chapel, to which the ka
ascended from the burial chamber below (see Chapter 5), passing through the
false-door and taking up temporary residence within the statue of the deceased in
order to receive its sustenance. In terms of its procedures, the offering ritual was
closely related to the magical purification and provisioning of the images of the
gods which took place every day in the great cult temples. The ka of the deceased,
like the divinity embodied within the cult-statue in the temple, consumed only
the essence of the foodstuffs placed on the offering table. The offerings then
‘reverted’, or, in other words, were eaten by the priests or by those who had per-
formed the ritual. The underlying notion that physical digestion did not take
place removed the obligation to ‘neutralise’ (through offering them to the dead)
much-needed provisions which might otherwise be consumed by the living.
Mortuary cults were established with great care to ensure that the funerary rit-
uals would continue to be performed from one generation to the next (see Chap-
ter 5). However, despite the most elaborate precautions, it was the fate of all
such cults ultimately to fall into abeyance. Though the spirits of long-dead kings
might continue to be maintained through temple cults, with the support or con-
sent of the reigning pharaoh, for non-royal individuals cults of remote ancestors
(even grandparents) were probably rarely maintained for more than a generation
or two. The Egyptians were well aware of the futility of trusting to tomb and
cult for eternal survival, as literary compositions often emphasise (see p. 45).
3)
One text exhorts the reader to make himself remembered by his writings; only
thus are the names of the wise men of the past recalled, for ‘their portals and
mansions have crumbled, their £a-servants are [gone]; their tombstones are cov-
ered with soil, their graves are forgotten’.
The written word: the offering formula

To circumvent this difficulty, recourse was had to the magical power of word and
image. The most important part of the offering ritual was the invocation to the
gods to provide supplies, which was expressed in a standard form of words. This
‘offering formula’ encapsulated the relationship between gods, men and king
which was crucial to the survival of the dead. In its simplest form the wording
runs:
An offering which the king gives to Osiris so that he may give a

voice-offering consisting of one thousand loaves of bread, one
thousand jugs of beer, one thousand fowl, one thousand oxen, and
every good and pure thing on which a god lives, for the ka of [the deceased].
The introductory phrase here alludes to the concept that, in theory at least,
offerings to the dead came from the king or the gods. Under a reciprocal
arrangement the king made offerings to the gods, who in turn provided for the
dead (alternatively, it may have been supposed that the king and the god
together presented the offering to the deceased). Of the many deities who are
invoked in the formula on different monuments, Osiris and Anubis, on account
of their special connections with the dead, are the most frequently encountered.
The offering itself is termed a peret-kheru, i.e. ‘going forth at the voice’ (or ‘voice-
offering’), an expression which stresses the importance attached to the speaking
of the words aloud in order to accomplish the purpose of the ritual. The offer-
ings requested generally begin with bread, beer, oxen and fowl — regarded by the
Egyptians as the staples of a good diet — and are often accompanied by ‘alabaster
[vessels], incense, and clothing’. Sometimes other commodities such as wine or
milk are added to the list. The goods are usually enumerated in quantities of one
thousand to symbolise the notion of abundance.
This text was inscribed on the stela in the tomb chapel, and often on the
coffin, on statues and on other monuments besides. Every time the words were
spoken the beneficiary received a renewed supply of the articles named. All those
who entered the tomb chapel were expected to pronounce the formula, and on
many stelae the owner of the tomb personally addresses future visitors with an
appeal to recite the appropriate words for his benefit. The appeal on the stela of
Minnefer (12th Dynasty) reads:
O living ones upon the earth, the Fem-priests and hem-

priestesses, and the wab-priests of this temple, may you say:
‘One thousand of bread and beer,.oxen and fowl, for the
revered one, the overseer of the chamber Minnefer, justified.’
96
The exhortation is often preceded by an account of the deceased’s exemplary

conduct on earth to assure the visitor that the desired offerings were indeed well-
deserved. As an added incitement the visitor who speaks the formula is promised
benefits to himself, as on the stela of Nebipusenusret (12th Dynasty).
You shall be in the favour of your sovereign, you shall hand

over your offices to your children . . . you shall not hunger, you
shall not thirst . . . according as you shall say: ‘An offering which
the king gives...’
The mere presence of the text in the tomb
was itself of value, for it was a fundamental
tenet of Egyptian magical practice that the
written word itself possessed the power to
bring about desired results, and to bring what
was written into substantial existence. So the
offering formula was inscribed on a wide range
of objects destined for the tomb, including
items which were not intended to be seen by
visitors, such as the coffins. The presence of
the words in the deceased’s funerary environ-
ment sufficed to activate the spell and to pro-
duce a limitless supply of food and other
necessaries.
While the offering formula concentrated on
the most essential commodities, a wider range
of offerings was specified in other texts. The
walls of many tomb chapels and coffins of the
Old and Middle Kingdoms are inscribed with
extensive lists of offerings which the deceased
required for his survival and comfort in the
next world. Among the items mentioned are
various kinds of bread, meat, fruits and wines,
together with the ‘seven sacred oils’ used in the
ritual of the Opening of the Mouth (see Chap-
ter 5). These are often arranged in tabular
57. Part of a list of offerings form, each compartment specifying a particular commodity needed for the after-
from the limestone false door life or for the adequate performance of the offering ritual (see fig. 57).
in the tomb of Rahotep at
Meidum. The compartments
contain the names of items
Two- and three-dimensional images
of furniture and sacred No less efficacious was the image, which — like the written word — was believed
unguents. This piece was to embody the power to become reality. Depictions of food, drink and other
originally situated to the
items were therefore an important part of the environment of the tomb (see fig.
left of the offering scene (see
fig. 109). Early 4th Dynasty,
58). Among the earliest images to appear in this context was that of the deceased
about 2600 Bc. H. 105 cm. seated before a table of offerings, a scene which first occurs on the slab-shaped
O77
limestone funerary stelae of the 2nd to 4th Dynasties. It was subsequently incor-
porated into the decoration of the false door, the focal point of the offering
chapel (see Chapter 5). The deceased stretches forth one hand towards the offer-
ing table, which may be temptingly heaped with a variety of foodstuffs, or may
support a rather more austere row of stylised conical loaves of bread. The scene is
usually accompanied by the offering formula and offering list.
By the early Old Kingdom, new scenes were added to
the false door and to the walls of the tomb chapel. These
showed rows of servants bringing supplies for the tomb
owner. These figures are usually female, and personify the
mortuary estates which (in the case of a person of wealth)
provided the supplies for the offering cult and the
stipends for its personnel. Other scenes show representa-
tive stages in the production of food and other essentials,
a logical extension of the compartmentalised lists of provi-
sions found in earlier tombs (see fig. 59). Chief among
these are the standardised depictions of agricultural activi-
ties — servants harvesting crops, making bread and beer,
and butchering cattle — but the weaving of cloth and the
construction of household and funerary objects by crafts-
men are also shown. By the principle of magical substitu-
tion it was believed that the things and the people
depicted would come into existence in the tomb and serve
the owner eternally, providing him with a staff of atten-
dants who would go about the tasks which they were
depicted performing for as long as he required them. The
introduction of these representations in about the Third
Dynasty coincides with the disappearance of the custom
of filling tomb-magazines with large quantities of food-
stuffs and furniture.
The inscriptions which accompany the activities some-
times include the statement that it is for the ka of the owner
that the actions are carried out. Occasionally there is even a
hint as to the Egyptians’ attitude towards these representa-
tions. In the mastaba tomb of Nefermaat at Meidum (4th
Dynasty), one of the earliest tombs to possess a chapel with
full wall-decoration, the enduring quality of the images
(which are referred to as ‘gods’) is expressed in a eulogy of
58. Images of food offerings the tomb owner: ‘It is he who made his gods as representation that cannot be oblit-
for the deceased, carved on erated.’ A later Old Kingdom tomb inscription from Saqgara identifies the carved
the false door from the
figure of a funerary priest as the medium (literally door’) by which the priest is to
mastaba of Ptahshepses.
5th Dynasty, about 2400 Bc. ‘go forth’ to serve the master. These statements emphasise that for the Egyptians
From Saqqara. H. of false the images carved and painted in tombs and on coffins were primarily functional.
door 366 cm. This does not of course mean that they did not take pleasure in fine draughtsman-
98
59. Limestone relief showing ship and skilful sculpting — some scenes even contain humorous details probably
two servants leading an ox placed there for the amusement of future visitors.
which is to provide sustenance
for the &a of the owner of the
tomb. The figures are carved Model figu res fo r the tomb
in the style of provincial The notion that images of servants could act as substitutes for real ones marks an
workshops of the First important step forward in cultural development. During the 1st Dynasty the
Intermediate Period, about king had been accompanied in death by attendants whose graves were located
2181-2025 sc. From the
tomb of Mereriger at
around that of their mastet. They were in all probability put to death at the time
; : popes cea
Dendets E343 em: of the royal burial so that the ruler would not be deprived of their service in the
afterlife. This practice had been abandoned in Egypt
by the beginning of the Old Kingdom (although it
occurred in Nubia during the Classic Kerma phase c.
1750-1600 Bc) and the prevalence of images in the
tombs of the élite during the following centuries indi-
cates that magical substitution had become the norm.
In the 4th to 6th Dynasties, further developments
took place. The two-dimensional figures of servants on
the walls of the tomb chapel began to be augmented
by statuettes which represented a comparable range of
activities. The earliest of these are limestone figures of
the 4th to 6th Dynasties, examples of which have been
60. Limestone statuette ofaservant grinding corn on a quern.

Individual servant statuettes of this type stand at the beginning
ofthe tradition of providing substitute servants in the tomb to
supply the needs of the deceased in the afterlife. 6th Dynasty,
about 2345-2181 Bc. Provenance unknown. H. 22 cm.
39
found chiefly in tombs at Giza and Saqqara. Each represents an individual male
or female servant; several are kneeling in the act of grinding grain on a quern
(see fig. 60); others are represented straining mash through a sieve into a vat to
make beer. Less common types depict other activities including baking, butchery
and the manufacture of stone and pottery vessels.
After the Old Kingdom, the limestone figures
were replaced by statuettes of painted wood, which
had first begun to appear during the 6th Dynasty.
These statuettes represented servants both singly
and in groups, engaged on various tasks. Examples
have been found at sites throughout Egypt, and
date chiefly to the First Intermediate Period and the
early Middle Kingdom. In undisturbed tombs, the
models have been found placed on top of the coffin
or at its side. A single tomb might contain many
models; the tomb of the provincial governor Dje-
hutynakht at Bersha was stocked with forty-five
models of scenes and servants and fifty-five model
boats. The most imposing group are the twenty-
four models found in the tomb of the official
Meketra at Thebes, dating to the late 11th Dynasty.
These encompass a wide range of activities, and the
models are exceptional for their detail and fine
workmanship.
An astonishing range of activities is represented
in tomb-models. The quality of craftsmanship
varies enormously, from crude stick-like figures
with angular faces and hastily-daubed painted fea-
tures, to exquisitely modelled sculptures finished in
painstaking detail. Even the crudest groups present
61. Painted wooden model of a vivid picture of the everyday lives and activities of the ancient Egyptians, and
a peasant wielding a hoe with the models are of inestimable value for understanding how basic activities were
which to break up the ground
carried out.
for the planting of crops.
Limestone figures were The production of foodstuffs is depicted in great episodic detail, with models
superseded by wooden models of various stages in the agricultural process. The preparation of the ground for
from the late Old Kingdom. sowing is represented by a single figure from a tomb at Asyut. He wields a hoe,
6th Dynasty, about
the standard agricultural tool of the Egyptian peasant (see fig. 61). Several
2345-2181 Bc. From Asyut,
tomb 45B. H. 33 cm. group-models represent ploughing with a pair of horned oxen yoked to a simple
wooden plough; one man is shown guiding the plough as it cuts the furrow,
while a second urges the draught beasts onward with a goad. The rest of the cul-
tivation process is not usually depicted in models, though ploughing scenes
sometimes include a figure scattering seed. Other models represent animal hus-
bandry, chiefly the management and slaughtering of cattle. The most elaborate
model of this type is a large group from the tomb of Meketra, showing the tomb
100
62. By the First Intermediate owner and attendant scribes inspecting a herd of nineteen cows — a substantial
Period, servant models had number which reflects the high status of their owner. This model, however, is
evolved; they were now
unique; most models of cattle show the process of butchering, the animal lying
usually made ofpainted wood
and very often represented on the ground, its legs bound together and its throat cut (or about to be). In the
groups ofservants engaged in most detailed models of butchery, such as that of Meketra, cuts of meat are seen
a variety of activities. This hanging up to dry on strings on the upper level of the abattoir.
group from the tomb of
The preparation of bread and beer are among the most commonly depicted
Sebekhetepi at Beni Hasan
shows male and female
tasks, and after the Old Kingdom both processes were usually represented in a
servants grinding corn and single group (see fig. 62). Several models depict bakers modelling loaves and
baking bread, brewing beer in cakes and tending an oven or a stack of filled breadmoulds heated over a fire.
vats and slaughtering an ox. The making of beer is usually represented by one or more standing figures
Another man carried two jars
straining mash through a sieve or cloth into a large vat.
slung over his shoulders
ona yoke. Probably late A highly important category of model is the granary — a miniature storehouse
11th Dynasty, about 2000 Bc. filled with samples of grains used to make bread and beer. These models are
49.6x24.3 cm. among the most informative of all for they often represent the complete building
with walls and working door, ramps, ladders and grain silos with movable
hatches. A granary from the tomb of Sebekhetepi at Beni Hasan is occupied by
figures of men carrying the grain while a scribe records the quantities on a writ-
ing board (see fig. 63). An example from Thebes has a courtyard in which a
DEATH AND THE AFPTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
63. This granary, which

comes from the same tomb as
the group in fig. 62, depicts
men depositing or removing
sacks, while a scribe holds a
writing board, on which he
is keeping a record of the
quantities of grain. The
storage bins are filled with
actual grains and with juniper
berries. Probably late 11th
Dynasty. From Beni Hasan,
tomb 723. H. 21 cm.
64. Model ofa female servant

grinding corn on a quern
supported on a table. The
figure comes from a model of
a granary found in a tomb at
Thebes. 12th Dynasty, about
1850 Bc. H. 13 cm.
woman stands grinding corn on a quern set on a

legged stand (see fig. 64); the master, seated
under a canopy on an upper level, keeps a careful
watch over the activities below. In some granary
models the silos are labelled with ink inscriptions
identifying different varieties of corn. Less
common, but nonetheless instructive, are scenes
of weaving, carpentry and brick-making.
Particularly striking are the carriers of offer-
ings, usually female, pairs of which were supplied
in many tombs (see fig. 65). The commonest type
is depicted walking, supporting with her left
hand a provision-basket on her head and holding
a bird in her right hand. They are frequently
larger than the other models and are often of
superior craftsmanship to that of others from the
same tomb. The reason for their special signifi-
cance is debatable. It may reflect their role as
personifications of mortuary estates, the funda-
mental basis of provisioning for the dead. There
is no doubt that the iconography of the figures
closely resembles that of the personified estates
depicted on the walls of Old Kingdom tomb
chapels (see p. 98).
These models were produced in large numbers
during the First Intermediate Period and the
Middle Kingdom, but seem to have fallen out of
fashion after the 12th Dynasty, their role being
partly taken over by shabtis (see Chapter 4).
Model boats
The boat was of great importance in ancient
65. Model of a female servant Egypt, not only as the principal means of transport, but also for fishing and
bringing offerings for the fowling. Boats also played a major role in religion, being conceived as the main
owner of the tomb. On her
means by which the gods travelled across the sky and through the netherworld.
head she carries a basket of
bread and cakes and the head
It is hardly surprising, then, that miniature boats form the largest single category
and foreleg of an ox. The of models found in the tombs of the Old to Middle Kingdoms. Three broad cat-
right hand probably held a egories can be distinguished. The first comprised vessels designed for everyday
bird (now lost). The figure is
transport (see fig. 66). Most of these models represent boats built of wooden
made from an indigenous
planks, and the hulls are often carefully painted with details of the deck planking
timber, probably tamarisk.
Said to come from the tomb and structural beams emphasised in red. These boats are directed by one or two
of the physician Gua at Deir steering oars mounted at the stern. Besides the helmsman, crew members are
el-Bersha. 12th Dynasty, represented rowing or setting the sail; there is usually a lookout-man at the prow,
about 1850 sc. H. 39 cm.
holding a lead-line or a pole to test the depth of the water. Some of the transport
103
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE TN “AINIGY BINT SEG Yea
66. Painted wooden model of boats incorporate a cabin or canopy, beneath which sits a figure of the owner,
a sailing boat. Under a canopy often squatting in an enveloping cloak in the manner of later block-statues. He
sits the owner with two boxes
is sometimes attended by servants or soldiers. A smaller number of boat models
or storage-chests. At the stern
sits the helmsman and in the
represent craft used for fishing and fowling. Among the models of Meketra are
bows stands the pilot, who two papyrus skiffs, from which fishermen are shown casting nets. Most tombs
tests the depth of water with were supplied with two boat models, one with its sail set and the other propelled
a lead-line. Three of the crew
simply by oars. The different modes of propulsion were those appropriate to
are hauling on the rigging,
while two others are depicted
travelling north and south, respectively, and this idea is sometimes emphasised
using poles (now lost), as if by the positioning of the two vessels within the tomb, one with its prow facing
levering the boat offa north and the other in the opposite direction.
sandbank — a regular obstacle
A second class of model consisted of the type of boats used at funerals or for
to navigation on the Nile.
making pilgrimages to holy sites such as Abydos. The appearance of these craft
Late 11th Dynasty, about
2000 Bc. From the tomb of indicates that they were ideally supposed to be made of papyrus, although in
Sebekhetepi at Beni Hasan reality the full-size boats would probably have been made of wood (see fig. 67).
(no. 723). L. 69.8 cm. Hence the prow and stern are raised up out of the water, and the hull is usually
painted green to suggest the colour of the bundles of papyrus reeds of which it
104
67. Painted wooden model was made. These boats usually have a canopy amidships under which lies a
ofafunerary boat. The hull is mummy on a bier. Female mourners personifying the sister goddesses Isis and
painted green to suggest the
Nephthys stand at the foot and head of the bier, sometimes in traditional atti-
papyrus reeds of which such
craft were traditionally made. tudes of lamentation. It is difficult to determine whether such models represent
On the deck is a canopy, an episode in the funeral, during which the corpse was ferried across the Nile
beneath which lies the from its habitation on the east bank to the tomb in the west, or are meant to
mummy on a bier, attended symbolise the journey to Abydos, the holy city of Osiris.
by female mourners who
represent Isis and Nephthys
The third category of boat model comprised representations of the solar
lamenting the death of Osiris. barque in which the sun god was believed to travel. The importance of this con-
12th Dynasty, about 1850 Bc. cept was dramatically revealed in 1954 by the discovery of the full-size ship
From Thebes. L. 66.7 cm. buried in a pit alongside the pyramid of Khufu (c. 2589-2566 Bc) at Giza. This
vessel was intended to enable the dead king to traverse the heavens with the sun
god; finds from other royal burials from as early as the 1st Dynasty indicate that
one or more boats were often provided for the dead king’s use. Small scale
models of solar barques were also included among the tomb equipment of some
private individuals in the Middle Kingdom.
105
DEATH AND THE ART ERLIRE IN AN'CEENDT EGYPT
68-9. The graves of poorer individuals of the Middle Kingdom were often
simple shafts, without any mortuary-chapel or offering table to act as a focus
for the ritual provisioning ofthe dead. To supply this need cheaply, a pottery
offering-platter or model house was often deposited at the mouth of the
shaft. The main feature of these was a representation of a courtyard
containing a water basin and a range of food offerings — usually an ox and
a variety of
loaves, cakes, fruit and vegetables. More elaborate examples,
termed ‘soul houses’ by Egyptologists, incorporated a representation ofa
house. Offering platter, Middle Kingdom, about 2050-1650 Bc. Provenance
unknown. L. 30.5 cm. ‘Soul house’, 12th Dynasty, about 1985-1795 Bc.
Provenance unknown. 25 x 23.5 cm.
Offering platters and ‘soul houses’

For those who could not afford a cult place and the range of images described
above, access to offerings could be obtained through the medium of a pottery
model which combined the functions of the tomb chapel and the offering table.
These date principally to the Middle Kingdom and examples have been found at
many sites throughout Egypt, notably at Deir Rifa, where Flinders Petrie was
able to establish through excavation that they had been placed at surface level
106
PROVISTONING THE DEAD
above the burial shaft, and hence acted as the focus for offerings in the absence
of atomb chapel.
These models varied in the amount of detail they contained. The simpler type
is a round or oval pottery plate with raised edges and a simple T-shaped runnel
impressed into the clay, terminating in a small spout (see fig. 68); this served to
carry away the water-offerings which were to be poured on to the plate. The rest
70. An ivory headrest.
The two sides of the central
of the space was occupied by clay models of food offerings, usually including a
support are carved in the trussed ox, a loaf of bread or cake and a bunch of vegetables. Other models are
shape of the 77, or ‘girdle more elaborate and usually incorporate a representation of a house, and a court-
of Isis’, which symbolises the yard containing a wide range of offerings. Earlier Egyptologists supposed that
protection of the goddess.
the miniature structures were intended as homes for the spirit, giving rise to the
Said to be from the tomb
of the physician Gua at Deir modern term ‘soul houses’ (see fig. 69). Although this was probably not their
el-Bersha. 12th Dynasty, true purpose, the models are highly informative for the study of ancient Egypt-
about 1850 Bc. H. 16 cm. ian domestic architecture, ranging as they do from simple domed huts to elabo-
rate houses with columned porticos and stairways
leading to a roof terrace. The courtyards contain
large quantities of offerings and usually a libation
basin or pool. Some examples have holes in the
base of the courtyard or along the top of the
enclosure wall, suggesting that model trees may
have been inserted to add to the realistic effect.
Comparable Middle Kingdom houses with
walled gardens and pools have been excavated
near Lahun, and funerary texts repeatedly allude
to the desirability of having water and shady trees
for the comfort of the deceased.
Other provisions for the tomb

Since the existence beyond the grave paralleled
that on earth in many ways, other necessaries
were provided for the dead. These often included
objects of everyday use, provided so that the
lifestyle to which the owner had been accustomed
on earth could be continued after death. Furni-
ture was placed in the grave as early as the Ist
Dynasty. Fragments of decorated beds, chairs and
stools have been found in the royal tombs of the
early dynasties at Abydos, and in other tombs of later periods. The tomb of
Tutankhamun contained a range of chairs, stools and beds — even a folding
camp-bed — and private tombs of the New Kingdom have yielded a large
number of comparable items made for officials and humbler folk. Among the
commoner items were beds and headrests (see fig. 70). Here again symbolic sig-
nificance was doubtless important, since in texts death was often likened to a
sleep. In some cultures — notably in Nubia — the dead were actually laid on beds
107
in the tomb, as though to awaken to a new life. Although this custom was not
generally observed in Egypt, during the Old and Middle Kingdoms mummies
were regularly placed in coffins on their left sides, with a headrest supporting the
head (see p. 219). This position may have been intended to reflect the concep-
tion of death as a sleep. The headrest also possessed amuletic significance. In the
New Kingdom, spell 166 of the Book of the Dead, often written on an amulet
representing the headrest in miniature, assures the deceased peaceful sleep and
that his head will not be taken away in the netherworld.
71. Pair of wooden sandals

with leather thongs. The
delicate construction indicates
that these sandals were not
worn in life, but were
probably made specifically for
the tomb. They would assist
the deceased magically in
walking in the afterlife, and
symbolically enable him to
tread down hostile entities.
This pair was found placed
on the lid of the inner coffin
in the undisturbed tomb of
Sebekhetepi at Beni Hasan
(see fig. 73). Late 11th
L. (left) 25.3, (right) 25 cm.
Clothing was also provided. Some tombs have yielded enormous quantities of
garments, mostly of linen. The tomb of Kha at Deir el-Medina, dating to the
reign of Amenhotep III (c. 1390-1352 Bc), included over 100 items. Sandals
were regarded as particularly important items. As pointed out in Chapter 2,
these were sometimes worn by the mummy in the Old Kingdom, and in later
periods pairs of sandals were regularly placed in the coffin (see fig. 71). The provi-
sion of sandals magically gave the deceased the ability to leave the tomb at will;
their importance is further emphasised by the fact that they were regularly
painted on the interior of coffins. They also magically enabled the deceased to
tread his enemies underfoot, as the example from the burial of Pepy I
(c. 2321-2287 Bc) illustrates (see p. 81). In the context of a non-royal burial,
this defeat of foes was a symbolic act which reaffirmed the triumph of order over
chaos, and hence perpetuated maat. The predominantly symbolic significance of
funerary sandals becomes even clearer when it is realised that many of those
found in tombs are ‘dummies’, equal in size to functional examples but made
from inflexible or fragile materials which would have made them impractical to
108
wear. The theme of the victory of order over chaos was taken up again in the
Ptolemaic and Roman periods, when many mummies were provided with sandal
soles or footcases of cartonnage, the under-surfaces of which carry painted
images of bound prisoners, representing the traditional enemies of Egypt.
Most tombs, even those of the very poor, contained some personal jewellery
and cosmetic implements. Cosmetics were used in life to adorn, beautify and
protect the body against the effects of the extreme climate of Egypt, and cos-
metic materials and applicators were among the earliest everyday items to be
72. Acacia-wood bow and flint-tipped arrows, found on

the top of the coffin of Ankhef (see figs 104, 160).
Weapons were commonly placed in tombs from the
Predynastic period onwards. Some items, such as axes and
daggers, may have served principally as status symbols, but
the provision of archery equipment was essentially practical
in intent, to enable the dead to enjoy the pleasures of
hunting in the afterlife. Early 12th Dynasty, about 1950
BC. From Asyut. L. of bow 160 cm.
109
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANCTENT EGYPT
placed in graves. Predynastic burials contain slate palettes, often in the shape of a
fish, bird or other creature, for grinding the pigments used as cosmetics, and in
many graves powdered malachite has been found in a separate container, or may
even be still visible on the palette. Combs, hairpins, copper or bronze mirrors,
stone and pottery vessels containing oils and perfumes, and other containers
made of more expensive materials such as glass, are also regular finds in tombs.
However, some of these items — perhaps too valuable to consign to the tomb — were
at times replaced by dummies. In some tombs of the 18th and 19th Dynasties,
wooden, pottery and limestone dummy vessels were included, imitating the
forms and distinctive colouring of containers made of more costly materials.
Many of these jars were completely solid, their surfaces intricately painted to
represent the veined appearance of calcite, the mottled surface of breccia or
granite, or the brightly-coloured festoon-patterns of glass.
Tombs have also yielded items of professional equipment, such as scribe’s
palettes, cubit rods, writing boards, tools, weapons and hunting equipment (see
fig. 72). The pharaohs of the New Kingdom were even provided with chariots,
and a room in the tomb was designated as the ‘chariot hall’. Six dismantled char-
iots were found in Tutankhamun’s tomb, and fragments from other tombs show
that this was not an isolated instance. Chariots have also been found in a few
non-royal tombs, though this is rare. The tomb of Yuya and Tjuyu, the parents-
in-law of Amenhotep III (c. 1390-1352 Bc), contained a small chariot, appar-
ently made specifically for the tomb.
To complete the atmosphere of comfort and luxury in which the deceased
hoped to find themselves, musical instruments and games were also supplied.
Board games were placed in tombs as early as the 1st Dynasty, and many playing
pieces and boards from different games have been found. The board-game senet
(‘passing’) was one of the most popular leisure-time activities of the ancient
Egyptians, and gaming-boards and sets of playing pieces for them have been dis-
covered in many tombs. The object of the game appears to have been to follow a
pathway of thirty squares or ‘houses’, eventually bearing one’s playing-pieces off
the board in a manner reminiscent of the game of backgammon. Naturally, the
placement of senet sets in the grave reflected a desire to continue this enjoyable
pastime in the next life, but from the New Kingdom the game acquired a reli-
gious significance as well. The journey around the board came to be equated
with the passage to the afterlife; after successfully reaching the goal, the player is
rewarded by the gods with food and water. According to spell 17 of the Book of
the Dead winning a game of senet was synonymous with successful attainment of
the afterlife in the form of ‘a living a’.
Some of these ‘everyday’ objects had clearly been used in life. Headrests show
signs of wear, other objects had been broken and repaired. They were not neces-
sarily the best or newest the deceased had owned; many goods would descend to
the heirs and continue in use, perhaps only being consigned to the tomb several
generations after their manufacture, when they had outlived their usefulness or
were considered old-fashioned.
Ue
hte.
Ge
LG,
FN)
SS
Dbl. YAP? z
'
pea \..
: SS a,
>>,
Savy Y
”
4,
73. Reconstruction of the contents of the burial chamber of

Sebekhetepi (tomb 723 at Beni Hasan) as found. The tomb possessed
no offering chapel, and the coffin was placed in a small rock-cut
chamber, reached by a shaft. Inside the coffins were Sebekhetepi’s
sandals (see fig. 71), a set of model tools and a funerary statuette.
On the lid of the outer coffin had been placed a range of models
including the servant-group, granary and sailing boat illustrated
in figs 62—3 and 66. Late 11th Dynasty, about 2000 Bc.
CHAPAHER
FUNERARY FIGU RUN Es:

SERVANTS FOR THE AFTERLIFE
THE CONCEPT AND FUNCTION OF SHABTIS
-..he use of magic to meet the needs of the dead and to

74. Painted limestone shabti improve the quality of their existence in the afterlife led to the creation of a wide
figure of Pamerihu, a scribe. range of images for inclusion among the furnishings of the tomb. Chief among
these was the statue, in which the deceased’s ka resided to receive offerings (see
From Saqqara. H. 30.5 cm.
Chapters 1 and 5), while the servant statuettes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms
(see Chapter 3) provided a magically-operated workforce for their master in the
hereafter. In the course of the Middle Kingdom, these servant figures were super-
seded by a new type of human image, which was to become one of the most
important categories of the tomb’s furnishings. These were the funerary figurines
which were known by the three alternative names shabti, shawabti and ushebti.
These statuettes, usually mummiform in shape, were first introduced around
2100 Bc, and had become a standard element of burials by the first millennium
BC, at which time they were being mass-produced in their thousands.
The figures range in size from tiny specimens a few centimetres in length to
large and finely crafted sculptures over 50 cm tall. They were made from a variety
of materials: wood, stone, wax, metal, glass, faience, pottery, and even ivory. The
importance attached to these images is clear from their survival as part of the burial
assemblage for almost two thousand years, and by the fact that at the height of
their popularity, kings as well as their subjects required shabtis for their tombs.
The significance of the figurines was complex, and changed with the passage of
time. Since they took over the function of the earlier tomb models, the shabtis
possessed the character of servants of the deceased. But whereas the models were
at all times regarded as separate entities, distinct from their owner, the shabti was
more than this, acting also as a personal substitute for its master. Placed in the
tomb (or, occasionally deposited at a cult place of special sanctity; see p. 133-5),
the figurine provided an additional home for the ka, a reserve body in which its
owner could exist and receive nourishment in the afterlife. Hence the shabr’’s role
was in some ways analogous to that of the mummy itself, the £a-statue or the
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYRT
anthropoid coffin (see Chapters 5 and 7) (see fig. 75). This role dictated the main
iconographical features of the figures, which represent not a living individual, but
the deceased in the transfigured state, shrouded like a mummy and equipped with
divine attributes. In keeping with this notion, the shabtis of the Middle and New
Kingdoms were placed in the tomb either inside a miniature coffin, just like a
mummy, or inside a shrine-shaped box, a type of container appropriate to a
75. Mummiform images of

deceased individuals carved
in high reliefon a portion of
a limestone stela or funerary
monument. This idealised
image of the dead was adopted
for shabti figures in the
Middle Kingdom. 12th
Dynasty, about 1985-1795 Bc.
Provenance unknown.
H. 12.8 cm.
divine image. As with other images of the deceased, the shabti was an idealised
representation and cannot be regarded as a likeness of the owner.
However, the notion which ultimately came to dominate was that of the
shabti taking the owner’s place in carrying out manual labour in the afterlife.
Ancient Egyptian civilisation was based essentially on agriculture, and this in
turn depended on irrigation to water and fertilise the fields along the banks of
the Nile. In order that this system might function smoothly, all Egyptians were
subject to statutory labour by the authority of the king, and were required to
spend a certain period each year maintaining dykes, channels and irrigation
basins. Since the afterlife was thought to replicate many of the features of the
earthly environment and its social hierarchy, it was expected that a similar oblig-
ation to carry out agrarian labour might be imposed by the gods on the transfig-
ured dead. Naturally, the deceased hoped to avoid this unpleasant contingency,
and it became the shabti’s role to relieve the owner of this duty. During the New
Kingdom and later, shabtis were equipped for their work with hoes, grain baskets
and sometimes a yoke and water pots; these tools were sometimes provided as
models of the real thing, or, more often, carved or painted on the figures. Begin-
ning in the New Kingdom, shabtis came to be regarded principally as slaves of
their owner. This is reflected in texts such as the bill of sale (see p. 116), where
they are described as ‘male and female slaves’, and in the adoption of the term
114
FUNERARY FIGURINES: SERVANTS FOR THE AFTERLIFE
ushebti — derived from the verb ‘to answer’, and recalling the figure’s response to
the summons to work.
The functioning of shabtis was dependent on a magical incantation (the so-
called ‘shabti spell’), first attested in the 12th Dynasty (c. 1900 Bc), when it
appears as spell 472 in the great collection of funerary literature known as the
Coffin Texts. The earliest copies of the spell so far known are found on two
coffins from Deir el-Bersha, one of Gua (in the British Museum) and one of Sepi
(in the Louvre). The text underwent development during the succeeding cen-
turies, and was later incorporated into the Book of the Dead as spell 6. It ensured
that the shabtis performed their duties. There are many variations in wording.
One of the commonest versions of the spell reads:
O shabti, allotted to me, if |be summoned or if I be detailed to do any

work which has to be done in the realm of the dead; if indeed obstacles are
implanted for you therewith as a man at his duties, you shall detail yourself
for me on every occasion of making arable the fields, of flooding the banks
or of conveying sand from east to west; ‘Here I am,’ you shall say.
The shabt’s task was thus particularly to carry out the more onerous and
unpleasant tasks involved in the production of food: breaking up the ground,
watering it and transporting sand. The significance of this ‘sand’ is uncertain.
It is possibly to be equated with the sebakh used by modern Egyptian farmers
as fertiliser; or it may have been used to make irrigation-dykes and field
boundaries. These were the parts of the cultivation process which the deceased
most wished to escape, and it is probably significant that scenes in tombs and
on papyri showing the agricultural labours of the deceased in the Field of Reeds
(see Chapter 1) usually omit these aspects of the work, concentrating on the less
burdensome ploughing, sowing and reaping.
Many smaller shabtis bear only the name and title of the owner, often pre-
ceded by the introductory formula sehedj Wsir ‘glorifying (or ‘illuminating’) the
Osiris, or ‘the illuminated one, the Osiris . . .’. This seems to be a reference to
the transfiguration of the deceased by means of the sun’s rays. Other texts
sometimes occurring on shabtis allude to the owner's desire to see the life-giving
sun, or commemorate the presentation of the figure to the owner by favour of
the king.
The three terms for the figurines, shabti, shawabti and ushebti, are distinct and
were not used interchangeably. Shabti occurs in the late Middle Kingdom and
New Kingdom. Shawabti appears in the 17th Dynasty, but it was never as widely
used as the other words and is chiefly found on figurines made in the 19th
Dynasty at Deir el-Medina on the Theban West Bank. Ushebti is used from the
21st Dynasty to the Ptolemaic Period. The exact interpretation of the terms
shabti and shawabti remains debatable. Two quite different etymologies for shabti
are possible, one deriving from a word for ‘stick’ (perhaps alluding to wood as
the prescribed material for the figures), the other from the word shabr, ‘food’,
perhaps designating the statuettes as procurers of sustenance for the deceased.
Ui
Shawabti may also derive from ‘stick’; a connection with shawab, ‘persea tree’
has also been suggested, though there is no firm evidence that the figures were
actually made from this wood. Ushebti first occurred in the 21st Dynasty and
remains the standard term until the figurines ceased to be made. It has been
plausibly connected with the verb wesheb, ‘to answer’ — particu-
larly appropriate in view of the figures’ duty to respond to the
call to work.
The shabti, then, like the tomb and the coffin (see Chapters
5 and 7), was effective on several different levels. It was an
image of the deceased and, as such, could serve as a vehicle for
his ka, through which to receive offerings. It was also a servant,
deputed to carry out tasks which provided sustenance for the
deceased and which he himself wished to escape. The progres-
sive depersonalisation of the shabtis which took place during
the New Kingdom led to the predominance of the latter role,
in which the shabtis were viewed merely as slaves of the owner,
whose services were bought and sold. This notion is clearly
revealed in documents relating to the purchase of shabtis.
Shabtis were made by craftsmen operating in workshops
attached to the temples. A small hieratic papyrus in the British
Museum, dating to the 22nd Dynasty, records that the priest
Nesperennub had purchased a set of shabtis for his deceased
father Ihafy. They had been supplied by the ‘chief modeller of
amulets of the temple of Amun’, Padikhons, who (as his title
76. Wooden tablet inscribed implies) probably also made the faience amulets worn for protection by the
with a hieratic text recording living and included in the wrappings of mummies (see Chapter 6). In this docu-
an oracular decree issued by
ment, Padikhons declares:
the god Amun on behalf of
Neskhons, wife of the high
I have received from you the silver [i.e. the payment] of these 365 shabtis
priest of Amun Pinedjem II
(21st Dynasty, about
and their 36 overseers, 401 in all, to my satisfaction. Male and female
990-969 Bc). The text states slaves are they, and I have received from you their [value in] refined silver,
that the shabti figures have [the price] of the 401 shabtis. [O shabtis] go quickly to work on behalf of
been paid for, and confirms Osiris, for the beloved of the god, the wab-priest Ihafy. Say, ‘we are ready’
that they shall perform their
whenever he will summon you for service of the day.
allotted tasks only for
Neskhons. It is one of two
The payment which the relatives made for the set of shabtis was both the
copies ofthe decree, originally
from the ‘Royal Cache’ at
vendor's remuneration and the ‘wages’ of the figures.
Deir el-Bahri, Thebes, in Further light on the acquisition and function of shabtis comes from a decree,
which Neskhons was buried. recording a judgement given by an oracle of Amun at the temple of Karnak,
H. 28.9 cm. concerning the shabti figures prepared for Neskhons, wife of the high priest of
Amun Pinedjem II (c. 990-969 Bc) in the late 21st Dynasty. The text survives in
two copies written on wooden boards, which were probably deposited with
Neskhons’ shabtis in the ‘Royal Cache’ at Deir el-Bahri (see fig. 76). It states that
the shabtis have been paid for and confirms that they shall perform their
appointed duties on behalf of Neskhons alone. The document thus lends divine
sanction to an agreement essentially similar to that described

in the hieratic papyrus, and confirms the right of Neskhons
to command the shabtis.
THE EVOLUTION OF SHABTIS
Shabtis in the Middle Kingdom

The precursors of the shabtis date to the phase of political
decentralisation called the First Intermediate Period and the
early part of the 11th Dynasty before the reunification of
Egypt under King Mentuhotep II. They were small, crudely
modelled figurines made of wax or mud, which represent the
naked body of the deceased, with the arms stretched at the
sides and the feet together (see fig. 77). They were sometimes
wrapped in scraps of linen in imitation of mummy wrap-
pings, and were placed in small wooden boxes reproducing
the shape and decoration of the coffins of the period, with
standard funerary inscriptions and a pair of eyes painted on
the eastern side (see Chapter 7). The use of this type of con-
tainer, and the resemblance of the figurines to a mummy,
emphasised the original concept of the images as substitutes
for the physical body of the deceased. Examples of this type
of figure have been found both in the Memphite region, at
Saqqara, and in Upper Egypt at Deir el-Bahri. The figures
are uninscribed, but their magical function is clear from the
use of wax, a substance which played a prominent role in
magical practices of the ancient Egyptians; it was supposed
to have divine associations and was regularly employed to
make figurines used in magic, both for positive and negative
purposes (see Chapter 2).
The first figurines in mummiform shape occurred in buri-
77. Wax figurine in miniature als of the 12th and 13th Dynasties. Their iconography represents the deceased as
wooden coffin. Figures such sah, a being who had entered the transfigured state through the process of mum-
as this, representing the
mification, and was thereby endowed with the attributes of divinity (see Chapter
human body naked and
unmummified, were the
1). It is not surprising then that these Middle Kingdom shabzis are often barely
precursors ofthe first shabtz distinguishable in appearance from other mummiform images of the deceased,
figures. This specimen was which served as substitutes for the owner’s body — tomb statues, mummiform
made for the king’s wife coffins, and mummy figures from model boats. Possession of shabtis was evi-
Kawit, who was buried early
dently a mark of high status at this period, and only one or two shabtis were pro-
in the reign of Mentuhotep II
(about 2020 Bc) in a tomb vided for each burial. All of them were individually sculpted, and the majority
incorporated into the king’s are fine works of art (see fig. 78). They were generally made of hard stone,
funerary monument at although a few examples made of wood or faience are known. On some, only the
Deir el-Bahri, Thebes.
head, wearing a wig, protrudes from the mummy-wrappings; on others, the
L. offigurine 6.4 cm.
arms are folded across the breast and the hands grasp vases (the hieroglyphic sign
117
78. The shabtis of the Middle for the word hes, signifying ‘favour’), ankh signs, a sceptre or a piece of folded
Kingdom were made in a cloth. Some of these figures are uninscribed; others simply carry the owner's
range of materials, including
name preceded by the offering formula. The shabzi spell is encountered on only a
stone and wood, and were
few examples at this date, and it is a simple version of the text. One of the earli-
varied in their iconography
and inscriptional content. est shabtis to be inscribed with the spell is that of Renseneb, dating to the 13th
Left to right: Renseneb, Dynasty (see fig. 78).
painted limestone, with
In keeping with the role of the figures as images of the deceased, each was pro-
mutilated hieroglyphs
(see p. 200), from Abydos,
vided with its own miniature coffin, closely imitating the full-size coffins in
about 1750 Bc, H. 23 cm; which mummies were placed.
User, serpentine, provenance
unknown, 12th Dynasty, about
Late Second Intermediate Period
1985-1795 Bc; Senbi, painted
The production of fine shabtis seems to have declined after the 13th Dynasty,
wood, from Meir, 12th
Dynasty, about 1985-1795 Bc; and there may even have been a hiatus in the tradition. However, shabti produc-
lwy, priest of Amun, gilded tion revived at Thebes towards the end of the 17th Dynasty. Some of the fig-
steatite, provenance unknown, urines produced at this period were inferior imitations of shabtis of the Middle
13th Dynasty, about
Kingdom, but the most characteristic specimens were figures of sycomore wood
1795-1650 Bc; name omitted,
stone, 12th Dynasty, about
(or tamarisk), the majority of which were of extremely crude workmanship.
1985-1795 Bc. Many of the figures were mere sticks or offcuts roughly shaped with an adze into
118
a rudimentary likeness of the mummy. The face was suggested simply by a crude
wedge-shaped projection, and the body was rapidly inscribed in black ink with
the owner's name or the shabti spell. The surprising crudeness of these ‘peg’
shabtis does not disguise the fact that a clear pattern was being followed in their
production, in which prescribed shape (however
simplified), material, and words of power took
precedence over fine craftsmanship in making
the figures effective. Like the earlier shabtis, these
examples were generally enclosed in a miniature
coffin, either of wood or mud. These containers
were usually rectangular but sometimes roughly
imitated the anthropoid rishi style in vogue at
the time (see Chapter 7) (see fig. 79). Relatively
few examples of this type have been found in
context and it is apparent that not all were
placed in the burial chamber. At the tomb of
Tetiky at Thebes (early 18th Dynasty), shabtis
were discovered buried in the courtyard of the
tomb. Their inscriptions contained the names of
relatives who had evidently dedicated the figures
to the deceased.
New Kingdom
In the 18th Dynasty, the production of fine
shabtis was resumed, and the figurines were pro-
vided for a wider range of individuals (see fig.
79. Crudely shaped wooden 74). One of the most significant innovations of the period was that shabtis began
shabti with miniature to be provided for kings. The earliest is a large limestone figurine inscribed for
rectangular coffin. These
King Ahmose I (c. 1550-1525 Bc), founder of the 18th Dynasty and inscribed
rough figurines were placed
in tombs in the 17th and early with the shabti spell (see fig. 80). From the reign of Amenhotep II (c.
18th Dynasties. They were 1427-1400 Bc) the number of shabtis placed in the king’s tomb began to
frequently inscribed in ink increase steadily.
with the shabti spell. Late
Shabtis of the early 18th Dynasty resembled those of the Middle Kingdom, but
17th to early 18th Dynasty,
about 1600-1500 Bc.
there was much greater variety in material and form (see fig. 81). The majority
Provenance unknown. L. 17.5 were made in stone and painted wood, but faience and pottery grew in popular-
cm. ity. The period is particularly notable for the significant developments which
occurred in iconography. After the middle of the 18th Dynasty the crossed hands
— previously an optional feature — were regularly depicted. The most important
innovation was the representation of the agricultural tools which were required
for the shabti to perform its tasks. These were hoes, and baskets or bags for grain
suspended from a yoke. At first individual models of these tools were made from
bronze or faience, and placed in the tomb for the figures to take up when
required. Withina short time, however, these items began to be carved or painted
on the shabti itself, which was generally represented holding two hoes in its hands
JOS)
80. Limestone shabti figure and grasping cords from which one or two grain baskets hung. This development
of King Ahmose I. The piece seems to have begun about the reign of Tuthmosis IV (c. 1400-1390 Bc), whose
is in the austere style of the
shabtis are the first datable ones to have the tools. The baskets were at first shown
early New Kingdom, and
the inscription consists of at the front, but by the reign of Tutankhamun (c. 1336-1327 Bc) they had been
the shabti spell. This is the transferred to the back, hanging over the shoulder.
earliest known shabti figure The figures were often inscribed with the text of the shabzi spell in horizontal
to have been made for a king.
lines around the body and legs. During the 18th Dynasty the version of the text
18th Dynasty, about
1550-1525 sc. H. 30 cm.
codified as spell 6 of the Book of the Dead became the standard text for shabtis.
This emphasised the role of the shabti as a servant, just as did the inclusion of
81. Limestone shabti of the tools, but the older notion of it as a substitute for its owner still remained strong.
priest Nefer, with the shabti One manifestation of this is the continuing close parallelism between the
spell inscribed on the body.
iconography of shabtis and that of anthropoid coffins which also acted as eternal
This example is typical of
the finer figurines of the images of their owners. Many shabtis of the early 18th Dynasty bore painted
18th Dynasty. About images and texts in blue, yellow and red on a white background, closely resem-
1500-1400 sc. H. 24.5 cm. bling the coffins of the same period; on some shabtis the similarity was enhanced
by the depiction of transverse ‘mummy-bands’ and a vulture on the breast, again
features of contemporary coffins. Later specimens had details in gold leaf or
yellow paint on a black background in clear imitation of the coffins of the later
82. Miniature double shabti
coffin of Montu. In keeping
with their role as substitutes
for the deceased, the figurines
were often enclosed in
miniature coffins, modelled
on those used for human Slax. E j
= Reh y \
bodies. In this case the fine
gilded steatite shabti of
Montu was placed in a small
anthropoid coffin, which in
turn lay inside a rectangular
coffin carved with figures of
protective deities. Mid to late
18th Dynasty, about
1450-1380 Bc. From a tomb
shaft at Sheikh Abd-el-Qurna,
Thebes. L. of outer coffin
11.4 cm.
18th to early 19th Dynasties (see Chapter 7). On others the natural colour of
the stone or wood was left exposed. The containers for shabtis also continued to
imitate coffins, both anthropoid and rectangular types. A few shabtis for persons
of high status were even enclosed in nests of miniature coffins comprising a rec-
tangular outer case and an inner one of anthropoid shape (see fig. 82).
Although under Akhenaten (c. 1352-1336 Bc), traditional conceptions of the
83. Four wooden shabtis of afterlife based on Osiris were repudiated, shabtis continued to be made, both for
Khons, captain of the barque the king and his subjects. The shabtis of Akhenaten himself usually bear only the
of Amun, with their original
king’s names and titles and avoid standard features of shabti iconography, but
boxes. The tall, shrine-shaped
box was introduced as a
those of non-royal persons were more conventional, retaining their agricultural
container for shabtis in about tools. Some are inscribed with the shabzi spell, although others have a special for-
the reign of Amenhotep III, mula in which the Aten (the divine solar disc) is invoked to provide funerary
and gradually superseded the offerings, and the deceased is promised the benefits of the ‘gentle breeze of the
use of miniature coffins.
north wind’ (see fig. 84). According to Akhenaten’s doctrine, resurrection was to
1400-1300 sc. From Thebes. be obtained not through Osiris but through the daily rising (i.e. rebirth) of the
H. ofboxes 30.5, 35.5 cm. Aten, although the precise role of the shabti in this system of belief remains
unclear.
A legacy of the Amarna period was the appearance of more richly detailed
shabtis, often with large elaborate wigs of the kind worn on festal occasions. At
the height of the New Kingdom some unusual forms were created, including the
double shabti (see fig. 85), often comprising figures of a husband and wife side
by side as though together on a bed, and the shabti kneeling and grinding corn.
At the same period, several fine shabtis included a representation of the ba bird
spreading its wings over the body (as in the vignette from the Book of the Dead
showing the 6a rejoining the mummy: fig. 10). This image reinforced the notion
122
84. Painted ebony wood shabti of 86. Steatite shabti of the Master of the Horse,
Hatsherit, Chantress of the Aten. Sunur. In the 19th Dynasty, a number ofshabtis
The owner's title suggests that the abandoned the mummiform appearance and
figurine was made during the reign represented the owner as a living individual —a
of Akhenaten (about 1352-1336 Bc). phenomenon also encountered in the development
A number of examples from this of coffins at that period. This example shows
period were inscribed with a Sunur dressed in the wig, pleated robe and sandals
modified version of the shabti spell, of aman of high rank. His crossed arms embrace
created in order to reflect the his 6a. 19th Dynasty, about 1275 Bc. Provenance
unorthodox concept ofthe afterlife unknown. H. 21.4 cm.
which was promoted by the king.
This specimen, however, retains the
traditional form of words and even
describes Hatsherit as ‘revered with
Osiris’, indicating that proscription
of orthodox funerary beliefs was
not total in the Amarna period.
Es 23cm.
85. Another innovation of the New Kingdom was the double

shabti figure representing a male and a female — probably
husband and wife — side by side. Such groups, as this example
shows, usually rest on a flat support. This double shabti of
painted limestone is uninscribed. 19th to 20th Dynasty, about

1295-1070 sc. From Thebes. H. 14 cm.
Ps,
DEATH AND THE APT ERE LE aN ANIC
LE NOSE Gay Pen
of the shabti as the substitute of its owner; a further variation on this theme was
the shabti lyingon a lion-bier, again accompanied by the da. A fine specimen of
this type was found in the tomb of Tutankhamun (c. 1336-1327 Bc).
Fine, individually crafted shabtis of stone and painted wood continued to be
made in the 19th Dynasty. Among the finest were those produced for the mem-
bers of the royal tomb-builders community at Deir el-Medina. These often had
polychrome decoration on a white or yellow background. Many shabtis contin-
ued the iconography of the 18th Dynasty, with crossed arms, hoes, baskets and
the shabti spell. A new type was also introduced at the beginning of the 19th
Dynasty, representing the owner as a living person in the elaborate pleated robes
and full wig, collar and bracelets of festal occasions (see fig. 86). This develop-
ment again reflects a comparable trend in coffins and sarcophagi, which seems to
focus particularly in the reigns of Ramesses I, Sety I and Ramesses II (c.
1295-1213 Bc) (see Chapter 7). Sometimes the iconography of the standard
shabti was completely transcended by depicting the hands laid flat on the thighs,
but in most instances the hands were still crossed on the breast. Some hold hoes,
while others grasp amulets or embrace the ba-bird which is carved in high relief
on the breast.
During this period there was a marked increase in the number of shabtis
provided for each burial. This coincided with a reduction in the size of
figures and a simplification of the manufacturing techniques. Many
shabtis were now crudely modelled, and were often of painted pot-
tery or faience (see fig. 87). Among the largest known teams from
the 19th Dynasty is the set made for Henutmehyt, comprising
forty wooden and pottery shabtis in four boxes (see fig. 88).
Here already, quantity takes precedence over quality, for in
workmanship Henutmehyt’s figures are inferior to those of
the Deir el-Medina craftsmen. The painted wooden type
87. Blue-glazed faience shabti of King Sety I. The number ofshabtis

provided for kings steadily increased during the New Kingdom. Sety I
possessed several hundred specimens in wood and faience. This, one
of the finest examples, represents the mummiform ruler wearing the
royal nemes headdress and grasping agricultural implements. Early
19th Dynasty, about 1279 Bc. From the tomb ofSety I in the Valley
of the Kings, Thebes. H. 14.5 cm.
88. Painted wooden shabti box of Henutmehyt, a high-ranking

woman, with the figurines which it contained. The box is made in
the shape of two conjoined shrines (the per-nu shrine of Lower
Egypt), and is decorated with scenes showing Henutmehyt receiving
food and drink from the goddess Nut, and adoring the Sons of
Horus. The polychrome painted shabtis are typical of the later years
of the New Kingdom. 19th Dynasty, about 1250 Bc. From Thebes.
H. 34.3 cm.
89. Shabtis for (left to right) was particularly characteristic of the 19th Dynasty, and was largely superseded in
Hegasekheperi, Sety I, Pypyu, the 20th Dynasty by faience and pottery figurines. The faience shabtis of the
Bakwerner and Ramesses VI.
19th to 20th Dynasties were of various colours (see fig. 89). The ground colour
A substantial number of
shabtis produced during the
was often white with details in red, purple or black; others were bright blue with
19th and 20th Dynasties were details in black, and some were red. The inscriptions were often restricted to the
made of faience, glazed in a simple sehedj-formula followed by the owner’s name. Crude pottery shabtis were
variety ofcolours including often painted in rough imitation of the finer stone and wooden examples.
light and dark blue, white and
red, as the four specimens
Strangest of all was a series of amorphous calcite shabtis made in the 20th
from the left illustrate. At the Dynasty for kings and officials. These make only the most rudimentary pretence
same period, very roughly towards form, and are very crudely decorated and inscribed, usually with a
modelled shabtis were made bright green pigment probably made by heating wax in a copper vessel.
in calcite, and crudely
Until the Amarna period it was still customary to provide only one or two
inscribed in paint or with a
wax-based green pigment shabtis for persons of non-royal status. The custom of placing them in miniature
(far right). H. 13.3, 14, 14.2, coffins also continued, and these followed the pattern of full size coffins, reflect-
13.4, 11.4 cm. ing the same evolutionary changes. However, beginning around the reign of
Amenhotep III (¢. 1390-1352 Bc), special boxes for the storage of shabtis began
to be used. These were tall wooden chests with vaulted lids, imitating the
appearance of a shrine. Such boxes appear in Theban tomb paintings showing
the bringing of funerary goods to the tomb, and actual examples of boxes of this
type were provided in the tomb of Yuya and Tjuyu, the parents of Queen Tiy,
each box containing one or two shabtis. The British Museum possesses a good
early example of a set housed in this manner, comprising four wooden shabtis
made for Khons, captain of the barque of Amun (see fig. 83). These were finely
carved, and each pair was stored in the tomb in a tall unpainted wooden box.
Oddly, the boxes are not a matching pair, being of unequal height. Some of the
earlier shrine-shaped boxes have panelled ‘palace facade’ decoration
or a single line of inscription, while others carry depictions of
mummiform figures. The shrine-shaped box remained the standard
shabti container during the 19th and 20th Dynasties, and to
accommodate the increasing number of shabtis in these periods it
took the form of two or three (occasionally even four) such shrines
joined side by side. The boxes were mounted on flat or sledge-
shaped bases, and decorated with figured scenes in polychrome or
yellow on a black background. The subjects most commonly repre-
sented include the deceased seated with his wife, offering to deities,
or receiving food and drink from a goddess in a sycomore-tree. In
place of wooden boxes, pottery jars were sometimes used as con-
tainers for shabtis in burials of the 19th to 20th Dynasties, notably
at Abydos, el-Amra, Gurob and Sedment. These ‘shabti jars’ resem-
ble canopic jars, with lids in the form of the heads of the Sons of
Horus (here perhaps acting as representatives of the cardinal points
of the heavens, rather than as protectors of the viscera), and con-
tained from six to twelve crude pottery shabtis (see fig. 90).
90. Painted pottery ‘shabti jar Third Intermediate Period

with lid representing the head As the New Kingdom proceeded, the concept of the shabti changed. They
of a jackal. Although similar
became ever more “‘depersonalised’, being regarded less as substitutes for the
in appearance to canopic
containers, these jars were
owner, and more as slaves to do his bidding. The increase in the number of
used to hold crude shabti shabtis per person reached its culmination in the Third Intermediate Period with
figures in some burials of the the establishment of a canonical organisation. According to this pattern, a full
later New Kingdom,
complement of figurines comprised 365 workers, one for each day of the year,
particularly at the cemeteries
which were organised in thirty-six gangs of ten, each supervised by an overseer.
of Abydos. 19th to 20th
Dynasty, about 1295-1070 Bc. The two types were clearly distinguished by their iconography — ‘worker’ shabtis
From Abydos. H. 25 cm. followed the traditional form of the mummified body holding agricultural tools,
while ‘overseer’ shabtis were depicted as alive, wearing daily dress, with a kilt
with projecting apron; one arm was held at the side, the other flexed across the
chest, the hand holding a whip to impose authority on the workers. This divi-
sion and the resultant total of 401 is mentioned in the bill of sale referred to on
p. 116, which also makes clear the perceived status of the figurines as ‘male and
female slaves’. At the same time, the standard word for the figurines becomes
ushebti — ‘answerer’ — a term clearly related to the figures’ response to the call to
work.
Not surprisingly, in view of the vastly increased numbers of ushebtis now
required, the methods of manufacturing them were standardised and the
27
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE TN) AUN)
Gl BON TENG Yer
individual figures were usually small in size and crudely made (see
fig. 91). The majority of examples were made of faience, and both
workers and overseers were mass-produced in moulds. Their propor-
tions were often poor, with large heads and feet and flat backs; the
details of face, wig and tools were crudely painted. They wear a tri-
partite wig, and from the middle of the 21st Dynasty this is bound
by a fillet tied at the back of the head; otherwise only the hoes and
basket were represented. Although the shabti spell continued to be
included, the text was often garbled or incomplete, and on many
examples it was replaced by the short sehedj-formula, simply fol-
lowed by the title and name of the deceased.
Most shabtis of this period were covered with a blue or green
glaze. Figurines of the 21st Dynasty were usually blue, and among
them may be distinguished those made for the ruling high priests of
Amun and their relatives, most of whom were ultimately buried in
the ‘Royal Cache’ at Deir el-Bahri. The glaze of these ushebtis is of an
intense blue (‘Deir el-Bahri blue’). Comparable ushebtis of paler
colour were provided for the kings of the 21st Dynasty buried at
Tanis, and the royal tombs there also yielded a number of very small
ushebtis of bronze. This type, however, seems to have been short-
lived, and in the 22nd Dynasty faience shabtis, often with a predom-
inantly green glaze, remained the norm. The finest specimens of this
period have the text of the shabti spell written in horizontal lines on
the body and legs but many bear only the owner’s name and titles in
a vertical column on the front.
With the growing number of figurines, their containers increased
in size commensurately. The double or triple shrine-shaped boxes
continued into the 21st Dynasty, although the decoration was often
austere, with a single panel of inscription in black on a white back-
ground. The multiple shrine form was often illusory, and frequently
91. Blue-glazed faience the boxes contained no internal division, the shabtis being unceremoniously
‘worker’ ushebti of the high heaped inside. During the 21st and 22nd Dynasties the shape of the boxes was
priest of Amun Pinedjem II.
After the New Kingdom, the
further simplified. New types had flat lids and shallow rounded end-boards, the
concept of ushebtis as slaves exterior painted white or black, with a simple panel ofinscription containing the
of their owner, rather than deceased’s name and titles.
personal substitutes,
predominated. Late 21st
Ushebtis in the Late Period
From the “Royal Cache’ By the end of the Third Intermediate Period, the faience and pottery ushebtis
at Deir el-Bahri, Thebes. had declined in size and craftsmanship to an unprecedented degree. The typical
H. 16.8 cm. figurines of the 25th Dynasty were small and very crudely shaped, often without
glaze, and uninscribed. They were usually stored in pairs of wooden boxes with a
flat lid, on which one or two boats were painted. The sides of the box usually
carried an inscription in vertical or horizontal lines, sometimes accompanied by
a figured scene. An alternative type of ushebti box imitated the shape of the rec-
92. Hardstone ushebtis made

for the Theban governor
Montuemhat and the chief
lector priest Pedeamenemope.
The production of large,
finely-sculpted funerary
figurines with extensive
inscriptions was a
phenomenon of the early
seventh century BC, and was
evidently influenced by
archaising trends in art and
funerary practices at that
period. Early 26th Dynasty,
H. (left to right) 13 cm, 17 cm.
tangular outer coffins of the 25th to 26th Dynasties, with vaulted lid and posts
at the corners (see Chapter 7).
The Kushite rulers who dominated Egypt throughout the 25th Dynasty fos-
tered a revival of earlier traditions in art, architecture and literature. This
‘archaising’ tendency was already present in the eighth century Bc but was accel-
erated in the Kushite period and extended to embrace a wide range of manifesta-
tions of material culture. One consequence of this trend was a major change in
the iconography of ushebtis. The ushebtis made for the earlier Kushite kings Piy,
Shabaqo and Shabitgo (c. 747—690 Bc), discovered in their pyramid tombs at el-
Kurru in Nubia, show the evolution of a new form. The mummiform ‘worker
ushebtis are very simplified in shape, having no arms, hands or tools, although
overseer figures were still represented as living individuals. Shabaqo’s workers
especially show the emergence of a new mummiform image soon to be more
widely used. It is characterised by a large, broad face with a heavy beard, and a
129
93. Two faience ushebtis of the

26th Dynasty, illustrating the
characteristic iconography of
the period: long striped wig,
plaited beard, smiling face,
back pillar, and pedestal
supporting the feet. Each
grasps a hoe in the right
hand and a mattock in the
left, while a grain-basket is
suspended over the left
shoulder on a cord. The
standard ushebti spell is
inscribed on the body. The
ushebti on the left is inscribed
for a high official named
Neferibre-sa-neith. That on
the right belonged to
Psamtek, son ofSebarekhyt.
550 Bc. From Saqqara.
H. (left) 9.2 cm, (right) 8.4 cm.
flat-topped tripartite wig. The proportions and features of these 25th Dynasty
royal ushebtis clearly drew inspiration from sculptures of the Middle Kingdom,
and this became even more apparent in the reign of Tahargo (c. 690-664 Bc),
whose pyramid at Nuri yielded a remarkable series of stone ushebtis in granite,
calcite and serpentine. These were of large size, with a bold iconography and
they were inscribed with a clearly ‘archaising’ version of the shabti spell, which
revived the full phraseology of earlier periods. Comparable figures were made for
the highest ranking officials at Thebes, including the God’s Wives of Amun, and
the officials Montuemhat, Pedeamenemope and Harwa (see fig. 92).
The production of stone ushebtis did not continue for long after the 25th
Dynasty, but the innovations of that period brought about the establishment of
a new standardised type, which was extensively produced in faience and which
remained in use from the reign of Psamtek I (664-610 Bc) until the Ptolemaic
130
Period. These figures, usually of green (less often blue) faience, are distinguished
by the tall, slender body, long plaited beard, long tripartite wig without fillet, a
pronounced smile and by the inclusion of elements derived from stone sculpture
— a pedestal beneath the feet and a rectangular pillar supporting the back (see
fig. 93). The toolkit of most early examples is restricted to two hoes and a basket
suspended over the left shoulder on a cord, but after the reign of Psamtek II
many figures hold a hoe in the right hand and a pointed pick in the left. The
inscription is often the shabzi spell incised in horizontal lines around the body, or
a shorter vertical text on the front, giving the name and parentage of the
deceased. Both types occur within a single burial outfit.
94. Faience ushebti figures as These figures, like their precursors, were produced in moulds, and the quality
found in the undisturbed of the workmanship varies. Full sets of 401 have been found in several tombs of
tomb of the Kanefer family
the 26th to 27th Dynasties at Saqqara and Abusir, notably those of Hekaemsaf,
at Saqqara. The increase in
number of figures per burial Tjanehebu, Psamtek-meryptah and Iufaa. The iconographic distinction between
after the New Kingdom led workers and overseers soon disappeared — the latest examples of overseers occur
to the production oflarge among the ushebtis made for Divine Adoratresses of Amun of the 26th Dynasty,
wooden boxes, in which
buried at Medinet Habu — but the concept may have persisted. Possibly the vari-
ushebtis were stored in the
tomb. In some cases, as here, ations in inscription (or its absence in a proportion of examples) might reflect
the figures were arranged the difference. The figures were stored in wooden boxes, sometimes placed in
standing in rows around the special niches in the walls of the tomb, or arrayed standing in ranks around the
walls of the burial chamber, as
tomb chamber (see fig. 94).
though awaiting the summons
to work for their master. Late The majority of these late ushebtis have been found at sites in the north of
Period, about 664-305 Bc. Egypt. There are relatively few from Thebes, and those are of inferior type, such
as the ushebtis of Ankh-hor the Chief Steward of the Divine Adoratress, who was
buried about 586 Bc. This reflects the steady decline in the importance of
Thebes which followed the reunification of Egypt by Psamtek I (664-610 Bc).
Most of the ushebtis of this period were made for men, in striking contrast to the
situation in the New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period, when a high pro-
portion of ushebtis were provided for women. Kings continued to be provided
with ushebtis at least until the 29th Dynasty; examples have the royal nemes
headdress but otherwise are not distinguished from non-royal specimens.
Stylistic evolution of ushebtis during the Late Period was limited, and was
confined mainly to variations in the disposition of the text. A T-shaped arrange-
ment, with one horizontal line above one vertical line on the front, appears to be
characteristic of the Persian period, having been introduced during the mid-5th
century BC.
The last ushebtis

The final innovations in ushebti-design occurred during the early years of the
Ptolemaic Period, with the introduction of a two-tone pattern of colouring.
Ushebtis with this feature are distinguished by the dark blue colouring of the wig
and inscription on a pale blue or green background. This pattern was not, how-
ever, adopted universally, and otherwise the styles of the preceding period were
copied with increasing carelessness and lack of comprehension. Fine detail is
usually wanting, and the inscriptions are often full of mistakes. The Ptolemaic
Period witnessed a change in attitude to the dead and to their experience of the
afterlife. In this changed environment, the relevance of ushebtis was diminished
and the custom of including them in tombs steadily declined. Perhaps one of the
last ushebtis is that made for the sailor Soter, a grotesque and unconventional fig-
urine in which only the basic mummy form betrays any link with its precursors.
ANIMAL-HEADED SHABTIS
One of the most remarkable variations on the basic form of these figurines is
that of the animal-headed shabit. Some of these owed their existence to the prac-
tice of burying sacred animals in a fashion modelled on the ritual burial of
humans, a custom which was carried out with increasing elaboration from the
New Kingdom to the Roman Period, as described in Chapter 8. The most elabo-
rate of these animal burials was that of the Apis bull, which was mummified and
interred in a sarcophagus, accompanied by many of the trappings of a human
burial, including canopic jars, amulets and jewellery. Some Apis bull burials at
Saqgara included shabtis with a mummiform human body and the head of the
bull. The provision of these figurines probably reflects the intention to assimilate
the burial of the bull to that of ahuman corpse.
A few other animal-headed shabtis are known, but a different explanation for
these is required, since they were inscribed with the names and titles of officials
of the New Kingdom. The Overseer of Cattle of Amun Thutmose (19th
HZ
Dynasty), whose tomb was at Tuna el-Gebel, had shabti figures with baboon and
jackal heads, which were probably part of a set representing the Sons of Horus.
Although the principal role of these deities was to protect the internal organs
(see Chapter 2), they, like the shabti, also ensured that the deceased was provided
with nourishment, and the figurines of Thutmose may have been a concrete rep-
resentation of this notion. Another canine-headed shabti was found at Asyut, the
cult-centre of the jackal-god Wepwawet. This example was perhaps dedicated by
its owner, the scribe Nahuher, as a votive offering to the local deity.
NON-SEPULCHRAL SHABTIS
Despite the increasing emphasis, from the New Kingdom onwards, on the
shabti as a servant or slave for the deceased in the afterlife, the concept of the fig-
urines as substitutes or representatives of their owners persisted throughout this
period. The strong belief in this function led to the depositing of shabtis in
places of special sanctity other than in the tomb, in order to enable the owner to
participate in the rituals and benefit from the offerings made at the holy place of
a god such as Osiris. In consequence, deposits of shabtis have been found buried
at sites such as Abydos and the Memphite necropolis. This practice had already
begun in the Middle Kingdom. The owners of the figurines were mainly kings
or officials of high rank, and the shabtis could be deposited in a container, such
as a jar or miniature coffin, in holes in the ground or close to a monument such
as a tomb or stela.
Large numbers of shabtis were found in the Serapeum at Saqqara, the burial
place of the Apis bulls. In an intact sepulchre containing the mummy of a bull
which died in year thirty of the reign of Ramesses II (c. 1279-1213 Bc), shabtis
inscribed with the names and titles of many high officials of the realm were dis-
covered. Some of these were in the burial chamber and others actually inside the
sarcophagus of the bull. Many bore the name of Prince Khaemwaset, who dis-
played special interest in the burial place of the bulls, while others commemo-
rated high ranking Memphite officials and their wives. The shabtis seem to have
been placed there to give their owners a physical presence at this holy place.
Caches of shabtis have also been found elsewhere in the Memphite necropolis,
at Giza and Saqqara. The placing of shabtis there brought the owner close to ‘the
great tribunal of Rosetjau’. The term Rosetjau (‘The Entrance of subterraean
passages’) denoted any hole or shaft in the ground (principally tomb shafts but
also natural features) which was believed to be an entrance to the netherworld.
The Memphite necropolis was ‘the domain of the god Sokat who was called
“Lord of Rosetjau”’, and it is likely that the depositing of shabris close to the
entrances to the subterranean realm was done in order to bring the deceased into
direct proximity to the god as he entered the netherworld.
Another site where many non-sepulchral shabtis have been discovered is
Abydos. This was important as the traditional burial place of the god Osiris. As
early as the Middle Kingdom, the tomb of King Djer (c. 3000 Bc) in the royal
133
cemetery of the Early Dynastic Period at Umm el-Qa‘ab was re-identified as the
sepulchre of Osiris, and Abydos became a place of pilgrimage. Many stelae and
chapels were set up on the terrace of the temple of Osiris during this period (see
Chapter 5). Some of these incorporated statuettes in high relief representing the
dedicator and relatives as living persons or as mummies, and these were probably
the forerunners of the use of shabtis in this context. Individual
statuettes inscribed with the shabti spell were being buried in holes
in the area of the Umm el-Qa‘ab in the late 12th and early 13th
Dynasties, and this tradition continued in the New Kingdom.
Small hills near the tomb of Djer have yielded many shabtis of offi-
cials of the 18th and 19th Dynasties, some of them placed in jars.
The archaeologist Flinders Petrie found many very fine shabris
with bronze hoes, baskets and yokes in a mound near the Old
Kingdom mastaba tomb of Emdjadja. He named it Heqreshu Hill
after the owner of some of the finest shabtis and tools (see fig. 95).
A number of shabtis from Abydos are inscribed with a special text,
in which the gods who are with Osiris (perhaps meaning the
dead kings of the Early Dynastic Period buried at Umm el-Qa‘ab)
are petitioned to intercede on the deceased’s behalf so that he
should obtain a share of the food offerings made to Osiris at the
wag-festival (an annual festival of Osiris which took place at Peger,
the god’s traditional burial place at Umm el-Qa‘ab). The text also
emphasises that it is the deceased’s shabtis who shall labour in his
place when the summons to work comes. This text is known as the
Amenhotep III formula, since it is chiefly on shabtis of that king
that it occurs, but variants of it are occasionally found on shabtis of
private individuals.
The multi-titled official Qenamun, who served Amenhotep II
(c. 1427-1400 Bc), possessed a large number of exceptionally fine
shabtis. Besides those from his tomb at Thebes, he also had
groups of shabtis in model coffins buried close to the royal tombs
at Umm el-Qa‘ab. Another large group of about sixty shabtis or
shabti-like figures with his name and titles were found at Zawiyet
Abu Mesallam, between Giza and Abu Gurob. Many of these fig-
ures are inscribed with a text-formula stating that they were a
donation to Qenamun from the king, and hence they must have
been made in the royal workshops (see fig. 96).
Another series of extra-sepulchral shabtis comes from the
Theban necropolis. Several of these limestone and wooden figures
95. Copper shabti of Tuny. The eyes were inlaid with glass and the stripes of
the wig originally contained a blue pigment. Apart from a few examples made
for kings, bronze shabtis are rare, and this example was dedicated at the holy
city of Abydos as a means of enabling its owner to share in the offerings made
to Osiris there. 18th to 19th Dynasty, about 1300-1200 sc. H. 17.7 cm.
134
96. Two votive mummiform

figures of Qenamun. This
high official possessed a large
number of fine wooden
shabtis which were buried in
ritual deposits at Abydos and
in the vicinity of Giza. The
formulaic inscriptions record
that the figures were donated
to Qenamun by the king as a
mark of honour. The absence
ofagricultural tools, and the
projecting tangs which
indicate that the figures stood
on separate plinths,
distinguish them from the
conventional shabtis of the
period. 18th Dynasty, reign
of Amenhotep II, about
1427-1400 sc. H. 37 cm.
are inscribed with the names of kings including Ramesses II (c. 1279-1213 Be),
Merenptah (c. 1213-1203 Bc) and Ramesses IX (c. 1126-1108 Bc). Figures of
this type are associated with deposits in the Wadi Qubbanet el-Qirud, south of
Deir el-Bahri, a spot later used as a burial place for corn-mummies and hence
perhaps related to the Osirian Khoiak mysteries (see Chapters 1 and 6). This
interpretation is supported by the inscriptions, which mention the god Sokar,
who was prominent in the mysteries, and most of the statuettes have the white
crown, the headgear prescribed in texts relating to the ritual. Since none of these
statuettes actually carry the shabzi spell, their identification as shabtis might even
be questioned, although, as the preceding survey has shown, those figurines could
fulfil a wide range of magical functions on behalf of the individual represented.
CHARTER
Tor [THRESHOLD © Be bain

TOMBS, CEMETERIES
AND MorTuarRy CULTS
THE FUNCTION OF THE TOMB
_ he tomb was the physical setting for the eternal afterlife of the
deceased. It fulfilled the two most essential requirements, those of providing a
permanent resting-place in which the body lay protected from thieves and scav-
engers, and a setting for the cult, where the ritual acts which were intended to
ensure eternal life could be performed (see fig. 97). The importance of construct-
ing and equipping a tomb is emphasised repeatedly in ancient Egyptian writings.
The ‘instructions attributed to Prince Hardjedef (probably 5th Dynasty, c. 2300 Bc)
state: ‘Make good your dwelling in the graveyard, make worthy your station in
the West. . . the house of death is for life’. Since this new life was to be unending,
the tomb ideally should last for ever, and this was reflected in the ancient termi-
nology, which described it as the “House of Eternity’ (see Chapter 1).
The dual function of the Egyptian tomb is clearly reflected in its architecture,
in spite of the many changes in form and construction which occurred over a
period of approximately 3000 years. In all but the poorest graves, two compo-
nents can be recognised. The first is the burial chamber, sealed after the funeral,
which contained the body, the coffin and the most essential funerary equipment;
this was usually located below ground level (although in a few kings’ pyramids of
the 4th Dynasty the burial chamber was in the mass of the superstructure). The
second was a cult place — usually a chapel located within the superstructure of
the tomb — which remained accessible to relatives, priests and casual visitors. For
kings, a temple, built adjacent to or close by the tomb, replaced the chapel. The
focus of the cult place was the false door or stela, the point of transition between
this world and the next. Here, at the performance of the offering ritual, food,
drink and other essentials were placed on the offering table, accompanied by
appropriate words and actions, and the ka of the deceased was believed to pass in
disembodied state from the burial chamber to the offering-place. There it could
inhabit a statue (either in the chapel itself or in an adjacent chamber, the serdab),
in order to partake of the provisions. This ritual was supposed to be performed
TEE LE RES OLD (OR E-LER NITY: TOMBS, CEMETERIES AND MORTUARY CULTS
‘>
1
i“
p= :
97. Rituals performed on the regularly, but even if it were neglected the architecture, decoration and equip-
day of burial. At the right is ment of the tomb encompassed alternative methods of ensuring that the service
the entrance to the tomb,
of the dead continued.
with a schematised depiction
of a frieze of funerary cones The arrangement of the different components of the tomb changed through
over the door. In front of this, time, and differed according to the status and personal wealth of the owner. The
priests support the mummies earliest burials, both of kings and their subjects, comprised a pit dug in the level
of the two tomb-owners in
ground of the desert fringe, covered by a superstructure of earth, mud-brick or
their black-varnished
anthropoid coffins. Libations
stone. The most developed form of this type, the mastaba tomb, remained in use
of purifying water are poured, for non-royal persons as late as the Middle Kingdom, but tombs with free-stand-
and at the foot of each coffin ing superstructures continued until the end of the pharaonic period. The most
crouches the lamenting elaborate examples reproduced many of the architectural features of a cult temple.
widow. The woman on the
From the Old Kingdom to the beginning of the New Kingdom, kings were
left has exposed her breast and
is casting dust on her head as buried in pyramid tombs, comprising a massive superstructure of stone or mud-
a sign of mourning. Copy ofa brick with adjacent mortuary temple or chapel. In the New Kingdom, the pyra-
scene in the tomb chapel of mid ceased to be a royal prerogative, and small brick pyramids were incorporated
Nebamun and Ipuky at
into private tombs.
Thebes, late 18th Dynasty,
about 1380 Bc.
A third major type of sepulchre was the rock-cut tomb. These were hewn into
the cliffs and wadis bordering the Nile. Originally made for non-royal persons
only, the type was adapted in the New Kingdom for the burials of kings.
Cosmogonic symbolism of Egyptian tombs

The tomb — as the architectural setting for important cult practices — had affini-
ties with the temples of the gods, the mortuary temples of the kings, and chapels
137
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYERE
for the maintenance of the royal ka. The ritual acts performed in these structures
centred on a statue which served as the physical embodiment of a deity or a
king, and the maintenance of these cults was directly linked with the survival of
the universe, and the perpetuation of maat (see Chapter 1). Because of this role,
temples and chapels, in one way or another, were conceived as cosmograms, i. e.
miniaturised representations of the Egyptian cosmos. This was a means of relat-
ing the cult acts performed within the temple or chapel to the universe as a
whole, and of ensuring thereby the effectiveness of those rites. This underlying
significance accounts for much of the architectural form, layout and wall-decora-
tion of the cult temples of the gods.
In a differing degree the same principles underlay the design and decoration
of tomb chapels of the élite at several periods of Egyptian history. The tomb, like
the temple, was a place in which cult practices were performed, here before a
statue of the deceased. The ritual not only guaranteed the rebirth and nourish-
ment of the dead in the afterlife but placed this rebirth in the broader context of
the perpetuation of the cosmos, a feature highly characteristic of Egyptian
notions of human existence (see Chapter 1).
Because of this cosmogonic significance, the location, architecture, ‘decora-
tion’ and fittings of the tomb had to conform to prescribed patterns. The most
fundamental condition to be fulfilled was the orientation of the burial place, and
attention to this aspect is apparent from prehistoric times. Predynastic graves, as
well as mastaba tombs of the pharaonic period, were deliberately orientated
north-south. The positioning of the body was the factor which determined the
orientation of the grave-mound or tomb superstructure. In the Predynastic
period, the body might be placed with the head to the south or to the north, and
with the face turned either to the west or to the east, but the importance of the
north-south alignment remained consistent. In the dynastic period, it became
standard to position the body with the head to the north and the face towards
the east, a consequence of the growing importance of solar aspects of the after-
life. The deceased was thus positioned looking from the west, the realm of the
setting sun and the dead, towards the rising sun (symbol of rebirth) and the
world of the living, from which direction his offerings were brought. The impor-
tance attached to this east-west orientation led to the painting of a pair of eyes
on the eastern side of the coffin in the late Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom,
and the placing of the mummy itself on its left side in order to align the face
with the eyes on the coffin (see Chapter 7). Moreover, although the superstruc-
ture of tombs might continue to be orientated north-south, like the corpse, the
principal internal features of the tomb came to be arranged on an east-west axis,
so that visitors and officiating priests entered the chapel from the east and pro-
ceeded towards the stela, which was both the focal point of the cult and the
interface between the worlds of the living and the dead.
The local orientation of the Nile was often used as a guide to the establish-
ment of the cardinal points, just as is done today in Egyptian villages. Deviations
from a north-south flow coincide with variations in the positioning of tombs;
138
THE THRESHOLD OF ETERNITY: TOMBS, CEMETERIES AND MORTUARY CULTS
this is clear at sites such as Abydos and Naga ed-Deir, where Early Dynastic
tombs are aligned north-west: south-east, precisely reflecting the orientation of
the river in this area. For major monuments such as the pyramids of kings,
however, it is clear that orientation was not dependent solely on the position of
the Nile, but on astronomical observations.
The architecture and iconography of the tomb also conveyed the notion of its
cosmic significance. At various periods tombs resembled temples in architecture,
design and iconography. Already in the 12th Dynasty, the tombs of provincial
governors at Qaw display architectural features characteristic of temples, and
more developed versions are represented by élite tombs of the New Kingdom
and Late Period. Not only the architecture, but also the wall-decoration of the
tomb played a major part in realising its cosmogonic significance. The 12th
Dynasty tomb chapel of the official Khnumhotep II at Beni Hasan illustrates
this. Scenes of hunting, fowling and agriculture in river, floodplain, marsh and
desert reproduce the local environment in which Khnumhotep lived (his ‘per-
sonal cosmos’). In some scenes he carries out roles appropriate to the king — the
‘royal cosmos’. The wall scenes representing the earthly environment also served
as the basis for a projection of the cosmos as a whole, supplemented by more
indirect allusions to the celestial regions in which the sun god travels, and the
subterranean Duat or underworld. Hence a tomb chapel can be interpreted as a
projection of several cosmoi simultaneously — scenes such as the deceased fishing
and fowling in the marshes can be read both as ‘good wishes’ for the future state
and also as symbols of the establishing of order over chaos, in which the dead
man fulfills the role of the king and the gods, subduing and controlling the ‘dis-
order’ of the natural world. Many of these scenes, of course, also functioned as
magical substitutes for the objects depicted so as to provide for the needs of the
deceased in the afterlife (as explained in Chapter 3), but this in no way conflicts
with the interpretation of the tomb chapel as cosmogram, since a recurrent char-
acteristic of Egyptian representations is that they convey meaning on more than
one symbolic level simultaneously. With the continued development of tombs in
the New Kingdom and Late Period, the cosmogonic symbolism was increasingly
reflective of the parallelism and interaction between the realms of Ra and Osiris,
through whom rebirth was expected to be achieved (see below).
Location of tombs and spatial layout of cemeteries

Most people were buried near to the community in which they had spent their
lives. Generally, only the bodies of kings and persons of exalted rank were taken
after death to be buried at places of special sanctity, such as Abydos or the Valley
of the Kings. Tombs were rarely isolated, but instead were grouped in cemeteries,
usually located along the desert fringe bordering the floodplain, but not on the
cultivated land, which was too valuable and limited in extent to be used for buri-
als. The proximity of cemeteries to settlements facilitated contact between the
living and the dead members of a community. These contacts were maintained
particularly on the occasion of the numerous religious festivals which were held
132
throughout the year. The regions in which the dead were buried were regarded as
enjoying the special protection of the gods, a notion which is reflected in the
standard term for ‘cemetery’, kheret-netjer (literally, ‘that which is under the god’
or ‘that which the god possesses’). Most cemeteries lay on the west bank of the
Nile, the region of the setting sun, regarded symbolically as the realm of the
dead. A few cemeteries, however, were located on the east bank. The situation of
some of these may have been influenced by the availability of cliffs and wadis
there suitable for the cutting of rock-tombs, as at Beni Hasan and Deir
el-Bersha. In special cases, such as the tombs at el-Amarna, unusual religious
concepts dictated the choice of site.
Since the tomb was to reflect the owner’s position in the cosmos, it had to
manifest his place within the structure of Egyptian society. The persistence of
social hierarchies beyond death is manifested in the positioning of tombs, both
at national and local levels. Persons of very high status, who formed the royal
entourage, were buried close to the king at several periods, notably in the Early
Dynastic Period, at the height of the Old Kingdom and during the 12th
Dynasty. Other people were buried in the place where they had lived or held
office. Within a particular cemetery, graves of important people generally occu-
pied the more prominent locations, which acted as focal points around which
the graves of persons of lower rank were grouped. In the First Intermediate
Period, when the influence of the kings was reduced and that of local governors
relatively high, provincial cemeteries show a progressive trend towards a spatial
distribution based on links to persons of high status. This is even more clearly
seen in the Middle Kingdom. At sites such as Deir el-Bersha, the tombs of the
governors were architecturally the most elaborate and occupied the most impos-
ing sites; in the forecourts of some of these tombs or on the slopes of the hillside
below them were the burials of the attendants who constituted the governor's
‘court’. One such official, interred below the tomb of the governor Ahanakht
specifically records that he built his tomb ‘at the feet of my lord’. The grouping
of officials’ tombs occurs also in the Theban necropolis in the New Kingdom.
Some of these tombs were positioned in a relationship to major royal monu-
ments, such as the mortuary temples of the deceased rulers on the west bank.
The degree to which cemeteries were artificially ‘planned’ varied. Different
areas of a cemetery might be allotted to persons of different social groups, but
such patterns sometimes changed over time, as the use of the site progressed. In
many cases, the individual graves were probably dug only when required, and
not prepared in advance. The excavation or building of a series of graves simulta-
neously with a view to future use was a relatively rare phenomenon. The most
notable instances of this date to the early Old Kingdom, when the tombs of
courtiers were sited close to the pyramids of their masters at Meidum, Dahshur
and Giza, those at the latter site being constructed as part of a pre-planned
installation, centred on the Great Pyramid and its temples. Here, mastaba tombs
were laid out on a grid-plan of ‘streets’ and subsequently allotted to their even-
tual occupants. Although cemetery planning at this level was exceptional, simple
140
shaft- and chamber-tombs of minor local officials of the Middle Kingdom do

appear to have been constructed in series at sites such as Beni Hasan, perhaps to
be allotted as a favour at the discretion of the governor.
THE TOMBS OF THE KINGS
The death of the king

The death and burial of the Egyptian king was an event of cosmic significance.
His death meant the temporary victory of chaos over order (maat), a situation
which, potentially, might threaten the very foundations of the universe. A suc-
cessor was appointed without delay, and if possible was proclaimed king at sun-
rise the day after the death of the previous ruler. On a pragmatic level, this
helped to avoid the destabilising effects of disputes between rival claimants, and
in ideological terms demonstrated the restoration of maat, with a new incarna-
tion of Horus occupying the throne of his father Osiris.
Because of its religious significance, the death of the king was described in
metaphorical terms which emphasised his divine nature, and provided reassur-
ance that all would be well for Egypt. The Pyramid Texts contain various descrip-
tions of the king’s death: he flies to heaven as a bird; he climbs a ladder; he
journeys by boat. Non-funerary texts take up the same themes. In the story of
Sinuhe, King Amenemhat I ‘flew to heaven and united with the sun-disc, the
divine body merging with its maker.’
The cosmos was not set in order until the dead king had been buried with
proper rites, and had successfully embarked on eternal life among the gods. His
special nature was reflected in the structure and decoration of his burial place
which, at most periods, differed from those of his subjects.
The evolution of the tombs of kings

Kings’ graves of the late Predynastic period and the Ist and 2nd Dynasties were
located close to the cliffs at the important cult centre of Abydos, in an area now
called Umm el-Qaab. They comprised a subterranean burial chamber sur-
rounded by storage rooms for offerings, and sometimes subsidiary graves con-
taining the bodies of the king’s servants. Over the grave were erected two brick
mounds, one below ground and the other at surface level. This structure symbol-
ised the primeval mound from which the creator-god emerged and via which the
dead king would be reborn. The entire edifice was surrounded by an enclosure
wall, and identified by pairs of stone stelae inscribed with the king’s name. Sepa-
rate brick enclosures, situated closer to the Nile, were associated with the graves,
and probably served as eternal dwellings for the dead rulers and as the place
where the mortuary rituals were carried out. By the late 2nd Dynasty, these
enclosures included a rectangular feature, which may have been a stepped
mound.
The reign of Djoser (Netjerikhet) (c. 2667-2648 Bc), first king of the 3rd
Dynasty, marked a major change in the royal burial. For the first time, the entire
14]
98. The Step Pyramid of complex was built of hewn stone, and the king’s tomb was situated on the desert
king Djoser at Saqqara. edge overlooking the city of Memphis, the principal royal residence and the
This monument, designed,
centre of government. The enclosure replicated the features of the earlier brick
according to later tradition,
by the official Imhotep, funerary ‘palaces’ in stone. The rectangular mound of the 2nd Dynasty mortuary
united for the first time a enclosures was developed by creating a series of superimposed ‘mastabas’ to pro-
number ofelements ofthe duce the Step Pyramid, a symbolic ‘stairway to heaven’ for the king’s spirit (see
royal burial which had
fig. 98). The body was buried beneath the pyramid and the huge surrounding
previously been distinct:
the stepped mound, the
enclosure was the setting for the mortuary cult and for the Sed festival, a ritual in
subterranean burial which the king’s powers were eternally renewed.
apartments, and the palace- Further development under later rulers produced the ‘true’ pyramid with
like enclosure. Throughout smooth, angled sides, constructed of massive limestone blocks. It was set within
the entire complex,
a funerary complex consisting of amortuary temple on the east side of the pyra-
constructional techniques
which had originally been mid, to serve the cult of the dead ruler, and a ‘valley temple’ close to the Nile, in
developed using wood, reed which among other activities the mummification of the king took place. The
and brick were translated into two cult units were linked by a covered causeway. The burial apartments were
stone with remarkable success.
usually within the mass of the pyramid, or, in some cases, beneath it. The devel-
3rd Dynasty, about 2670 Be.
opment of this type of tomb in the reign of Sneferu (c. 2613-2589 Bc) culmi-
nated in the three pyramids of Khufu, Khafra and Menkaura (c. 2589-2503 Bc),
at Giza. The construction of these massive monuments took decades to complete
and involved both professional builders and peasant conscripts. Contrary to
142
99. The pyramid of Khafra at traditions recorded by classical authors, there is no evidence that the workmen
Giza. During the reign of were coerced. Modern calculation suggest that crews of 2000 men could have
Sneferu, first king of the 4th
accomplished the quarrying, haulage and stone-setting required to complete
Dynasty, the royal pyramid
underwent trasnformation even the largest pyramids at Giza (see fig. 99). Because of the traditional belief
from a stepped structure to a that the dead king would ascend to the circumpolar stars of the northern sky the
true pyramid with smooth entrance was usually still situated in the north face, but the east-west alignment
sides. This became the model of the cult structures emphasised that solar symbolism had also become impor-
for all subsequent kings’
pyramids. 4th Dynasty,
tant. This was further reflected in the shape of the true pyramid. Although it still
about 2558-2532 Bc. reflected the notion of the primeval mound, the true pyramid was also a stylised
replica of the benben, the conical sacred stone kept in the temple of Ra at
Heliopolis. The dead king could ascend to the sky up its smooth faces, as up a
ramp, and for his additional help sacred boats were buried in pits alongside the
pyramid, to convey him to the sky each dawn so that he might travel with the
sun god.
The pyramid form, with its associated temples, was retained for most kings’
burials throughout the 4th, 5th and 6th Dynasties, although the size and construc-
tional standard of the monuments declined after the reign of Menkaura (c.
2532-2503 Bc). A major innovation, however, was the inclusion of hieroglyphic
inscriptions on the chamber-walls of the pyramids of the late Sth and 6th Dynas-
ties. The obscure kings of the First Intermediate Period appear also to have had
143
100. Funerary complex of pyramid-tombs, but to judge from the scanty traces which survive these were
King Mentuhotep II at Deir very small and of inferior construction.
el-Bahri, Thebes. In place of
King Mentuhotep II (c. 2055-2004 Bc) of the 11th Dynasty reunited Egypt
the rock-cut tombs of his
predecessors, Mentuhotep and constructed at Thebes a highly individual sepulchre of ambitious design.
constructed a large free- This was located in the great natural amphitheatre of Deir el-Bahri, and was
standing funerary monument fronted by a large cult monument dedicated not only to the king but to the
which combined the
deities Amun-Re and Montu-Re (see fig. 100). A stone platform supported a
functions of tomb, mortuary
chapel and cult temple. The
stylised divine booth surrounding a now-lost edifice which may have been a rec-
rectangular terrace originally tangular structure symbolising the primeval mound or, less plausibly, a pyramid.
supported a superstructure, A descending passage led from the rear of the monument to the vaulted burial
now destroyed, which may chamber, under the cliffs. His two successors, Mentuhotep III and IV (ec.
have been a pyramid or
a flat-topped building.
2004-1985 Bc), may have followed the same tradition, but their tombs have not
11th Dynasty, about been definitely identified.
2055-2004 Be. Amenemhat I (c. 1985-1955 Bc), founder of the 12th Dynasty, probably
144
101. The mortuary cults of began a funerary monument at Thebes, in the style of that of Mentuhotep II,
the New Kingdom rulers were but on transferring the court to Itj-tawy, in northern Upper Egypt, he aban-
maintained in large temples
doned his Theban tomb and constructed instead a pyramid complex at Lisht in
which were physically
separated from the tombs in the style of the late Old Kingdom monuments. His successors of the 12th and
the Valley of the Kings. These 13th Dynasties were also buried in pyramids, situated at various sites around and
temples stretched in a line north of the Faiyum region: Dahshur, Lisht, Saqgara, Lahun and Hawara. These
along the base ofthe cliffs on pyramids were relatively small in size, of inferior construction, and contained no
the Theban West Bank, facing
across the Nile towards the
inscriptions, but several of them possessed complex internal arrangements of
temple of Karnak. Among the passages and chambers intended to foil the attempts of robbers to plunder the
most elaborate was the burials (see below).
Ramesseum, the mortuary The tombs of the Asiatic Hyksos rulers (15th Dynasty), who controlled the
temple of Ramesses II (about
Delta and northern Upper Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period, have
1279-1213 Bc).
not yet been found. They were perhaps buried in tombs of Canaanite type, non-
royal examples of which have been found at their principal centre Tell el-Daba
145
LiaiseGir
=Sake pee
paws ea 2 SS o
CS SBS Sewn. SaaS r
26 ES ai e ee
Os Poo WLS Ve
102. The pharaohs of the (Avaris). The rise to power of the Hyksos compelled the native Egyptian rulers of
New Kingdom broke with the contemporaneous 13th Dynasty to abandon the capital of Itj-tawy and to
the tradition of burial in
take up residence at Thebes (from which point in time they are termed the 17th
pyramids. Their tombs, in the
Valley of the Kings at Thebes,
Dynasty). The last few of these kings were buried in tombs with small brick
were extensive rock-cut pyramid-superstructures, in the Dra Abu el-Naga area of the Theban necropolis.
sepulchres, decorated with What appear to be the substructures of some of these tombs, comprising burial
texts and inscriptions chamber, pillared hall and court, have been identified recently.
describing the nocturnal
The New Kingdom rulers were buried in tombs of a new type, cut in the
journey and rejuvenation of
the sun god, with whom the Valley of the Kings on the Theban West Bank. The tombs consisted of a series of
dead king was closely rock-cut passages and chambers, without a superstructure; possibly the promi-
identified. This scene, painted nent local peak of El-Qurn, which dominates the Valley and resembles a natural
on the wall of the burial
pyramid, was regarded as a collective ‘superstructure’ for all the tombs there. The
chamber of Tuthmosis III
(about 1479-1425 Bc) mortuary temples, to serve the cult of the dead kings, were physically separate
shows gods towing the barque from the tombs and were located in the plain on the other side of the cliffs (see
of the sun god in the fig. 101). The internal arrangements of the tombs provide one of the clearest
underworld (Book ofAmduat,
examples of the tomb as cosmogram. They replicated the environment of the
eleventh hour).
underworld through which the sun god journeyed by night (see fig. 102). The
decoration of the walls illustrated and described the episodes of that journey, in
the course of which the sun god (and hence the dead king also by assimilation)
was rejuvenated. The sole exception to this pattern was the tomb of Akhenaten
(c. 1352-1336 Bc), who promoted a religious ‘revolution in which the solar disc
was elevated to the status of sole god. Not only did Akhenaten’s creed deny the
existence of multiple deities, it negated traditional views of the afterlife based on
the mythological cycles of Ra and Osiris. Hence the king’s tomb was situated in
the cliffs east of his new city of Akhetaten (el-Amarna), well away from those of
his orthodox predecessors, and its decoration eschewed all the elements of tradi-
tional iconography. Under Tutankhamun (c. 1336-1327 Bc), the orthodox reli-
gion was restored and the practice of burying the dead ruler in the Valley of the
Kings was resumed.
The Valley of the Kings was abandoned at the end of the 20th Dynasty. The
Delta became the political focus of the kings of the 21st and 22nd Dynasties,
and they chose to be buried at Tanis, the main cult centre of the god Amun in
the north. The tombs comprised stone-built subterranean burial chambers,
probably with cult chapels (now destroyed) above, situated within the enclosure
wall of the temple of Amun. The siting of tombs within temple enclosures also
extended to the burials of royal relatives and high-ranking officials at this period.
The custom was interrupted during the 25th Dynasty (consisting of rulers of
Nubian extraction). Although resident in Egypt and adopting the trappings
of pharaonic rule, they made their tombs in their Nubian homeland at el-Kurru
and Nuri. The tombs themselves revived Egyptian traditions of the distant past,
having small pyramid superstructures and adjacent mortuary temples. The 25th
Dynasty sepulchres are the latest identifiable tombs of Egyptian kings. Textual
evidence indicates that the rulers of the succeeding 26th Dynasty returned to the
practice of constructing their tombs within the enclosure of a cult temple (in this
case, that of the goddess Neith at Sais), but no archaeological remains of them
have been found. It may be that this tradition was continued by later rulers, but
of this there is no proof.
THE EVOLUTION OF NON-ROYAL TOMBS
Predynastic and Early Dynastic periods

The earliest non-royal graves were simple pits dug into the desert sand. Cemeteries
of such graves first appeared around the end of the Palaeolithic Period (c.
12000-10000 Bc). The bodies were placed in the grave in a contracted position,
without funerary gifts. In the Neolithic period, graves continued to be circular or
oval pits, apparently without superstructures. The corpse was sometimes wrapped
in matting or animal skins; simple jewellery of shell, bone or stone was often pro-
vided and pottery vessels, probably to hold offerings, began to appear in graves. In
the Badarian period (c. 4800-4200 Bc), the custom of placing artifacts with the
dead became fully established, with pottery and implements as regular features. In
the succeeding Naqada I (or Amratian) period, graves increased in size and were
oval in shape, while the goods supplied were more numerous and varied, including
pottery and stone vessels, jewellery and figurines. In the Naqada II and Nagada III
phases, oval grave pits were superseded by larger rectangular graves. Internal
arrangements for the dead were improved, and some graves were lined with wood
147
or brick. At this period the walls of an élite tomb at Hierakonpolis, perhaps that
of an early ruler, were decorated with painted scenes of ships, animals and human
figures, the earliest dated instance of wall-decoration in an Egyptian tomb.
The unification of Egypt under a single ruler in about 3100 Bc, brought cen-
tralised government and rapid acceleration in the evolution of social organisa-
tion, writing, and religious practices. This is reflected in the development of
tomb-types at this period, which show greatly increased variation according to
the rank of the owner. The tombs of kings, queens and high officials of the first
two dynasties were much larger than earlier versions, having enormous mud-
brick superstructures containing storage magazines for the vastly increased quan-
tity of funerary equipment now thought necessary. The external faces of these
structures were decorated with palace facade panelling, imitating the recessed
decoration of contemporary élite dwellings. The body was placed in a subter-
ranean burial chamber excavated in the rock and reached by a descending stair-
way. Some tombs at this period incorporated hewn stone, the earliest attested
use of stonework in Egypt. Some of the tombs of the kings were surrounded by
the graves of servants, who were apparently buried at the time of the king’s inter-
ment, suggesting that they may have been put to death in order to accompany
their master into the afterlife. This practice steadily declined and was abandoned
at the end of the 1st Dynasty.
The notion that the deceased dwelt in the grave in physical form — implicit in
the Predynastic custom of placing food, clothing, tools and weapons in the grave
— survived into the Early Dynastic Period, and is manifested in the architecture of
large tombs. The ‘palace facade’ design of early tombs probably reflects this con-
cept, and the idea was carried further in some large mastaba tombs of the 2nd and
3rd Dynasties at Saqqara, Giza and Helwan. The substructures of these comprise
a complex of chambers strongly reminiscent of the plans of the houses of the
living, as exemplified by surviving structures of New Kingdom date at el-Amarna.
In the tombs, the burial chamber is equated with the main bedroom (suggesting
an early conceptual association between death and sleep), while other chambers
represent storerooms, servants quarters and even bathrooms and lavatories.
Old Kingdom
From the 3rd Dynasty, tombs with stone- or brick-built superstructures were the
norm for non-royal individuals of high rank. Like the earlier brick graves, these
tombs had rectangular superstructures, but with the sides inclined at a slight
angle and usually without panelled decoration. This type of tomb was dubbed a
mastaba (Arabic for ‘bench’) by Egyptian workers of the 19th century, after a
perceived resemblance to a type of bench found in front of Egyptian peasant
houses. The substructure of these tombs dispensed with the notion of replicating
living quarters for the dead, and comprised a single large burial chamber reached
by a vertical shaft (see fig. 103). Instead of the continuous panelled decoration of
the earlier superstructures, the early Old Kingdom mastabas had two niches, one
at the northern end, one at the southern end; these served as suitable places for
148
THOR HeRSE: SOLD OF ETERNITY: TOMBS, CEMETERIES AND MORTUARY CULTS
offerings to be made. With the passage of time, this section of the

tomb developed to become the chapel for the cult of the dead.
In the 4th Dynasty, stone began to be regularly used in the
construction of élite tombs. The courtiers of Khufu (c.
2589-2566 Bc) were buried in limestone mastabas laid out on a
grid-plan close to the king’s pyramid at Giza. The burial chamber
was reached via a vertical shaft which opened in the roof of the
mastaba, passing through the superstructure into the rock
beneath. After the burial, the burial chamber was sealed with a
wall of brick or stone, or sometimes a slab of stone lowered like a
portcullis in slots. The shaft was filled with stone blocks or
masons’ debris. An alternative style of substructure, exemplified
at Meidum, was characterised by a passage and burial chamber
built of stone within a trench specially excavated in the rock;
emplacements for a sarcophagus and canopic chest were cut into
the walls or floor.
103. A typical mastaba tomb In earlier tombs, the offering cult was centred in a niche in the eastern exter-
for an official of the Old nal facade of the mastaba. The special sanctity of this spot led to the enclosing of
Kingdom, about 2650 Bc.
the space, creating the prototype of the cult chapel. On some examples, a struc-
The stone-built
superstructure contained the ture of brick walls abutted against the external face of the superstructure; on
offering chapel where the others, a long corridor was created against the external wall, providing access to
mortuary rituals for the the offering niches. A more significant development was the situation of the
deceased were carried out.
offering niche within the solid mass of the superstructure, thus creating the mor-
The subterranean burial
chamber was reached via a
tuary chapel as a separate chamber. The false door was the focal point of the
vertical shaft, blocked after chapel, but the plan of the chapels varied; some were cruciform, others rectangu-
the funeral, which passed lar or L-shaped. Once the trend had been established, the number of chambers
through the mass ofthe within the mastaba multiplied, the cult place becoming only the most important
superstructure.
of a series of chambers. By the late 5th/early 6th Dynasty, some chapels had
complex arrangements of halls, storerooms and serdabs (statue chambers) occu-
pying the whole of the superstructure. The tombs of Ptahhotep, Mereruka and
Khentika at Saqqara exemplify this type, and that of Mereruka comprised thirty-
two chambers. The storerooms in these mastabas contained food and ritual
equipment for use by priests in the offering cult, rather than supplies for the
deceased’s own use, as in tomb-magazines of earlier periods.
The introduction of internal chambers and the progressive expansion of the
rooms created wall-surfaces which could be decorated. Isolated instances of wall-
painting in tombs had occurred as early as the middle Naqada II period (such as
the ‘painted tomb’ at Hierakonpolis, mentioned above) but the tradition only
became firmly established in private tombs in the 3rd Dynasty. The earliest wall-
decoration consisted of images of the tomb-owner before offerings, and paintings
of furniture, tools and other goods required for the afterlife; but by the early years
of the 4th Dynasty, agricultural scenes, hunting scenes and personified estates
were being added to the repertoire. This trend was interrupted during the reigns
of Khufu and Khafra (c. 2589-2566 and c. 2558-2532 Bc), when the tombs of
149
DEATH AND THE AERETERETIFPE IN ANCIENT ECYPRE
the king’s courtiers at Giza were characterised by a simple, austere monumentality

(echoing that of the ruler’s pyramid), without internal chapels and pictorial wall-
decoration, and having only a slab-stela with an offering-scene (see below). This
simplification of the tombs of the officials is probably partly due to the fact that
they were built as a pre-planned cemetery, and only subsequently assigned to par-
ticular occupants — and it has been suggested that this was related to a move to
emphasise the unique quality of the monarchy by restricting the grandeur of offi-
cials’ tombs. In the late 4th Dynasty the pictorial treatment of the internal walls
was resumed, with the development of scenes representing various activities: ser-
vants (personified estates) bringing goods, butchery, agriculture, fishing and fowl-
ing. All these activities were shown taking place in sight of the deceased, whose
figure dominates the scene. The repertoire of scenes increased during the Old
Kingdom, as did the narrative character of the representations, but — with the
exception of scenes representing the funeral rituals — all the wall-decoration of
Old Kingdom tombs reflects the earthly life of the deceased and shows nothing of
the existence in the afterlife. The scenes acted both as a magical means of sustain-
ing and provisioning the deceased and also served to perpetuate magically the
world in which he had lived, and to confirm his status within it.
104. Interior of tomb 9 at

Asyut, excavated by David
Hogarth in 1906-7. This
reconstruction of the tomb as
found, based on the excavator’s
plan and field notes, shows
burials on two levels (an
additional burial at a third,
lower level, is not shown).
It is a typical rock-cut
chamber tomb, without a
superstructure, divided
internally with a brick wall
and a wooden partition. The
outer chamber contained three
uninscribed wooden coffins
and a group ofpottery
offering-vessels. The richest
burial, that of aman named
Ankhef, lay in a separate
chamber reached via a steeply
inclined ramp. The coffin
was painted and inscribed, and
a bow and arrows had been
placed on the lid. The
mummy inside was provided
with a cartonnage mask and
a headrest (see figs 47, 72 and
160). Early 12th Dynasty,
about 1950 Bc.
150
The alternative to a mastaba was a rock-cut tomb. These became popular in

the late Old Kingdom, and are mainly found at provincial cemeteries in Upper
Egypt, where the steep cliffs along the Nile valley were often close to the Nile,
allowing limited space for the construction of mastabas. Tombs were thus cut
into the cliffs facing the river, or in wadis. Some rock-cut tombs were made as
early as the 4th Dynasty, but became common only in the late 5th Dynasty. The
rock-cut tomb, though physically different from the mastaba, fulfilled the same
functions. It comprised an offering chapel, where the funerary cult was main-
tained, and shafts leading to burial chambers (see fig. 104). The chapels of rock-
cut tombs were usually large and adapted architectural features from mastabas,
such as architraves supported on pillars, but they comprised fewer chambers
than those in mastabas. They were equipped with a false door and serdab for stat-
ues; sometimes, instead of occupying a separate room, statues were carved out of
the wall of the chapel.
First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom

The breakdown of central authority in the First Intermediate Period had reper-
cussions on tomb design. Large elaborate superstructures and extensive rock-cut
chapels ceased to be made, and even the tombs of élite individuals were inferior
in quality to those of the Old Kingdom. Rock-cut tombs predominated, and
there was usually no decoration except a small stela located at the mouth of the
shaft or passage. Even the largest rock-cut tomb of the period, that of Ankhtifi at
Moalla, was of crude construction, with an irregularly-shaped cult-chamber, sup-
ported by uneven pillars. The wall-paintings were executed in a provincial style,
with figures floating free of register lines. At other sites, such as Naga el-Deir,
simple brick superstructures were erected, with small chapels containing stelae.
Wooden models largely replaced relief scenes on chapel walls (see Chapter 3).
The re-establishment of central authority in the early Middle Kingdom
brought more settled conditions and the opportunity for local officials to exploit
resources and craftsmen’s skills to create more imposing tombs. The great rock-
cut tombs of the 12th Dynasty had a courtyard and chapel, often with a pillared
portico, a shrine or niche and passages leading to burial chambers, as exemplified
at Beni Hasan, Deir el-Bersha, Asyut, Meir and Aswan. At Thebes there was a
local development now known as a saff tomb, comprising a very large court with
pillared or plain facades, with a corridor leading to a small shrine or chapel, and
a passage to the burial chamber. Although rock-cut tombs now predominated,
mastabas continued to be built for very high-ranking officials, such as those
buried in the vicinity of the royal pyramids at Lisht.
New Kingdom
Rock-cut tombs (often with little decoration) remained the norm during the
Second Intermediate Period, but important innovations occurred in the New
Kingdom. The early 18th Dynasty tombs in the Theban necropolis developed
from the safftombs constructed there in the Middle Kingdom; some early New
Kingdom tombs were unfinished saff tombs of earlier date, adapted and modi-
fied, such as those of the officials Ineni and Hapuseneb. The saff type was subse-
quently developed by transforming the long narrow space behind the facade into
a self-contained transverse hall — this, together with an axial passage beyond,
constituted the basic type of Theban tomb of the 18th Dynasty, the plan of
which suggested an inverted “T’-shape. The walls of the chambers were painted
and sometimes carved in relief. The transverse entrance hall mainly had scenes
reflecting the environment in which the deceased had lived; these included agri-
cultual scenes, the deceased hunting and fowling, enjoying a banquet, and carry-
ing out his official duties (such as inspecting the products of craftsmen in their
workshops). It is these ‘daily life’ scenes which provide us with much of our
detailed knowledge of ancient Egyptian dress, industries and manners and cus-
toms. The scenes however were not merely commemorative of a life on earth
well-spent. As usual, they conveyed meaning on different levels. They empha-
sised the status of the deceased, reflecting his position in society, and symbolised
aspects of the future existence he hoped for. Fowling in the marshes, for exam-
ple, signified the subjection of chaotic forces by order, in which the deceased ful-
fills the crucial role of the king in maintaining the cosmos. On the walls of the
axial passage the images were usually concerned with funerary themes, mainly
the burial rites and cult of the deceased. This section terminated in a false door
or statue niche, where the rituals were performed. The burial chamber was sub-
terranean, reached via a shaft or passage, and was usually undecorated, though
funerary texts and scenes were occasionally placed there.
During the short-lived religious ‘revolution’ instigated by the pharaoh Akhen-
aten many of the king’s principal courtiers had rock-cut tombs made for them-
selves in the cliffs surrounding the new royal residence city of Akhetaten.
Architecturally these tombs continued the tradition established in the early 18th
Dynasty, but the decoration of the chapels concentrates on the adoration of the
royal family by their subjects, and events in the lives of the tomb-owner. Akhen-
aten’s religion offered mortals only the hope of continuing to exist on earth
under the rays of the sun. Images and texts relating to traditional concepts of the
afterlife were avoided.
After the 18th Dynasty the concept of the tomb changed. There was a shift
away from the earlier ‘commemorative’ function, by which the decoration
sought to confirm the deceased’s setting in the hierarchy of earthly society, and a
corresponding emphasis on the tomb’s religious role, setting the deceased in the
divine environment in which he was to exist after death. The equation of tomb
with temple, a holy place where the deceased adored the gods, already foreshad-
owed in the Middle Kingdom, became more pronounced. This development was
manifested by innovations both in the wall-decoration of the chapel and in the
architecture of the tombs. The chapels of 18th Dynasty tombs were charac-
terised by the concentration of a single subject or scene on one wall (as demar-
cated by the corners of the chamber, doorways and other architectural features);
internal organisation of components within scenes was done by the use of regis-
2
ERE THRESHOLD OF ETERNITY: TOMBS, CEMETERIES AND MORTUARY CULTS
ter lines. This was supplanted by the ‘Bildstreifenstils’, in

which the subject matter was arranged sequentially in a
horizontal pictorial strip (which on occasion extended
around a corner on to an adjacent wall). The arrangement
of two of these strips on a given wall offered the painter
the opportunity to realise a conceptual parallelism. Scenes
of the funerary cult usually occupied the lower strip, and
those relating to the afterlife and the world of the gods the
upper one. This upper-lower parallelism clearly derived
from the decorative layout of funerary stelae; already in
the 18th Dynasty stelae show the adoration of the gods
above, and the funerary cult below (see figs 115 and 116).
The architectural form of the tomb also changed in
response to this functional shift. Pre-Ramesside tombs
consisted only of two main parts, however elaborate these
might be: the (always accesible) cult place for the perfor-
mance of the mortuary ritual, and the burial place (inac-
105. A private tomb of the cessible after the funeral). Ramesside tombs, by contrast, have been shown to
Ramesside period (about comprise five distinct sections: the outer parts (pyramid and court), and the
1295-1069 Bc). A wall with a
inner parts (cult place, sloping passage and burial place) (see fig. 105).
small pylon-gateway encloses
a courtyard, at the rear of The architecture of the court and chapel of the tombs, with its close links
which is the cult chapel, with temple architecture, emphasised the parallelism between the cult of the
surmounted by a small brick gods and that of the dead. This became much more marked in the post-Amarna
pyramid (by this date no phase, both at the Theban and Memphite necropoleis. Tombs such as that of the
longer the prerogative of
royalty). A shaft leads to the
general (later king) Horemheb (c. 1323-1295 Bc) at Saqqara are characterised by
subterranean burial a pylon entrance, colonnaded court, chapel, and more elaborate subterranean
apar tments. parts, and this style also became established at Thebes, where the funerary
temple of Amenhotep, son of Hapu (c. 1370 Bc), probably acted as an important
influence on this development. At the same period, the pyramid form, having
now been abandoned as a royal prerogative, was taken over by non-royal persons
in their tombs, on a much smaller scale, and is regularly manifested as part of the
superstructure of private tombs both at Memphis and Thebes.
In addition to the five-part architectural composition of the Ramesside tombs,
mentioned above, the conceptual aspect of them can be interpreted as mani-
fested in three ‘levels’, an upper, middle and lower section which symbolically
reflect the religious background. The subterranean part consisting of a sloping
passage leading to a series of rooms including the burial chamber, was a realisa-
tion of the realm of Osiris (i.e. the topography of the underworld and the burial
place of the god). These rooms were blocked by walls of brick or rubble. The
superstructure of the tomb had solar associations, manifested through the pyra-
mid and the placing in a niche of a statue of the deceased, supporting a stela
inscribed with a hymn to the sun god. This part of the tomb was usually built of
mud brick, and relatively few survive in good condition, but fragments and rep-
resentations of tombs in paintings help to clarify the picture. The middle part
153
(court, transverse and axial halls and chapel) was that chiefly inspired by temple
architecture. This was the cult place, the site for the adoration of the gods, and
here the funerary rites were performed.
This scheme represents a further development of the conceptual function of
the tomb, of which that of Khnumhotep at Beni Hasan (see above) is an early
example. It isa monumental reflection of the role of the deceased, placing him as
a participant in the sun god’s journey, and identifying him with both Ra and
Osiris. The Ra/Osiris connection is manifested in many ways in the whole tomb
layout. The pyramidion (capstone of the pyramid) usually shows the adoration
of the sun god. On the stelae, the left (ie. eastern) side has depictions of Ra-
Horakhty with associated texts; the right (western) side has depictions and text
relating to Osiris (or sometimes vice versa). Among other Osirian features of the
New Kingdom tomb was a garden with trees. These would provide shelter and
nourishment for the deceased’s ba, as described on a New Kingdom tomb stela:
‘May my 6a alight upon the branches of the trees which I have planted, may I
refresh myself under my sycomore trees and eat the fruit which they give.’
Post New Kingdom

The construction of new tombs waned towards the end of the New Kingdom,
and in the succeeding Third Intermediate Period relatively few were built.
Instead, older tombs were reused, often without any alteration of the wall-deco-
ration, and there was an increased tendency to group burials together. Nonethe-
less, some original funerary structures were built, but most of these were rather
modest brick chapels, with shafts leading to small undecorated burial chambers.
There are numerous examples at Thebes, particularly in the enclosure of the
Ramesseum, and indeed the siting of tombs within the compounds of cult tem-
ples was a characteristic feature of the period. Although some of the chapels were
adorned with painted and carved relief-blocks, coffins and papyri became the
main vehicles for the continuing tradition of funerary texts and images, the
coffin in particular acting as a miniature tomb (see Chapter 7).
The 25th and 26th Dynasties witnessed a revival of earlier traditions in art,
architecture and religious practices, and this trend is also apparent in tomb
design. Benefitting from the resurgence in architectural construction which the
re-establishment of centralised government brought, high officials at Thebes and
Memphis had large and elaborate tombs constructed. At Thebes the great tombs
of Montuemhat and the officials of the Divine Adoratress of Amun were built
along the processional route to the temple of Hatshepsut (c. 1473-1458 Bc),
which had probably acquired renewed importance as the focus of the revived
Festival of the Valley. These enormous ‘palace tombs’ belonged functionally to
the same tradition as the Ramesside tombs. At Saqqara and Giza, high-ranking
officials were buried in great shaft tombs, their bodies protected by enormous
stone sarcophagi (see fig. 106). Persons of lower status continued to reuse older
tombs, and to be buried in large groups.
The tendency of the tomb-chapel to imitate a cult temple culminated in the
154
fourth to third centuries Bc, with the creation of tombs such as that of Petosiris
at Tuna el-Gebel. Elsewhere the arrangements for the disposal of the dead varied.
Burial catacombs were in use at Alexandria (Kom el Shugafa),
adorned with painted and relief decoration, in which Egyptian
imagery was intermingled with Graeco-Roman elements. In the
Faiyum, mummies were interred in large pits, perhaps following
temporary storage in some type of mortuary structure. At Kom
Abu Billo there were brick tombs with vaulted roofs, and a niche
at the eastern end containing a limestone stela. With the advent
of Christianity burials were increasingly simplified, often. com-
prising no more than a pit grave.
THY FITTINGS OF THE TOMS
The objects which accompanied the dead in their graves changed

over time. Variations occurred for economic reasons (the status
and/or wealth of the deceased and his relatives) and according to
changing ideas of what was considered necessary for the welfare of
the deceased. The most consistently important fittings were those
which acted as the focus for the funerary cult: the stela and the
offering table, together with one or more statues of the deceased —
receptacles in which the ka could reside to receive offerings.
Tomb stelae and offering tables

Stelae were essentially commemorative tablets, which were usually
made of stone, and sometimes of wood or other materials. They
106. During the Late Period were used in various contexts. Some were set up in temples to record the acts of
(664-305 Bc), rock-cut kings in fulfillment of their role as champions of maat; others were carved on the
sepulchres and tombs with
rocks to mark the limits of royal power or to record expeditions to extract raw
large, free-standing
superstructures continued to
materials. The largest category is that of funerary stelae, which were set up in
be built. Another type of tombs or mortuary temples. The stela, together with the offering table, were
burial place, of which essential pieces of cult furniture. The food offerings and libations which would
examples were constructed in
ensure the survival of the ka were placed on the offering table, which was located
the Memphite necropolis, was
the shaft tomb. The burial
in front of the stela.
was located inside a massive The earliest stelae known were small limestone tablets which have been found
sarcophagus beneath a vaulted at lst Dynasty graves at Abydos. They perhaps served to mark the place of the
structure of stone, built at the funerary cult, though it is uncertain whether they were free-standing or set into
bottom of a deep excavation
the superstructure. Both rectangular and round-topped varieties occur. The
in the rock. After the funeral,
the shaft was filled to ground- majority simply bear the owner’s name in hieroglyphs, sometimes with a figure
level with sand and rubble. of the deceased serving as a determinative to the writing of the name (see fig.
This technique successfully 107). These were succeeded by rectangular slab-stelae with a figure of the
defeated attempts at robbery. - deceased seated before a table of offerings — the first examples of which are from
tombs of the 2nd Dynasty at Saqqara, where they appear to have been set into
the southernmost of the two niches in the eastern facade of the superstructure.
The principal type of funerary stela from the Old King-

dom was the ‘false door’ — a sculptural representation of a
panelled doorway, complete with central opening and lintel.
A development from the slab-stelae of the 2nd Dynasty, the
false door was at first located on the exterior of the mastaba
superstructure, marking the cult place. In later tombs it was
incorporated into a niche, and ultimately became the focal
feature of the chapel, set into the west wall. The false door
stela was called the r-per (literally ‘mouth of the house’, i.e.
tomb) and, as the name suggests it allowed the deceased to
enter the chapel to receive offerings and to return again to
the burial chamber. The early false door stelae also main-
tained a tradition of representing the standing figure of the
deceased, exemplified in niches in some 3rd Dynasty tombs,
particularly that of Hesy-Re at Saqqara, where the figures
were carved on wooden panels. The majority of false doors
come from Giza and Saqgara. They vary in size and degree of
elaboration, but certain standard features recur. At the top
was a lintel, below which came a rectangular tablet with a
scene of the deceased seated before offerings (see fig. 109).
Below this again was the niched doorway; the central open-
ing was usually plain, whereas in reality it would have been
covered with a hanging mat, and on some false doors this was
represented rolled up above the aperture (see figs 108 and
107. Limestone stela from the burial of adwarf 108. Painted limestone false
named Nefer, whose distinctive bodily proportions door from the tomb of Bateti.
are illustrated in the hieroglyphic determinative The lintel and side panels are
accompanying the name. The stela, together with unfinished, but the central
another almost identical in design, comes from the aperture includes a depiction
subsidiary chambers of the tomb of King of the rolled mat which would
Semerkhet at Abydos. These chambers contained have ‘closed’ the door and —
the bones of two achondroplastic dwarfs, who were unusually — a figure of the
probably members of the king’s entourage. The deceased represented as
simple design ofthe piece is typical of the earliest though emerging from the
funerary stelae from Egypt. Late 1st Dynasty, burial chamber into the tomb-
about 2900 sc. H. 45 cm. chapel to receive his offerings.
2613-2345 Bc. Possibly from
Saqqara. H. 131 cm.
156
109. Panel from the limestone false door of the king’s son and high
priest of Ra at Heliopolis Rahotep. The central scene shows the dead
man seated on a bull-legged chair, extending his right hand towards
a table on which are stylised conical loaves of bread. The names of
other offerings (including incense, eye paint, wine and figs) are
inscribed above and below the table, and at the right, in tabular
form, is a list of different kinds oflinen cloth. The large hieroglyphic
texts framing the scene give the name and titles of the deceased.
Early 4th Dynasty, about 2600 Bc. From the tomb chapel of
Rahotep at Meidum. H. 79 cm.
110. Limestone false door from the tomb of Kaihap. At the top is
an inscription in which offerings are requested for the deceased at
various festivals in the religious calendar. Below this in the centre is
a tablet showing Kaihap and his wife seated before an offering table.
The central aperture of the door is again occupied by figures of
Kaihap and his wife, while on the panels at each side relatives and
mortuary priests burn incense and present offerings. 5th Dynasty,
about 2494-2345 Bc. From Saqgara. H. 209 cm.
1Di7,
110). The recessed sides of the niche carried representations of the deceased, rel-
atives, offering bearers or offerings. At Giza in the reigns of Khufu and Khafra (c.
2589-2566 and c. 2558-2532 Bc) false doors were usually omitted from tombs,
and instead a slab bearing the offering-table scene alone was set into the eastern
side of the mastaba.
The development of stelae was accompanied by an evolution in the offering
table. In graves of the first two dynasties a circular table on a central support,
usually of calcite, was placed within the burial
chamber, close to the corpse. This served to support
the food offerings and is exactly the type of table
which appeared in the offering scene on stelae. As
the provision of food supplies within the grave was
gradually superseded by a formal offering cult situ-
ated in the tomb superstructure, offering tables
began to be placed in front of the false door or stela.
In the 3rd to 4th Dynasties the circular type contin-
ued in use and a stone trough for offerings of water,
wine or beer was added (though these could also act
symbolically as pools for the deceased to sail on in
the next life) (see fig. 111). At this period, a rectan-
cular type of offering-slab also appeared, combining
the libation-trough with a representation of the cir-
cular table carved in relief. From the 5th Dynasty
onward the standard type was the offering table in
the shape of the hieroglyphic sign etep (‘offering’),
111. Limestone offering which in origin represented a loaf of bread standing on a reed mat.
table of rectangular shape In the years immediately following the Old Kingdom, the design of stelae
incorporating the
became simpler as Egypt became politically decentralised and provincial tradi-
hieroglyphic sign hetep
(Coffering’), two circular
tions of craftsmanship rose to prominence. A common type of the First Interme-
depressions probably diate Period was the ‘slab stela’, a rectangular tablet with a representation of the
representing individual deceased before an offering table as the principal feature (see fig. 113), with the
offering tables and two
frequent addition of figures of relatives and servants bringing offerings. The rigid
miniature libation-troughs.
The basic function of the
graphic framework of earlier stelae gave way to a more haphazard arrangement
troughs was to receive drink- with figures and offerings ‘floating’ in the field (see fig. 112).
offerings of water, beer or Following the reunification of Egypt under Mentuhotep II (c. 2055-2004
wine, but they also played a BC), greater uniformity in the design of funerary stelae returned. Examples
symbolic role as miniature
pools on which the deceased
from the 11th and 12th Dynasties were rectangular in basic shape, and
might travel by boat in the included both the false door type and a type with a rounded top. This marked
afterlife. In the centre of the a significant development away from the false door (symbolising the threshold
upper portion is a carved of the netherworld) to a type of stela which represnted the cosmos. The curved
figure of the deceased,
upper portion suggested the vault of heaven, and was frequently occupied by
identified in the text as the
Overseer of the Storehouse celestial symbols, such as the winged solar disc or wedjat eyes. The main scene
Seneb. Possibly from Saqqara, again showed the deceased before the offering table, often accompanied by rel-
6th Dynasty. 39x37 cm. atives and servants presenting offerings. The text, often inscribed above the
158
113. Stela of the granary official

Sarenenutet, showing the
deceased seated before an
offering table. The tall bread-
loaves of earlier offering scenes
(see fig. 109) have been
transformed into reed-leaves,
a change which occurs on such
scenes in the 5th to 6th
Dynasties. This was probably a
conscious development on the
part of the sculptor, to link the
basic image of sustenance with
an allusion to the Field of
Reeds, a region of the hereafter
in which the deceased obtained
food (see Chapter 1). Early
H. 52 cm.
112. Stela of the lector priest Inhur-nakht, who

is shown standing with his wife Hu to receive
offerings from a son and servants. The inscription
requests offerings and contains formulaic phrases
descriptive of Inhur-nakht’s virtues while alive.
The absence of register-lines in the scene, and the
informal placing of the small figures of servants
and groups of offerings are characteristic features
of funerary stelae dating to the First Intermediate
Period. Probably from Naga ed-Deir. H. 77 cm.
5)
scene, usually comprised the offering formula, but some examples include
autobiographical passages and an appeal to the living (see Chapter 3). Offering
tables generally continued to take the form of the hieroglyphic sign hetep and
bore carved images of foodstuffs and libation vessels — images which, like those
on the chapel walls, were to satisfy the deceased’s needs should the real offer-
ings cease to be provided (see fig. 114). Some examples also incorporated
miniature libation troughs.
In the later Middle Kingdom, stelae were characterised by the subdivision of
the surface into small rectangular compartments, each occupied by a figure of an
individual related to the deceased (children, brothers, sisters, etc.). This type
continued into the Second Intermediate Period. A number of crudely painted
rectangular wooden stelae were also included in burials in this period.
In private tombs of the New Kingdom stelae were usually tall and round-
114. Limestone offering table. The upper surface

incorporates images of food offerings and depictions of
libation vessels, from which liquid is shown pouring
through one of three miniature troughs and out via a large
spout. An offering formula is inscribed around the edge,
and the inscription names three beneficiaries: two men
named Wepwawethetepi and Djefaihapi, and a woman
named In. From Asyut, tomb 134A. Probably 12th
Dynasty. L. 24 cm.
115. Limestone stela of Bakkay. The rounded top

symbolises the vault of heaven. The surface is divided in
a manner characteristic of funerary stelae of the New
Kingdom. Above, Bakkay and his wife offer flowers and
a libation to the god Osiris; below, offerings are made to a
couple named Huy and Henutnofret by four members of
their family. At the bottom is an inscription containing an
offering formula. 18th Dynasty, reign of Amenhotep III,
about 1390-1352 Bc. Provenance unknown. H. 54 cm.
160
topped, and were frequently large. They were often made of limestone and were
brightly painted. While free-standing stelae were common, many were also hewn
from the rock. The stelae stood in pairs in the courtyard of the tomb, and also at
one or both ends of the transverse hall. Many of them continued to show the
deceased and his wife receiving offerings, but this scene was now usually at the
top. A major innovation of the period was the regular depiction of deities (who
appeared only occasionally in the Middle Kingdom) (see fig. 115). Osiris and
Anubis often appeared, sometimes accompanied by Isis, Nephthys or Horus,
receiving offerings or incense from the deceased. The scene of the deceased receiv-
ing gifts often itself appeared in a lower register. Stelae from the later New King-
dom sometimes incorporated a pyramid-shaped top, emphasising the solar
aspects which at this period rose to greater prominence in the tomb (see fig. 116).
The general reduction in the scale and complexity of tomb superstructures
during the Third Intermediate Period was
accompanied by a simplification of the stela.
Most burials were provided with a small
round-topped stela of painted wood, usually
showing a scene of the deceased adoring
Osiris or Ra-Horakhty. A few of these are
known from the 21st Dynasty, but the vast
majority date to the 22nd Dynasty. The con-
cept of the stela as a miniature cosmos was
still prominent in these examples: the curved
upper surface was often decorated with the
hieroglyphic sign for ‘sky’ and the field below
was framed by the signs for ‘east’ and ‘west’,
with the baseline representing the earth (see
fig. 117). On some examples of the 25th
Dynasty the entire frame was formed of the
arched body of the goddess Nut. This type
continued in use under the 25th to 26th
116. Limestone stela of Benaa. This example, dating to the

early part of the reign of Ramesses II, illustrates the uniting
of solar and Osirian concepts in the context of the tomb in
this period. Solar associations are manifest in the
pyramidion which tops the stela, and in the sun disc worn as
a headdress by Osiris in the upper scene. As in the stela of
Bakkay (see fig. 115), the adoration of the gods occupies the
upper register, and the funerary cult the lower. H. 121 cm.
161
SIMBA HEN
ISAs ASS
ge ZITAT
117. Painted wooden funerary Dynasties, when substantial texts reappeared below the scene, which often
stelae. Left: the priest of included a solar barque. Some of these were installed in chapels, but others were
Amun Nakhtefmut and his
probably located inside the burial chamber.
daughter Tashepenese adore
Ra-Horakhty. 22nd Dynasty,
Private funerary stelae made of stone were rare after the New Kingdom, when
about 850 Bc. H. 27.5 cm. wooden tablets were the norm, but examples of stone began to reappear in the
Right: the woman Late Period. Both stone and wooden stelae were used in the Ptolemaic Period
Tjentdiashakhet seated before (see fig. 118). Some of these were inscribed with a Greek text, and there was a
an offering table. The ‘sky’
hieroglyph above and the
tendency towards the inclusion of more Hellenistic features noticeable particu-
signs for ‘west’ and ‘east larly in the dress and pose of the deceased. Some examples represent architec-
which form the frame ofthe tural doorways, such as those from Kom Abu Billo (Terenuthis). They were
scene define the stela as a ultimately succeeded by Coptic Christian gravestones.
miniature version of the
cosmos. The iconography of
the scene and the Statues of the deceased
arrangement and wording of The statue was regarded as a physical embodiment of the individual, a base
the inscription deliberately which the ka could occupy in order to receive offerings. A common word for
imitate models from the Old
statue, shesep, probably means literally ‘receiver’, and when used in the phrase
Kingdom. From Qurna, 25th
Dynasty, about 680 Bc. H. 21 shesep r ankh (‘receiver in order to live’) it denotes the capacity of the image
cm. to serve as a receptacle for the vital essence of the deceased. Another function
162
118. Painted sycomore fig
funerary stela of Neswy (see
also fig. 156). The 6a of the
deceased is perched on the
top of the vault, stressing the
role of the stela as a miniature
representation of the tomb.
Beneath the schematic vault mares vai |
of heaven, adorned with a fF en ARESA ae
winged sun disc and two Cw Se $= @)
jackals representing Anubis, feres Braz
are scenes of the deceased
adoring the sun god and
other deities in the solar
barque, and a row ofgods.
Early Ptolemaic Period,
about third century Bc.
From Thebes. H. 53.5 cm.
of the statue was as a reserve body to act as a base for the 6a, since this aspect
of the individual could not exist independently without a physical form (see
Chapter 1).
All human images produced by Egyptian artists were created according to a
canon of proportions. The figure was laid out on a grid, and standing figures
were divided from hairline to foot into (for most of the pharaonic period) eigh-
teen squares. This allowed consistency in reproducing the human image, which
was heavily idealised. Figures were usually depicted in a formal pose, in which
symmetry was important (though not invariable). Most figures were positioned
squarely on the base, looking forward. Stone statues were usually provided with a
back pillar and carried an inscription on the base, pillar or seat. Certain poses
were applicable to the different sexes. Standing figures of men usually show the
left leg advanced, those of women represent the feet together.
The principal materials used to make statues for the tomb were stone and
wood. A range of stones was obtained from quarries in Egypt — limestone, gran-
ite, quartzite, serpentine — while the woods used included both native and
imported varieties (sycomore fig, acacia, tamarisk, ebony and cedar). The partic-
ular qualities of the different materials encouraged different treatments by the
163
craftsmen; hence stone statues often represent the subject seated, whereas
wooden ones are more frequently standing. The size of the figure varied, from a
few centimetres in height to over lifesize.
Ancient Egyptian sculptures were not portraits, but rather idealised images. This
is demonstrated by the strong standardisation apparent in statues produced in the
same period, and by the fact that where numerous statues represent the same
owner there are usually no similarities which can be attributed to a likeness to the
subject. The majority of statues were probably carved without reference to the
actual appearance of the person depicted. Resemblance between statues probably
reflects the prevalent sculptural style of the period and/or local craft tradition.
0 Gee a es ILS SLE

ae |
jHe2BMar skk=A7 3S =
emi g (NAS
| iN fh SE bigest
119. Scenes from the rock- Since a statue could enable the owner to be physically present in some loca-
tomb of Pepiankh at Meir, tion outside his body, there was in theory no limit to the number of images by
showing the production of
which an individual might be represented, although most people probably had
statues of the tomb owner.
On the left, the lector-priest
only one. A statue set up in a temple put the owner in the vicinity of the god of
and scribe Pepi-ihyemsa that place; in the same way as in the tomb, the person depicted could receive
paints a standing statue. some of the offerings presented in the temple ritual. It is somewhat less easy to
On the right, the ‘overseer explain the presence of numerous statues in the tomb, a phenomenon particu-
of sculptors’ Itjau and the
larly associated with the Old Kingdom. Possibly some of these figures acted as
sculptor Sebekemhat use
chisels to carve the finer reserves in case of damage. Other possibilities are that they depicted the owner at
details of a seated statue. different ages, or as the holder of different offices.
6th Dynasty, about 2200 Bc. Since the statue was made of inert materials, it had to be transformed into an
object which had the properties of a living being. The eyes must be given the
capacity to see, the mouth to speak and to eat and drink. This animation of the
statue could be done only by the performance of the ritual known as the ‘Open-
ing of the Mouth’, or sometimes more fully the ‘Opening of the Mouth and
Eyes’. This ritual was performed at the completion of the statues, while in the
workshop. Its main features were the touching of the eyes and mouth with a
range of instruments: three types of adze, an instrument called the weret-hekau
(also imitating an adze), a chisel and a finger-shaped instrument. Each episode in
164
the ritual was accompanied by appropriate incantations. It is no accident that

most of the instruments involved are sculptors’ tools. The rite therefore incorpo-
rates the animation of the image within the process of creating it, as in fact an
indispensable conclusion to the creative process. Once the ritual had been per-
formed, the statue became linked to the ka of the person represented. In the
same way the ‘Opening of the Mouth’ was performed on other types of image
which served to support the ka of the owner, such as anthropoid coffins (see
Chapter 7), and even on two-dimensional images carved in relief. Most impor-
tantly it was carried out on the mummified body itself at the completion of the
embalming, in order to revivify it (see Chapter 6).
The evolution of tomb statuary

Although fragmentary remains point to the existence of funerary statues as early
as the 1st Dynasty, the earliest well-preserved tomb figures date to the 3rd
Dynasty. The mortuary temples of the Old Kingdom rulers, built adjacent
to their pyramids, have preserved some of the finest early examples of
funerary statues. The earliest is the seated limestone statue of King Net-
jerikhet Djoser (c. 2667-2648 Bc), founder of the 3rd Dynasty, which
was discovered still walled up in its serdab, or statue chamber, against
the north side of the Step Pyramid at Saqqara. Two holes cut into the
north wall of the serdab enabled the royal ka, via the medium of the
statue, to look out to the place where the rituals were performed for
his benefit. Royal mortuary temples of the Old Kingdom contained
many statues of the king, varying in size, material and attitude; all,
however, fulfilled the same function, as receptacles for the ka.
It was also in the 3rd Dynasty that private tombs began to contain
one or more statues of their occupants. They could range from life-
size examples of supreme workmanship, such as the seated figures of
Rahotep and his wife Nofret, from Meidum, to smaller pieces of
humbler quality. Examples from the 3rd Dynasty represent
men and women, seated and standing, but always individually
(see fig. 120). During the 4th to 6th Dynasties, the number
and range of the statues increased. In the chapels of rock-cut
tombs statues were carved out of the living rock; in mastaba
tombs they were usually concealed in the serdab, a special
120. Painted limestone statue of Nofretmin. In some tombs, pair-statues

represented a married couple seated or standing together. In others,
individual statues of the owner of the tomb and his wife were positioned
side by side. This statue perhaps comes from the otherwise unknown
tomb of Nofretmin’s husband. The straight hairstyle and simple,
unpleated dress are typical of the period. Although the statue is made
from limestone, the high-backed seat has been painted in imitation of a
harder and more costly stone, perhaps granite. From Meidum or
Dahshur. 6th Dynasty, about 2300 Bc. H. 46 cm.
165
121. Wooden statue ofTjeti,

a provincial official of high
status. The figure is finely
carved from a dark wood,
originally painted, and
attached to a base ofa
different wood, on which is
carved an inscription giving
the name and titles of Tjeti.
The bodily form has been
carved with exceptional skill,
and the muscular structure
beneath the skin has been
faithfully rendered. The inlaid
eyes are made from limestone
and obsidian set in copper
surrounds. Such wooden
figures were frequently
provided as tomb statues for
persons ofrank in the Old
Kingdom. Probably from
Akhmim. 6th Dynasty, about
2345-2181 Bc. H. 75.5 cm
(modern staff).
122. Cedarwood statuette, chamber in the superstructure in which the statue was placed. It was usually con-
said to be from the shaft tomb cealed from the view of visitors to the chapel; a small slit in the wall, level with
of Gua, physician to the
the eyes of the statue, permitted communication with the offering chapel. The
provincial governor
Djehutyhotep. Although serdab was sometimes located directly behind the false door, before which the
uninscribed, the pose and offering ritual was performed, so that the deceased’s ka, within the statue, faced
costume of the figure, the participants. In some tombs the participation of the deceased in the ritual
together with the use of an was emphasised by having the statue carved within the central aperture of the
expensive imported timber,
false door itself, either standing (see fig. 108) or advancing as though entering
suggest that it represents the
owner of the tomb. Small- the chapel to partake of his offerings. Most freestanding statues represented the
scale wooden figurines, placed deceased or his wife standing or seated. Some were life-size, but the majority
in or near the coffin, were smaller. Some images of men were in the pose ofa scribe, emphasising liter-
sometimes served as a
acy; this was an important prerequisite for an official to hold high office, and the
repository for the ka in burials
which did not possess an scribal statue would help to ensure that this privileged position would be perpet-
offering chapel. 12th Dynasty, uated in the afterlife. Pair statues show husband and wife seated or standing,
about 1850 Bc. From Deir some with children on a smaller scale. There were also many statues of wood,
el-Bersha. H. 35 cm.
mostly on a small scale (see figs 121 and 122).
A well-publicised but enigmatic group of early tomb sculptures are the so-
called ‘reserve heads’, the majority of which have been found in early 4th
Dynasty mastaba tombs of persons of high status in the west cemetery at Giza,
adjacent to the pyramid of Khufu (c. 2589-2566 Bc). These are limestone repre-
sentations of the head and neck, without details of hair or wig, and with only a
simple carved line marking its outline. The eyes are sometimes turned upwards.
The significance of these sculptures is uncertain. They may have been intended
as substitutes for the head in case of its loss (by analogy with later mummy-
masks), or as a receptacle for the £a to receive offerings, but it is unusual for
Egyptian representations of the deceased to omit the body. It is notable that they
occur mainly in the tombs of Khufu’s courtiers, which are otherwise distin-
guished by the austerity of their decoration (for example, there are no wall-
images and false doors are usually omitted; see above, p. 150). Since these tombs
usually contained no ka statue, the reserve head may have been a substitute for
the statue and two-dimensional wall-images of the deceased, representing only
the most important part of the body. The puzzle of the heads’ significance is
complicated by the distinctive mutilations found on many of them — the ears are
always damaged or entirely destroyed, and on many there is a vertical incision
down the back of the head. This has suggested to some scholars that they were
sculptor’s models from which plaster casts were taken, and that the mutilations
occurred during the removal of the casts. However, it is at least as likely that they
were related to the plaster head-coverings of the mummy (see Chapter 2) or were
intended to function in funerary rituals.
During the First Intermediate Period, funerary statues from provincial centres
such as Asyut were mainly made of wood. There is no evidence for royal funer-
ary sculpture between the 6th Dynasty and the late 11th Dynasty, when a series
of painted sandstone statues were carved for installation at the temple-tomb of
Mentuhotep II (c. 2055-2004 Bc) at Deir el-Bahri. These figures, both standing
and seated, are the earliest to represent the dead king in the so-called “Osirian’
pose, with feet together and arms crossed on the breast. His garment, however, is
not the enveloping shroud of later statues, but the short knee-length robe worn
at the sed festival, emphasising the notion of renewed life and powers inherent in
these images. Non-royal burials of this period were sometimes provided with
small limestone figures.
At the height of the Middle Kingdom, royal mortuary temples continued to
contain statues of the king as a living individual, but alongside these, true mum-
miform figures were also installed. Both types were found at the pyramid com-
plex of Senusret I (c. 1965-1920 Bc) at Lisht, and the mummiform statue was
also installed in cult temple contexts at Karnak at this period. The more impos-
ing private tomb chapels of this period contained a seated statue of the owner set
in a niche at the end, while others contained mummiform figures lining the
walls of the passage, as in the tomb of Sarenput at Aswan. In smaller tombs,
where the surfaces of the coffin replicated the chapel wall-decoration of richer
burials, a small wooden statuette of the deceased was placed in the coffin or
burial chamber.
In private tombs of the 18th Dynasty it became more usual for the statue to be
positioned in the chapel, where it was fully visible to the visitor. The figures were
often lifesize, usually representing the owner and his wife, sometimes with his
mother or a group of relatives. These statues were often cut from the living rock,
but there were also freestanding statues (usually smaller than lifesize) which were
167
placed in a niche in the chapel (see fig. 123). Many figures were of painted lime-
stone, although other stones were used. Besides the familiar seated type, the
range of sculptural forms used in tombs was expanded. Block statues and
stelophorous figures became more common. Whereas the dress of earlier statues
was generally traditional, tomb sculptures now began to reflect changing fash-
ions of dress. This is exemplified well in the post-Amarna period by such pieces
as the large limestone statues from Saqqara (see fig. 124). In the later New King-
dom, stelophorous statues were often placed
in the tomb superstructure.
After the New Kingdom, many burials
were grouped in family vaults or in earlier
rock-cut tombs, often without an adjacent
mortuary chapel. The entire burial outfit was
simplified, and among the items which disap-
peared from the fittings of the tomb was the
statue of the owner. At the same period, there
was an increase in the number of statues of
non-royal individuals which were set up in the
precincts of cult-temples, a phenomenon par-
ticularly well-documented at Thebes. The
poses and attributes of these sculptures fol-
lowed traditional models (mainly seated or
block statues). Their inscriptions request
offerings and often proclaim the devotion of
sons in setting up the statues to preserve the
memory of fathers, very much in the manner
of tomb-statues of earlier periods. It may be
123. Painted sandstone pair-statue of Itu, a priest 124. Limestone pair-statue of an unnamed man and wife.
of Amun and his wife Henutweret. The couple are The function and design of this piece are essentially the
represented sitting on a plain seat, clasping each other same as that illustrated in fig. 123, but this example
by the shoulders. A small figure between the man and illustrates the artistic legacies of the Amarna period
wife represents their son Neferhebef. Groups such as (mid-fourteenth century Bc). The poses of the couple are
this were set up in the offering chapels of tombs to more relaxed, their mutual affection is more naturalistically
provide a physical form for the ka ofthe dead person to suggested by the clasping of their hands and the sculptor
receive sustenance. The hairstyles and the simple has represented luxuriant curled wigs and elaborately
costumes ofthese figures are characteristic of the pleated gowns. They are seated on a wooden chair with
middle years of the 18th Dynasty, about 1400 sc. leonine legs. Late 18th Dynasty, about 1300 Bc. Probably
From Thebes. H. 74 cm. from the Memphite necropolis. H. 132 cm.
168
DEATH AND THE ARTE REITER, IN ANGCEE
NT SE Gy ral
that such images continued to act as the focus for the mortuary cults of their
owners, but now within the context of the temple ritual rather than in the
necropolis.
CONSTRUCTING AND EQUIPPING THE TOMB
Since the tomb was to be the eternal resting-place of the corpse, and the place
where the crucial sustaining rituals were to be performed, its construction was a
matter of major concern for the owner. The king’s tomb was the most impor-
tant, and usually the most elaborate, since the dead king’s successful trans-
figuration was linked not only to his personal survival but to the continuation of
the cosmos. Hence the construction of the king’s tomb was the responsibility
of the state and absorbed considerable resources in the form of building materi-
als, labour and artistic endeavour. The craftsmen who built the pyramids and
their associated cult-complexes were highly organised into gangs, working in
shifts, and were housed in special communities close to the site of the pyramid’s
construction. Remains of these craftsmen’s communities have been excavated at
Giza and Lahun, and have given a valuable insight into their lives and working
methods.
The benefits of this effort were sometimes made available to the king’s sub-
jects. Particularly in the Old Kingdom, favoured officials received their tombs
and funerary equipment by gift of the king as a reward for good service. This
could be the whole tomb, but more frequently it might comprise the main fit-
tings such as a sarcophagus, doorway and libation slab, for which high-quality
and expensive stones were ideally desired. These would not only be quarried and
transported at the king’s expense, but carved by the royal craftsmen, the resultant
product serving as a conspicuous testimony to the probity of the deceased. The
official Weni proudly commemorated such an honour in his tomb: ‘When I
begged of the majesty of my lord that there be brought for me a sarcophagus of
white stone from Tura, his majesty had a royal seal-bearer cross over with a com-
pany of sailors under his command, to bring me this sarcophagus from Tura. It
came with him in a great barge of the court, together with its lid, a doorway,
lintel, two doorjambs and a libation-table.’
In the majority of cases, however, a non-royal individual would himself be
responsible for the construction of his tomb and the setting-up of a mortuary
cult. Inscriptions in several tombs contain a reference to the owner’s having paid
the craftsmen who constructed the monument. Renenuka declares, in his
mastaba at Giza (6th Dynasty): ‘I made this tomb in exchange for bread and
beer, which I gave to all the artisans who made this tomb . . . I have given them
very great wages out of all the linen which they asked for . . .’. Many persons
would have begun the construction of the tomb during their lifetime with such
funds as they had available, which might be the stipend received for official
duties; part of these funds might be reserved to meet essential funerary expenses
after death. An inscription in the tomb of the vizier Senedjemib (5th Dynasty) at
170
Giza recounts that he had constructed his father’s tomb ‘in one year and two
thirds while he was in the embalming workshop (wabet), whose means were
drawn from his income connected with the pyramid of [King] Isesi’. Here, then,
the cost of mummifying the dead man was met from funds he had received as an
official of a royal pyramid endowment. Senedjemib also asked the king to pro-
vide his father with a sarcophagus from Tura, so that the total costs of the burial
were shared between the ruler and the local official. This example is also interest-
ing on account of the unusually long period taken up by the embalming (see
Chapter 1).
In practice, the burden of responsibility for burying the dead fell mainly upon
the immediate family of the deceased. Inscriptions testify to the children of the
deceased setting up monuments (both funerary and votive) ‘in order that his/her
name shall live’. Burying one’s deceased parents was a duty of the children, as is
often expressed in funerary inscriptions. In the tomb of Mery-aa at El-Hagarsa
(early First Intermediate Period) the dead man’s eldest son, Nenu, inscribed a
text recounting his virtues: ‘I buried my father with an “offering which the king
gives’; I interred him in the beautiful West; I embalmed him with sefegj-oil of the
Residence and zmsw-linen of the “House of Life”. I inscribed his tomb, I erected
his statues, as does a trustworthy heir.’ Inheritance of the parental property was
linked to the fulfilling of this duty. Legal documents of the Ramesside period
from the workmen’s village of Deir el-Medina throw light on this. From Papyrus
Bulag X we learn of a man named Huy who provided a coffin and burial place
for his mother Tagemy. This entitled him to inherit her property, which passed
in turn to Huy’s son, Hay. In support of his inheritance, Hay cites ‘the law of
pharaoh’, which stated: “Let the possessions [of the deceased] be given to him
who buries’. Tagemy’s other children attempted to claim part of her property as
her heirs, but as they had not taken any part in burying their mother, their claim
was judged to be invalid. Further records show that this was no isolated instance,
and that one did not have to be a son or daughter to inherit on this basis. A
letter to the dead, written on the ‘Oxford Bowl’, states that a woman who was to
bury a fugitive named Meniupu had been told by her husband: “Bury him and
act as an heir towards him’.
Sometimes items were donated by parents to the burial of a child who had
died before them. Queen Hetepheres II provided her daughter Queen Mere-
sankh III (c. 2500 Bc) with a tomb chapel, and a granite sarcophagus originally
made and inscribed for Hetepheres herself. The sarcophagus was adapted for the
daughter by the addition of a short text put into the mouth of her mother: ‘I
have given [it] to the King’s daughter and wife Meresankh’.
After the Old Kingdom, the greater degree of autonomy enjoyed by provincial
officials enabled them to arrange for the construction and equipping of their
own tombs without royal subsidy. In provincial cemeteries such as those at Beni
Hasan, Asyut and Bersha the large and elaborate tombs of the local governors
were major constructional projects, doubtless carefully planned and carried out
under the owner’s supervision. But in cemeteries such as these there were also
171
Se
nee
125. The walled village of hundreds of small shaft and chamber tombs which must have been constructed
Deir el-Medina on the West in advance and only afterwards assigned to their eventual occupants. They point
Bank of the Nile at Thebes.
to the existence of a local organisation dedicated to the production of tombs for
Special accommodation for
the artisans who constructed
officials of lower status, although there is no written evidence to tell how such a
the king’s tomb is known system worked.
from as early as the 4th The royal tombs of the New Kingdom in the Valley of the Kings were con-
Dynasty. Throughout the structed by a dedicated community of specialist craftsmen who were settled in an
New Kingdom, the self
enclosed village on the Theban West Bank. This site, today called Deir el-
contained settlement at
Deir el-Medina housed the Medina (see fig. 125), has yielded an enormous quantity of evidence about the
community of stonecutters, daily lives and working procedures of these people, particularly in the 19th and
plasterers, draughtsmen and 20th Dynasties. The community included craftsmen with a wide range of exper-
painters who built and
tise — stonecutters, draughtsmen, sculptors, painters and scribes — who, between
decorated the tombs in the
Valley of the Kings. them, disposed of all the necessary skills and resources to construct a king’s tomb
in its entirety. Documents reveal that these men also built and decorated tombs
for the use of themselves and their colleagues, many of which were located on
the slopes close to the village in which they had lived. To what extent this
pattern of activity extended to the rest of the Theban necropolis is unknown. It
is possible that some of the many other New Kingdom tombs there may have
been built by craftsmen from Deir el-Medina, but evidence is almost totally
lacking, and there is a strong possibility that other groups of workers were
responsible for many of the sepulchres. It has been estimated that outside Deir
el-Medina at this period perhaps two to four tombs would be under construc-
tion at Thebes at a given time, with possibly four or five craftsmen at work on
each. The wall-decoration of the tomb of Amenemhat includes a rare acknowl-
edgement of the craftsmen who built his tomb. Amenemhat is shown making
offerings to them, and although most of the names and figures are destroyed
they included a son ‘who directed the work upon this tomb’, an ‘outline-
draughtsman’ and ‘the sculptor who made the statues’.
It can be safely assumed that the prospective occupant would regularly inspect
the work on his tomb, for a fine funerary chapel confirmed the status of the
owner in the eyes of posterity. As the ‘appeal to the living’ implies (see Chapter
3), it was expected that the chapel would be visited by future generations, who
might then recite the offering formula for the benefit of the deceased. A finely-
decorated chapel with wall-scenes would attract admirers, and many tomb scenes
include amusing details which might appeal to a casual visitor. Thus, in a market
scene in the tomb of Tepemankh at Saqqara (5th Dynasty) a baboon seizes a
thief by the leg; in the 18th Dynasty tomb of Menna two young girls fight, tear-
ing at each other’s hair; in the tomb of Iduit (6th Dynasty) a predatory crocodile
watches hungrily as a hippopotamus gives birth. In scenes of peasants and crafts-
men dialogue is often included, freezing for ever the banter and jocular insults of
daily life. Visitors’ graffiti in Old Kingdom pyramid temples show they were vis-
ited as tourist attractions as early as the New Kingdom.
The ownership of a tomb was often indicated by inscriptions on the door-
jambs or lintel. Another medium by which the owner was identified was baked
clay cones, the bases of which were stamped with hieroglyphic texts giving the
names and titles of the deceased. These objects were arranged in friezes above the
entrance to the tomb with their inscribed surfaces visible.
Great care was devoted to the equipping of the tomb. Some of the various
objects placed in the tomb had been used in life (clothing, containers, tools,
weapons, jewellery, games and musical instruments), but the majority of items
were made specifically for the grave. Apart from those items made as a special
concession in the royal workshops, coffins, canopic containers, shabtis and other
items were made by local craftsmen. Most of these were attached to temples.
Those items which carried detailed religious iconography and texts — particularly
coffins and papyri — were probably produced in workshops attached to the
‘House of Life’, i.e. the temple library. Sculptors, joiners, painters and scribes
worked in teams to produce objects (see fig. 126). Such teamwork is depicted in
a famous scene from the tomb of Ipuy at Thebes, in which craftsmen are shown
making a shrine. Scenes such as this are rare, but scrutiny of finished works
reveals (in spite of a basic uniformity of style) the mark of different hands, besides
errors and corrections. The limestone architrave of Akhethotep in the University
173
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE TNO ACN
Cau Na SEG Yar
126. Craftsmen in the Museum, Liverpool (6th Dynasty) exhibits technical variations between figures
workshop ofthe temple of and hieroglyphs suggesting the hands of both master(s) and apprentices.
Amun. Among the objects Informal notes on hieratic ostraca from Deir el-Medina show that skilled
being made are some which
were probably intended for
craftsmen could make funerary items for neighbours and colleagues as private
the tomb. Part ofascene in commissions. One such transaction is recorded as follows:
the tomb chapel of Nebamun
and Ipuky at Thebes, in
‘What the draughtsman Neferhotep gave to Horemwia (namely):
which one of the owners one painted stela of (Nofretari), May she live! (And) he gave me
inspects the work under his a wooden coffer in exchange for it. In addition, (I) decorated two
authority. 18th Dynasty,
coffins for the Riverbank (meryt) for him, and he made a bed for me...’
about 1380 Bc.
THE MORTUARY CULT
As explained in Chapters 1 and 3, the continued survival of the dead depended

largely on the maintainance of a mortuary cult. This would ensure that the
deceased was nourished by a supply of offerings in perpetuity, presented in the
prescribed context of the funerary ritual, and involving the pronouncement of
the name of the dead. This cult might be performed by the relatives of the
deceased or by priests, but it required some means of long-term support. This
often took the form of an endowment, usually a plot of cultivable land which
was dedicated by the deceased as his mortuary estate. The profits of the land
yielded the offerings of food, drink, incense and other items to be presented to
the deceased, and also provided payment for the officials of the cult. The impor-
tance of making these preparations is expressed in the instruction of Prince
Hardjedef, who urges his son: “Choose for him [i.e. the mortuary priest who will
174
THE THRESHOLD OF ETERNITY; TOMBS, CEMETERIES AND MORTUARY CULTS
serve his cult after death] a plot among your fields, well-watered every year. He
profits you more than your own son; prefer him even to your [heir].’ The mortu-
ary estates are depicted in tomb chapels of the Old Kingdom, personified as
female servants carrying goods to the tomb. In some tombs endowment docu-
ments are carved on the walls, recording the duties of the personnel, the content
of the endowment, and sometimes ways of protecting the interests of the cult
personnel to prevent interference or attempts to divert the funds elsewhere.
Ideally the main cult officiant was the son of the owner. Ideologically, this
reflected the myth of Osiris, in which Horus performed the funerary offices for
his dead father. It played an important role in the royal succession, since carrying
127. Ka priests (hemu-ka)
out the funerary rites for a dead king legitimised the officiant as his successor,
bringing ‘choice cuts’ of meat,
irrespective of his relationship to the deceased. In the wall-paintings in the burial
birds and other foodstuffs to
sustain the owner of the chamber of Tutankhamun (who died without a male heir) the funerary rituals for
tomb. Scene carved on the the dead pharaoh are performed by the official Ay, who is accordingly represented
jamb of a false door from as the new king. In the private sphere there was a link between the mortuary cult
the mastaba of Werirenptah,
and the inheritance of property. Inheritance was conditional upon the son’s fulfill-
priest in the sun temple of
King Neferirkara. 5th
ment of duties towards the father’s cult (see p. 171), and as the mortuary cult was
Dynasty, about 2400 sc. intended to last in perpetuity it might have been hoped that the land set aside for
From Saqqara. the endowment would remain in the family from generation to generation.
Besides the eldest son the main personnel of the mortuary cult were priests
called hemu-ka (literally servants of the ka) (see fig. 127). Their task was to keep
the ka of the deceased supplied, and in return for fulfilling this duty they
received the largest share of the endowment. They served in rotation. Besides
these priests a lector priest was necessary to direct the cult proceedings. His title
— khery-hebet — means literally ‘the keeper of the sacred book’ and he read the
words of the ritual from a papyrus scroll.
Information on the organisation of mortuary cults varies in degree from
period to period. We are comparatively well informed about the administration
VAS)
DEATH “AND THE APDE
RE TRE ON ANG PENT “EiGy rat
of certain royal mortuary establishments of the Old Kingdom because archives

on papyrus have been found at Abu Sir in the funerary temples of kings
Neferirkara (c. 2475-2455 Bc) and Raneferef (c. 2448-2445 Bc). These sources
show that each cult was run by priests divided into five rotating shifts, or phyles —
each phyle having its own storeroom within the temple. Each phyle was divided
into two sub-groups, which served for a month. Hence a ten-month cycle of
rotation operated. The duties of the priests, as recorded in the papyri, included
making two daily processions around the pyramid, looking after the cult statues,
maintaining goods belonging to the cult, and guarding the temple. To ensure the
long-term continuation of the king’s cult, settlements were founded near to the
royal tomb. These ‘pyramid towns’ housed the priests, administrators and
labourers who served the cult.
In the later Old Kingdom (5th to 6th Dynasties), tomb chapels of some non-
royal persons in the Memphite necropolis were served by priests organised in
phyles, on a basis comparable to that operating in the royal mortuary cults. This
was evidently a special privilege. Most of the persons who enjoyed this system
were very high-ranking officials (such as viziers) or were closely linked to the
royal family in some way. The p/yle system was not used in private cults after the
6th Dynasty.
Generally, the operation of non-royal mortuary cults seems to have been
organised on simpler lines, involving fewer personnel. Information about the
functioning of these is uneven, but for the Middle Kingdom we have several
groups of documents which throw light on the arrangements. Hekanakht,
author of a famous series of letters, was a hem-ka priest of the mortuary cult of
the vizier Ipy, who was buried at Thebes in the 11th Dynasty. Hekanakht’s
family occupied a farm which was probably the mortuary estate that provided
the profits for the running of the cult. Hekanakht was frequently away from
Thebes, and his son seems to have carried out the duties of mortuary priest in
his absence. The letters were found close to the tomb chapel of Ipy, where they
had perhaps been stored or abandoned (one of them was unopened) by
Hekanakht’s son.
Another means of ensuring the continuation of a private mortuary cult was to
arrange to have it perfomed by the priests of the local temple. Since, it was
hoped, the cult of the local god would survive indefinitely (whereas that of a
deceased official might not) such an arrangement improved the chance of one’s
cult being maintained over many generations. A well-documented instance
comes from the tomb of Djefahapy, provincial governor and high priest of the
god Wepwawet at Asyut. The inscriptions in his tomb record the contracts he
made with the priests of Wepwawet. Djefahapy’s own endowments would pro-
vide funds to the cult of the god, in return for which the god’s priests would also
take on the maintainance of the dead man’s mortuary cult. The duty of priest
and the endowment which maintained it were to be passed from generation to
generation to ensure perpetual service of the dead.
Another example of a contract recorded on stone is the limestone stela of
Intef, son of Myt, dating to the late 11th Dynasty, from Thebes, in the British
Museum. The relevant passage reads:
I have made a contract with the hem-ka priest Nekhtiu, son of Irmeh.. .
son of Nekhtu, for the pouring of water and the pouring out oflibations,
while the mhwnw-attendant holds out his arms to him, and the khent-wer
[officiant] holds the offering-cakes and the jar in which they go forth,
and make offering therewith to my statue in the course of every day.
Moreover, I have made a contract with the lector priest Intef, son of
Mentunesu, son of Intef, son of Tjetu in order that service may be
performed in the tomb and that the liturgy may be read by the hem-[ka|
at every monthly festival and at every half-monthly festival, in order that
my name may be beautiful and that my memory may exist up to this day,
and in order that the chapel of this excellent sah may be established.
Moreover I have given twenty garments to this mortuary priest and
I have given ten garments to this lector priest, and a man-servant and
a maid-servant to each...
Evidence from later periods is less informative. Judicial papyri of the Late
Period/Ptolemaic period mention mortuary priests called wah mu, ‘water pour-
ers, who are more generally termed choachytes (the Greek version of wah mu).
They maintained the cult of the dead, fulfilling the traditional role of the eldest
son, and they seem to have been the successors of the hemu-ka of earlier periods.
Though not explicit in the records, it is likely that their responsibilities extended
beyond a basic water-pouring ritual, and that they were in fact professional mor-
tuary priests, paid by the family of the deceased, perhaps with the, profits of a
land endowment, as in earlier periods.
Ritual purity had to be observed when performing the cult of the dead. The
necropolis, like the temple precinct of a god was a sacred area, not to be entered
in a state of impurity. Inscriptions in some tombs of the Old Kingdom warn
against this. In the tomb of Harkhuf (6th Dynasty) we read:
As for any man who enters this tomb unclean,

I shall seize him by the neck like a bird,
He will be judged for it by the great god!
The mortuary priests underwent purification at the bu or seh netjer, the place
where the body of the deceased was purified before being embalmed. In the
tomb of Rekhmira at Thebes there is a depiction of the lector priest and other
mortuary personnel undergoing this ablution before entering the necropolis.
Even the funerary equipment and offerings had to be purified in order to pre-
vent any unwelcome influences entering the realm of the dead.
The mortuary cult was inaugurated on the day of burial, when the first offer-
ings to the dead were made, and the ritual was repeated at the numerous reli-
gious festivals in the calendar. On these occasions offerings were made to gods in
their cult temples and, by the process of ‘reversion’, these offerings could then be
presented to the dead so that they might receive a share of the nourishment
which they provided. For this reason, inscriptions on false doors and tomb stelae
often request offerings at specified festivals — the feasts of particular gods, and
secular ones such as the new year festival, and the monthly and half-monthly fes-
tivals. In the tomb of Princess Ni-sedjer-kai at Giza the text runs: “May offerings
be given her on the New Year’s festival, the Thoth festival, the First-of-the-Year
feast, the wag-festival [a celebration of the vindication of Osiris], the Sokar festi-
val, the Great Flame festival, the Brazier festival, the Procession-of-Min festival,
the monthly sadj-festival, the Beginning-of-the-Month festival, the Beginning of
the Half-Month festival, every festival, every day . . .. On each of these occa-
sions the offering ritual would be performed at the tomb. The most important of
all these events during the New Kingdom was the annual Festival of the Valley,
which took place at Thebes. On this occasion, the cult image of the god Amun
was taken from his shrine in the temple of Karnak and ferried by barge across
the Nile to the west bank to visit the mortuary temples of the deceased rulers
(see Chapter 1). The people of Thebes followed the image of the god in his pro-
cession, and visited the tombs of their dead relatives in the necropolis. Here they
would hold a feast at which the dead were honoured guests. Besides ensuring
that the dead were nourished, this event was crucial to maintaining the links
between the living and the dead members of the community. The importance of
the Valley Festival for the dead is amply illustrated by texts such as the following,
inscribed in the now-lost 18th Dynasty tomb of a man named Amenhotep:
May you see the lord of the gods Amun on his beautiful Festival
of the Valley, may you follow him in the sanctuaries of the temples.
And when your name is invoked at the offering table every time the rite
is performed, may your ba cry aloud so that it may be heard. It shall not
be kept back from the great place, and you will partake of the offerings
brought forward and drink water at the edge of the pool.
ROBBERY
The intention to provide the dead with commodities and objects of value
brought with it the threat of tomb robbery. The tombs of the élite were most at
risk, since they contained a higher proportion of valuable objects, but even poor
graves were robbed for the sake of the meagre offerings and adornments placed
with the dead. Grave robbery was present from the very earliest times, and, as
the equipping of the dead grew progressively more elaborate, so the threat of
tomb robbery increased. Some aspects of the evolution of tomb architecture can
be viewed as attempts to defeat robbers; for example, the storing of goods in the
superstructure in early tombs was abandoned in favour of placing them in sub-
terranean magazines. The entrance stairway leading to the burial chamber in
Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom mastaba tombs was blocked by one or more
stone slabs, which slid into place in vertical slots like a portcullis. The entrance
178
passage (or shaft, in later tombs) was also blocked with rubble. The entrance pas-
sage in Old Kingdom pyramids had always been a security risk because religious
reasons dictated that it should be located consistently in the north face (see
above). 12th Dynasty rulers broke with this tradition and varied the position of
the entrance to their pyramids, but this failed to protect their mummies; robbers
tunnelled into the masonry of the pyramids at random, until they broke into
one of the internal passages, which led them to the burial chamber. Towards the
end of the 12th Dynasty, the architects, as though engaged in a battle of wits
with the robbers, changed the internal arrangements of the king’s pyramid with
each successive reign. The most ingenious and complex of all these structures
was the pyramid of Amenemhat III (c. 1855-1808 Bc) at Hawara, in which a
series of blind passages and concealed trapdoors was cunningly deployed to
outwit and frustrate the robbers. Modern archaeologists found that they had,
however, successfully negotiated these puzzles to reach the burial chamber. This
room had been carved out of a single enormous quartzite block, set into place
during the construction of the pyramid and covered by three huge slabs of
quartzite. The robbers, no doubt after immense efforts in conditions of great dis-
comfort, had succeeded in mining their way through one of the roof-blocks to
gain access to the king’s sarcophagus. When the chamber was first entered in
modern times (by a boy employed by Flinders Petrie in 1888-9) only minute
traces of the original burial equipment were recovered.
In addition to architectural devices to foil robbers, the Egyptians made use of
several ingenious locking-systems to secure doorways and coffin-lids. The burial
chamber in the tomb of Senusret-ankh at Lisht (12th Dynasty) was protected by
a series of stone ‘portcullis’ slabs, the first of which, once lowered: into place,
could not be forced upwards again on account of the metal or wooden ‘bolts’
which were released from holes in the lateral grooves as the slab was lowered,
effectively ‘locking’ it. Locking mechanisms were also incorporated into kings’
sarcophagi in the Old Kingdom and on the wooden coffins of high-ranking per-
sons in the Middle Kingdom. These latter, of course, would not deter most rob-
bers, but would perhaps have prevented pilfering by officials responsible for the
burial.
The ingenuity of the precautions taken to protect the body was sometimes
self-defeating. In several of the kings’ pyramids of the 12th and 13th Dynasties,
the huge stone trapdoors were left open by the masons after the burial, perhaps
having found that the effort required to move them was too great. In some
tombs, robbery was committed at the time of burial, probably by the undertak-
ers or cemetery guardians. A number of intact burials have been found in tombs
where the entrance blockings were intact, yet the bodies had clearly been
searched and valuables removed before the coffin lids had been replaced. Else-
where, bodies had clearly been thrown out of their coffins while still articulated,
indicating that the disturbance had occurred soon after the burial. In cemeteries
where many tombs were cut into the rock, it was relatively easy for robbers to
tunnel from tomb to tomb. In the small, closed communities of ancient Egypt
the position and internal arrangements of a wealthy burial could not easily be
kept secret, and those with specialist knowledge — notably the masons who cut
the tombs and the undertakers who supervised the burials — were advantageously
placed to carry out robberies. There were also opportunities for pilfering during
the embalming process and when the mummy was placed in the tomb, at which
periods the deceased’s relatives probably had little chance of detecting dishonest
practice. A group of mummies of high-ranking women of the 21st Dynasty, dis-
covered in a tomb at Thebes, was apparently undisturbed, yet examination
revealed that the gilded faces had been removed from the coffins, and items of
jewellery taken from the mummies before the wrapping was completed, thefts
which could only have been perpetrated by those responsible for the burials and
the embalming.
An additional means of protecting the mummy was by placing it in a stone
sarcophagus. These were sometimes enormously thick and those provided for the
élite were made of hard stones such as granite, quartzite or basalt, but in few
cases did these defeat the robbers, who levered the lids off, or even tunnelled
through the sides or floors of the sarcophagi to reach the contents.
Tomb robbery was reviled because it harmed the deceased’s chances of reaching
the afterlife. Inscriptions in some Old Kingdom tombs included warnings that
robbers would be judged by the gods in the hereafter. Fear of divine retribution,
however, clearly did not outweigh temptation, as the extent of plundering makes
clear. For those who were caught, severe punishments could be applied. One of
the most famous collections of legal documents to survive from ancient Egypt
concerns the trials of men accused of robbing both royal and private tombs in the
Theban necropolis. The texts, dating to the reigns of Ramesses IX—XI (ec.
1126-1069 Bc), purport to give verbatim accounts of the confessions of the
defendants and the statements of witnesses, from which it appears that private
tombs were regularly robbed, although most of the royal tombs had not been dis-
turbed. The severe punishments meted out to those found guilty served as a
deterrent. Referring back to the trials under Ramesses IX, a later witness recalled:
‘I saw the punishment of the thieves in the time of the vizier Khaemwaset. Is it
then likely that I should seek such a death?’ It is interesting that there is no indi-
cation of fear of retribution from the dead or the gods. This is clear enough from
the disrespectful way in which corpses were stripped and hacked to pieces or
burned to facilitate the extraction of valuable jewellery or amulets.
REUSE AND RECYCLING
Reuse and recycling are attested at all periods. When a tomb-owner’s descen-
dants died, the tomb and its chapel were often neglected, falling into disrepair.
Some such old tombs were appropriated for new owners and reoccupied; others
were simply exploited as convenient sources of building materials for new monu-
ments, since to do this was more economical than quarrying new stone. Texts,
however, warned against this practice. The Instruction for Merykare, a Middle
180
Kingdom wisdom text, advises: ‘Do not despoil the monu-

ment of another, but quarry stone in Tura. Do not build your
tomb out of ruins, (using) what had been made for what is to
be made’. Yet the practice was widespread, and there was even
an attempt to justify it, on the grounds that the original owner
of the tomb reused in this way would himself benefit.
While reoccupation of an ancient or plundered tomb might
be justified, the reuse of coffins was a common practice which
was less easy to defend. Occasionally a coffin prepared for its
owner in advance might be adapted for a close relative who
had died prematurely, while the original had a new coffin
made (see above, p. 171). Often, however, coffins were simply
purloined from earlier burials and reinscribed. There are
numerous examples from the Middle Kingdom, and the prac-
tice became especially common at Thebes in the 21st Dynasty.
Many coffins of this period show alteration of the name of the
occupant and changes to the main sex-indicators (hands, face,
wig) in order to adapt the object for a new owner. This preva-
lence of coffin usurpation coincides with the widespread emp-
tying of tombs and moving of burials which occurred in the
21st Dynasty, and was probably unsanctioned. A mummy-
board in the British Museum testifies to the illicit nature of
the procedure. The names on the front were altered and subse-
quently restored, and an inscription added on the back shows
that the necropolis workers were responsible (see fig. 128).
There are also examples of the restoration of earlier burials
for less selfish motives. During the middle of the first millen-
nium BC attempts were evidently made to restore some of the
royal burials of the Old Kingdom in their pyramids at Giza
and Saqqara. Inside the pyramid of Menkaura (c. 2532-2503
BC) at Giza was found a damaged wooden coffin, whose
anthropoid shape, together with the wording of its inscription
indicate that it had been made in the late Third Intermediate
Period or 26th Dynasty to rehouse the plundered remains of
the king .
In spite of the prevalence of tomb robbery — particularly, it
would appear at times of economic stress when food and other
128. Rear of themummy-board of awoman named Tameniut. In

addition to images ofdeities and a text invoking the protection of
Nut, a secondary inscription (lower left) records the restoration of
the lid to its rightful owner after necropolis officials had removed it
from the tomb and re-inscribed it for another individual. Early 21st
Dynasty, about 1050 Bc. From Thebes. H. 165 cm.
181
DEATH AND DHE APT ERUIPE IN AN GCLIEN TI EGYPT
basic necessities were in short supply — most of the royal burials of the New
Kingdom seem to have survived with little serious disturbance until the end of
the New Kingdom. Around the end of the 20th Dynasty, however, economic
weakness forced the authorities to begin a process of official dismantling of the
royal burials in the Valley of the Kings. The mummies and coffins of the dead
kings were stripped of items of intrinsic value, which were then recycled to sup-
port the ailing economy. The bodies themselves were secreted in caches in vari-
ous parts of the Theban necropolis. The early stages in this process are
documented in letters sent by the army commander Piankh (virtual ruler of
Upper Egypt at this time) to the scribe of the Theban necropolis Butehamun,
instructing him to open a tomb, and by numerous graffiti written on the rocks
by Butehamun and his colleagues — records of the process of searching for and
identifying older tombs. A part of the funds recovered in this way may have been
used to finance military operations against Nubia. Some items were perhaps
retained for inclusion in the burials of the 21st Dynasty kings at Tanis, while
others were recycled for use by individuals buried at Thebes. Pinedjem |
(c. 1054-1032 Bc) was buried in a coffin which had originally contained the
mummy of Tuthmosis I (c. 1504-1492 Bc), while a shabti of Ramesses II
(c. 1279-1213 BC) was converted into an Osirian statuette for a private burial .
The opening of tombs and the reorganisation of burials at Thebes during the
21st and early 22nd Dynasties led to the creation of collective burials in earlier
tombs. Royal mummies were moved several times, from one tomb to another in
the Valley of the Kings, a large group finally coming to rest in the tomb of
Amenhotep II (c. 1427-1400 Bc). Others were grouped in tombs at Deir el-
Bahri, which had become an especially sacred spot in the 21st Dynasty, highly
favoured for burials — perhaps on account of its association with the cult of
Hathor. The most famous of these was the so-called ‘Royal Cache’, the largest
single group of royal mummies of the New Kingdom which survived undetected
until 1871.
SECONDARY MEMORIALS TO THE DEAD
The cult of the dead was also maintained at locations outside the tomb. By set-
ting up an ex-voto statue or a stela of the deceased at a cult temple or a place of
pilgrimage it was believed that the deceased would be able to benefit from the
offerings made at these places. They would receive a share of the daily offerings
made to the local deity, and at festivals such memorials would be seen by large
numbers of people who might then pronounce the owner's name or recite the
offering formula, ensuring benefits for them.
The placing ofastatue in a temple or the deposition ofshabtis at a sacred spot
could serve to represent the owner for this purpose. In some cases, however, the
secondary memorial to the dead took the form of a complete tomb, comprising
cult place, burial chamber and a sarcophagus, which of course was empty. These
secondary tombs, or ‘cenotaphs’, were erected on behalf of several kings and
182
private persons at important cult centres. King Senusret III (c. 1874-1855 Bc)
and King Ahmose I (c. 1550-1525 Bc) erected ‘cenotaphs’ of this kind at
Abydos. Like a real burial place, these dummy-tombs had a mortuary temple
with an associated town to accommodate the officials who served the cult. A
more common type of monument was a chapel without a dummy burial, in
which a statue served as the focus for devotion.
During the Middle Kingdom a large number of memorial chapels were set up
at Abydos. The importance of this site was not due to any economic significance.
It was the burial place of the kings of the 1st Dynasty and of two of those of the
2nd Dynasty, and later became the centre of the cult of Osiris. Although the
original god of Abydos was Khentimentiu, it became the chief cult centre of
Osiris in the late Old Kingdom. The most important event at Abydos was the
annual festival of Osiris. This celebrated the resurrection of Osiris and the over-
throw of his enemies, and records of the festival state that the image of Osiris
was brought out of his temple in a sacred barge borne by priests and carried in
procession. At a place on the desert fringe called Peger a dramatic performance
took place in which the main elements of the myth of Osiris were re-enacted.
One of the tombs of the 1st Dynasty kings (that of King Djer, c. 3000 Bc) came
to be identified as the tomb of Osiris. The spot attracted thousands of pilgrims
who made offerings in pottery vessels. The remains of these still cover the area
and are responsible for the modern Arabic name Umm el-Qa’ab, ‘Mother of
Pots’. After the ‘burial’ of Osiris, the defeat of Seth was enacted and the proces-
sion returned triumphantly to the temple. Every Egyptian made — or desired to
make — a pilgrimage to be present at this festival. It is depicted in some tombs of
the Middle and New Kingdoms. Some even aspired to be buried at Abydos
itself, but this was possible only for the privileged few.
In order to participate vicariously in the rituals and to receive a share of the
offerings made to Osiris, commemorative monuments were set up in the locality
known as the Terrace of the Great God (see fig. 129). This was a raised area close
to the western entrance to the cult temple of Osiris. The location was doubtless
chosen because it was on the processional route along which the cult image of
Osiris (preceded by that of the jackal-god Wepwawet) was carried at the annual
festival. The spirits of the individuals whose chapels stood on the Terrace could
thus participate in this all-important ritual — seeing the images of the gods pass
on the outward and return journeys, and themselves sharing in the rejuvenation
experienced by Osiris. The stelae generally have an image of the deceased receiv-
ing offerings. The hetep di nesu formula is included, often with an appeal to the
living to recite the words for the deceased’s benefit. Autobiographical passages
recount the owner’s virtues and achievements. Several stelae might be set up at
different times by the same individual or by members of the same family, and
occasionally work colleagues might also be commemorated as a personal favour.
Some of the monuments commemorated an actual visit to Abydos, but the mere
presence of a monument recording one’s name was sufficient to enable one to
participate in the rituals. Hence the stela of Nebipusenusret in the British
183
Museum was not set up by the man in person, but was taken to Abydos by
another official. Another stela was deposited at Abydos on the way home
from an official visit to Upper Egypt.
Only scanty details of the appearance of the memorial chapels at
Abydos are available. The area in which most of them stood was
intensively mined for antiquities by the collectors of the 1820s and
1830s. Records of the context of the finds are meagre and little now
remains on the ground; fortunately a few chapels were partially pre-
served by later structures built over them, and these were excavated
by the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition in the 1960s. The chapels
were closely packed together. They were of brick, with stelae set
in niches in the structure, and some had courtyards in the
manner of a tomb-chapel.
From the New Kingdom to the Late Period, memorials
more often took the form of ex-voto statues set up in tem-
ples. Many of these were naophorous or statue-bearing
images, i.e. showing the owner holding a shrine or an
image of the god of the temple where they were placed. In
the Late Period these statues were extensively inscribed
with autobiographical texts, stressing the achievements
and piety of the owner. An alternative to the statues, in
the Late Period, was to set up stelae at cult centres, espe-
cially at the burial places of sacred animals, such as the
Serapeum at Saqqara. Hundreds of stelae were installed
there by pilgrims, recording their adoration of the Apis
bull, and requesting the god’s protection or assistance
(see Chapter 8).
The dead themselves were sometimes the focus
of cult activity. The ‘ancestor busts’ have been
129. Limestone seated statue ofIntef, son of

Sebekunu. This sculpture was set up in a chapel
for the cult of the deceased at the ‘terrace of the
Great God’, close to the temple of Osiris at
Abydos. Early 12th Dynasty, about 1950 Bc.
From Abydos. H. 64.8 cm.
184
THE THRESHOLD OF ETERNITY: TOMBS, CEMETERIES AND MORTUARY CULTs
130. Deceased ancestors were mentioned in Chapter 1. Usually lacking identifying inscriptions, these are
commemorated through abbreviated representations, mostly confined to the head and shoulders, with
sculptured busts (see fig. 18)
only the face, wig and collar detailed. A few examples have two heads carved on
and via small stelae. These
were usually round-topped or or mounted on a stela-shaped support. They are of limestone, sandstone, wood,
pointed, and bore the figures clay and faience, and all are less than lifesize, some being tiny objects (possibly
of deceased individuals, amulets), not more than 1 cm high. Many have been found at Deir el-Medina,
identified as revered ancestors
but some are from other sites, from the Delta to Sesebi in Nubia. Since some of
by the epithet akh iger en Ra,
‘effective spirit of Ra’.
these busts have been found in houses, it is supposed that they acted as the focus
Painted limestone stelae both of a domestic cult of ancestors situated in the first room. However, others are
representing the same from tombs or their vicinity, which suggests that some of the busts may have
individuals, Pennub and functioned in different ways. The dead could certainly act as intercessors to help
Khamuy. 19th Dynasty,
solve problems which faced the living. A further indication of this comes from a
about 1295-1186 Bc.
From Deir el-Medina H. (left)
series of stelae on which specified deceased individuals are depicted, usually with
24 cm, (right) 26 cm. the epithet akh iger en ra, or ‘effective spirit of Ra’ (see fig. 130). Other stelae
and monuments from Thebes commemorate various members of the royal
family of the New Kingdom as patrons of necropolis (Lords of the West) and
intercessors.
185
CHAPTER
MAGIC AND RITUAL

FOR THE DEAD
he transition from life to afterlife was a complex process

involving uncertainties and dangers. Major concerns were that the offerings
should be supplied in perpetuity, and that the deceased should not fall victim to
the many dangers which threatened the unwary or ill-prepared. Mortuary rituals
and texts assisted the deceased on his passage to the next life and equipped him
with the special knowledge he would need to protect and sustain himself in the
hereafter. This special knowledge could only be made to function by magic.
The term ‘magic’ as used here simply denotes the use of supernatural means to
produce desired effects. The power by which this was done was termed /eka by
the Egyptians. Heka was a creative power, possessed by all the gods, and to which
the dead also had access.
Magic pervaded life in ancient Egypt. Far from having the negative connota-
tions of irregularity and subversiveness which are associated with the term in
many cultures, it played a regular part in orthodox religion at all levels of society.
Recourse was had to magic when confronted by situations which required more
than ordinary human powers to deal with. In these circumstances practical
approaches would be used as well as magic. Magic was preventative as well as
responsive: it was used to avert an undesirable situation, as well as to solve one. It
was also used to serve both positive and negative ends.
Egyptian magic was founded on a belief in the power of the spoken and writ-
ten word, and the use of amulets and ritual objects. It was used in the temple
cult, in everyday life (in healing and protecting against illness) and for the dead.
Magic was performed on behalf of the dead by priests and relatives during mum-
mification, in the funeral rites, and in the offering cult; it was also made avail-
able for the personal use of the dead in the tomb via texts, images and amulets.
RITUALS FOR THE DEAD
The most conspicuous use of magic for the dead was in the context of rituals.
The uttering of prescribed words, together with the performance of appropriate
186
MAGIC AND RITUAL FOR THE DEAD
acts, was regarded as the most effective way of achieving results. According to
Egyptian belief in the ‘performative’ power of speech, to pronounce something
made it so; hence attributing qualities or status to someone in a ritual context
endowed them with those qualities. Like the cult of the gods in the temples,
funerary ritual was usually enacted at a sacred location, a place perceived as a
boundary between the world of the living and that of the gods and the dead.
This was usually the tomb, but might also be a mortuary temple, a cult temple
or a memorial chapel. As the foregoing description of the tomb has shown
(see pp. 136-55) there was a parallelism between the status of the transfigured
deceased in funerary ritual and that of the god in temple cult, emphasising the
new divine quality of the dead person.
We have already encountered the offering ritual (see Chapter 3), which was
intended to sustain the dead. This was incorporated into a long sequence of
funerary rituals, which began shortly after the death and culminated in the rites at
the tomb on the day of burial. This long sequence included ritual acts accompa-
nying the embalming, and the various episodes which constituted the ‘funeral’.
Rituals of embalming
There can be no doubt that the process of mummification was heavily ritualised
at all periods, but actual information on this is rare. The main source of details is
the Ritual of Embalming, which survives in manuscripts dating to the Roman
Period (first to second centuries AD), but probably represents a much older tradi-
tion, perhaps dating back as far as the New Kingdom (see above, pp. 49-50).
The text contains eleven episodes, with spells to be recited and instructions for
the correct application of particular wrappings and amulets.
Rites on the day of burial

At the end of the period of mummification, the relatives of the deceased col-
lected the body from the embalmers. The day of burial was the occasion for a
series of acts and rituals which correspond approximately to the modern notion
of the ‘funeral’. This is described and illustrated in many tombs and funerary
papyri, particularly those of the New Kingdom, although interpretation of such
depictions is complicated by their sometimes incorporating episodes which
would in reality have happened at other times, such as the transportation of the
body to the embalmer’s workshop, and symbolic journeys to places of pilgrimage
such as Abydos.
At its most elaborate the funeral was a heavily ritualised procedure. The
mummy in its coffin was taken from the deceased’s house and either carried by
servants or placed inside a shrine-shaped catafalque. This was mounted on a
boat-shaped base, the whole edifice resting on a sledge. This would be drawn by
oxen or by male friends of the deceased, although at the funeral of the king the
catafalque was pulled by a group of high officials, an episode depicted in the
tomb of Tutankhamun (c. 1336-1327 Bc). Sometimes the coffin was trans-
ported on a wheeled cart (see fig. 131).
eA] ft:fs
|
BD » tlhe
131. Painting on the outer The catafalque, adorned with floral bouquets, was the focus of a procession,
coffin of the priest of Amun which also included the relatives and friends of the deceased (see fig. 131). Those
Amenemope, representing the
taking part observed the formalities of mourning. The period of mourning
procession to the tomb on the
day of burial. The mummy in began immediately after death. Herodotus describes how the female relatives of
its catafalque is mounted on the deceased ‘smear their heads with dust, and sometimes also the face, and then
wheels and drawn by priests they leave the corpse in the house and themselves wander through the town and
and officials. In front of these beat their breasts with garments girt up and revealing their breasts . . . And the
are other officiants carrying
divine standards. Early 22nd
males beat their breasts separately, these too with their garments girt up.’ These
Dynasty, about 945-900 Be. actions were repeated during the funeral. In New Kingdom depictions the dead
From Thebes. H. of coffin man’s widow is often shown kneeling beside his mummy, and at the burial of a
210 cm. person of wealth there would also be professional mourners. Old Kingdom
scenes show men and women segregated in mourning, women indoors, men
outside. In New Kingdom scenes, the most conspicuous mourners are the
women, recognisable in the depictions.by their dishevelled hair, exposed breasts,
mouths open in lamentation, and contorted postures, which conveyed a highly
specific ‘semaphore’ of grief (see fig. 132). Herodotus’ account notwithstanding,
188
oR "ys
132. Group of female men generally adopted a less dramatic pose, squatting on the ground with their
mourners, detail of the scene faces downcast, a gesture described in the story of Sinuhe, where the courtiers
illustrated in fig. 131. Their
who lament the death of the king sit ‘head-on-knee’. In addition to these groups,
exposed breasts and vigorous
gestures are conventional there were sometimes two women who personified Isis and Nephthys, the
expressions of grief. Early mourners for Osiris.
22nd Dynasty, about The procession also included the embalmer and various priests, headed by the
945-900 Bc. From Thebes. lector priest carrying a scroll, from which the appropriate incantations were read
H. ofcoffin 210 cm.
out. Servants brought the burial goods, particular attention being given to the
canopic container, which was dragged on a sledge. Since most tombs were on the
west bank, it was usually necessary to cross the Nile. At the river the coffin was
placed on a boat, towed by rowing boats. The coffin was laid beneath a canopy
in the middle, with the two principal lamenting women at the prow and stern.
The boat crossed the river and arrived at the west bank, where it was received
into the wabet. This structure (perhaps the same in which the embalming had
been carried out) was the place in which the mummy was subjected to purifying
rituals, before resuming the journey to the tomb.
189
At the tomb a further series of rituals took place. Here the muu dancers per-
formed a ritual dance wearing tall headdresses made of vegetal material. Brief
processions were made representing journeys to different cult centres in Egypt,
which were represented by chapels. These included a visit to Sais, with rituals
believed to derive from the ceremonies enacted at the burials of the Predynastic
rulers of Buto in Lower Egypt. Finally, both the tekenu (see Chapter 2) and the
canopic container were brought to the tomb entrance.
133. The ritual of the Opening The Opening of the Mouth

of the Mouth. The mummy is Once the deceased had arrived at his tomb, the threshold of the next world, the
supported by Anubis in front
of aschematised depiction of
sakhu rituals were performed, to bring about his transfiguration. This was the
the tomb, with inscribed stela moment for the most important of the funerary rites, the Opening of the
and pyramid superstructure. Mouth, the basic purpose of which was to re-animate the mummy. As described
Female relatives lament the in Chapter 5, this originated as a ritual to endow statues with the capacity to
death of Hunefer and priests
support the living &a, and so to receive offerings. By the Old Kingdom it had
burn incense and perform the
prescribed ritual acts using the been adapted from a statue-rite to one performed on the mummy, its purpose
appropriate instruments. being to restore to the dead person the use of his mouth, eyes, ears and nose,
Vignette from the papyrus of enabling him to see, hear, breathe, and receive nourishment to sustain the ka.
Hunefer. Early 19th Dynasty,
Texts offer no clear indications as to what became of the ka, ba and other non-
about.1280 Bc. From Thebes.
iy S rem: physical aspects of a person during the seventy-day interval between death and
190
burial; possibly their activity was imagined to be suspended until the mummifi-
cation process was complete. The Opening of the Mouth, however, renewed the
relationship of these aspects with the corpse.
Depictions of the ritual from the New Kingdom show the mummy placed
134. Sets of model ceremonial
upright on a patch of clean sand at the entrance to the tomb (see fig. 133). The
implements (left and above
liturgy was recited while the appropriate acts were carried out; in its fullest form,
right) for use in the Opening of
the Mouth. The objects include the ritual incorporated elements from a number of different sources. Purifica-
the pesesh-kef, a bifurcate tions and offerings similar to those performed in temple rites were enacted. The
instrument possibly used to most important episodes were those adapted from the original statue-ritual,
support the lower jaw of the
involving the priest touching the mouth of the mummy-mask with a chisel, an
corpse, miniature tools and
libation vessels. At lower right
adze and other implements, including a bifurcate object called the pesesh-kef, by
is a calcite tablet with wells for which the faculties were symbolically renewed. The ritual was directed by an
the seven sacred oils prescribed official called the sem-priest. This individual, originally the eldest son of the
for use in the ritual. Larger
king, acted as the intermediary between the deceased and the netherworld;
Opening of the Mouth set and
through his filial relationship to the deceased, like that of Horus to Osiris, the
oil-tablet, from the tomb ofthe
lector priest Idy at Abydos, 6th identification of the dead man with the resurrected god was strengthened. From
Dynasty, about 2300 Bc. the New Kingdom onwards this role was often conceived as being carried out by
L. (left) 17 cm, (right) 13 cm. Anubis; at least, he is often depicted taking part, either holding the mummy
Smaller Opening of the Mouth
upright while the ritual is performed (see fig. 133) or bending over the mummy
set, 5th to 6th Dynasty, about
2494-2181 Bc. 11x9 cm.
on its bier, holding the adze and actually carrying out the ritual himself.
19]
135. Gessoed and gilded

dummy vessels of carved
wood, bearing the cartouches
of Ramesses II, possibly from
a royal burial. One represents
a globular jar, and the others
are in the shape ofbags tied
at the neck. Each is inscribed
with the name ofone of the
substances used in the ritual
of the Opening of the Mouth.
19th Dynasty, reign of
Ramesses II, about
1279-1213 Bc. Provenance
unknown. H. (left to right)
Were /-2 cm 122 cha
The words of the Opening of the Mouth ritual occur in the Pyramid Texts. In
the New Kingdom, a revised version of the ritual was produced, illustrated with
seventy-five individual scenes, copies of which are found in several tombs,
notably that of Sety I (c. 1294-1279 Bc) in the Valley of the Kings. The main
elements of this revised version were purification, the sacrifice of a bull, the
mouth-opening itself, and the presentation of offerings. The ritual ended with
an invocation to the gods at the placing of the mummy or statue in the tomb.
Because of the importance of the Opening of the Mouth, tombs were some-
times supplied with sets of implements which enabled the deceased to perform
the ritual for himself if the need should arise. In the Old Kingdom, these imple-
ments are usually models, set into stone slabs with receptacles specially cut to
receive them (see fig. 134). More elaborate models of some of the implements
and vessels are known from the New Kingdom (see fig. 135), and some tombs of
the Late Period have also been found to contain groups of objects relating to the
ritual. The tomb of Tjanehebu at Saqqara (26th Dynasty) contained a group of
these, including a sekhem sceptre, the ram-headed serpent rods called wer-hekau
instruments, and models of vessels in faience, calcite and wood.
The Offering Ritual

As noted in Chapter 3, the Offering Ritual supplied the deceased with nourish-
ment for eternity. It was performed for the first time immediately after the
Opening of the Mouth, and, like the latter, was composed of several individual
rituals: purifications, libations, the burning of incense, and the presentation of
food and drink. Actual food and drink were placed on the offering table of the
chapel, and the herep di nesu formula (see p. 00) was pronounced. This was the
most important ritual in the long term, since it was the one which would ensure
192
the continued survival of the deceased. It was accordingly repeated at intervals

after the burial.
The last element in the ‘funeral’ was the actual burial. The body and its funer-
ary goods were placed in the tomb and the entrance to the burial chamber was
sealed. Cattle were slaughtered, and the choicest parts of the animal were offered
to the dead. The remainder was consumed by the relatives and mourners at a
feast. The remnants of this banquet were sometimes ritually buried, and from
such a deposit found in the Valley of the Kings we know that the guests at
Tutankhamun’s funeral feast consumed beef, sheep or goat, duck and goose. The
participants then withdrew, returning to their homes, while final rituals to pro-
tect the tomb were performed.
FUNERARY TEXTS
The collective term for all ancient Egyptian funerary texts was sakhu (literally,
‘that which makes ak/’). This emphasises the principal purpose of all the texts,
which was to enable the deceased to make the successful transition to the trans-
figured state, akh. The placing of funerary texts in the tomb — on the walls of the
chapel, on papyri, on coffins, stelae and amulets, or on the mummy wrappings —
sought to make possible the replication by magic of the ritual acts which the
texts described. The deceased was thereby equipped with the special knowledge
needed to attain the afterlife.
Funerary texts in ancient Egypt had a long history, stretching from the late
third millennium Bc to the early centuries AD. Originally reserved for the sole
use of the dead king, they ultimately became available to a broader range of the
population.
The Pyramid Texts

The earliest collection is the texts inscribed on the internal walls of pyramids of
kings and queens buried in the Memphite necropolis, from Unis, last ruler of the
5th Dynasty, to Ibi, an obscure king of the 8th Dynasty (early First Intermediate
Period), i.e. c. 2350-2150 Bc. They are carved in vertical columns on the walls
chiefly of the burial chamber and antechamber. The hieroglyphic signs were
filled with green pigment, symbolising regeneration, but there were no images.
Although principally for royal use, some sections of the Pyramid Texts were used
in non-royal burials even before the end of the Old Kingdom, and sporadically
at later periods. It is possible that the entire corpus derived from a ‘master’ source
in which the main protagonist was not consistently the king.
These texts are in fact a compilation of earlier sources, and represent various
traditions which apparently arose at different times, though they probably do
not (as was once believed) go back to the Predynastic period. Some allude to the
dead king’s ascent to the stars, others to his association with Osiris, while others
place emphasis on his connections with the sun god. Hence already at this for-
mative stage in the tradition of Egyptian funerary literature we observe the
‘multiplicity of approaches’ which characterises so much of Egyptian religious

belief and practice. Apparently contradictory doctrines are accommodated
simultaneously. Far from being a random compilation of old spells, the Pyramid
Texts are structured, and organised into three different categories. Their function
is expressed not only through the wording of the spells but also through their
positioning on the walls of the pyramid’s internal chambers.
One category consists of ‘incantations’ of a protective nature, designed to
ward off the attacks of dangerous creatures such as snakes, or other hostile enti-
ties. A second category comprises the words to be spoken at the enactment of
important funerary rituals carried out for the benefit of the dead. In these texts
the deceased is equated with Osiris, the ruler of the Underworld, and the words
are put into the mouth of the king’s son, who takes the role of Horus. Within
this group of texts — which are inscribed in the burial chamber — are ‘offering’
rituals and ‘resurrection’ rituals. The former, written on the north wall, gives the
words to accompany the Opening of the Mouth to revitalise the deceased, and
the offering of food and drink to sustain the spirit. The ‘resurrection’ ritual,
inscribed on the facing wall, consists of spells relating to the dead king’s passage
from earth to the afterlife.
The third category comprises the ‘personal’ spells designed for the deceased's
own use. They cover a variety of themes, particularly the transition to the next
world expressed in metaphorical terms (such as crossing water, or ascending a
ladder to the sky). These are inscribed on the walls of the antechamber and the
passage leading to the exterior of the pyramid; it is important to recognise that
the spatial arrangement of the texts is for the convenience of the dead king in
leaving his sarcophagus and making his way out of the pyramid to the next
world. Spells from the Pyramid Texts were also inscribed in the tombs and on the
sarcophagi of some officials in the Middle Kingdom and the New Kingdom, and
more extensively in the Late Period.
The Coffin Texts

After the end of the Old Kingdom, the corpus of Egyptian funerary literature
underwent further development. This period saw the emergence of another
compilation of funerary texts, known to modern scholars as the Coffin Texts. The
name derives from the circumstance that the majority of examples are found
inscribed in cursive hieroglyphic script on the surfaces of wooden coffins (see fig.
136), but they also occur on tomb walls, on mummy masks and occasionally on
papyri. Many of these texts were identical to, or adapted versions of spells from
the Pyramid Texts corpus, with additions from other sources. During the First
Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom, these texts were not restricted to roy-
alty and occurred in the burials of officials and their families in various parts of
Egypt. These texts articulate, for the first time, the possibility that all Egyptians,
and not the king alone, could attain divine status in the afterlife.
This adoption by private individuals of funerary texts previously reserved for
royalty is commonly termed ‘democratisation of the afterlife’. It is a somewhat
194
136. The Coffin Texts were

so-called because they were
most frequently inscribed on
the internal surfaces of
rectangular wooden coffins.
Unlike the Pyramid Texts, the
use ofthese spells was not
restricted to the king. They
provided the ordinary person
with the knowledge required
to reach the afterlife in safety.
False door, offerings and
Coffin Text spells on the
interior of the inner coffin of
Gua From Deir el-Bersha.
1322.9) Cn.
misleading term, as it implies a removal of the distinction between king and sub-
ject which the evidence does not warrant. The king continued to be distin-
guished from his subjects both in life and in the provision made for him after
death, as exemplified by the restriction of the pyramid-tomb for the use of roy-
alty alone. What funerary texts were used for Middle Kingdom rulers is not
known, but they were not necessarily the same as those provided for non-royal
persons. It is noteworthy that several centuries later, in the New Kingdom, new
royal funerary texts were created, but that these were, as a rule, distinct from
those of private individuals.
The organisation of the Coffin Texts is related to that of the Pyramid Texts, the
internal surfaces of the wooden coffin equating to the stone interior walls of the
king’s pyramid. The ‘resurrection’ ritual continues to be used, while in place of
the ‘offering’ ritual an offering-list is often included; the offerings are further
illustrated in the ‘frieze of objects’, a narrow band of pictures of various com-
modities which is one of the most characteristic features of coffin decoration in
the Middle Kingdom (see Chapter 7).
The Coffin Texts develop the notion of the two main contrasting concepts of
the afterlife: the heavenly travels of the ba, and existence in the earthly nether-
world, through the preservation of the corpse and the nourishing of the ka.
The content of the Coffin Texts is heavily indebted to that of the Pyramid Texts,
and includes many of the ‘personal’ spells. There were, however, innovations,
the most important of which was a new genre of spells, collectively termed
‘guides to the hereafter’. These texts were usually accompanied by a map show-
ing the topography of the netherworld, and the means of access to it. The texts
provided information and special knowledge to assist the deceased in making a
safe journey into the next life. The most important of these guides was the
Book of Two Ways. This composition was probably formulated at the
195
Residence and first employed in the cemeteries of Dahshur and Lisht. From here
it seems to have spread to other regions, most notably to the province of Her-
mopolis. The rectangular wooden coffins of governors and officials from Deir el-
Bersha, the necropolis of that city, are the major source for the Book of Two Ways.
On the coffins, the floor is usually occupied by the map, generally presenting
two paths consisting of earth and water. The coffins of the physician Gua in the
British Museum are among the finest examples (see
fig. 15). Different versions of the book were in use
simultaneously. In the version painted on the outer
and inner coffins of Gua, the main goal of the
deceased is to join the sun god Ra.
The Book of the Dead

The Second Intermediate Period brought an inter-
ruption in the funerary text tradition, but by the
beginning of the New Kingdom, a series of new
corpora of texts had been assembled. The main
composition developed at this time was the collec-
tion of texts called the Spells for Going Forth by
Day, better known by the modern term, the Book
of the Dead. This comprised approximately 200
spells, the bulk of which can be traced back in ear-
lier guises to the Pyramid Texts and Coffin Texts,
although new spells were also added. The Book of
the Dead was probably created at Thebes in the
17th Dynasty. It perhaps owed its existence to the
need for a new compilation of funerary texts when
the transfer of the court from Itj-tawy to Thebes
severed direct contact with the sources of older
text-traditions based at Memphis and Heliopolis.
Early examples of Book of the Dead texts were writ-
ten on coffins and on linen mummy-shrouds (see
137. Painted and inscribed fig. 137). These texts on shrouds were succeeded in the middle years of the 18th
linen shroud made for the Dynasty by the Book ofthe Dead written in ink on a roll of papyrus (see fig. 138).
mummy of a woman named
The spells were also inscribed on tomb walls, coffins and mummy-bandages .
Resti. The Coffin Texts were
superseded in the 17th to The Book of the Dead provided instructions and access to magical power to
18th Dynasties by a new assist the deceased in his passage to the afterlife and in his existence there. Most
collection of funerary spells, of the texts are ‘personal’ spells. Unlike its precursors, the Book of the Dead was
now known as the Book of
extensively illustrated with vignettes. The most important addition to the text
the Dead. These texts,
accompanied by vignettes,
corpus was spell 125, relating to the judgement of the deceased to determine his
were at first written on worthiness to receive new life (see Chapter 1). Many of the spells begin with
mummy-shrouds. 18th rubrics giving instructions for their proper use. Certain spells were inscribed sep-
Dynasty, about 1500 Bc. arately on objects, such as chapter 6 on shabtis, and chapters 30 or 30B, 26, 27
and 29B on heart scarabs.
Provenance unknown.
138. From the reigns of

Tuthmosis II and
Amenhotep II (about
1479-1400 Bc) the usual
medium for the Book of the
Dead was a roll of papyrus,
on which a selection of spells
was written in a cursive form
of the hieroglyphic script.
This section shows the
vignette of
spell 151B, a
schematic representation of
the burial chamber, in which
the mummy of the deceased,
equated with that of Osiris,
lies on a lion-shaped bier.
Stationed around him as
protectors are the goddesses
Isis and Nephthys, the god
Anubis and the Sons of
Horus. Papyrus of Nakht, late
H. 35.5 cm. 139. Sheet of fine-quality papyrus inscribed with a funerary text for the lady Henutmehyt, 19th Dynasty,
about 1250 Bc (see figs 88, 149 and 167). The text is spell 100 of the Book of the Dead. The rubric of the
chapter directs that it should be written on a clean sheet of papyrus and placed on the front of the
mummy, not in direct contact with the body. The papyrus was indeed found placed over the outer
wrappings of the mummy. This is an exceptionally early instance of the preparation of such texts as
charms for the dead, which are otherwise mainly attested after the New Kingdom. H. 41cm.
197
Although the whole corpus of Book of the Dead spells comprised about 200
separate texts, it was usual for only a selection of these to be made and inscribed
on a roll of papyrus. Certain spells were meant to function as charms to protect
or assist the deceased, and according to the rubrics, were to be written out on a
separate sheet. The rubric to spell 100 states that the words were to be pro-
nounced over the appropriate design which was to be drawn on a clean, unused
sheet of papyrus with powder of green glaze mixed with myrrh-water, the sheet
to be placed on the breast of the deceased without coming into direct contact
with the body. If this is done, the text states, the deceased will be able to enter
the barque of Ra. A rare example of the carrying out of these instructions in a
New Kingdom burial is the papyrus from the mummy of Henutmehyt, which
bears the text and vignette of spell 100 written unusually in red and white inks
(see fig. 139).
The Book of the Dead remained the most important collection of funerary
texts until the Ptolemaic Period. In the version used in the New Kingdom (the
‘Theban recension’) the spells do not occur in a standard sequence. A major
revision of the corpus in the 25th to 26th Dynasties (the ‘Saite recension)
resulted in a fixed sequence of chapters dealing in turn with the burial of the
dead, their equipping with divine power and knowledge, their judgement and,
finally, transfiguration. It is this later version that is the basis of the numbering
sequence used today.
Books of the Underworld

Whereas the Pyramid Texts, Coffin Texts and Book of the Dead were concerned pri-
marily with the destiny of the deceased in the afterlife, the other major set of
compositions of the New Kingdom deal chiefly with the sun god’s nightly jour-
ney and rejuvenation. These are the Books of the Underworld, the most important
texts used in kings’ tombs of the New Kingdom. They were descended from the
‘guides to the hereafter’ of the Middle Kingdom. The major ones, in chronologi-
cal order of their appearance, are: the Amduat, the Book of Gates and the Book of
Caverns. All these ‘books’ are concerned with the journey of the sun through the
subterranean underworld during the twelve hours of the night. The god is envis-
aged as travelling from the western to the eastern horizon by barque along an
underworld river (the counterpart of the Nile) (see fig. 140). In the course of this
journey the god is united with Osiris (the two of them regarded as halves of a
single divine being) and there takes place the all-important rejuvenation of the
sun god, which makes possible the new day. The god’s progress is opposed by the
forces of chaos, chief among whom is the serpent Apep who has to be defeated
and restrained. The books also provide details of the experience of the dead; the
righteous are rewarded with new life, while the unrighteous are punished. As in
earlier periods, there is a distinction between the texts supplied for the king’s use
and those available to his subjects. The Books of the Underworld were primarily a
royal prerogative throughout the New Kingdom (although in rare cases they were
used by private individuals). The king’s rebirth is assured through his close identi-
fication with the sun god throughout his

journey. These compositions are primarily
pictorial guides with commentaries. The
Amduat and Book of Gates are distinguished
by their layout in three registers, the central
one representing the sun god’s path. Each has
twelve divisions corresponding to the hours
of the night; this aspect is emphasised in the
Book of Gates by the depiction of large forti-
fied doorways guarded by serpents, at the
entrance to each division — from which the
composition takes its modern name.
Mortuary Liturgies
The three great corpora of funerary writings,
the Pyramid Texts, the Coffin Texts and the
Book of the Dead, represent the most con-
spicuous stages in the development of the
textual tradition. Another important cate-
gory of funerary texts, however, is that of the
‘mortuary liturgies’, the words of the rituals
carried out at the time of burial. Although
140. Scene from the Book of designed for the welfare of the dead, they were not primarily meant to be read by
Gates, showing the sun god’s them for their own benefit, but were intended for use by the mortuary priests
journey through the
who carried out the rites. Although, as noted above, a substantial ‘number of
subterranean chambers of the
underworld. In this
them are found incorporated within the Pyramid Texts and Coffin Texts, they are
composition, first introduced far more widely distributed in time, from the Old Kingdom to the Roman
in royal tombs at the end of Period. They also occur in various contexts, being inscribed in tombs, on coffins,
the 18th Dynasty (about on stelae, on papyri and on statues. With the passage of time, the main funerary
1300 Bc), each hour of the
god’s nightly passage beneath
text corpora and the mortuary liturgies followed independent courses of devel-
the earth is spent in a opment, and the two became more clearly differentiated.
different chamber, access to
which is gained through Late funerary texts
enormous gates guarded by
Funerary texts of earlier periods were revived in the Late Period, including the
dangerous serpents. Copy by
Henry Salt (1780-1827) of a
Pyramid Texts and Books of the Netherworld, inscribed in sarcophagi and on tomb
scene in the tomb ofSety I walls. The production of long Book of the Dead papyri declined in the late Ptole-
(about 1294-1279 Bc) in the maic Period, though short selections continued to be used until the Roman era.
Valley of the Kings, Thebes.
From the 4th century Bc, the Book of the Ded was increasingly replaced by other
texts. These included liturgies used in temple rituals, which were usually written
on papyri. Some of these texts were originally mortuary liturgies. There were also
new compositions such as the two Books of Breathing and the Book of Traversing
Eternity. The opening phrases of the Books of Breathing demonstrate that the
texts have the character of divine decrees to grant new life to the deceased,
notably giving him the ability to breathe. They also acted as letters of
iY)
141. During the 21st and recommendation to the inhabitants of the hereafter. These ‘passports’ to the
early 22nd Dynasty, burials afterlife were sometimes folded up like letters and placed at the head and legs of
of persons of high status were
the mummy, so that the deceased might present them to the gods on reaching
generally provided with two
funerary papyri. One of these
the next world. Such late texts were also sometimes inscribed on wooden boards
contained texts from the Book placed under the mummy.
ofthe Dead, while the other The provision of funerary texts had been abandoned by the 4th century aD,
often had only vignettes. together with most of the other features of traditional pharaonic burial practices.
This papyrus of the chantress
of Amun-Ra, Tentosorkon,
contains spells 125-130 of MAGICAL OBJECTS FOR THE DECEASED
the Book ofthe Dead. Early
22nd Dynasty, about Objects were believed to convey magical power no less efficiently than texts.
945-900 Bc. Probably from
Magical objects and images placed in the tomb could function independently
Thebes. H. 24.5 cm.
through the associations of their form, colour or material, as well as in conjunc-
tion with texts which would activate them. The strong belief in the power of the
image is strikingly emphasised in some funerary inscriptions of the Middle
Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period. In these texts, hieroglyphic signs rep-
resenting potentially harmful creatures were deliberately ‘mutilated’ — snakes
were drawn without tails or with the head severed from the body, birds appear
without legs — as a precaution lest the images should inadvertently be activated
within the tomb and cause harm to the deceased.
Funerary jewellery
Egyptian burials have yielded an enormous quantity of jewellery, and this was
one of the main temptations to ancient tomb-robbers. From the point of view of
the deceased, however, its importance was manifold. Jewellery not only beauti-
fied the body and marked the social status of the wearer for eternity; much of it
also conveyed magical power and protection, through its form, its iconography,
and the materials of which it was made. Some people were buried with treasured
jewellery which they had worn when alive, but there was also jewellery made
specifically for the tomb. This superficially resembled real jewellery but was
200
142. Wesekh or ‘broad’ collar flimsy in construction. Like the tomb models and model vessels, they were sub-
made of faience beads. The stitutes which would function as well as the real thing by magic.
pendants forming the
The most important items of funerary jewellery were collars. The wesekh, or
outermost row are perhaps
intended to represent leaves. ‘broad’, collar (see fig. 142) usually had terminals in the shape of falcon heads.
From Deir el-Bahri, Thebes. This collar conveyed magical protection over the deceased, as did the vulture
11th Dynasty, about 2020 Bc. collar. The magical functions of these collars, and the manner prescribed for
Max w. 25.5 cm.
their placing on the body are described in spells in the Book of the Dead.
Funerary amulets
Another important means of protecting and empowering the deceased was
through amulets. In ancient Egypt, amulets were widely used by the living as
well as by the dead. Their purpose was to give the wearer supernatural power or
protection. They depended for their potency on their shape and colour, the
material from which they were made, and the particular ritual acts and incanta-
tions associated with them which rendered them effective. Certain spells in the
Book of the Dead prescribe the correct materials, form and colour of important
143. Small amulets of gilded

wood, arranged on a frame
placed on the breast of a
mummy. The body is that of
a man, and the outer shroud
is painted in imitation of the
bead-net garment worn by
Osiris. Roman Period, after
30 Bc. Provenance unknown.
L. of mummy 164 cm.
amulets and how they were to be positioned on the body. Similar details are also
included in the Ritual ofEmbalming.
Some amulets were placed within the wrappings during the mummification
process, while others were laid on the outer surface (see fig. 143). Small num-
bers of simple amulets were being included with the dead even in the Predy-
nastic period. They began to increase in number from the First Intermediate
Period onwards. The growth in popularity of amulets in the Middle Kingdom
was perhaps as a substitute for funerary literature, which was absent in many
burials. By the New Kingdom, the wrappings of royal mummies were filled
with a wide range of amulets, as the body of Tutankhamun (c. 1336-1327 Bc)
testifies (see fig. 144); in the burials of private individuals, however, amulets
were generally few in number and restricted to a few types, such as the zit, the
202
djed pillar, papyrus column and heart amulet (see below).

After the New Kingdom there was a substantial increase in
the range and quantity of amulets provided for the dead
(see fig. 145); many mummies of the Late Period possessed
a profusion of amulets, and a single body might even con-
tain several groups positioned between different layers of
the wrappings.
One of the commonest amulets, closely associated with
Osiris, was the djed, a pillar or column, which perhaps origi-
nally represented a tree with lopped branches. Originally
associated with Sokar and Ptah, it featured in an ancient
ritual called the ‘Raising of the Djed’, in which the pillar was
hauled into an upright position using ropes. Later it became a
144. The mummy of Tutankhamun during the

process of unwrapping in 1925. On the front ofthe
body, below the gold mask, is a group of amulets
including a sheet-gold falcon-collar and a resin heart
scarab on a gold wire loop. Among the objects placed
over the pelvic area and thighs are a decorative apron,
a dagger with an iron blade and a gold uraeus serpent.
145. Common types of funerary amulets, placed within the wrappings of

mummies to protect and empower the deceased. Top row, left to right: faience
hand (L. 3.1 cm), haematite headrest, faience papyrus column. Middle row, left
to right: carnelian snake’s head, haematite plummet and carpenter's square,
faience staircase, carnelian leg. Bottom row, left to right: red glass heart, obsidian
two fingers, red jasper #t. Old Kingdom to 26th Dynasty, about 2300-525 Bc.
203
eT
Re
Sg
me
146. Large pectoral symbol of Osiris and was reinterpreted as a representation ofhis backbone. As an
ornaments made of faience, amulet, it conferred stability on the deceased, and the ability to stand upright.
metal or stone were a
The djed was often paralleled by the iz, a depiction of a girdle-tie, which was
common attribute of
mummies during the New
associated with Isis. Spell 156 of the Book of the Dead directed that it be made of
Kingdom. The decoration of red jasper, and explained that if placed on the mummy’s throat it would convey
these often featured the scarab the power ofIsis to protect the body.
beetle or heart amulet, or
In the myths about Horus, originally a god of the skies, his eyes were equated
showed the deceased adoring
Osiris or Anubis. This group
with the sun and moon. Seth stole the eye of the moon, and the two gods came
of pectorals dates to the 19th into conflict. Seth disposed of the eye, which was later found in pieces by Thoth
to 20th Dynasties, about and restored. This story perhaps enshrines the explanation of the name wedjat,
‘that which is whole’, which was assigned to the eye of Horus; eye amulets in the
unknown. L. oflargest
form of the wedjat became very common as protective devices, guaranteeing that
pectoral 12 cm.
the wearer, like the healed eye of the god, was whole and sound.
Symbols such as the wadj, or papyrus column, were usually made of green
stone or blue-green faience. This amulet connoted rebirth and resurrection, as
manifested in the new growth of plants, of which the papyrus was a familiar
example to the ancient Egyptians. The predominantly green colouring of this
amulet played a significant part in establishing its effectiveness.
A large number of amulets are miniature representations ofa particular god or
goddess. When used in funerary contexts these placed the wearer under the pro-
tection of that god, or identified him with the deity, so as to endow him with the
god's powers or attributes. The most common deities represented in this form
are those associated with the myth of Osiris: figures of
Isis and Nephthys are common, either individually or
as members of a miniature triad incorporating Horus.
Amulets representing Osiris himself are rare, probably
because the deceased was himself identified with
Osiris in the context of the tomb.
The scarab (a representation of the beetle scarabeus
sacer) was another of the most popular amulets. Small
representations of scarabs were commonly used by the
living as seals, but they also served as funerary amulets
to be placed on mummies. The scarab was associated
both with the sun god and with the notion of rebirth.
The adult beetle was observed to propel before it a ball
of dung in which its eggs were embedded. The sight of
the ball from which newly hatched beetles emerged
apparently prompted in the minds of the Egyptians a
comparison with the sun-disc at dawn as the source of
renewed life. Hence the scarab was regarded as the
form adopted by the sun god in the morning, and is
depicted propelling the solar disc across the sky. This
powerful image of rebirth occurred repeatedly on
coffins, mummy-trappings and pectorals, sometimes
147. Green basalt heart scarab showing the beetle alone, but often with outspread falcon-wings (see fig. 146).
of Renseneb, suspended on a One of the most important of all funerary amulets was a special type of scarab
necklace of gold wire. This
which protected the heart of the deceased (see fig. 147). The heart was regarded
type of funerary amulet
protected the deceased’s heart,
as one of the modes of human existence, and was considered to be the location
the centre ofhis physical and of the human intelligence. Moreover, it contained a record of its owner’s deeds
mental existence, and and behaviour in life, and it would be examined by the gods of the judgement
prevented it from revealing
hall to determine whether or not its owner merited eternal life (see Chapter 1). It
incriminating details ofits
owner's behaviour in life to
was therefore important that the heart should be retained in the hereafter. It was
the gods ofthe judgement deliberately left inside the mummified body by the embalmers, and spells in the
hall. A magical spell to ensure Book of the Dead were designed to guard against its loss. Since it could reveal
this was inscribed on the base potentially damning information about the deceased, texts such as spell 30B of
of the amulet. 18th Dynasty,
the Book of the Dead also prevented the heart from testifying against its owner in
about 1450 sc. L..5.5 cm.
the presence of the gods (see Chapter 1). This text was often inscribed on the
‘heart scarab’. The rubric of the spell prescribed that this amulet should be
carved from green stone and mounted in gold. It was to be anointed and
vitalised by the Opening of the Mouth, then

,Mente = placed on the breast of the mummy. Many heart
putas § aK scarabs are indeed of green stone (jasper seems to
Rrevereere
SR i Praca or4 5
have been the preferred material), though others
EAA HONS x ; : .
Nearest sieNieceetearne were of faience or Egyptian blue. One of the earli-
PRON
c RAKN SERN NT ON4)
IY est known examples of a heart scarab is that
Neca anedicedeareanunateeeeuneuld inscribed for King Sebekemsaf of the 17th Dynasty
LE RRO RN (c. 1600 Bc). It is mounted in gold, as prescribed in
Male nicteretctotlil
seit iceduretosoont.t, ; é
Fersiiaiiaateeteleteeaotiasneioceneerrel a the spell-rubric, and bears a representation of a
Westenra Meena ineeatiee human face in place of the head of the beetle,
Wee RIAN NKR KRK RSIS emphasising that the heart encompasses the being
Matant Obie dalacnasnt arena wenateleasee P
MOM Nioevelueten of the deceased. A number of heart scarabs of the
dalaceecneiuaanfolnaataeeer|
WY QUO POA
i tie Ota UNOSeXe , t Dynasty
18th nasty were also bands, and
Iso b bound: dbby gold Idbands,
IA IKE IRR were suspended on a gold wire or chain around the
KX KX ye
NIRA AARON neck of the mummy.
MSR ARRAN ERRARRY While spell 30B is the most common, some
SSR ROACH RNG heart scarabs carry other spells from the Book of the
Maniidees RO RIOR RAN Dead, though the texts are always concerned with
PRI R LL KR EOQUN
iblincettaleetrecocarae uit
;
the heart. These include spell 26, to ensure that the
JV POWYS? e ; 5 ;
MRR ERRK A deceased retains his heart in the netherworld; spell
RR
Oy CORRAL
ROR OE EARLY
OM 1
27, to prevent the taking away of the deceased’s
heart in the netherworld; and spell 29B, relating to
7
ANN lacelontaceaenseah
al the bennu, or heron, which is identified as the ba
Wicca ancetavecercnerianenen sl of Ra. The bennu bird is frequently represented
ROR OOK
PARNER LEK RAIL both on heart scarabs and on_ heart-shaped
lated eacacastranseeeneens,
Bre) ee latter also
amulets. These et protected d thethe heartheart.
. Th They
RRO K KR ERY were commonly placed inside the mummy wrap-
RK ORK KILL RH ;
ROOK AR REAR LY pings, and the amulet was sometimes depicted
BSCR ARRI AMORA being worn as a pendant by the deceased in scenes
/CRRESIKL MAK Kletereralnaceteete’ola
reseseaeeseler ileal LOIS KOH such h as the
as the weighing
weighing of the of the h heart.
.BE SHAS ARRRR RNS A characteristic feature of mummies of the
RORKEYLKR
SOO RX OKK KRY dicen and tuinteetetnallenai
middle late 1st millennium Bc was a |ange net
Recea
OOS
NOG
Se
O
teeta
SON KOK KON
nes fe
ON
ICOM
econGeSantali’ lozenge
wen fin
of blue-green faience tubular beads, threaded in a
ge p pattern, with small spherical
P beads of dif
| |
Lis neces
PR
eee enet
OD
VISORS
SOLD
SK exvy
uy yy wy ey .) 148. Network of blue faience tubular beads with collar of
polychrome beads. Nets such as this were regularly placed over
the outer wrappings of mummies from the 25th Dynasty to the
Ptolemaic Period. The nets evidently conferred on the deceased
the protection of the sky-goddess Nut, and their pattern imitates
that of abead garment often shown as worn by Osiris. Late Period,
after 664 Bc. Provenance unknown. H. 140 cm.
ferent colours at the junctions and amuletic figures attached. These were placed
on the front of the body, over the outer wrappings (see fig. 148). The bead-nets
were evidently related to the bead-garment worn by Osiris, and hence the plac-
ing of such a net on the mummy probably enhanced the assimilation of the
deceased with Osiris. The nets also carried celestial symbolism, illustrated in the
blue colouring and the incorporation of the face of Nut into some examples.
This also recalls the astral associations of Osiris; in at least one late depiction of
Osiris wearing the net (in a tomb at Kom el-Shugafa) the lozenge spaces are
occupied by moon, star and solar disc.
A few sporadic instances have been reported from the Third Intermediate
Period, but it was only in the 25th Dynasty that the nets were introduced on a
regular basis, continuing in use until the Ptolemaic Period. The earliest version
of the net usually extended only from the shoulders to the ankles, and
amuletic figures were limited to a faience winged scarab and the four Sons of
Horus on the breast. Later examples (26th Dynasty and later) were more elab-
orate, covering the head as well as the body. The finest ones incorporate a face
mask of gold (occasionally silver), often with a wesekh collar, and a wider range
of amuletic figures. To the Sons of Horus were added a winged Nut, mourning
Isis and Nephthys, and a band of inscription giving the name and titles of the
deceased; these could be of gold leaf, gilded wood or cartonnage. Some Mem-
phite examples incorporated a flat face of the goddess Nut, frontally depicted,
recalling frontal images of the goddess on coffins. Particularly rich burials had
more elaborate nets. That of the chief of royal ships Hekaemsaf, buried at
Saqgara in the reign of Ahmose II (570-526 Bc), consisted of beads of gold,
lapis lazuli and amazonite, with an integral gold mask, bead-collar with gold
falcon-head terminals, and figures of Nut and the Sons of Horus and an
inscription all in gold. Another type of net incorporated a face of tiny coloured
beads, directly over the face of the mummy. Some examples have a collar and
divine figures in the same ‘mosaic bead’ technique threaded into the open
lozenge-pattern net. These have been found at sites such as Saqqara, Abusir,
Lahun and el-Hiba.
Magic bricks
Depictions of the mummy in the burial chamber occur in the Book of the Dead,
and these illustrate the protection of the deceased by a range of deities and tute-
lary symbols. One important means of providing magical protection was the plac-
ing of four bricks of unbaked mud in niches in the burial chamber. These are
attested for high status burials of the New Kingdom and 21st Dynasty, and were
apparently reintroduced in the Late Period, the latest example dating to year 15 of
Nectanebo I (c. 365 Bc). They occur in both royal and private burials, so appar-
ently no royal privilege was attached to them, though examples for kings usually
have inscriptions in hieroglyphic, and those for non-royal persons in hieratic. The
bricks have rarely survived in good condition, the best preserved set being those
of Henutmehyt (reign of Ramesses II, c. 1279-1213 Bc) (see fig. 149).
207
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGY Per
149. Set ofmagic bricks from Each brick supported an amulet — a djed pillar, jackal, torch, and mummi-
the tomb of the chantress of form figurine — and each had a text, which reveals that their purpose was to
Amun Henutmehyt, made of
ward off hostile forces from the four cardinal points. This text, part of spell
unbaked mud and each
supporting an amuletic figure.
151 of the Book of the Dead, contains specifications for the bricks and what the
The amulets represent a djed figures were to be made of. The djed brick was to be placed on the west, and
pillar of blue-glazed faience, a the torch at the south — this was to be of reed, containing a wick. An Anubis of
mud figure of the jackal-god
unbaked clay mixed with incense was to be placed on the brick for the east
Anubis, a wooden
mummiform figure and a
wall while the brick with the human figure guarded the north. The inscrip-
reed, intended to hold a wick. tions and placing of the bricks seem to have confused the personnel who
The inscriptions incised on deposited them, for the texts often contain mistakes, and the positioning of
the bricks contain the magical
the bricks in the tomb did not always follow the prescribed pattern. In some
spells which describe their
function, and indicate that
tombs the bricks were placed in two pairs of niches in opposite walls, and even
each brick was to be placed in royal tombs, the pattern was not always followed, suggesting that the posi-
facing one ofthe four cardinal tioning may reflect notions of a localised geography within the burial chamber.
points. 19th Dynasty, about
1250 Bc. From Thebes.
Other magical figures
H. (left to right) 18, 9.5,
205; 9-5 cm: At different periods, a range of other magical objects was placed in the tomb.
Some of these, once introduced, became a fixed part of the standard burial outfit
for centuries; others were in vogue only briefly. A complex methodology underlay
the selection of objects; texts on coffin, mummy-shroud and papyrus were some-
times complementary, each component forming part of a ritual unit indispens-
able to the deceased’s welfare. In the same way, at periods when funerary texts
were rarely placed in the tomb, other types of object appeared, perhaps to com-
pensate for the absence of the texts. Hence, from the middle of the 12th Dynasty
208
150. Ivory wand (apotropaion),

used in the magical protection
of the home, in particular
the safeguarding of young
children and mothers.
The wands are carved with a
series of protective deities and
symbols, among whom can be
recognised the hippopotamus-
headed lion deity Ipi and the
lion-headed Bes or Aha.
unknown. L. 36.5 cm.
the custom of providing models of servants declined,

while model food offerings were introduced and
shabtis grew in importance. The same period wit-
nessed a reduction in the use of Coffin Texts, corre-
sponding with the addition to the burial outfit of a
range of magical items.
Some of these were objects used in everyday life:
serpent-shaped staffs, ‘magical rods’ bearing figures
of turtles and other creatures, and curved ivory
wands of apotropaic significance (see fig. 150). The
latter carry carved figures of animal deities holding
knives, with which they were to ward off harmful
influences. Some examples are worn, or have been
damaged and repaired in ancient times, so it is
clear that they were used to protect the living —
particularly mothers and young children. The plac-
ing of these wands in tombs in the Middle King-
dom and Second Intermediate Period indicates
that they also protected the dead and promoted
their rebirth. Some of these objects carried sym-
bolic allusions to the victory of the sun god over
his enemies. Because of this association they too
might have functioned as replacements for the
151. Limestone fertility texts, now often absent from the tomb, which alluded to the same concepts.
figurine representing a It was also in the Middle Kingdom that fertility figurines began to be placed
woman, naked except for a
in tombs with frequency, a custom which continued into the New Kingdom
full wig, lying on a bed with
a male child at her side.
(see fig. 151). These include figures representing naked females, often with
19th to 20th Dynasty, about the sexual organs emphasised, and others in the form of a woman lying on
1295-1069 Bc. Provenance a bed, sometimes accompanied by a child. Such objects, which are also found
unknown. L. 23.5 cm. in domestic contexts and at cult places, were probably intended to promote
209
fecundity. Placed in tombs, they might have been intended to give

the dead sexual powers as well — but more probably acted as sym-
bols of rebirth and regeneration.
The kings’ tombs of the New Kingdom contained a range of
magical items and images all of which served to protect the dead
king and assure his rebirth. Most of these objects are peculiar to
royal burials. Notable among these are the pairs of lifesize or larger
statues of the king (see fig. 152). The best preserved examples were
found in the tomb of Tutankhamun (c. 1336-1327 Bc). The stat-
ues were of wood, covered with black varnish and the headdresses,
kilts and other trappings were originally gilded. In the tomb of
Tutankhamun, the statues flanked the sealed doorway to the burial
chamber. Similar statues, stripped of their gilding in antiquity, have
been found in other tombs of the 18th to 20th Dynasties. The statues
were differentiated by the types of royal headdress depicted: one wears
the striped memes, the other the bag-like kat. Those from
Tutankhamun’s tomb also bore different inscriptions. These indicate
that the figures represented the two main aspects of the sun-god with
whom the dead king was identified. The statue wearing the nemes,
positioned on the eastern side, represented the king as the manifesta-
tion of Ra-Horakhty, the daytime form of the sun god, while that
on the west (wearing the kat) was an image of the king as Osiris,
equated with the nocturnal ka of the sun god.
Equally imposing are the couches in animal form. Three of
these were found in Tutankhamun’s tomb. Made of gilded
wood, they have cow, lion and hippopotamus heads, and
were intended to facilitate the king’s passage to the afterlife.
Heads from similar couches in black-varnished wood have
been found in other tombs. Among the smaller figures were
statuettes of the king as Horus, harpooning Seth, or riding on the
back of a black panther, and standing and seated figures of deities.
After the Amarna Period, the range of figures in the royal tomb was
152. Statue of king Ramesses I, one of a pair originally installed in

his tomb. The statue is made from the wood of the sycomore fig
and was coated with black resin. The king wears the bag-like khat
headdress, and would originally have been depicted holding a staff
and a mace. Headdress, collar, kilt and other details were originally
gilded over a thin layer of gesso, and the eyes and eyebrows were
inlaid. 19th Dynasty, about 1294 sc. From the tomb of Ramesses I
in the Valley of the Kings, Thebes. H. 180 cm.
210
MAGIC AND RITUAL POR THE DEAD
enlarged by the inclusion of a series of protective deities — often inaccurately

termed “demons of the underworld’, but better described as apotropaic deities
(see fig. 153). Most are in human form, but with a variety of heads, including
those of a ram, gazelle or turtle. They grasp knives, snakes and lizards to symbol-
ise their power over hostile forces. Some of these gods are deities well known
from other contexts — such as the Sons of Horus, chiefly associated with the pro-
tection of the viscera — while others are cognate with deities listed in the Book of
the Dead, who guarded the gateways that led to the netherworld, and turned
back the unrighteous. Examples of this type were found in the tombs of
Horemheb (c. 1323-1295 Bc), Ramesses I (c. 1295-1294 Bc) and other kings.
Comparable figures were depicted on the walls of royal tombs of the 19th and
20th Dynasties, as well as on papyri, sarcophagi and coffins of the Third Inter-
mediate Period. These sources throw light on the purpose of the images, which
appear to have been arranged around the mummy as if forming a protective
cordon. The later depictions show that access to this form of protection was no
longer restricted to royalty after the New Kingdom, but sculptural representa-
153. Black-varnished wooden

statuette representing an
apotropaic deity. The seated
ram-headed figure originally
held either knives with which
to ward off hostile entities, or
snakes or lizards, symbolising
his control of potentially
dangerous forces which might
harm the deceased. Groups of
wooden figures of this type
were a feature of royal burials
of the New Kingdom.
Probably from the tomb of
King Horemheb in the Valley
of the Kings, late 18th
H. 51 cm.
2 lal
DEATH AN Dy THE ART ERE Ee DN ANGE NIM, SErG Yer
tions occurred only once more; the Theban governor Montemhat (early 26th
Dynasty, c. 650 Bc) arranged for a set of statuettes of these guardians to be
carved from stone and placed in his tomb in the Asasif.
Corn-mummies and Osirian statues

The god Osiris was closely associated with vegetation, and particularly with ger-
minating grain. The emergence of young growth shoots from the fertile mud of
Egypt was regarded as a powerful metaphor for human resurrection, and this
notion was given physical form in Osirian images and figurines in which earth
and corn were basic constituents. Some royal tombs of the New Kingdom con-
tained an ‘Osiris bed’, a seed bed in a wooden frame or on a piece of textile,
made in the shape of an image of Osiris. This bed was planted with barley,
which germinated in the tomb, symbolising the renewal of life for the dead king
via the agency of Osiris. A similar concept underlay the creation of ‘corn mum-
mies’, figurines composed of earth or mud mixed with grains of barley and fash-
ioned into a miniature mummiform image of Osiris. These figures were
manufactured in an elaborate temple ritual during the month of Khoiak, and
then buried in areas with sacred associations (see fig. 154). The majority of
examples date to the Late and Ptolemaic periods, but comparable figures have
occassionally been found in private tombs of earlier periods, and a few instances
have been reported of small roughly shaped mummiform figurines found buried
with mummies of the 22nd Dynasty.
Towards the end of the Third Intermediate Period, a new type of funerary
statuette was introduced. These mummiform figures of wood often had a cavity
154. A ‘corn mummy’ — an either within the figure or in the base to contain a rolled funerary papyrus. Their
image of the god Osiris in antecedents probably stretch back to the royal burials of the New Kingdom. As
the form of aminiature
early as the reign of Amenhotep II (c. 1427-1400 Bc), the king’s burial included
mummified body containing
mud and grains of corn. a mummiform statuette hollowed out to contain a papyrus. Similar figures, rep-
The face is of green wax, and resenting Osiris, were used in non-royal burials from the 19th Dynasty, but
details of the eyes and beard hollow figures fell out of use in the 22nd Dynasty, when the provision of funer-
have been added in gold leaf.
ary papyri temporarily ceased. The mummiform figures were re-introduced in
These objects were made
during the annual festival of the 25th Dynasty, now representing not Osiris alone but Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, a
Osiris in the month of syncretistic deity who embodied the concept of resurrection (see fig. 155).
Khoiak, and buried in These statuettes possessed a standard range of attributes: a shrouded mummi-
specially designated sacred
form body, from which the hands occasionally protrude; a tripartite wig; a red,
locations. Miniature ones
green or gilded face; and a headdress composed of twin plumes, ram’s horns and
were often placed in the
hollow bases of Ptah-Sokar- a solar disc. The figure was supported on a long base (see fig. 156). Many of
Osiris statues (see figs 155-6). these images contain a cavity, either within the figure itself or in the plinth.
Late Period, 664 Bc or later. Instead of a papyrus roll, they contained a small corn-mummy. This symbol of
H. 32 cm.
the deceased’s resurrection, when placed in the base of the statue, was often cov-
ered by a miniature sarcophagus or an image of a mummified falcon. This last
represented Sokar, the god who protected the necropolis. The tendency to merge
Osiris and Sokar with Ptah had begun as early as the Middle Kingdom, but
Osiris and Sokar predominated, Ptah always playing a minor role. The impor-
tance of this god as a symbol of resurrection is emphasised in the texts on the

Late Period statuettes, according to which the deceased shared the renewal oflife
experienced by Osiris. In consequence, a Ptah-Sokar-Osiris statue became an
indispensable feature of the standard burial assemblage in the Late-Ptolemaic
periods.
155. Painted wooden statuettes of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris. That on the

left was made for the burial of
the vizier Pamiu (late eighth century
BC), and represents an early form of this type of image, which
remained popular until the late Ptolemaic Period. The statuette
on the right is inscribed for a priest of Amun-Ra and scribe of the
temple of Montu named Padimut, 25th Dynasty, about
700-670 Bc. The texts on the front are a request to Osiris to
provide funerary offerings, and speeches of the four Sons of
Horus, whose figures appear at the sides. Both statuettes originally
wore a feathered headdress or a crown. The cavity in the plinth of
Padimut’s figure probably contained a small corn-mummy. 156. Ptah-Sokar-Osiris figure from the
Both probably from Thebes. H. (left) 63.5 cm, (right) 64 cm. burial of Neswy (see fig. 118). Early
Ptolemaic Period, third century
CHAPTER
lbs
=seek GaSUSE oO WOM UMN ETS
COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
‘volving responses to the needs of the deceased led to many

changes in the objects placed in the tomb for their well-being. Some categories
of object remained in use for centuries, while others were quickly superseded.
The coffin was, however, the single most important item of funerary equipment,
and its provision was the most consistent feature of Egyptian burial practice
throughout the pharaonic period. This is scarcely surprising when it is consid-
ered that the coffin fulfilled both practical and ritual roles, and frequently repro-
duced the functions of the tomb itself. Ancient names for the coffin included
‘lord of life’ and ‘chest of life’ — emphasising the importance of the object as a
vehicle for resurrection.
SYMBOLISM OF THE COFFIN
At its simplest, a coffin protected the buried corpse from the depredations of scav-
enging animals and tomb robbers, thereby helping to retain the integrity of the
body. The earliest Egyptian coffins were simple boxes of reeds, clay or wood. Had
physical protection been their only function, all later coffins might have been as
plain and unadorned as were these primitive examples. But in fact Egyptian
coffins were subject to an astonishingly rich variety of form, pictorial imagery and
text. Through its shape and its surface imagery, texts and colouring, the Egyptian
coffin was heavily endowed with symbolic meaning. Like the tombs discussed in
Chapter 5, coffins created special environments or cosmoi in which the transfigu-
ration of the dead was promoted: the extended cosmos (incorporating sky, earth
and underworld) and the more restricted cosmos of the deceased’s immediate sur-
roundings represented by the burial place and cult-chapel. The coffins’ evolution
reflected changing attitudes to the afterlife, taking up, preserving and developing
different notions, expressions of which came to be ultimately embedded within
the complex iconography and texts of their surfaces.
The earliest attested symbolic role of the coffin was as a ‘house’ or eternal
dwelling for the deceased. This is apparent in both the shape and decoration of the
THE CHEST OF LIFE: COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
coffins of the Early Dynastic Period and Old Kingdom, which, like tomb super-
structures, replicated the architectural features of early palace buildings (see fig. 158).
Development was relatively rapid. By the end of the Old Kingdom, the coffin
had already begun to reproduce the immediate funerary environment of the
deceased. The orientation of the coffin and its decoration were crucial to the ful-
fillment of this goal, the long front and back sides being aligned east and west
respectively like the corresponding walls of the burial chamber, while the
mummy within faced east, towards the rising sun. The tomb, of course, also
took care of the sustenance and provisioning of the deceased, through the agency
of the offering chapel with the false door stela as its focal point, and by means of
images and lists of offerings on the walls. These magical ‘tools’ accordingly began
to be depicted on the internal surfaces of the coffin, so that the space confined
by its sides and lid was treated as a miniaturised reproduction of the tomb. The
application of the bulk of the pictorial and textual material to the inside of the
coffin, from the late Old Kingdom to the Middle Kingdom, emphasised the
notion that it was arranged for the convenience of the dead person within. For
the same reason, images and spells were positioned close to the part of the body
to which they directly referred.
A more sophisticated role for the coffin or sarcophagus was already developing
during the Old Kingdom, to set the deceased within a larger environment than
that of the tomb alone — that of the universe itself: The lid of the coffin was sym-
bolically associated with the sky; on examples from the Middle Kingdom, star-
clocks and constellations are depicted on the under surface, and at later periods
coffin lids, both rectangular and anthropoid, were identified with the sky-goddess
Nut. Texts on the lid refer to the goddess stretching herself protectively above the
deceased and placing him ‘among the imperishable stars’ — these of course were the
circumpolar stars which were regarded as the destination of the dead king, in early
concepts of the afterlife (see p. 25). The case of the coffin was associated with the
earth. Thus the coffin recreated the universe around the deceased.
The dead man, inside the coffin, was identified with Osiris or Ra, each of
whom were reborn within the cosmos, or with Shu, god of the atmosphere,
whose place was between earth and sky. A significant element in this role was the
occasional identification of the entire coffin, not just the lid, with the sky-god-
dess Nut. The sky-goddess was regarded as the mother of all the dead. As she was
also the mother of Osiris, the identification of the deceased with Osiris was
emphasised. In some texts of the Old Kingdom the chest of a sarcophagus is
referred to by the word mut (literally ‘mother’), and it is apparent that the
mummy deposited inside the sarcophagus or coffin was equated symbolically
with a child in the womb of the sky-goddess, a notion which placed the deceased
in a situation of potential rebirth. A papyrus in the Louvre alludes to this:
O you wetnurse, into whom it is good to enter,

O you, into whom each and every one enters, day after day!
O Great Mother, whose children are not delivered!
When the mummy was placed inside the coffin, the deceased entered the
embrace of the sky-goddess. This idea situates the rebirth of the deceased in the
cyclical eternity of the universe. But, although reborn, the deceased is not ‘deliv-
ered’ from the body of the mother-goddess. Instead, the rebirth takes place
inside the womb (= the coffin = the sky), a concept which is graphically illus-
trated by the painting or carving of the figure of Nut — sometimes with a star-
studded celestial body — on many coffins and sarcophagi.
It was not Nut alone who fulfilled this role. In the texts on some coffins and
sarcophagi the position of divine mother of the deceased is taken by the goddess
Neith, while Hathor (often in her guise as the Goddess of the West) features
prominently in the iconography of post-New Kingdom coffins. The association
of the coffin with Nut, however, remained strong for centuries, and the concep-
tion of the coffin as a kind of cocoon in which the deceased would be reborn is
further revealed through the later use of the word swht (literally ‘egg’) to describe
the inner case.
The concept of the coffin as microcosm endured for millennia, and produced
a rich and varied use of iconography. It is most clearly recognisable on rectangu-
lar coffins, where the lid was equated with the sky, and the base represented the
earth or the underworld in which the dead dwelt. The long sides of the coffin
could also be equated with the underworld, or with the western and eastern
horizons, the physical boundaries of the world. The cosmological role of the
coffin also applied to anthropoid coffins, particularly from the New Kingdom
onwards.
As mentioned above, the formal, pictorial and textual attributes of coffins,
which are the vehicles for these symbolic meanings, also belonged to the tomb.
The coffin, therefore, acted as a tomb in miniature. The degree of correspon-
dence between tomb and coffin fluctuated from time to time, becoming closest
when (whether for economic, social or religious reasons) the attributes of the
tomb were curtailed, and some of its functions were taken over by the coffin. An
undecorated chamber tomb without a cult chapel, such as those provided for
many minor officials of the Middle Kingdom, often contained a coffin whose
interior surfaces mirrored the decoration of walls and ceiling in the chapels of
the wealthy. In the Third Intermediate Period, when many burials were placed in
communal tombs without decoration, the surfaces of coffins were densely cov-
ered with images and short texts to provide for the welfare of the deceased.
There were numerous ways in which the coffin’s attributes could be made to
activate symbolic associations for the benefit of the occupant. It was common for
a body to be placed within a series of coffins, one within the other, each of which
might convey different symbolic significance. Thus the outer coffin might be
rectangular in shape, imitating the tomb or the shrine in which a divinity was
housed, while the inner coffin(s) were anthropoid in shape, representing the
deceased with the specific attributes of a transfigured being (sah). This multi-
level significance in some cases reflected the unity of Osiris and Ra, progressively
emphasised in religious texts and iconography after the New Kingdom. On
TIDE (CECE ST (Or LIP E: “COmMERINS VAN D SARC
OP WAG
coffins of the later first millennium Bc, inner and outer decoration might be
complementary without necessarily being unified into a single concept; hence
the exterior could identify the deceased with Osiris in the place of embalming,
surrounded by protective deities, while the internal space represented the cosmos
in which the deceased (i.e. Osiris) lay.
THE EVOLUTION OF THE COFFIN
Early Dynastic Period and Old Kingdom

During much of the Predynastic period, the body was generally placed in a shal-
low pit, sometimes covered with animal skins or matting. As a rule, coffins were
not used, although in some graves of the Badarian culture (c. 4400-3800 Bc)
there is evidence for a framework of reeds, possibly surrounding the body, or as a
roofing for the grave pit. In the latter part of the Predynastic period, a more reg-
ular type of grave, lined with bricks and roofed with logs, was developed. The
body might be wrapped in linen or placed in a wicker basket, and at the same
period, in about 3000 Bc, primitive coffins of wood, clay or pottery began to be
provided. However, it was not until the Early Dynastic Period that a coffin
became a regular element of burial equipment. No coffins that were made for
157. The earliest wooden

coffins were small rectangular
boxes, the components of
which had sometimes been
recycled after use in domestic
structures. The corpse was
placed inside in a contracted
position, and this custom
determined the proportions
of the coffin. In this example,
part of the lid has been
removed to show the skeleton,
that of ayoung adult of
uncertain sex. Traces oflinen
show that the corpse had
originally been wrapped.
From tomb 1955 at Tarkhan.
Ist Dynasty, about 3000 Be.
en OePKcmns
DEATH AND THE APTERDEDEE IN ANIGLEN TVEG YPa
kings or persons of high status survive from this period, but people of lower rank
were buried in containers made of bundles of reeds, large reused storage jars,
simple trays or wooden chests. The chests, the earliest true coffins, were relatively
small (approximately 1 metre in length) and held the body in a contracted posi-
tion with the knees drawn up and the hands in front of the face (see fig. 157).
Some examples evoked the architectural forms familiar from the great tombs and
funerary ‘palaces’ of the period, with vaulted lids and recessed panelling on the
sides, and provide the first instance of parallelism in the symbolic conception of
tomb and coffin — in this case as a ‘house’ for the use of the deceased.
158. Red granite sarcophagus The development of techniques of mummification during the Old Kingdom
made for a high official. The
vaulted lid and panelled
had a major impact on the evolution of the coffin. The preparation of bodies
decoration on the sides are with the limbs fully extended necessitated creating a longer type of receptacle.
imitated from the Examples of full-length coffins began to appear in the 3rd Dynasty, though at
iconography of contemporary this stage they seem to have been provided mainly for members of the royal
wooden coffins and are
family. In the chambers beneath the Step Pyramid of Djoser (c. 2667-2648 Bc)
ultimately supposed to derive
from the appearance of the at Saqqara were found the remains of a child who had been buried in an elabo-
royal palace. On the eastern- rate plywood coffin of the ‘long’ type; it was formed of six thin layers of different
facing side false doors are types of wood, arranged with the grain running in alternate directions to provide
added to the pattern of
added strength, and gilded on the exterior. This coffin had in turn been placed
panelling. Traces of an erased
hieroglyphic text are inside a calcite sarcophagus.
discernible along the upper Contracted burials in short coffins remained in use for many years during the
edge of this side; this may Old Kingdom, but were eventually completely superseded by ‘long’ coffins. Ear-
have been removed in order to
lier examples of this type generally had panelled decoration on the sides and a
usurp the sarcophagus for a
second owner. Probably 5th
vaulted lid, a type created in both stone and wood at the height of the Old King-
Dynasty, about 2494-2395 dom (see fig. 158). In about the 6th Dynasty, a type with a flat lid and smooth
BC. From Giza. L. 2.25 m. sides was introduced, continuing in use throughout the First Intermediate
Bee
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DE GH EST OF LIBRE: COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
159. Tamarisk-wood coffin of Period and the Middle Kingdom (see fig. 157). The religious significance of this
Hetepnebi, Inspector of type of coffin was reflected in the manner of its positioning in the tomb and in
priests of the ka-temple of
its decoration. The coffin was orientated with the head-end pointing north, and
king Pepy I or IJ. With its flat
lid and plain sides adorned the feet south. The mummy was positioned on its left side, the head supported
only with offering formulae by a headrest, with the face turned towards the east. This positioning was impor-
and a pair ofeyes, it tant for two reasons. Firstly, the deceased looked out from the realm of the dead
represents the earliest version
towards that of the living, ready to take in nourishment from the offerings which
of the standard type of coffin
in use from the 6th Dynasty
— he expected — would be presented to him by relatives or priests entering the
to the Second Intermediate tomb chapel from the opposite direction. Secondly, by facing towards the eastern
Period. It is constructed of horizon he would see the rising sun each dawn, symbolising the rebirth for
small, irregularly-shaped which he hoped. The iconography of the eastern wall of the coffin promoted
pieces of wood, dowelled
these functions. The most consistent element was a pair of painted or inlaid eyes,
together and originally
secured at the corners with through which the deceased could see; care was taken to align the mummy’s face
leather thongs. Excavated by with this ‘eye-panel’ and a headrest was placed under the head to provide the
D.G. Hogarth, 1907, in tomb necessary support. To enable the ka of the deceased to pass freely in and out, a
56 at Asyut. Late 6th Dynasty
small-scale image of a false door was often painted on the side of the coffin
or early First Intermediate
Period, about 2200-2100 Bc.
below the eyes. This functioned in the same way as the stone false-door stelae
L. 186.5 cm. placed in tomb-chapels. An image of a table of food offerings was regularly
painted alongside the false door on the interior. Hence the eastern face of the
coffin facilitated the offering-cult.
Hieroglyphic inscriptions began to be added to coffins and sarcophagi in the
4th Dynasty. At first these were standard, offering formulae invoking Osiris and
Anubis and other deities to provide the deceased with the basic necessities of
existence. These texts were written down the centre of the flat lid of the coffin
and along the upper edges of the sides.
A variety of types of stone and wood were used to make coffins and sar-
cophagi. Timbers such as cedar yielded large straight planks, ideal for the con-
struction of rectangular coffins, but cedar had to be imported from the Lebanon;
it was therefore a costly material and its possession was a mark of status. Some
ens)
DEATH AND THE AFPTERLTEE IN ANCIENT Boy pyr
high-ranking officials had pairs of coffins made from cedar. Those ofindividuals
of humbler rank were generally made from native timbers, of which the syco-
more fig was by far the most extensively used. Since these trees were generally
much smaller than the Lebanese cedars, the coffins were usually made from
small pieces of irregular shape, ingeniously fitted together in a patchwork fash-
ion, using wooden cramps and dowels and secured at the corners with leather
thongs (see fig. 159).
Stone sarcophagi were introduced in the 3rd Dynasty, initially for members of
the royal family. Examples were made from limestone, calcite (alabaster) and
granite, and in succeeding centuries stone sarcophagi became more widely used
for individuals of status, either in place of a wooden coffin or as an outermost
container for a series of wooden coffins. As a general rule, the design of stone
sarcophagi was adapted from that of wooden coffins, not only in the Old King-
dom but in later periods as well.
160. Exterior of the painted First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom
wooden coffin of Ankhef (see Rectangular wooden coffins remained standard during the First Intermediate
fig. 47). The inscriptions
Period and Middle Kingdom, but their decoration underwent significant evolu-
contain prayers for offerings
and confer the protection of
tion. The horizontal inscriptions on the exterior were augmented by vertical
various deities on the deceased. texts arranged at intervals along the sides (see fig. 160). These referred to various
This side of the coffin faced east deities of the Osirian cycle, whose protection was thereby extended around the
in the tomb and at the head-end
deceased. A false door was also added, painted below the ‘eye panel’ and from
is painted a pair of eyes to
enable Ankhef to ‘see’ the rising
the middle of the 12th Dynasty false door motifs were often repeated on all the
sun. Early 12th Dynasty, about exterior faces of the coffin. The decoration of the interior became more elaborate
1950 sc. From Asyut. L. 183 than that of the exterior, a reflection of the greater magical importance of the
cm.
inner surfaces, from the deceased’s point of view (see fig. 161). Opposite the
mummy's face on the eastern side was a false door, a depiction of an offering
220
THE CHEST OF LIFE; COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
161. Interior of the outer

coffin of Seni, showing texts
and images painted at the foot
end. Below the large band
of inscription in which the
deceased is named is a frieze
of objects (see fig. 162) and
extracts from the Coffin Texts
written in vertical columns.
12th Dynasty, about 1850 Be.
From Deir el-Bersha.
L. of coffin 256 cm.
162. Interior of the coffin of table heaped with provisions, and a standardised list of funerary offerings.
Seni, showing a section of the Around all four sides ran the ‘frieze of objects’, a narrow band containing images
‘frieze of objects’ — a series of
of a wide range of commodities which would both provide for the physical needs
images of commodities and
ritual items with which the
of the deceased and assist him in his passage to the afterlife (see fig. 162). The
deceased was equipped for the contents of the frieze vary from one coffin to another, but among the items most
afterlife. 12th Dynasty, about commonly included are clothing, jewellery, furniture, tools and weapons, as
1850 Bc. From Deir el-
well as amulets and royal insignia — the latter enabling the dead person to be
Bersha. L. of coffin 256 cm.
resurrected as Osiris, the ruler of the underworld. These images were often
DEATH AND) THE APDERIAPE IN AN GLEN TeBiGiwe Pa
deliberately arranged so that the objects were conveniently positioned for the use
of the deceased: headrests appear at the head-end of the coffin, sandals at the
foot-end, mirrors and pieces of jewellery close to the upper body, weapons close
to the arms.
The interior surfaces of many coffins were inscribed with funerary texts for
the benefit of the deceased (see Chapter 6). It is unknown whether or not the
inner wooden coffins of kings bore these texts, since no examples have survived
from this period, but private coffins were regularly inscribed in this manner. At
first, the texts seem to have been copied from those in the 5th—6th Dynasty
royal pyramids, and examples of private coffins inscribed with these texts have
been found in the Memphite necropolis. The Pyramid Texts, however, were soon
superseded by the Coffin Texts, extracts from which began to appear on coffins
in all parts of Egypt. They are first attested in southern Egypt and occurred in
non-royal burials as early as the 6th Dynasty. Regional variants occurred, partic-
ular texts being favoured in different parts of Egypt. Hence many of the finer
coffins from Deir el-Bersha include the text and illustrations from the Book of
Two Ways, a composition which includes a map to assist the deceased in finding
his way through the hereafter. The map is located on the floor of the coffin, a
reflection of the conceptual role of this part as a representation of the terrestrial
underworld.
The principal changes in the design of coffins were closely related to the grow-
ing complexity of their religious function. Thus, the relatively simple exterior
decoration of the Old Kingdom coffins was intended mainly to ensure that the
deceased obtained material benefits such as a ‘good burial in the West’ and
funerary offerings. On the later coffins the external inscriptions and the more
complex internal decoration linked the coffin closely to the rituals performed at
the funeral, with the principal aim of ensuring the deceased’s resurrection
through his association with creator gods, chiefly Osiris and Ra.
Members of the royal family and certain high officials of the Middle Kingdom
were provided with stone sarcophagi. Some of these were plain, others carved
with panelled decoration. Images were usually avoided, but there are exceptions
to this practice. The most notable examples are the sarcophagi made for the
wives of Mentuhotep II (c. 2055-2004 Bc) who were buried within the king’s
enormous funerary complex at Deir el-Bahri. These unusual sarcophagi were
built of stone slabs, instead of being carved from a single block, and their outer
surfaces were decorated with scenes of daily life and offering inscriptions.
Early anthropoid coffins

It was during the Middle Kingdom that anthropoid or mummy-shaped coffins
were introduced. They were made of wood or cartonnage, usually comprising a
lid and a case of approximately equal depth, joined along the sides. These coffins
seem to have evolved from the cartonnage masks which were popular in the First
Intermediate Period (see pp. 60-3 and 81). Since some masks were extended
below the breast, over the front of the body, the full anthropoid covering which
THE SGHE ST OF LIPES CORFINS: AND! SARC OPHAGT
enveloped the entire mummy can be viewed as a logical development of this

trend. The earliest surviving example of acomplete anthropoid mummy-case is
one found in the tomb of Ashait, wife of Mentuhotep II, at Deir el-Bahri (late
11th Dynasty). Like the earlier masks, it was made of cartonnage. During the
12th Dynasty, anthropoid inner coffins became more widely used in non-royal
burials. One of the earliest is that of the court lady Senebtisy, found in her
tomb at Lisht.
These early anthropoid coffins reproduced the appearance of the sah, the eter-
nal image of the transfigured deceased, of which the mummified body was the
prime example (see Chapter 2). In consequence, these coffins represented the
body entirely enveloped in a shroud, with only the head emerging, and adorned
with only those features which were considered appropriate to a sah-image at this
period: a khat or nemes headdress and a bead-collar (see fig. 163). Anthropoid
coffins of the later Middle Kingdom had a central column of inscription, usually
consisting of the offering formula. On some examples the body had both vertical
and lateral bands arranged at intervals. These resemble the outermost binding-
tapes placed on mummies of the New Kingdom and later periods to secure the
wrappings, but this arrangement is not found on Middle Kingdom mummies,
and the bands may have been taken over from the iconography of rectangular
coffins. The surface of the coffin was sometimes coloured plain white, in other
cases black (a colour associated with Osiris, and hence with resurrection). In a
few instances the body was covered with a bead-net pattern, an element not
attested on mummies at this period but one which became a feature of the ide-
alised image of the deceased in later periods. Middle Kingdom mummiform
cases were always placed inside rectangular coffins, and were distinct from them
in significance. The rectangular coffin replicated the architectural form and the
conceptual role of the tomb, while the anthropoid coffin evidently acted as a
substitute body for the deceased and represented him in the transfigured state to
which he aspired, fully equipped with the attributes of a divine being.
Second Intermediate Period

During the 17th Dynasty, a new type of wooden anthropoid coffin was devel-
oped. All the examples are made of native timbers, and the majority were hol-
lowed out of tree trunks. These coffins are chiefly distinguished by the
decoration of the lid with a feathered pattern, giving the impression that the
deceased was enveloped in a large pair of wings (see fig. 164). On account of this
decorative design, 19th century diggers dubbed these rishi coffins, from an
163. Anthropoid coffin of Arabic word meaning ‘feather’. The feathered pattern sometimes extended to the
Userhat. This is one of the headdress, and its use on coffins may have developed from the mummy-masks of
earliest examples of the
the late Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, many of which were
mummy-shaped type of
coffin. 12th Dynasty, about _
decorated with a similar design. Most rishi coffins also had the royal nemes head-
1800 Bc. From Beni Hasan, dress, no distinction being made on this basis between the coffins of kings and
tomb 132. H. 182.4 cm. those of non-royal persons. As mentioned above, the memes had been included in
object friezes on non-royal coffins of the Middle Kingdom, and was probably an
DEATH AND PRE AFTERLIEE IN ANGCLEN 1 UEGY PT
evocation of the deceased’s identification with Osiris, rather than a

‘usurpation’ of kingly prerogatives. Many rishi coffins also had a
uraeus serpent and vulture (or a vulture alone) on the breast and a
central inscription. Figures of Isis and Nephthys, carved or painted
beneath the feet, would be visible only when the coffin lay recum-
bent, possibly suggesting that the rishi coffin’s role was to replicate
the environment of the burial chamber. The workmanship of these
coffins was generally mediocre, and the faces in particular were often
crudely shaped, with only the most rudimentary facial details.
The rishi type seems to have originated at Thebes, and it is from
the cemeteries there that most of the extant examples come, although
a single specimen from Saqqara is known. The finest examples of the
type are the coffins made for the kings and queens of the late 17th
and early 18th Dynasties, most of which were extensively gilded.
Those made for private individuals were usually simply painted.
New Kingdom
At the beginning of the New Kingdom, both rectangular and
anthropoid rishi coffins were in use at Thebes. The coffin of King
Ahmose I (c. 1550-1525 Bc) and those of several queens of his
family show that a modified version of the rishi motif continued
in use in royal burials, undergoing further developments through-
out the 18th Dynasty. Early examples were of gilded wood or car-
tonnage, and the feathered patterning was more stylised,
representing the deceased sheathed in the plumage of a falcon or
vulture. This stylised feather design also appears on the royal
coffin from tomb 55 in the Valley of the Kings and on those of
Tutankhamun (c. 1336-1327 Bc). His intact tomb shows that by
the late 18th Dynasty three anthropoid coffins were required for a
king’s burial. Each coffin was decorated with a variant of the rishi
motif but the material and colouring of the coffins differed.
Tutankhamun’s first and second coffins were of gilded and inlaid
164. Wooden coffin ofan unnamed individual.

The feathered patterning on the lid is typical of Theban
specimens ofthe 17th and early 18th Dynasties, and gave
tise to the modern term rishi (Arabic for ‘feathered’) for
these coffins. The majority of rishi coffins were roughly
carved from hollowed tree-trunks, and were prefabricated
rather than made to order. This is apparent in the crudely
written offering formula down the centre of the lid, in
which the word men (‘so-and-so’) appears in the place
usually occupied by the name of the deceased.
17th Dynasty, about 1600 Bc. From Thebes. H. 192 cm.
224
THE CHEST OF LIFE: COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
wood, the innermost of solid gold. The multiple anthropoid coffins of

kings were placed in stone sarcophagi, which underwent a steady evo-
lution in design from one reign to the next — earlier examples, which
resembled the rectangular coffins of the Middle Kingdom being
replaced by cartouche-shaped coffers. Following the reign of Akhen-
aten (c. 1352-1336 Bc), a new type appeared, the shape reproducing
that of a shrine, with cornice-moulding along the top and the carved
figures of a protective goddess at each corner. The kings of the 19th
and 20th Dynasties arranged for their bodies to be housed in much
more elaborate fashion, with multiple sarcophagi of both rectangu-
lar and anthropoid types, nested one inside the other. The most
grandoise ensemble of this type was that prepared for Merenptah
(c. 1213-1203 Bc), which comprised no fewer than four sar-
cophagi. The innermost sarcophagi in these assemblages were of
calcite and were extensively decorated with texts and representa-
tions from the Books of the Underworld.
During the reign of Tuthmosis III (c. 1479-1425 sc), rectangular
coffins and anthropoid rishi cases passed out of use, and a different
type of mummiform coffin became standard. This type had origi-
nated about the reign of Amenhotep I (c. 1525-1504 Bc) or Tuthmo-
eee sis I (c. 1504-1492 Bc). The coffins were usually made from planks of
native timber such as the sycomore fig. Their exterior surfaces were
divided into compartments by vertical and horizontal bands of
inscription meeting at right angles, a feature which had been taken
from the earlier rectangular coffins. Wig and floral collar remained
standard features, and the space below the collar was usually occupied
at first by a vulture with outspread wings (representing the goddess
Nut) and subsequently by the figure of Nut as a winged woman, who
was requested in the accompanying text to spread herself in protection
over the deceased. The spaces between the inscribed bands, at first left
vacant, gradually began to be occupied by figures of deities. The sides of
the case were sometimes decorated with funeral or offering scenes, or,
165. Lid of the anthropoid wooden coffin of awoman

named Tentamentet. During the 18th Dynasty
mummiform coffins became the predominant type,
and the vertical and lateral inscriptions — originally a feature
of rectangular coffins — were incorporated into their design.
Below the floral collar is a figure of the winged goddess Nut,
who is invoked in the central inscription to protect the
deceased. The black background of this example is
characteristic of the period from the reign of Tuthmosis III
to that of Ramesses IJ. Mid-18th Dynasty, about 1400 Bc.
NR i)
more frequently with figures of the Sons of Horus, Anubis and Thoth. Isis and
Nephthys were painted at the foot and the head, and were depicted both lament-
ing and protecting the deceased as they had done for Osiris on his bier. The motif
of the pair of eyes, the most conspicuous feature of earlier rectangular coffins, sur-
vived on some 18th Dynasty anthropoid coffins, where they appear on the left
upper arm, although they were still sometimes painted on the shoulder-area of
the case. These coffins were thus an amalgam of the anthropoid and rectangular
types, and the latter in consequence fell out of common use. The basic design ele-
ments remained standard throughout most of the 18th Dynasty, but the colour
scheme of the coffins changed. Those made from the reign of Tuthmosis I to that
of Tuthmosis III usually had polychrome decoration on a white background, to
be succeeded by coffins with a black background, on which the texts and images
were applied in gold leaf or yellow paint (see fig. 165).
Once the anthropoid coffin had become established as the standard type, its
evolution proceeded steadily. Multiple anthropoid coffins, placed one inside the
other, began to be provided for private individuals as well as for kings and
queens. Features adapted from rectangular coffins became steadily less obtrusive,
as the design tended increasingly to reproduce the appearance of the ideal
mummy-image of the deceased, and through the attributes of the mummy to
emphasise his divine status. In the early 18th Dynasty, the arms began to be
depicted on some royal coffins, crossed on the breast, the hands grasping
amulets. Arms, or sometimes hands alone, were added to private coffins with
166. Small painted wooden increasing frequency from the middle of the Dynasty, the hands sometimes
coffin of the king's scribe Iny, holding djed and tit amulets. The curled ‘divine’ beard was also added to the
found in the city of Akhetaten
ite thy een ome graphy. The conceptual
iconography. p link between coffinin and tomb became less overt as
decoration meproduess that of iconography emphasised more strongly the coffin’s role as a replica of the divine
a full-size coffin, it is a body; to this end, the distinction between the lid and the case was obscured by
valuable indication of the making the lateral inscriptions continue from lid to case, and by painting the
f coffi : . . :
Simei ee a = details of the wig on the case as well as the lid. The importance attached to the
produce uring the re. 1gious . .
aL eee ieaed external appearance is further underlined by the rarity of internal decoration on
. : .
Tate 18a yaaay, shone anthropoid coffins of the New Kingdom. A few exceptions are known, such as
1352-1336 se. L. 44.5 cm. the depiction of Nut on the interior of one of the coffins of Tjuiu. This, how-
226
THE CHEST OF LIFE: COFFINS AND SARGOPHAGLI
ever, may have been a feature taken from the design repertoire of kings’
coffins. Tjuiu was the mother-in-law of Amenhotep III (c. 1390-1352
BC), and her coffins were almost certainly made in the royal workshops;
indeed, the outer coffin of her husband Yuya is inscribed with the
words ‘made as a favour from the side of the King’ — one of the royal
donation formulae also found on shabtis such as those of Qenamun
(see above, p. 134).
The fragmentary sarcophagi of Akhenaten (c. 1352-1336 Bc)
and other members of his family, recovered from the royal tomb
at Amarna, reflect the religious changes promulgated during his
reign. The most notable innovations are the suppression of tradi-
tional texts and images, redolent of the Osirian afterlife which
MN
ASOD
iOsBAYi
the king had rejected, and the substitution of figures of Queen
Nefertiti for those of the traditional goddesses at the corners of
the king’s sarcophagus. Few coffins of private individuals survive
from this period, but a valuable indication of the likely appear-
ance of the lost specimens is provided by a miniature wooden
coffin from Amarna, which was found containing two pairs of
ivory clappers. Perhaps originally a shabti container, it reproduces
the decoration of a full-size coffin (see fig. 166). Traditional texts
and figures of gods are replaced by scenes of offering to the
deceased, who appears both as a mummy and as a living person.
Immediately after the Amarna Period, many of the traditional fea-
tures of coffin design returned, but several important innovations are
apparent. A new colour scheme was adopted, in which texts and
images were painted in polychrome on a yellow background, perhaps
to emphasise the idea of the deceased’s resurrection through the bril-
liant rays of the sun. The old black-coloured coffins ceased to be made,
finally disappearing in the reign of Ramesses II (c. 1279-1213 Bc).
Features of the mummy-iconography continued, arms and hands
crossed on the breast becoming a standard element (fig. 167). The
most remarkable innovation at this period was the creation of coffins
and sarcophagi which represented the deceased as a living person,
dressed in pleated linen garments, wearing a fashionable festal wig, and
with the arms arranged in poses associated with the living.
167. Inner coffin of awoman ofhigh status named

Henutmehyt (see figs 88, 139 and 149). The iconography
is typical of the 19th and 20th Dynasties. The representation
of the crossed hands has become a standard feature, and the
deceased wears an elaborate wig of the type worn in life on
festal occasions. Figures of deities occupy all the compartments
formed by the interconnecting bands of inscription. Early
19th Dynasty, about 1250 Bc. From Thebes. H. 188 cm.
THE CHEST OF LLPFEs COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
168. Painted wooden coffin of Standardisation of the burial ensemble continued, with two anthropoid
an unnamed priest of Amun. coffins becoming the norm for the burial of a high-status person. Mummy-
The surface below the floral
masks, which had remained in use during the 18th Dynasty, were replaced after
collar is densely packed with
small figures of gods and the Amarna Period by a ‘mummy-board’, a cover of painted wood or cartonnage
symbols of resurrection. At which was placed directly over the mummy. Although wooden coffins remained
this period, when the the commonest type, stone sarcophagi were also made for some high-ranking
decoration of tomb chapels
officials. Both rectangular and anthropoid types were used. The earliest are the
had almost ceased, the
surfaces of the coffin were
sarcophagi belonging to the Viceroy of Kush Merymose and Amenhotep son of
used to accommodate Hapu (both dating to the reign of Amenhotep III, c. 1390-1352 Bc). Anthro-
essential funerary imagery. poid sarcophagi of the 19th Dynasty were made both in mummiform shape and
Mid-21st Dynasty, about in the image of the living person.
1000 Bc. From the ‘cache of
the priests of Amun at Deir
el-Bahri, Thebes. H. 185 cm. 21st Dynasty
The stylistic distinction between royal and private coffins continued in the 21st
Dynasty. The intact burial of King Psusennes I (c. 1039-991 Bc), excavated at
Tanis, comprised two reused stone sarcophagi of the New Kingdom and an
anthropoid coffin of silver made specifically for Psusennes. The outermost sar-
cophagus had been made originally for Merenptah (c. 1213-1203 Bc), and was
extracted from his tomb in the Valley of the Kings and reinscribed. The silver
mummy-case was strongly traditional in design, with rishi decoration and
crossed arms grasping royal sceptres, which had been normal for kings’ coffins at
least since Tutankhamun (c.1336-1327 Bc). Private individuals were still pro-
vided with two wooden anthropoid coffins and a mummy-board. The external
surfaces were densely covered with figured scenes and brief texts, while all avail-
able spaces were filled with divine figures and symbols (see fig. 168). The colour
scheme was normally red, green and blue on a yellow background, and a thick
varnish sometimes made from péstacia resin intensified the overall yellow/orange
colouration.
The scenes on the lid consisted chiefly of symbols of resurrection, notably the
scarab beetle and winged sun-disc, and these were juxtaposed with figures of Nut
and depictions of the deceased offering to various deities. The sides of the case
were painted with a varied selection of scenes, some of which had already
appeared in Book of the Dead papyri and tomb paintings: the weighing of the
heart, the goddess Hathor as a cow emerging from the western mountain of the
Theban necropolis (see fig. 169), and the deceased receiving food and drink
from Nut, who stands within the branches of a tree. These were augmented with
other vignettes belonging to a new repertoire of religious images which also
occurred on the funerary papyri at this period, and which included scenes such
as the creation of the universe by means of the separation of Geb and Nut. The
insides of anthropoid coffins were now also regularly decorated. A large djed
pillar, enfolded by wings, or a figure of the Goddess of the West (a manifestation
of Hathor) was often painted on the floor, while a full-face ba bird frequently
appeared above the head of the deceased, as though flying down to reunite with
the corpse. The inner surfaces of the walls usually had rows of deities, some of
229)
169. Exterior of the case of the which represented the manifold forms assumed by the sun god during his jour-
outer coffin of the priest of ney through the night.
Amun, Amenemope. The
Many of these innovations seem to have originated at Thebes, at this time the
pictorial strip contains scenes
familiar from tomb decoration
centre of a virtually independent state controlled by the High Priests of Amun
of the New Kingdom, such as and only nominally under the authority of the kings in Tanis. The intensive use
the goddess Hathor in the form of coffin surfaces to accommodate this rich vein of theological imagery must in
of acow, emerging from the
part have been a consequence of the decline in the production of decorated
slopes of the Theban
tombs (previously the main location of such decoration); the coffins, and the
necropolis. Early 22nd
Dynasty, about 945-900 Bc. papyri with similar images, may even have taken the place of temple walls as a
L. of coffin 210 cm. setting for the visual display of the theology of Amun. The vignettes became
progressively complex, and some of the images combined allusions to several dif-
ferent mythological concepts simultaneously, as though to maximise the magical
potential of the limited area available for decoration.
Towards the end of the 21st Dynasty the decoration of coffins of the Theban
ruling élite began to be distinguished by very large floral collars and representa-
tions of red leather straps (stola), placed around the neck and crossing on the
breast (see fig. 170). This device, originally of protective significance, was often
depicted as worn by mummiform deities such as Amun, Min, Ptah and Osiris,
and at the end of the New Kingdom the sto/a began to be placed on mummies
(see p. 63). Its subsequent appearance among the attributes of mummiform
coffins was a further indication that the iconography of the coffin had come to
230
170. Lid of the outer coffin of
the priest of Amun
Amenemope. The evolution
of coffins during the 21st
Dynasty culminated in a type
distinguished by a very large
floral collar and the regular
depiction of leather ‘mummy
braces’ on the breast. In
addition, there were several
scenes and images which had
previously been the
prerogative of the king —
notably the depiction of
extracts from the Book of
Amduat on the sides of the
coffins. Early 22nd Dynasty,
about 945-900 sc. H. 210
cm.
to:
Hyper nan: Se af
i
iu iy
eae
Hi Be
i,
171. Painted wooden coffin of

the priest of Khons in Thebes,
Ankhefenkhons. The use of a
limited palette on an
ungessoed reddish wood
background is characteristic of
the rather austere style of
coffin painting in the 22nd
Dynasty. The design on the
lid is one commonly found on
cartonnage cases of the
period. Below the collar is the
sun god at dawn in the form
of aram-headed falcon. Other
winged deities, including Isis
and Nephthys, provide
protection for the deceased.
22nd Dynasty, about 850 Bc.
Hlbe
es
wl
| =P
=
tab
XM r
U
Sy
THE GHEST OF LIFE: COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
emphasise more strongly the divine nature of the dead person. The curled divine
beard and fillet around the wig had already been added to the repertoire during
the New Kingdom, and now, in addition, the deceased was often represented
holding in each hand a mekes, or container for a rolled document which con-
cerned the status of Osiris as the heir of the god Geb. It is on these same coffins
of private individuals that scenes taken from the royal funerary repertoire
become frequent, notably extracts from the Amduat (see pp. 198-9), while in
some of the details of the scenes the deceased has royal attributes such as the
crook and flail sceptres. This tendency, together with the appearance of the stola
and mekes, points to a closer identification of the dead man with the world of
the gods and the divine king. Perhaps the priests of Amun at Thebes enjoyed a
relationship with the divine sphere which at other periods was more appropriate
to that of the king, and had this manifested in the iconography of their coffins.
These same coffins also re-emphasised the connection between coffin and tomb;
on some examples, the space above the mummy’s head carried patterns tradition-
ally painted on the ceilings of tomb chapels, and the arrangement of scenes on
the inner surfaces in horizontal strips recalls the ‘picture-strip’ style of Ramesside
tomb-chapels (see p. 153). It is even possible to recognise in the different decora-
tive elements echoes of the conceptual division which influenced tomb-design in
the Ramesside period (see pp. 152-4). Among the most striking images on
the interiors of these coffins are figures of the deified kings Amenhotep I
(c. 1525-1504 Bc) and Tuthmosis HI (c. 1479-1425 Bc) and the deceased offer-
ing to deities.
22nd Dynasty
The complex and sophisticated coffins of the early 22nd Dee were super-
seded by an alternative style of coffin, which differed strongly from what had
gone before. The new types had perhaps been developed in the Delta and their
adoption at Thebes may have been imposed by the early 22nd Dynasty kings as
a measure to curb the independence of the priesthood there, the design of the
priest’s coffins having begun to suggest an unprecedented degree of equality
between gods and mortals.
Wooden mummiform coffins continued to be made, but they were simplified
both in physical form (hands and arms usually being omitted from the lid) and
in decoration (see fig. 171). On many coffins the decoration was restricted to a
coloured wig, face and collar, with brief inscriptions on the exterior and a figure
of the goddess Nut painted full-face inside. On others, a more detailed decora-
tive scheme was applied, but the complex and specific vignettes of the 21st
Dynasty were avoided, and replaced by figures of gods arranged in symmetrical
groupings, or by a series of apotropaic deities wielding knives, lizards and ser-
pents. These figures belonged to a long-standing tradition (related entities had
appeared on ivory wands in the Middle Kingdom and as wooden statues in royal
tombs of the New Kingdom; see pp. 211-12). On some 22nd Dynasty coffins
their place is taken by deities who guarded the gates to the netherworld, both
172. Painted wooden coffin

of Djedkhonsefankh, treasury
scribe of the domain of
Amun. The colour black was
closely associated by the
Egyptians with death and
resurrection.
Djedkhonsefankh’s face is
covered with gold leaf, and
has inlaid eyes, while the
remainder of the decoration is
executed in cream-coloured
paint on black, a colour
scheme common in the 22nd
Dynasty. On the lid is a
winged figure of the goddess
Nut. Early 22nd Dynasty,
Thebes. H. 193 cm.
groups having essentially the same function — to form a protective barrier around
the deceased.
The innermost case was usually a mummiform envelope of cartonnage, made
in one piece to fit closely around the corpse and laced together with string along
the back (see fig. 173). The surfaces of these cases were painted in brilliant
colours on a white, yellow or blue background. These cartonnages show a mix-
ture of solar and Osirian iconography. A common design shows a large ram-
headed falcon with outspread wings over the breast, rising above a second falcon
and, below, emblems of Osiris such as the Abydos fetish or the djed pillar. The
entire image probably represents the emergence of the sun at dawn from the
234
173. Cartonnage mummy-
case made for an unidentified
woman. The central
inscription ends with a ble
space for the name of the
owner, which was never
inserted. A red leather ‘stole’
(see p. 63) is represented on
the breast, below which are
depictions of the winged
g solar
disc, Sokar-Osiris as a
mummified falcon, the Sons
of Horus, winged serpent
goddesses and two
ba-birds. 22nd Dynasty,
H. 170.5 cm.
underworld, a symbolic rebirth in which the deceased was to participate. A fur-

ther allusion to the sun god at dawn is the scarab beetle, often painted on the
top of the head, while the terrestrial realm of Osiris is symbolised again by the
frequent depiction of the djed pillar on the back of the cartonnage case. Cases of
this type have been found at many sites in Upper Egypt, and were even provided
for the kings buried at Tanis, as the mummy-case of King Shosheng II (c. 890
174. Inner coffin of Bc) demonstrates. This case also exemplifies another remarkable feature of royal
Ankhesnefer, daughter of coffins of the 22nd Dynasty, the substitution of the head of a falcon for the cus-
Khonsmose. This type was
tomary human face-mask. This striking iconography probably represented the
very popular in the 25th and
26th Dynasties. The majority
deceased as the manifestation of Sokar-Osiris, and appears to have been also a
of the images and texts relate feature of non-royal burials of high status, since an example was excavated in a
to the Stundenwache, the 22nd Dynasty tomb at Tell Balamun in 1999.
nocturnal vigil around the
corpse of Osiris in the place of
embalming, in which various
25th to 26th Dynasties
gods and goddesses guarded As with other aspects of the burial assemblage, significant changes in the design
the mummy from harmful of coffins occurred towards the end of the eighth century Bc. These changes
influences. Isis and Nephthys reflect a different fundamental conception of the role of the coffins, which is
are depicted at the foot and
most clearly manifested in those made for persons of high status.
the head, and rows of deities
along the sides of the body A new type of anthropoid case was introduced, one which adopted features
form a protective cordon from sculptural models. In this iconography, the coffin represents the deceased
around the deceased. 26th in mummy form, standing on a rectangular plinth or pedestal, with a pillar sup-
porting the back (see figs 174-5). This was essentially the same image as that
adopted for ushebti figures and Ptah-Sokar-Osiris statues at the time, and was
probably chosen to convey the concept of the resurrection of the deceased. The
‘pillar and pedestal’ shape was normally used only for the innermost coffin. This
was now generally made of wood and, apart from rare survivals, it replaced the
cartonnage mummy-cases of the 22nd Dynasty. The faces of these coffins were
usually coloured red for men, and yellow or pink for women. Others were
painted green to highlight the deceased’s identification with Osiris.
As with earlier tombs and coffins, the coffin-ensembles of the 25th to 26th
Dynasties fixed the deceased within several different cosmoi simultaneously. Fig-
175. Rear of the inner coffin ures on the exterior of the inner coffin recreated the environment of the tomb,
of Penamun-nebnesttawy, a
priest of Amun. The
with Isis and Nephthys at the foot and head of the bier, and a protective cordon
sculptural morphology of the of deities arrayed around the corpse (see fig. 138). This was a realisation of the
inner coffins of the 25th to vignette of the burial chamber, which illustrated spell 151 of the Book of the
26th Dynasties is clearly Dead. In mythological terms it represented the Stundenwache, a sequence of
illustrated by the three-
ritual acts and recitations performed for the protection and transfiguration of the
dimensional back-pillar and
the pedestal which supports
mummified corpse of Osiris at each hour of the night and the day. Other deco-
the feet. The central area is rative elements located the deceased within the daily cycle of the sun; this was
dominated by a painting of alluded to by depictions of the rising sun on the heads of some coffins, and rep-
the djed pillar, above which resentations of the winged solar disc on the breast. Once cartonnage cases had
rises the sun at dawn. Late
been replaced by wooden inner coffins, it became again possible to paint the
Probably from Thebes. interior surfaces of the lid and case. The imagery of these inner surfaces fre-
1 93icme quently relates the deceased to the universe as a whole: the lid above the mummy
AI-3
i
Ce.
Ura
carries the figure of Nut, the sky-goddess, while the base beneath is decorated
with the Djed pillar, symbolising the terrestrial realm ruled over by Osiris and
protected by the Goddess of the West, a form of Hathor. The mummy of the
deceased at the centre of this cocoon of potent images takes on the role of cre-
ator gods such as Osiris and Ra, who were the chief agents of resurrection. Fur-
ther allusions to this concept are too numerous to list. One, found on 26th
Dynasty inner coffins, is a long snake painted around the edge, its tail grasped in
or meeting its mouth; this ‘ouroboros’ snake has various functions in Egyptian
iconography, but here it undoubtedly protected the deceased, as did the “Encir-
cling Serpent’ Mehen in depictions of the sun god in his barque.
The design of these inner coffins allotted much more space to inscriptions
than had the cartonnage cases. On coffins made for persons of high status, these
inscriptions often included substantial extracts from the Book of the Dead and
other funerary compositions of earlier eras (see fig. 176). The selection of spe-
cific texts and their writing was a task for specialist scribes and would undoubt-
edly have increased the price of the finished product. Interestingly, even coffins
of inferior workmanship (generally prepared for persons of lower status) often
had extensive inscriptions, but the content was usually little more than repeti-
tions of the standard offering formula. Alongside these heavily inscribed inner
coffins, a simpler type persisted. The decoration of these coffins was predomi-
nantly pictorial, and some of the more popular design elements of earlier carton-
nage cases were perpetuated in this way.
Just as tombs of earlier periods often contained or represented different struc-
tures, sometimes ‘hidden’ within their masonry, these inner coffins were nested
in one, two or even three outer cases. At least one of these was always anthro-
poid, though of a more traditional shape than the inner coffin, with an undeco-
rated, flat base showing that it was intended to lie horizontally. When
functioning as an intermediary coffin, this type usually bore very simple decora-
tion, consisting of little more than the painted face, wig and collar, with brief
offering formulae on the lid and sides. In other burials this larger anthropoid
case was the outermost coffin of the set, and was then more extensively painted
with figures of protective deities and often a scene of the deceased’s judgement.
In high status burials the outermost coffin was of rectangular shape, with a
barrel-vaulted top and a freestanding post at each corner. This gersu type was
derived from the shape of coffins and sarcophagi of the Old Kingdom, and ulti-
mately from the traditional iconography of the per-nu shrine of Lower Egypt.
This shrine never in fact possessed corner ‘posts’; they owe their existence to an
artistic misinterpretation of earlier two-dimensional images. These coffins pro-
vided the vehicle for yet another cosmogram. The vaulted lid represented the
arch of heaven, and usually bore two images of the sun god travelling in his
barque pulled by a row of deities. The case again symbolised the earthly realm in
which Osiris — and by assimilation the deceased — dwelt. The use of a shrine-like
form was of course another means of promoting the notion of the divine status
of the deceased.
238
=
|
176. Interior ofthe inner
ceca
anthropoid coffir of Hor,
priest of Montu see fig.
fo
13).
“
Texts inscribed o a rsSG

is
iS
&o
v
surfaces of the coffin — like

those on rectangular coffins
of the Middle Kingdom —
were directly accessible to
the deceased, who could thus
pronounce them for his
benefit. In this example,
scribal errors have been
corrected and inappropriate
signs painted over. 25th
: eh
jusierent|
US
of aman named Itineb. The
green colouring ofthe face
was a frequent feature of
coffins made after about
650 Bc, and symbolised the
identification of the deceased
with the god Osiris (see
fig. 11). On the breast the
goddess Nut, flanked by Isis
and Nephthys, spreads her
wings in protection, and
below this is a scene ofthe
weighing of the dead man’s
heart before Osiris. Most of
the remaining space is
occupied by twenty
compartments in each of
which Itineb is shown adoring
a different god or goddess; the
associated texts explain that
his various bodily members
are identified with those of
the deity depicted. 26th
Dynasty or later, about
600-300 Bc. From Saqqara.
H. 183 cm.
DIE GH St (OLR? LURE: COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
These wooden coffins were extensively used in Upper Egypt: many examples
having been found at Thebes and at other sites such as Akhmim. Relatively few
burials in the south of Egypt made use of stone sarcophagi in this period, but
these became increasingly common in the tombs of high-ranking officials, par-
ticularly in the north of the country from the 26th Dynasty to the Ptolemaic
Period. Anthropoid sarcophagi once again became fashionable and these closely
imitated the appearance of the contemporary wooden coffins. Rectangular or
cartouche-shaped sarcophagi also made a reappearance, their surfaces densely
covered with images and texts. These include the Pyramid Texts and Book of the
Dead, besides elements of the Stundenwache. Particularly full versions of the
latter (doubtless taken from Egyptian sources) occur on the massive stone sar-
cophagi made for the Kushite rulers Anlamani (623-593 Bc) and Aspelta
(593-568 Bc) from Nuri. These exemplify the wholesale adoption by post-25th
Dynasty Nubian kings of major elements of Egyptian burial practice.

of Tphous. The type, with a
Post-26th Dynasty
vaulted top and four corner- The new types of coffin and sarcophagus introduced in the 25th Dynasty
posts, became popular in élite remained in use until the Ptolemaic Period. Among the more significant devel-
burials in the 25th Dynasty opments which can be observed in this period is the change in the proportions
and was still used in the
of anthropoid coffins (see fig. 177). Greater emphasis waz given to the head, wig
Roman Period. The painted
scenes include the adoration
and chest, which became substantially enlarged. The back-pillar and pedestal
of Osiris, jackals towing the were retained, and the latter began to appear on outer as well as inner coffins.
barque of the sun god, the The reproduction of mummy-trappings again became obtrusive, particularly
winged solar disc and the with regard to the collar, which was extended to cover much of the breast. The
scarab beetle flanked by
range of textual and pictorial matter applied to the surfaces was reduced, and on
lamenting goddesses. From
the family tomb of the official many coffins of this period the main elements of decoration were a winged
Soter at Thebes. L. 147 cm. scarab, solar disc or figure of Nut, and a scene of the mummy on a lion-headed
liu
241
DEES CieSits ©) Fe FoR COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI
179. This mummy-case is funerary bier, sometimes attended by Anubis. The texts, while derived from ear-
made of mud coated with lier sources, are often ineptly written and contain numerous scribal errors. The
linen and plaster, with inlaid
mummies were frequently provided with cartonnage coverings, ranging from
eyes of glass. It is decorated
with a range oftraditional complete body-cases to ensembles comprising a separate mask, collar, apron and
Egyptian images, including footcase, decorated with short texts and figures of divinities. Bound captives
the winged solar disc, Osiris, were sometimes painted on the underneath of the footcases, enabling the
Anubis and other deities,
deceased symbolically to tread his enemies underfoot.
and a bead-net design
(see fig. 148). The bearded
Although anthropoid wooden coffins remained the usual type, some individu-
face and the depiction of the als were still buried in a rectangular case with vaulted top and corner posts. This
exposed feet wearing sandals type was being used as late as the second century aD. Among the latest known
are, however, more
examples are the coffins of the Theban official Soter and members of his family,
reminiscent of Classical styles.
which display a mixture of traditional Egyptian motifs (solar barque, judgement
About 50 Bc—aD 50. From
Akhmim. H. 174 cm. scene and full-face Nut figure) and elements from the Hellenistic world, such as
the signs of zodiac (see fig. 178). Inner coffins were not provided with these
burials, the mummies being instead wrapped in painted shrouds.
The Roman Period witnessed the last manifestations of the long tradition of
Egyptian coffin-production. Anthropoid cases of wood were relatively rare,
although cartonnage body-cases continued to be produced. These were now
increasingly constructed from mud or discarded papyrus, rather than linen, and
their iconography — like that of the Soter coffins — blended Egyptian and Hel-
lenistic features (see figs 179-80). Many mummies were buried without coffins,
instead being provided with gilded cartonnage masks or plaster heads, while others
had portrait-panels in encaustic or tempera inserted into the outer wrappings. In
some cases, such as the mummy of Artemidorus from Hawara (see fig. 52), a
stucco body-case provided the base for traditional pharaonic funerary images, but
the mechanical way in which these were reproduced indicates that much of their
original significance had been forgotten.
180. This mummy of a boy (radiography of

the body suggests it is that of ayoung infant)
has been wrapped and adorned in a style
characteristic of the early Roman Period.
The gilded cartonnage headpiece represents
an idealised face crowned with stylised curls.
The boy wears a mantle, tunic and necklace,
and holds a bunch of
rosebuds and myrtle,
a classical attribute signifiying good fortune.
By contrast, the paintings on the torso are
drawn from Egyptian traditions. Images
which were usually applied to the coffin in
earlier periods have thus been transferred to
the wrappings of the mummy itself (see fig.
52). A cartonnage footcase, with a depiction
of the feet wearing sandals, completes the
adornments. About AD 40-60. From
Hawara. H. 85.5 cm.
243
CHAPHER
THE BURIAL AND MUMMIFICATION

oF ANIMALS
y ummification was carried out not only on the bodies of

humans, but Re on those of animals. In a few cases, these were pets whose com-
panionship their owners perhaps wished to retain in the afterlife, whereas other
animals were mummified as food offerings for the dead. However, the vast
majority of mummified animals were allotted this treatment for religious rea-
sons. In fact, the number of animals which were mummified far exceeded that of
humans, running to several millions.
THE ROLE OF ANIMALS IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SOCIETY
The lives of the Egyptians were permeated and influenced by those of animals to
a degree almost unprecedented in the ancient world. At all periods the Egyptians
maintained an intimate and sensitive relationship with their environment, an
important element of which was the exceptionally rich and varied fauna. Moving
from a hunting and gathering economy to an agricultural one, they naturally at
first perceived animals largely as prey and as a source of food. The domestication
and breeding of animals had begun by the fifth millennium Bc, and cattle, sheep,
goats, pigs and poultry were extensively exploited throughout the historic
period. With the beginnings of an agricultural society, involving animal hus-
bandry, a closer relationship with animals was developed. Throughout the
pharaonic period, they served as a source of food, as draught animals, and as
transport, while their hides were used for clothing and leather, and bones, feath-
ers, sinews, horns, fat and dung were put to other practical uses. Some creatures,
however, particularly cats, dogs, monkeys, geese, and gazelles, were also kept as
pets. There were few aspects of society and culture in ancient Egypt which
remained uninfluenced by animals, but it was in the sphere of religious beliefs
and cult practices that they left their deepest imprint.
It was perhaps inevitable that animals would acquire divine associations for
the Egyptians. The special qualities of different creatures impressed themselves
on human observers: the virility of the bull, the swiftness of the hare, the
244
THE BURIAL AND MUMMIFICATION OF ANIMALS
strength of the lion, the ferocity of the crocodile, the soaring flight and keen eye-
sight of the falcon. These attributes might inspire admiration, wonder or fear. At
an early stage animals became venerated, their worship probably arising out of a
desire to either manipulate their positive qualities or avert harmful ones. Out of
such attitudes were born animal cults, and these flourished in many different
parts of Egypt. The local communities of the prehistoric period which ultimately
developed into the provinces, or nomes, of pharaonic Egypt were sometimes
identified by emblems or standards in animal shape — the falcon, the oryx, the
hare, and others — and these totems may also have played a part in the formation
of animal cults. Such cults are often regarded as hallmarks of the religious atti-
tudes of relatively primitive societies, yet even after the evolution of much more
sophisticated modes of religious thought among the Egyptians, the association of
animals with deities persisted, largely because divine beings were regarded as
capable of being manifested in a variety of physical forms, including statues,
celestial bodies or animals. The evolution of the supernatural entities which we
refer to as ‘gods’ involved the attribution to many of them of the qualities of par-
ticular creatures. Thus the characteristics of the falcon belonged to Horus, those
of the lioness or cat to Bastet, and those of the jackal to Anubis. Such relation-
ships were eventually given visible representation in art by depicting the deities
either in the form of the animal or in human shape with the head of that
animal — a practice which attracted the ridicule of some classical and
later observers. By this period, however, it was not the animals them-
selves that were worshipped; such depictions were not intended to be
understood literally, but rather as metaphors, to convey some of the character-
istics of particular deities. To refer to Horus as the ‘falcon-god’, or Anubis as
the ‘jackal-god’ thus is grossly to oversimplify the interpretation of the evi-
dence. The association of various animals with particular deities involved
numerous subtle levels of meaning, and is a subject too complex to be con-
sidered here. In the following paragraphs we will concentrate on those
aspects which led to the mummification and ritual burial of animals.
SACRED ANIMALS
The role of animals in Egyptian religion was not limited to graphic

portrayals of the gods with animal attributes. Actual specimens of
animals both living and dead played a crucial role in cult practices.
181. One ofagroup of mummified bulls from Thebes. The horns, ears and
facial details are imitated in coloured linen, and the frontal wrappings are
arranged in an elaborate geometrical pattern. Although this animal was not
an Apis bull, its trappings included the triangular patch on the forehead
which was one of the distinguishing marks of the Apis. Radiography of this
group shows that they died aged between six and twelve months and
indicates that the post-cranial remains were prepared on a board, which was
incorporated into the wrappings. Roman Period, after 30 Bc. H. 45.7 cm.
245
These sacred animals fell into several categories, of which the most important
was the ‘temple animal’. This was a creature considered to be a physical incarna-
tion of the god; like a cult statue, it served as a receptacle in which the non-phys-
ical essence of the deity could be manifested — more specifically, his ba. The
animal was thus distinct from the god himself, yet enjoyed a unique relationship
with him. The Apis bull was the 6a of the god Ptah of Memphis; in other words,
it was (in the original meaning of the word 6a, see p. 20) the manifestation of
Ptah’s power. In the same way, the Buchis bull venerated at Armant was the ba of
the god Ra, and the sacred ram venerated at the city of Mendes was the 6a of the
god Osiris. These animals had special significance because only a single example
of the species was considered to embody the ba of the deity at any one time. This
unique creature could be recognised by special markings on the body. Once
identified by the priests, it was installed in a temple until its death, when it
received individual burial with all the formalities accorded to a person of the
highest status, including a relatively high standard of mummification.
Other animals were also held to be sacred, but on different terms to those
applied to the temple animal (see below, pp. 254-60). No single creature was
distinguished as the 6a or manifestation of the deity, but all examples of the
appropriate species were held to be sacred and were in some sense representatives
of the deity on earth. They were not, however, the focus of a cult, and were gen-
erally buried en masse, although they did receive mummification.
The divine associations of animals can be traced as far back as the late Predy-
nastic period. Ritual burials of cattle, baboons, crocodiles, hippopotami and
other species have been discovered in Naqada II-III contexts at Hierakonpolis.
However, the connections between animals and cult became most emphatically
obtrusive in the Late Period and the Ptolemaic-Roman periods, when animal
cults became very prominent and their cemeteries expanded enormously. This
rise to prominence may have been in part a consequence of an upsurge of popu-
lar religious practices. While certain animals had long been associated with
major state cults, it is likely that many more animal cults had flourished chiefly
among the peasants, leaving relatively little trace in the archaeological record
until the mid first millennium Bc. The immediately preceding centuries had wit-
nessed political and social changes in Egypt, of which the rule of Libyans,
Nubians, Assyrians and Persians had been only the most conspicuous. The
changes perhaps brought a move of nationalism, one manifestation being the
promoting of peculiarly Egyptian religious practices as a means of asserting
national identity. The association of animals with divinity was one of the most
conspicuous of these features. Indeed, Greeks and Romans who visited Egypt
regarded the animal cults as the most distinctive aspect of the Egyptians’ reli-
gious practices, although many were clearly puzzled by the contradiction which
such ‘primitive’ practices appeared to offer to the sophistication of other aspects
of Egyptian culture. But the late development of animal cults was not purely a
popular phenomenon. The huge expansion of cult places and cemeteries associ-
ated with sacred animals owed much to active encouragement by the state in the
246
reigns of Ahmose II (570-526 Bc), Nectanebo I and II (380-343 Bc), and

Ptolemy I (305-285 Bc). The number of officials serving such cults was greatly
increased, and the sale of these offices, together with the taxation of the cult cen-
tres doubtless yielded revenue for the crown, in turn.
Did animals have an afterlife?

The majority of the animals mummified in the Late-Roman periods were not
assimilated to humans, and for them no afterlife appears to have been envisaged.
The situation appears to be different, however, for those animals which were
treated to the performance of the full funerary rituals
employed for humans, including mummification, the
Opening of the Mouth and the offering ritual. This
applies to temple animals and favoured pets. The provi-
sion of heart scarabs for Apis and Mnevis bulls, and other
amulets, together with funerary texts in tombs and on
sarcophagi, also suggest that the animal was expected to
undergo transfiguration and rebirth. The descriptions of
the realm of the dead given in the Books of the Nether-
world give no hint that it was also inhabited by transfig-
ured animals. Yet, insofar as the hereafter was expected to
replicate the environment of the living it is logical to
assume that this would also include animals, and indeed
the depictions and models of animals found in tombs of
many periods were placed there in the expectation that
they would be accessible to the tomb-owner in the after-
life. What we lack is any clear explication of the individ-
ual fate of animals who had undergone ritual burial and
transfiguration.
Sacred Bulls
182. The Apis bull, painted The most important of the sacred animals was the Apis bull. Apis, originally a
on the wooden footboard of god associated with fertility, is mentioned in texts as early as the 1st Dynasty, but
the cartonnage mummy-case
his association with the god Ptah of Memphis came later, when he is described as
of an official named
Peftjauemawikhons. The bull the ba or ‘herald’ (wehem) of Ptah. Apis was believed to be incarnate in a bull,
is depicted as a pied animal born to a virgin cow which was supposed to have been impregnated by Ptah
wearing a menyet-collar with through the agency of fire from heaven (perhaps a bolt of lightning). When an
counterpoise. Early 25th Apis died, a successor was chosen by priests who travelled throughout Egypt
searching for the new-born calf which was the next incarnation of Apis. This calf
Probably from Thebes.
L. of case 169 cm. was identified by means of specific body markings. According to Herodotus, the
hide of the bull was black, with a white triangle on the forehead, and a mark
shaped like an ‘eagle’ on the back, while ‘double hairs’ were to be found in the
tail and a scarab beetle-shaped mark on the tongue. Bronze figurines of the later
first millennium Bc show the triangular mark on the forehead, and a vulture and
a winged scarab or sun-disc on the back, but paintings of the Apis on coffins
247
183. Calcite (alabaster) tables from the same general period usually depict it as pied rather than black (see
for the embalming of the fig. 182). Once identified, the bull was taken in procession to the temple of Ptah
Apis bulls at Memphis.
at Memphis. Here he was formally inaugurated, and began a life of luxury, pam-
The majority ofthe tables
are carved to represent lion-
pered by attendants and fed on the richest foods in a special temple of his own,
shaped couches, a type of where he received the veneration of worshippers.
structure also used for the The death of the Apis bull was an occasion for national mourning. The prac-
mumumification of humans.
tice of giving the bull an elaborate burial seems to date from the reign of Amen-
Fourth century BC.
hotep II (¢.1390-1352 Bc). At this time there are signs of a strongly increased
royal interest in such animal cults and in the special arrangements made for
them after death. The burials of the Apis bulls were made at Saqgara, at first in
separate chambers, and later in rooms opening off subterranean catacombs. The
deceased Apis was identified with Osiris, and was referred to as Osiris-Apis or
Osorapis. This name gave rise to the Graecised Serapis, and from this the burial
galleries at Saqqara became known as the Serapeum.
Each bull was mummified at death. The rites echoed those of human
mummification, beginning with a ritual washing, and proceeding to drying,
anointing and wrapping. Indeed, there is evidence that the embalmers who
carried out the operation also mummified humans, thus maintaining their
skills in the interim between Apis burials, which occurred an average of eigh-
teen years apart. The place of embalming of the Apis bulls has been discov-
ered, south-west of the temple of Ptah at Memphis. This structure dated to
248
the 26th Dynasty, and contained eight large calcite (alabaster) tables carved to
imitate the lion-shaped supports used for the mummification of human
bodies, and with a receptacle at the foot-end to catch fluids (see fig. 183).
The procedure followed is described in a demotic papyrus dating to the Ptole-
maic Period, now preserved in Vienna. The body was placed on a layer of
clean sand to ensure its ritual purity. According to the papyrus, it was eviscer-
ated via an incision in the left flank, the heart alone being left in situ. Some of
the Apis burials of the New Kingdom included large canopic jars, though
whether these really contained parts of the body or were purely ritual in func-
tion cannot be determined. The body cavity was packed with bags of sawdust
and natron, to help the corpse retain its shape and — presumably — to absorb
moisture, as in human embalming. The wrapping, which occupied sixteen
days, took place with the body lying on a board, along the edges of which
were fixed metal clamps. The application of the wrappings was a highly ritu-
alised process; the Vienna papyrus records precise instructions for the prepa-
ration and application of every piece of cloth. The texts mention that the
wrappings were to be secured by passing them through the clamps and
beneath the baseboard. This technique has been confirmed through the dis-
coveries of the mummies of Buchis bulls at Armant, which were also prepared
on a board, associated with clamps of bronze or iron. The bull was provided
with eyes made of glass and stone, and artificial hooves of gold were substi-
tuted for the real hooves — corresponding to the application of finger and toe
stalls to human corpses.
A stela dated to year 30 of the reign of Ramesses II (c. 1279-1213 Bc) men-
tions the mummification of an Apis which had just died, and states that the
body was in the embalmer’s workshop for seventy days, exactly as would be
expected for the mummification of a human body. Other stelae show the funer-
ary rituals performed before the interment of the bull, and here again the acts
carried out mirror those in human burial, with an Opening of the Mouth cere-
mony to restore the use of the bodily faculties.
The mummies of the bulls were taken to the Serapeum at Saqgara for burial.
A processional way lined by sphinxes led to the burial place, and the catafalque
containing the bull in its coffin was dragged along by soldiers. At the end of the
sphinx-avenue stood a temple to Osiris-Apis built early in the reign of
Nectanebo II (360-343 Bc), the last native-born pharaoh of Egypt. This temple,
the ‘Place of the Living Apis’, served the cult of the deity, though no remains of
it survive today.
The Serapeum, with its associated temple and avenue of sphinxes, was well-
known to the Greeks and Romans, and was described in the Geography of
Strabo. Later covered with sand and lost to view, its location was deduced by the
English collector Anthony Harris in the mid-nineteenth century and was actu-
ally rediscovered by Auguste Mariette in 1851-2. The earliest graves so far dis-
covered were separately constructed. One of them was found undisturbed, and
contained the mummies of two bulls who had died in the reign of Ramesses I]
249
(c.1279-1213 Bc). The chamber was faced with limestone on which was a
painted depiction of the pharaoh with his son prince Khaemwaset offering to the
Apis bull. The mummies lay inside wooden coffins and were adorned with rich
jewellery and amulets. They were even provided with bull-headed shadzi figures.
From the later years of the reign of Ramesses II the method of interment
changed, each bull being placed in one of a series of chambers which opened
from subterranean galleries. The Serapeum remained in use from the New King-
dom to the Ptolemaic Period, although not all the burial places of the bulls from
this long time-span have been identified. Each chamber contained a sarcopha-
eus. Those of the 18th to 26th Dynasties were made of gilded wood, while those
of the later periods were massive chests hewn from granite blocks, the largest
approaching 70 tons in weight. The individual vaults were originally faced with
limestone, and many stelae were set up there (see fig. 184). These included
formal records of the lives of the bulls, giving the dates of their death and burial,
and those of their birth and installation at Memphis. Since the age of the animal
at death is often included, these stelae are an important source for the recon-
struction of ancient Egyptian chronology. Besides these, there were hundreds of
stelae inscribed in hieroglyphic, hieratic and demotic, set up by private individu-
als to express their piety and devotion to the Apis bull. Many of these stelae were
set into the walls of the corridors, where they would be seen by visitors to the
Serapeum.
184. Limestone stela

dedicated to the Apis bull
by a man named
Padebehu(en)aset. The
devotee is shown kneeling
before the bull, behind whom
stands a goddess, probably
Isis. Probably 26th Dynasty,
unrecorded, but probably
from the Serapeum at
Saqqara. H. 28 cm.
250
186. Bronze clamps used in the mummification of aBuchis bull. The

clamps were located around the edge of the wooden board on which the
body was prepared, and served to secure the linen wrappings in place.
Ptolemaic or Roman Period, after 305 Bc. From the Bucheum at Armant.
L. (left) 11.5, (right) 17.5 cm.
The Buchis was closely associated with the sun god

Ra and with Montu, an ancient deity of the Theban
region who had cult-centres at Medamud, Thebes and
Tod as well as at Armant. Like the Apis, the Buchis bull
was supposed to have been divinely conceived and born
to a virgin cow. The new Buchis, too, was identified by
185. Both the Buchis bulls priests on the grounds of physical markings; his body
and their mothers were was probably white with a black head. The bull was
mummified and buried at
installed at Thebes and subsequently transported by
Armant. The Mothers of
Ae eet hee em barge to Armant, his principal residence,where a whole
subterranean vaults at staff of priests and feeders attended to his requirements. The
Bagaria, north-east of the burials of the Buchis bulls were located in a special cemetery now known as the
Bucheum itself. Their bodies
‘Bucheum’ at Armant. This seems to have been founded in the reign of
were embalmed in a similar
Nectanebo II (360-343 Bc) of the 30th Dynasty, and the series of burials contin-
style to those of their ‘ : ; d
bispring though eenerally ued at least until the reign of the emperor Diocletian (AD 284-305). Some of the
with fewer burial goods. This tombs were individually constructed, with vaulted roofs; in other cases the bulls
burial of acow (Baqaria tomb did not have separate chambers but were laid in the corridors between the tombs
16) shows clearly the metal Af lee balls.
clamps through which the : ? : :
Wie teers parsed The Buchis burials are very informative about the methods used to prepare
First century AD. the bodies and the ritual aspects of the interment. The bodies were placed on
187. Reconstruction of the boards, into which clamps of bronze and iron had been fixed (see fig. 186). The
burial of a Buchis bull in body was wrapped by passing the wrappings through these clamps which were
the cemetery at Armant.
situated along the edges of the board and flanking the limbs, as described in the
At the rear is the stone
sarcophagus in its vault,
Apis embalming ritual in the Vienna papyrus (see fig. 185). In contrast to the
and in the foreground a stela treatment of the Apis bulls, there is no evidence that the bodies were eviscerated
of the emperor Valerian, an via an incision; the internal organs may have been treated using an injection of
inscribed offering table and fluid into the anus. The external trappings of the mummies were elaborate,
pottery offering stands.
including gilded plaster masks with inlaid eyes set in bronze surrounds, and a
headdress of gilded wood with coloured glass inlays. Amulets similar to those
made for humans were provided. In the more elaborate burials an offering table
with ritual vessels was also supplied (see fig. 187), and stelae were set up, giving
details of the life and death of the bull. They bear at the top a scene showing the
monarch offering to the bull or burning incense before it (see fig. 188). Whereas
many votive stelae were set up at the Serapeum, only a few examples of this type
of monument were recovered from the burial place of the Buchis bulls, although
there were numerous small votive plaques.
Apart from Apis and Buchis, the most important bovine temple animal was
the Mnevis bull, which was the manifestation or ‘herald’ of Ra; it was venerated
at Heliopolis (see fig. 189). The early history of this bull is poorly documented
but by the New Kingdom it had acquired great importance. As a manifestation
of the sun god, special provision for it was even made in the extreme theological
system of Akhenaten (c. 1352-1336 Bc). Like Apis, the Mnevis bull was distin-
188. Sandstone stela dated in guished by external signs and had to be searched for at the death of the old bull.
the 13th year of the reign of The Mnevis also was mummified at death and buried in a special tomb; how-
Ptolemy I (285-246 Bc),
ever, only two of these tombs have been discovered, dating to the reigns of
recording the death of aBuchis
bull who was aged twenty years, Ramesses II (c. 1279-1213 Bc) and Ramesses VII (c. 1136-1129 Bc). Located to
eight months and thirteen the north of Heliopolis, they consisted of roofed chambers constructed of lime-
days. From the Bucheum at stone blocks below ground-level. The walls of the tombs were inscribed and cov-
Armant. H. 55 cm.
ered with reliefs, and the burials were accompanied by offering tables and stelae.
189. Limestone stela showing

The mummies were provided with amulets and canopic jars, the latter perhaps
a sacred bull whose name is non-functional. Although archaeological traces of later burials have so far not
damaged, but who is been found, there is documentary evidence that Mnevis burials continued long
accompanied by the distinctive into the Roman era. A letter written on papyrus by the priests of the temple of
epithet of Mnevis, ‘he who
Ra and Atum-Mnevis at Heliopolis records the receipt oflinen for the burial ofa
causes truth [yaat] to ascend
to Atum’. The lower register
Mnevis bull in ab 210-211.
shows the dedicator of the Towards the end of the first millennium Bc the proliferation of animal cults in
stela, the lector-priest Egypt led to the establishment of cemeteries for the mothers of sacred bulls,
Amenmose. Probably 19th which were themselves considered sacred since they had borne the divine animal.
Dynasty, about 1295-1186 sc.
Provenance unknown.
Burial places for the Mothers of Apis and Buchis have been found at Saqqara
H. 38 cm. and Armant respectively.
ASS)
Sacred rams
In a manner analogous to that of the bulls, sacred rams were also regarded as the
sole manifestation of particular deities. The ram Banebdjedet was revered at
Mendes in the Delta, and at Elephantine were the burials of rams which were
representative of the local god Khnum. They were mummified and adorned with
gilded masks incorporating elaborate headdresses, and then placed in stone
sarcophagi.
OTHER SACRED ANIMALS
The notion that animals were manifestations or representatives of deities devel-

oped steadily during the first millennium Bc, with particular emphasis on the
idea that a// examples of a particular species could be regarded as sacred to the
deity in question. This led to the keeping of large numbers of animals at the
temple of the deity to whom they were sacred, where they were bred and main-
tained, with a special complement of priests and attendants to take care of their
feeding. They acquired their main significance at death, when their bodies were
mummified and given ritual burial. This practice was carefully managed by the
priests of the temple, and gave pilgrims the opportunity to express their devotion
to the god. When visiting the temple a pilgrim could make a donation which
would in theory pay for the embalming of a sacred animal. The animals were
then ritually buried in special cemeteries by priests on behalf of the dedicators.
This expression of devotion was part of a reciprocal arrangement, the balance of
which was that the devotee expected some benefit from the god. This might be
relief from sickness or the answer to some problem, which might be delivered in
the form of an oracle from the god or via a communication in a dream. The
temples incorporated special dormitories for pilgrims, in which these dreams
might be experienced, besides workshops in which the embalming of the ani-
mals took place.
It is clear that royal patronage played a significant role in the promotion of
animal cults, which was such a distinctive feature of Egyptian culture in the late
first millennium Bc. The construction and endowment of large temple com-
plexes, menageries and animal cemeteries required state support, and it is possi-
ble that the adoration of sacred animals was closely connected with the worship
of the king.
One of the most extensive (and best-documented) complexes devoted to
animal cults was excavated at north Saqqara by the Egypt Exploration Society
initially under W.B. Emery, then under G.T. Martin and H.S. Smith, between
1964 and 1976. The nucleus of this great complex was the Serapeum, which
increasingly with the passage of time came to be a focus for pilgrimage, and
required a priesthood to interpret and manage the oracles of the god. The cult of
Apis was later augmented (perhaps in the sixth century Bc) by that of the
Mother of Apis, who became identified with Isis. The mummified bodies of
these cows were also allotted a special burial place, initially in a temple dedicated
to Hathor, and later in the cliffs north of the Serapeum. Further animal cults
were added as the centuries passed. A cult of Thoth, the god of wisdom and
writing who was also associated with the moon, was established at Saqqara,
where he was venerated as the father of Isis, mother of Apis. Thoth was associ-
ated with both the ibis and the baboon, and large numbers of mummies of these
animals were deposited there. Horus was also represented by falcon mummies;
ideologically the presence of this solar deity provided a harmonious balance to
the lunar Thoth, while Horus as son of Osiris, had a manifest relationship with
the deceased Apis, himself identified with Osiris.
The steady growth in popularity of these cults owed much to a belief in the
oracular powers of the deceased sacred animals, which were believed to be able to
reveal future events. To cater for these cults at Saqqara a series of temples and
shrines was constructed, stretching northwards along a wadi towards the ‘lake of
pharaoh’. Pilgrims came to this spot from all over Egypt and from other parts of
the eastern Mediterranean. A community grew around the temples and shrines
to cater for the needs of these people. In addition to the numerous priests and
minor officials who maintained the cults, there were the embalmers who mum-
mified the sacred animals and the labourers who cut the catacombs and stone
sarcophagi. There were also other craftsmen who produced bronze statuettes for
presentation as votive offerings, astrologers and fortune-tellers, and those who
provided lodgings for the many visitors. The life of this society is abundantly
documented by many written records on papyri and on ostraca. These include
the personal archive of a man named Hor, which reveals details of the day-to-day
management of the sacred animal cults, besides throwing light on dishonest
practices among the priests.
The range of creatures which was mummified was extensive, including cats,
dogs, crocodiles, bulls and cows, rams, baboons, falcons, ibises, lizards, snakes,
and even beetles. Some of the deities represented by these animals were wor-
shipped throughout Egypt, while others were ‘local’ deities, and the attitude to a
particular creature varied from place to place. An animal venerated in one
province could be reviled in another, and such differences sometimes formed the
pretext for clashes between the inhabitants of neighbouring cities.
The mummified animals were buried in mass graves. At some places, such as
Thebes and Asyut, rock-cut tombs of earlier periods were reused for this pur-
pose. At the former site, tombs have yielded mummies of bulls, gazelles, ibises,
falcons, baboons, cats, rams and crocodiles. A large tomb at Dra Abu el-Naga
was reused in the Ptolemaic Period as a necropolis for ibises and falcons, and a
series of demotic graffiti on the walls record the names of many of the priests
who were connected with the cemetery of these birds. Elsewhere, extensive sub-
terranean galleries were excavated, containing many chambers which were filled
to the ceiling with animal mummies. The best-known examples are the Ser-
apeum and the catacombs of other animals at Saqqara; a crocodile cemetery near
Manfalut seems to have been installed in caverns of natural origin.
The priests who served the cults and the burial places of sacred animals were
205)
organised in groups, and some of the posts were hereditary. One such group, the
‘bearers of the gods’ (equivalent to the Greek rheagoz), is often mentioned in
papyri and graffiti of the Ptolemaic-Roman periods. Their task was apparently to
transport the mummified animals to the cemeteries. They could be carried by
hand, or transported on a sledge or wheeled cart. Apart from such creatures as
the Apis bull (whose burial was a relatively infrequent event) the numbers of ani-
mals mummified and buried all over Egypt at this period was immense. The
practice with regard to the majority of animal mummies was to inter them peri-
odically. The ibises and falcons interred at Saqqara were buried on one specific
day every year, while at Athribis falcons were buried every month, and at Kom
Ombo at irregular intervals.
Cats
Among the animals most frequently mummified was the cat, which was mainly
associated with the goddess Bastet. Although originally associated with the
lioness, Bastet later came to be linked with cats, and was regularly depicted as a
cat or a cat-headed woman. Herodotus states that dead cats were taken to
Bubastis in the Delta, the centre of the cult of Bastet, and there embalmed and
buried in sacred receptacles. The remains of a great cat cemetery have indeed
been found there, but it had been extensively plundered before archaeologists
investigated the site. However, cat cemeteries have been found in many other
parts of Egypt (notably at Saqgara and Thebes), perhaps owing their existence to
Bastet’s association with lion deities such as Sekhmet, worshipped in various
places. Radiology of cat mummies in museums has shown that most of them
had died within one of two age-ranges: three to four months and one to two
years. This uniformity of ages strongly suggests that they had not died natural
deaths, and some X-rays provide confirmation of this. The neck-vertebrae of sev-
eral cats are seen to have been dislocated, while others showed head injuries, sug-
gesting that they had been killed specifically for mummification, perhaps during
periodic ‘culls’ on the temple estates. The majority of cat mummies have a dis-
190. Mummified cat with tinctive shape, created by extending the front legs down the body and tucking
imitation of the animal’s head up the back legs (see fig. 188). This produced an elongated package, which was
in linen and plaster. The
completed by a stylised image of a cat’s head created in dyed linen or drawn in
lozenge-patterning ofthe
interlocking wrappings is a ink on the wrappings, the ears shaped from linen. Occasionally this shape was
feature which had been varied: one famous example in the British Museum was wrapped to resemble a
adapted from the human mummy, with prominent ‘shoulders’ and a body tapering to the feet
mummification of humans.
(fig. 196). The wrapped mummies were sometimes enclosed in cat-shaped
Roman Period, after 30 Bc.
Provenance unknown. coffins of painted wood, or even inside hollow-cast bronze cat-statues (see figal 9D).
H. 53 cm. Small examples were placed in bronze relic boxes, with figures of cats on the top.
Sacred reptiles and insects

Several classes of reptiles are represented among the mummified fauna. Snakes
(sacred to the creator-god Atum) occur, sometimes mummified separately and
placed in bronze relic boxes, sometimes in groups wrapped in linen (groups of
256
191. Just as human mummies 192. Mummy of an ibis

were often placed inside coffins wrapped in patterned
shaped like the body, those of bandaging. Ptolemaic
animals were sometimes or Roman Period, after
encased in a comparable 305 Bc. From Abydos.
manner. This wooden coffin L. 43.2 cm.
made for a cat is almost
indistinguishable from a piece
ofsculpture, but is hollow
inside to receive a mummy.
Ptolemaic or Roman Period,
after 305 Bc. Provenance
unknown. H. 35.5 cm.
vipers were prepared in this way). Mummified lizards also occur, but the most
common of the reptile mummies was the crocodile, the sacred animal of the
god Sebek. His cult was maintained at various sites, notably Kom Ombo and
Shedet (Crocodilopolis). The crocodiles were kept in temple lakes, and force-
fed while being physically restrained by holding them down. Large numbers of
crocodiles were mummified. One of the biggest crocodile cemeteries was situ-
ated east of the temple of Kom Ombo. Another major source was the ‘crocodile
grottoes at Maabda, opposite Manfalut in Middle Egypt, visited by many
European travellers before they were destroyed in the late nineteenth century.
These naturally-formed subterranean galleries were used in the Ptolemaic and
Roman periods to house large numbers of mummified crocodiles. These
i) Nn ™S
DEATH AND THE APTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
included very large specimens, some up to 10 m

long, individually mummified. There were also
small ones (30-50 cm long) made up into bundles,
sometimes also including the eggs of the animals.
It is supposed that these grottoes — which also con-
tained the mummies of humans as well as of other
animals — were related to a local crocodile cult.
This seems to have been popular with local Roman
garrison troops, for the grottoes also yielded shields
and a suit of ceremonial armour made from croco-
dile-skin (see fig. 193).
A very large crocodile mummy in the British
Museum is remarkable because it is really a group,
comprising several animals. There are two fully
mature animals (perhaps a male and a female), one
mounted on the back of the other, and surrounded
by numerous baby crocodiles. A comparable ‘family
group of crocodiles was found at Lahun in the
Fatyum, though here the uppermost adult animal
had been cut into pieces. Possibly the arrangement
of the two large crocodiles was meant to simulate a
mating-position.
Amond the smallest creatures to be mummified
were lizards and scarab beetles. The latter, sacred to
the sun god, were enclosed in small bronze or stone
boxes surmounted by a sculpted image of the beetle.
Sacred birds
Birds were also mummified extensively. Perhaps the
most numerous were mummies of the ibis, the bird
sacred to the god Thoth. Many ibis mummies have
been found at Saqqara, where they were placed in
catacombs in conical pottery jars (see fig. 190). An
alternative form of container was an ibis-shaped
sculpture, comprising a hollow wooden body to
contain the mummy, to which a bronze head and
feet were fitted. Falcons were also mummified in
193. Ceremonial cuirass and helmet made of crocodile skin,

and C14 dated to the third century ap. It was discovered in
the grottoes at Maabda, opposite Manfalut. The many
mummified crocodiles which were deposited there in the
Roman Period probably attest to a local cult, in the rituals
of which this armour was perhaps worn.
194. Conical pottery jars

containing ibis mummies,
stacked in one of the
subterranean galleries of the
Sacred Animal Necropolis
at Saqqara.
195. Mummified falcon,

with elaborately fashioned
features, and wrappings
arranged in overlapping
layers. Ptolemaic or Roman
Period, after 305 Bc.
From Saqqara. H. 39.4 cm.
large numbers (see fig. 191). Most of these were deposited without coffins,
although there are exceptions. Examples from Saqqara were placed in wooden
coffins, while an example of unknown provenance (Roman Period) had a painted
cartonnage mummy-case which was fitted inside a stone shrine-shaped chest.
THE PROCESS OF ANIMAL MUMMIFICATION
196. Mummified cat with In the most elaborate instances of animal burials, such as those of the Apis
wrappings dyed in contrasting bulls, the techniques of mummification employed followed those used on
colours arranged in a
human bodies, including evisceration, drying, and wrapping. These opera-
geometrical meander pattern.
Like other animal mummies,
tions were carried out in a ritualised context, accompanied by appropriate
this specimen has a painted incantations.
headpiece realistically For the millions of ibises, falcons, cats, fish and other animals, embalmed as
modelled in linen and plaster,
votive offerings, a much simpler approach was employed. Evisceration was not
but the tapering shape of the
body is unusual for a cat, and
always performed. When it was, the body cavity would be packed with sand or
appears to imitate the form of mud, perhaps mixed with natron. The internal organs do not seem to have been
human mummies. Roman separately preserved; apart from the sacred bulls, no mummified animals are
Period, after 30 Bc. From known to have had canopic jars. The bodies were dried or coated with resin,
Abydos. H. 46 cm.
before being wrapped in layers of linen, soaked in resin or natron. Smaller crea-
197. Radiography of the cat tures such as ibises might be simply immersed in molten resin, and wrapped.
mummy shown in fig. 196 Fish were simply slit open and dried by being covered with a mixture of mud
reveals that the body inside is and salt, and buried in sand.
not that of amature animal,
The positioning of the limbs of animal mummies and the method by which
as the wrappings suggest. It is
actually composed of the skull they were wrapped led to distinctive forms being created for individual creatures,
of an adult cat, attached to the shape of the bundle being based on that of the animal’s body. For cats, bulls,
the body of a kitten which rams, crocodiles, falcons and gazelles, the head was often modelled in linen, with
died at about the age ofthree
facial features represented in coloured linen, in paint or ink. The limbs were usu-
or four months. This
composite corpse occupies
ally confined within the bundle (as in the majority of human mummies), and for
less than half the space some creatures this meant distorting the body. Hence cats assumed an elongated
within the wrappings, and shape, while bulls, gazelles and rams had their limbs folded underneath their
pieces of wood and scraps of bodies. In some of these packages, substantial parts of the body were omitted,
linen were used to help create
and reeds were used extensively to create the desired shape.
the desired shape.
In some cases, the bundle has been made to resemble a human mummy, with
prominent shoulders and the body tapering towards a projecting foot. Examples
of this type usually contain extensive packing to create the appropriate shape,
while the head of the animal may be elaborately modelled in folded linen or may
even be covered by a bronze or cartonnage headpiece comparable to the
mummy-masks of humans. Wrappings were often dyed in contrasting colours
and elaborately arranged in geometric patterns.
Animal mummies often contain an incomplete body, or parts of more than
one animal. This state of affairs has been found in bovine mummies (though not
those of Apis bulls), as well as in those. of birds and crocodiles. In the same way,
some cat mummies are found to contain only a head, or the head, forelegs and a
few other bones. Some bird mummies contain only a few bones, while gazelle
260
mummies have been found which appear to contain little more than the animal’s
horns, the shape of the body being represented by bundles of reeds.
The external appearance of an animal mummy may then be deceptive. One of
the most imposing mummies in the British Museum (see fig. 196) has been
wrapped as though it contains an adult cat, yet X-rays have revealed that it con-
tains the body of a tiny young kitten, probably about 3-4 months old, on to
which had been placed the head of an adult animal (see fig. 197).
Some of these cases may represent deliberate attempts by the embalmers to
deceive the pilgrim who had paid for an animal to be mummified, or they may
have been produced at times when the demand for animals outstripped supply.
Yet this may not be the whole story; we cannot be sure that the purchaser
expected the mummy-package to contain a complete body. In terms of the cult
DEATH AND THE AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EiGyYP?T
significance of such votive offerings, a portion of the body may have been suffi-
cient. Perhaps (as was the case with human mummies) the creation of an eternal
image using parts of the animal’s body was sufficient to fulfill the religious func-
198. Bronze reliquary to tion. The incomplete state of many animal mummies finds a parallel in the often
contain the mummy ofan irregular contents of human mummies of the Roman period, and both phenom-
ichneumon, an animal sacred
ena may share a common ideological background.
to several deities, including
Horus, Atum and Wadjit.
For the most part, only temple animals received elaborate coffins and sar-
Large numbers of smaller cophagi, but coffins for individual animal mummies are also known. Like the
creatures were placed inside anthropoid coffins of humans, these were sometimes sculpted images of the crea-
containers of this kind after ture, hollowed out to recieve the mummy. Cat coffins of wood and bronze are
mummification. As in this
known, and ibises were sometimes placed inside the hollow bodies of images of
case, a hieroglyphic
inscription was often incised the living bird, although the majority were placed in conical pottery jars. Smaller
around the box, giving the animals were placed in relic boxes of bronze or wood, with a three-dimensional
name and parentage ofthe image of the animal on the top (see fig. 198). Significantly, these coffins do not
dedicator. Late Period,
carry funerary inscriptions or images, indicating that the creatures within were
664-305 Bc. From Thebes.
not assimilated to humans, but were simply regarded as offerings to the gods.
OTHER ANIMAL BURIALS
In some cases, the animals interred were clearly beloved pets or companions of
their owners. Pets were frequently immortalised in the wall-decoration of tomb-
chapels or in scenes on funerary stelae, and were sometimes given a formal burial
according to procedures normally reserved for humans. The burial of three don-
keys in a grave of the Ist Dynasty at Tarkhan may be an early instance of this
practice, although the reason for the animals’ presence there is not certain. An
Old Kingdom tomb at Giza was prepared at the king’s expense for one of his
guard-dogs, Abutiu. According to an inscription in the tomb chapel, the king
ordered that the dog be provided with a coffin, fine linen and incense — clearly a
burial such as a distinguished human might expect. Another example is the
262
burial of a dog named Aya, interred at Thebes during the Middle Kingdom in a
wooden coffin which closely reproduced the shape and decoration of coffins
made for humans at the same period. The inscriptions included the offering for-
mula, promising funerary offerings for the dog, who is described as ‘beloved of
her mistress’. The cost of producing such an expensive piece of burial equipment
for a dog indicates that the mistress (whose name unfortunately we do not
know) belonged to a wealthy family. A later example of even more exalted status
is the cat of Prince Tuthmosis, the eldest son of King Amenhotep III (c.
1390-1352 Bc). This animal, simply named Tamyt (“The [female] cat’) was
buried in a limestone sarcophagus, which again imitated the shape and decora-
tion of coffins made for human burials. It is inscribed with hieroglyphic texts
identifying Tamyt as an Osiris, and invoking the protection of the goddesses
Nut, Isis and Nephthys and the Sons of Horus — exactly as would be done for a
deceased human. The analogy is carried further by the inclusion of a carved
figure of the deceased cat before a heaped offering table. In these cases the
animal was assimilated to a human being, rather than being regarded as a repre-
sentative of a deity. Such instances, however, are rare. Among others are a few
mummified gazelles and a baboon found at Thebes — perhaps the pets of the
high-ranking women of the 21st to 25th Dynasties — but otherwise, the mum-
mification of animals arose from their association with divinities.
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Egypts Greatest Pharaohs (London, 1996). Hamburg and New York, 1963).
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Egyptian Tomb Down to the Accession of Cheops Egitto: proposte di interpretazione’, in Egitto
(Cambridge, Oxford and London, 1936). e Vicino Oriente 3 (1980), 83-95, Tav. I-II.
265
CHRONOLOGY
(All dates before 664 Bc are approximate.)
Earty Dynastic PERIOD

Ist Dynasty c. 3100-2890 Bc
2nd Dynasty c. 2890-2686 Bc
Op Kincpom
3rd Dynasty c. 2686-2613 BC
4th Dynasty c. 2613-2494 Bc
First INTERMEDIATE PERIOD
7th/8th Dynasties c. 2181-2125 Bc
9th/10th Dynasties c. 2160-2130 Bc, ¢. 2125-2025 Bc
Mipp.e Kincpom
SECOND INTERMEDIATE PERIOD -

(Hyksos)
New Kincpom
20th Dynasty c, 1186-1069 Bc
TuirpD INTERMEDIATE PERIOD

21st Dynasty c. 1069-945 Bc
22nd Dynasty c. 945-715 BC
23rd Dynasty c. 818-715 Bc
24th Dynasty © T27—JND BE
25th Dynasty c. 747-056 BC
(Nubian or Kushite)
Late PEr1op
26th Dynasty (Saite) 664-525 BC
27th Dynasty 525-404 Bc
(Persian Kings)
28th Dynasty 404-399 Bc
29th Dynasty 399-380 BC
30th Dynasty 380-343 BC
Persian Kings 343-332 BC
Macedonian Kings 332-305 BC
ProLemaic PERIoD 305-30 Bc
Roman PErRIopD 30 BC-AD 395
266
ILLUSTRATION REFERENCES
Front cover EA 6678 Oe EA 35808 80. EA 32191 the Committee of the 154. EA 60745
Back cover EA 51819 38. EA 25568 81. EA 51819 Egypt Exploration 155. Left EA 22913,
Page 6 EA 22941 be From A Contribution 82. EA 65372/53892 Society right EA 23046
Map drawn by to the Study of 83. EA 8522-3, 14423-6 120. EA 65430 156. EA 9737
Christine Barratt Mummification by 84. EA 8644 1D, EA 29594 157. EA 52888
Red-Head: John G. Elliot Smith, pl. III 85. EA 8894 127. EA 30715 158. EA 71620
Williams 40. EA 8389, 8401, 86. EA 65206 123. EA 31 159. EA 46629
EA 32751 8403,15563-4, 15568, 87. EA 22818 124. EA 36 160. EA 46631
EA 55336 15569, 15573, 15578 88. EA 41549 125. Red-Head: John 161 . EA 30841
EA 9524 41. EA 59197-59200 89. EA 8900, 13808, Williams 162. EA 30841
EA 29554 42. EA 9562-5 33959, 53980, 65205 126. Copy by Nina de Garis 163. Cambridge, Fitzwilliam
PS
SAS
ONS
eS Cairo Museum 43. EA 36625-8 90. EA 32708 Davies Museum
JE 30948 44. EA 10077 OM. EA 30400 WA: EA 718 164 . EA 52950
EA 10554/17 45. EA 6652 Oye. EA 8724, 67742 128. EA 15659 165. EA 54521
EA 10470/7 46. Rijksmuseum van 93. Left EA 64347, 129. EA 461 166. Drawn by A Boyce
EA 8653 Oudheden, Leiden right EA 66822 130. AUS 593 Sz EA 63635
EA 10471/14 47. EA 46631 94. The Illustrated London Te EA 22941 167. EA 48001
EA 9901/3 48. Katz Pictures News Picture Library 132 EA 22941 168. EA 24789
EA 9980 49. EA 6665 Sys EA 32692 133: EA 9901/5 169. EA 22941
EA 69851 50. Metropolitan Museum 96. Left EA 56929, 134. Larger set, 170. EA 22941
EA 27735 of Art, New York right EA 56930 left EA 5526, WAN EA 30721
EA 30839 Bile EA 29776 We Copy by Nina de Garis right EA 6123; 172, EA 6662
EA 9911/2 Wi, EA 21810 Davies smaller set EA 58404 Wig EA 6686
EA 9901/3 Dep EA 6704 98. Red-Head: John 135: EA 35273-5 174. EA 6672
Left EA 61083, 54. Hierakonpolis Williams 136. EA 30840 175. EA 6676
right EA 58783 Expedition Archives; 29: Nigel Strudwick 137. EA 73807 176. EA 27735
Hierakonpolis photographer 100. Red-Head: John 138. EA 10471/20 Ws EA 6693
Expedition Archives; R. Friedman Williams 139. Courtesy of Reading 178. EA 6708
photographer SD: EA 5341 10 — . Red-Head: John Museum Service 179: EA 29584
R. Friedman 56. EA 1450 Williams (Reading Borough 180. EA 22108
20. Roemer-Pelizaeus (1907-10-15,460) 102. John Taylor Council) 181. EA 6773
Museum, Hildesheim is EA 1277 103. Drawn by Claire 140. Copy by Henry Salt 182. EA 6681
Dale From The Rock Tombs 58. EA 682 Thorne 141. EA 9919 183. Carol A.R. Andrews
of Meir, Vol. 5 by dD): EA 1260 104. Drawn by Claire 142. EA 40928 184. EA 1491
A.M. Blackman, pl. 43. 60. EA 2378 Thorne 143. EA 6714 185. Egypt Exploration
By kind permission of 61. EA 45195 105. Drawn by Claire 144. Griffith Institute, Society
the Committee of the 62. EA 41576 Thorne Ashmolean Museum, 186. Left EA 59459,
Egypt Exploration 63. EA 41573 106. Drawn by Claire Oxford right EA 59460
Society 64. EA 2463 Thorne 145. Top row, left to right 187. Egypt Exploration
22; EA 22939 65. EA 30716 107. EA 35018 EA 22991, 8309, 7435; Society
23. EA 22939 66. EA 41574 108. EA 1165 middle row, left to right 188. EA 1694
24. EA 24957 67. EA 9524 109. EA 1242 EA 8327, 8332, 3123, 189. EA 1356
25: EA 8409, 8410, 58942 68. EA 21702 110. EA 1848 23123, 14622; 190. EA 6752
26. EA 43218 69. EA 32613 LW: EA 1179 bottom row, left to 191. EA 35853
27. EA 29996 70. EA 30727 112. EA 1783 right EA 8088, 59500, 192° EA 53938
28. EA 6732 We EA 41578 113. EA 585 20639 193. EA 5473
29: EA 6516, 6518, 6542 We: EA 47570 114. EA 990 146, Left to right EA 7849, 194, Photograph by Dr Paul
30. EA 29472 73. Drawn by Claire 115. EA 289 14653, 24705, 29369 Nicholson, reprinted by
Sills EA 14438, 23207, Thorne 116. EA 149 147. EA 24401 kind permission of the
55367, 66417 74. EA 8703 117. Left EA 37899, 148. EA 29593 Egypt Exploration
32: James H. McKerrow, >: EA 8893 right EA 65354 149. EA 41544-7 Society
PhD, MD iG: EA 16672 118. EA 8468 150. EA 18175 195: EA 68006
33. EA 35084 Tae EA 41672 NDE From The Rock Tombs toile EA 2371 196. EA 37348
34. EA 58780 78. EA 24390, 32556, ofMeir, Vol. 5 by 152. Heini Schneebeli, 197. EA 37348
35) EA 9535, 9544, 53996 49343, 50991, 58081 A.M. Blackman, pl. 18. EA 883 198. EA 61604
36. EA 36635 79. EA 16006 By kind permission of 153. EA 50702
267
INDEX
Page numbers in ztalics refer to illustrations
Apep 28, 31, 198 205, 206, 207, 21, 229,236; 238;
Apis 54, 132, 133, 184, 245, 246, 247- 241
Abu Gurob 134 50, 251,252; 253, 254) 256, 2600 Book of Gates 33, 198-9
Abusir 80, 131, 207 Apotropaion 209 Book of Traversing Eternity 199
Abydos 27, 75, 79, 104, 105, 107, 118, Armant 246, 249, 251, 252, 253 Book of Two Ways 33, 195, 196, 222
WH, N86), MS BS), NS), WANN, IS ISy, Artemidorus 89, 243 Books ofBreathing 199-200
156, 183, 184, 187, 191, 234, 257, Asasif 212 Bubastis 256
260, 261 Ashait 82, 223 Bucheum 251-3
Adaima 48 Aspelta 241 Buchis 249, 251-2, 253
Aha 209 Aswan 40, 76, 151, 167 Butehamun 182
Ahmose I 84, 119, 120, 183, 224 Asyut 68, 81, 100, 109, 133, 150, 151, Buto 66, 190
Ahmose II 47, 207, 247 160; G76 WANG WG; 2198 22 0 255
akh 31-2, 35, 38, 42, 43, 44, 193 Aten 122, 123
akh iger en Ra 185 Athribis 256
Akhenaten 121-2, 123, 146-7, 152, 225, Atum 19, 25, 28, 32, 253, 256, 262 Cambyses 46
DG, Dif, ISB Atum-Mnevis 253 canopic jars 49, 63, 65-76, 86, 87, 132
Akhetaten 147, 152, 226 Avaris 146 Canopus 65
Akhmim 57, 88, 166, 241, 242 Awibra Hor 19, 83 choachytes 77, \77
Alexandria 155 Ay 175 Coffin Texts 12, 31, 32, 33, 39, 62, 68,
Amduat 28, 33, 146, 198, 199, 231 115, 194-6, 198, 199, 209, 221, 222
Amenemhat I 141, 144 corn mummy 212-13

Amenemhat III 68, 179 Crocodilopolis 257
Amenhotep I 84, 225, 233 CANS: I-15, NG 2023) 24529) 31532;

Amenhotep II 119, 134, 135, 182, 197, 34,135, 46, 1110) 122, 1235 1245 154;
D2. LOB N78. 19ION95 32.065229 235,
Amenhotep HI 85, 108, 110, 122, 126, 246, 247 Dahshur 19, 80, 83, 140, 145, 165, 196
134, 160, 227, 229, 248, 263 Bab el-Gasus 72 Deir el-Bahri 20, 41, 42, 56, 67, 72, 75,
Amenhotep, son of Hapu 153, 229 Banebdjedet 254 82, 83, 84, 94, 116, 117, 128, 135,
Ammut 36, 38 Bagaria 251 144, 167, 182, 201, 222, 223, 229
Amun, Amun-Ra 23, 42, 72, 116, 118, Bastet 245, 256 Deir el-Bersha 33, 66, 67, 68, 82, 100,
ND, WIE, NO, NO, Weil, WA hee, benben 143 103, 107, 140, 151, 166, 171, 195,
154, 168, 178, 200, 208, 213, 229, Beni Hasan J0/, 102, 104, 108, 111, VIG Y22 DD
230, 233, 234, 236 139, 140, 141, 151, 154, 171, 223 Deir el-Medina 42, 77, 86, 108, 115,
ankh 68, 118 bennu 206 WOKS WG TEE WB NH, OSS
Ankhef 8/7, 109, 150, 220 Bes 209 Deir Rifa 106
Anlamani 241 Bitumen 47, 57, 88 Dendera 99
Anubis 17, 27, 36, 37, 49, 62, 68, 71, Book of Caverns 198 Deshasha 48
76, 96; 161, 163, 190; 191, 197, 204 Book of the Dead 12, 17-18, 21, 22, 24, Dialogue of a Man with his Ba 13, 41
208, 219, 226, 242, 243, 245 31, 34, 37, 38, 60, 62, 108, 110, 115, Diocletian 251
Any 21, 38 121, 122, 196-8, 199, 200, 201, 204, Diodorus Siculus 50, 51, 54, 64, 76, 78
INDEX
dismembering of corpse 48, 79 Gua 103, 107, 115, 166, 196 Florus)2/5932) 96; 38352, os onO2,
Died 203, 204, 208, 226, 229, 234, 236, guides to the hereafter 33, 195 141, 161, 175, 191, 194, 204, 205,
238 Gurob 127 210, 245, 255, 262
Djedkara Isesi 80, 171 House of Life 171, 173
Djefahapy 176 Hunefer 26, 36, 190
Djehutyhotep 166 Hyksos 83, 145-6
Djehutynakht 67, 82, 100 Hagarsa 81, 171
Djer 79, 133, 134, 183 Hapy 14-15, 65, 66, 75
Djoser 80, 141, 42, 165, 218 Hardjedef 136, 174-5
Dra Abu el-Naga 78, 146, 255 Harkhuf 177 Ibi 193
drowning 41 Harwa 130 ibu 52,77, 177
Duamutef 14-15, 65, 66, 68, 73, 75 Hathor 17, 42, 60, 182, 216, 229, 230, Imhotep 45, 142
Duat 28, 35, 139 238; 25) Imsety 14-15, 65, 66, 68, 69, 75
Hatshepsut 42, 85, 154 Ineni 152
Hawara 89, 145, 179, 242, 243 Insinger, Papyrus 23
heart 14-15, 16, 17, 23, 24, 36, 37, Instruction for Merykare 180-1
el-Amarna 140, 147, 148, 226, 227 205-6 Intef, king 44
el-Amra 127 heart scarab 18, 38, 196, 205-6 Intef, Nubkheperra 78
Elephantine 254 heka 186 Ipuky 137, 174
el-Hiba 49, 207 Hekaemsaf 207 Ipy 176
Elkab 35 Hekanakht 176 Isesi 80, 171
el-Kurru 75, 129, 147 Heliopolis 25, 37, 143, 157, 196, 253 Isis 175.23; 253-265 2775, 5237103) COME
Helwan 148 75, 88, 105, 107, 161, 189, 197, 204,
hem-ka 175, 176, 177 205, 207, 226, 236, 240, 254, 263
Henutmehyt 93, 124, 125, 197, 198, Itj-tawy 145, 146, 196
Faiyum 145, 155, 258 207, 208, 227
festivals 42, 139, 177, 178 Henuttawy 86
Field of Reeds 34, 115, 159 Hermopolis 196
Field of Offerings 34, 38 Herodotus 46, 50-1, 53, 55, 56, 78, 79, judgement ofthe dead 34, 35-8, 196,
84, 87, 188, 247, 256 205
hery seshta 76
hetep 158, 160
Geb 2552295233 Hetepheres I 67, 80
Gebelein 14 Hetepheres II 171 ka 14-15, 16, 18-20, 23, 24, 31, 32, 40,
Giza 48, 67, 77, 80, 81, 100, 105, 133, Hetepnebi 219 46, 95, 96, 98, 99, 112, 116, 136,
134, 135, 140, 142, 143, 148, 149, Hierakonpolis 47, 58, 66, 79, 93, 95, 138, 155, 162, 165, 166, 167, 168,
150, 154, 156, 158, 166, 170, 171, 148, 149, 246 WP MOO SI9S 20 nS
178, 181, 218, 262 Hogarth, David 150, 219 Kagemni 67
Goddess of the West 216, 229, 238 Horemheb 54, 69, 153, 2/1 Kamose 83
Granville, Augustus 87 Hornedjitef 76, 87 Karnak 42, 116, 145, 167, 178
269
Katebet 85 Medamud 251 Nany 86

Kawit 117 Medinet Habu 131 Nagada 48
Kemsit 94 Mehen 238 natron 49, 50, 51, 55-6, 57, 63, 64, 77,
Kha 108 Meidum 48, 67, 80, 97, 98, 140, 149, 80, 84, 91, 249, 260
Khaemwaset, prince 133, 250 157 GS Nebamun 137, 174
Khaemwaset, vizier 180 Meir 52, 118, 151, 164 Nectanebo I 207, 247
Khafra 52, 67, 142, 143, 149, 158 Meketra 100, 101, 104 Nectanebo II 247, 249, 251
Khentimentiu 27, 183 Mekhu 40, 76 Neferirkara 175, 176
Kheperu 16 Memphis 44, 45, 54, 58, 142, 153, 154, Nefermaat 98
Khepri 28, 29 196, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250 Nefertiti 227
Kheret-netjer 140 Mendes 17, 246, 254 Neith 58, 66, 71, 75, 147, 216
Khery-hebet 76, 175 Menkaura 142, 143, 181 Nephthys 25, 26, 27, 37, 63, 66, 71, 75,
Khetemu-netjer 76 Menna 173 88, 105, 161, 1895 1974205,2076
Khnum 19, 254 Mentuhotep II 67, 82, 95, 117, 144, 226, 236, 240, 263
Khnumhotep II 139, 154 L45 PISS Gin 2225223 Neskhons 74, 116, 117
Khoiak 135, 212 Mentuhotep III 144 Nestanebisheru 20
Khons 232 Mentuhotep IV 144 Nile TORTIE D552 Ss 425 1379 lo Salas
Khufu 67, 80, 105, 142, 149, 158, 166, Merenptah 59, 135, 225, 229 140, 141, 142, 178, 189, 198
167 Meresankh III 67, 77, 171 Nofret 165
Kom Abu Billo 155, 162 Merymose 229 Nubheteptikhered 83
Kom el Shugafa 155, 207 Merytamun 86 Nubia 40, 99, 107, 129, 182, 185
Kom Ombo 256, 257 Min 178, 230 Nun 2953
Kush 229, 241 Mnevis 247, 252, 253 Nuri 75, 130, 147
Moalla 151 Nut 25) 27,-29730532, 881241618
Montu, Montu-Ra 144, 213, 239, 251 206; 2075 2S 21169225, 229833
Montuemhat 129, 130, 154, 212 234, 238, 240, 241, 243, 263
Lahun 107, 145, 170, 207, 258 mortuary cult 44, 95, 146, 149, 151,
letters to the dead 42-4 152, 170, 174-8
Lisht 145, 151, 167, 179, 196, 223 mortuary liturgies 199
mummification 20, 23, 31, 47-91, 142, offering ritual 23
187 Opening of the Mouth 57, 97, 164-5,
mut 38, 44 190-2, 194, 206, 247, 249
Maabda 257, 258 Mutnedjmet 69 Osiris 18, 23, 25-8, 29, 31, 32, 36, 37,
maat 18, 36, 37, 38, 108, 138, 141, muu 190 38, 42, 48, 54, 62, 63, 65, 76, 96,
N55), ZS) LOS IS 22231335439
Manfalut 255, 257, 258 141, 147, 153, 154, 160, 161, 175,
Mariette, Auguste 249 178, 183, 184, 189, 191, 193, 194,
mastaba 98, 134, 137, 138, 140, 142, Naga ed-Deir 139, 151, 159 197, 198, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206,
148, 149, 151, 156, 158, 165, 166, Nakht 22, 197 207, 210, 212-13, 215, 216, 217,
170, 175, 178 name 16, 23-4, 31, 32 222 22252235 226523082335
270
INDEX
234, 236, 240, 241, 243, 246, 248,

255, 263
Osiris-Apis 248, 249 Qaw el-Kebir 68, 139 Sabni 40, 76
Osorapis 248 Qebehsenuef 14-15, 65, 66, 73, 75 saff tomb 151, 152
Qenamun 134, 135, 227 sah V6, 17,34, 48, 81, 117; 177, 216,
Qurna 83, 121, 162 223
Sais 147, 190
paraschistes 54, 76 sakhu 190, 193, 199
Pedeamenemope 129, 130 Salt, Henry 199
Pepiankh 52, 164 Ra 17, 23, 25, 28-31, 32, 34, 37, 42, 62, Saqqara 54, 67, 69, 75, 79, 80, 81, 92,
Pepinakht 40 139, 143, 147, 154, 157, 196, 198, 98, LOOT LIZ I SOM SIN 32s
Pepy I 81, 108 206, 215, 216, 222, 246, 252, 253 133, 142, 145, 148, 149, 153, 154,
Pepy II 40, 52 Ra-Horakhty 60, 161, 162, 210 1553156; 158) 16S GSI ibs
Peger 134, 183 Rahotep 97, 157, 165 181, 184, 192, 207, 218, 224, 240,
per-nefer 53, 77 Ramesses I 124, 2/0, 211 248, 249, 254, 255, 256, 258, 259,
pesesh-kef 191 Ramesses II 68, 124, 133, 135, 145, 260
Petosiris 155 LGM S25 92. 2075 225; 227, 249; Sarenput 167
Petrie, Flinders 106, 134, 179 250e253 scarab 28, 29, 205, 236, 248, 258
phyles 176 Ramesses III 23, 41 Sebek 257
Piankh 182 Ramesses V 72 Sebekemsaf 68, 206
Pinedjem I 86, 182 Ramesses VI 126 Sebekhetepi 10, 104, 108, 111
Pinedjem II 75, 116, 128 Ramesses VII 253 sed festival 142, 167
Plutarch 25, 27 Ramesses IX 135, 180 Sedment 127
prosthesis 58, 87 Ramesses XI 180 sehedj 115, 126, 128
Psamtek I 130, 132 Ramesseum 145, 154 seh-netjer 52, 177
Psamtek II 131 Ranefer 67, 80 Sekhmet 256
Psusennes | 229 Raneferef 80, 176 Selkis 17, 66, 71, 75
Ptah 45, 203, 212-13, 230, 246, 247, Rekhmira 177 sem-priest 191
248, 249 Renenutet 66 Semerkhet 156

Prah-Sokar-Osiris 212, 213, 236 ‘reserve’ heads 166-7 Sendjet 66
Ptahhotep, Instruction of 19 resin 47, 48, 49, 53, 54, 57, 64, 76, 79, Senebtisy 223
Ptahshepses 98 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 90, 91, 93, Senedjemib 77, 170, 171
Ptolemy I 247 260 Senenmut 85
Punt 40 Rhind Magical Papyrus 50, 53 senet 21, 110
Pyramid Texts 19, 25, 27, 31, 32, 48, 65, rishi coffins 119, 223, 224, 225, 229 Sennedjem 86
141, 193-4, 195, 196, 198, 199, 222, Ritual of Embalming 49-50, 57, 60, 187, Senusret I 40, 167
241 202 Senusret III 183
Rosetjau 37, 133 Senusret-ankh 179
Royal Cache 72, 75, 116, 128, 182 Seqenenra Taa 83
Rufinus 65 Serapeum 133, 184, 248, 249, 250, 255
Di
DEATH AND THE AFPTEREIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT
Serapis 248 taricheutes 76

serdab 136, 149, 151, 165, 166 Tarkhan 217, 262
Sesebi 185 Tayet 58 Umm el-Qaab 134, 141, 183
Seth 25, 27, 48, 183, 204, 210 Tefnut 25 Underworld, Books of the 28, 31, 33-4,
Sety | 84, 124, 126, 192, 199 tekenu 63, 190 38, 41, 46, 198-9, 225
Sety I1 59 Tell Balamun 236 Unis 80, 193
Shabago 129 Tell el-Daba 83, 145 ushebti 112, 115, 116, 127, 128, 129,
shabti 22, 35, 68, 103, 112-35, 173, Terenuthis 162 SO OMe oD
S296) 20952275 250 Tetiky 119

Shabtigo 129 Thebes 42, 52, 53, 54, 56, 58, 63, 68,
shadow 16, 24 ks V2 1S Ws HSS 33), BES 5 SO, DV;
shawabti 112, 115, 116 Di 935 LOOS TOM ZOZ TOS. WSs iG; Valerian 252
Shedet 257 IGA, WAM, US), WA, WD WS, KG, Valley, Festival of the 42, 154, 178
Sheikh Farag 81 U28 2D NGO MIB en32S Are oys Valley of the Kings 54, 71, 124, 139,
Shosheng II 236 140, 144, 145, 146, 151, 153, 154, 145, 146, 147, 172, 182, 192, 193,
Shu 25 LOS NGS 1725 173 Oly eels: LIDPIOTT, 224, 229
Sinuhe, tale of 39-40, 141, 189 180, 181, 182, 185, 188, 189, 196,
Sneferu 80, 142, 143 199,200; 201, 208; 210} 213; 227,
Sokar 133, 135, 178, 203, 212 225,227,229, 23072, 233-7,.239,
Sokar-Osiris 235, 236 DAI, 243, 245, 247, 251, 255; 256, wabet 53, 76, 77, 171, 189
Sons of Horus 14-15, 26, 37, 65, 66, 263 Wadi Hammamat 40
67-8, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 86, 88, Thoth 36, 52, 53, 60, 204, 226, 255, Wadi Natrun 56
IEA, Ns NBs EY, AMI ML, NN), 258 Wadi Qubbanet el-Qirud 135
226,235,263 tit 107, 202, 203, 204, 226 Wadjit 262
statuary 20, 24, 95, 112, 134, 136, 138, Tiy 126 wag festival 134, 178
IAG), Sl, SP, WSS ISS, G70), Tjuyu 110, 126, 227 Wah 60, 82
182, 184, 190 Tod 251 wah mu 177
stelae 21, 23, 96, 98, 114, 136, 138, tombs 25 20 ie 3 2S lemma Os wedjat 27, 55, 158, 204
151, 155-62, 1174, 1176, 182, 183, 116, 136-55, 170-4 Weni 170
184, 262 Tuna el-Gebel 133, 155 Wepwawet 17, 133, 176, 183
Step Pyramid 54, 142, 165, 218 Tura 170, 171, 181 weret-hekau 164, 192
Strabo 249 Tutankhamun 60, 71, 84, 107, 110, wesekh 201, 207
sun 12, 28, 30, 115, 138, 140; 152, 121, 124, 147, 175, 187, 193, 202,
198-9, 205, 219 AVS), INO QUA, DOS), DLS
Sutimose 7/ Tuthmosis I 182, 225, 226
Tuthmosis I] 84 Yuya 110, 126, 227
Tuthmosis III 146, 197, 225, 226
Tuthmosis IV 121 Zawiyet Abu Mesallam 134
Tahargo 75, 130 Tuthmosis, prince 263
Tanis 73, 128, 147, 182, 229, 230, 236
This highly illustrated book provides a
concise introduction to the perennially
fascinating subject of ancient Egyptian
attitudes to death and the dead. Drawing
on the British Museum’s world-famous
collection of mummies and funerary
equipment, the author considers
embalming, coffins and sarcophagi,
shabti figures, magic and ritual, amulets
and papyri, as well as the mummification
of sacred animals. The text reflects
recent developments in the interpretation
of Egyptian burial practices, and
incorporates the results of much new
scientific research. The newly-acquired
information is based on a range of
sophisticated applications, such as the
use of non-invasive imaging techniques
to look inside the wrappings of a mummy,
and the chemical analysis of materials
used in the process of embalming.
John H. Taylor is an Assistant Keeper in

the Department of Egyptian Antiquities
at the British Museum. He is the author
of Egyptian Coffins, Unwrapping a
Mummy and Egypt and Nubia.
With 162 colour and 38 black-and-white illustrations.
VAVANA OELAIS CTNIUISCtTNGCOMIT ¢
THE BRITISH MUSEUM PRESS
780714°1 eS

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DEATH

AFTERLIFE IN ANCIENT EGYPT

Published for The Trustees of The British Museum by

THE BRITISH MUSEUM PRESS

© 2001 The Trustees of the British Museum

First published in 2001 by British Museum Press

A catalogue record for this book is available

ISBN 0 7141 1917 2

Designed by Harry Green

FRONT COVER Inner coffin of the priest Hornedjitef. Late

BACK COVER Limestone shabii figure of Nefer. 18th

HALE-TITLE PAGE Inner coffin of awoman ofhigh status

TITLE PAGE Rituals performed on the day of burial, from

1 DEATH AND RESURRECTION

IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SOCIETY 10

2 THE ETERNAL BODY: MUMMIFICATION 46

5 PROVISIONING THE DEAD 92

4 FUNERARY FIGURINES: SERVANTS FOR THE AFTERLIFE 112

> THE THRESHOLD OF ETERNITY:

6 MaGIc AND RITUAL FOR THE DEAD 186

ve THE CHEST OF LIFE: COFFINS AND SARCOPHAGI 214

8 THE BURIAL AND MUMMIFICATION OF ANIMALS 244

ILLUSTRATION REFERENCES 267

e still speak of death as one of the great rites of passage of

DEATH AND RESURRECTION

he civilisation of the ancient Egyptians has fascinated the

ATTITUDES TO LIFE AND DEATH

ity of funerary texts, therefore, express an acceptance of death, which is usually

As to the time of deeds on earth,

3. Sandstone relief showing

THE INDIVIDUAL, AND PERSONAL SURVIVAL OF DEATH

The body and the heart

My hair is Nun; my face is Ra; my eyes are Hathor; my ears are

I shall have power in my heart, I shall have power in my arms,

5. Painted wooden pectoral

The relationship of the ka with an individual had some of the character of

10. The ba, depicted as a

The name and the shadow

sentation of the deceased in the form of a statue or a two-dimensional painted or

before the invention of writing, ways of expressing the belief in mythological

The sun god

13. A symbolic depiction of

ACHIEVING IMMORTALITY: BECOMING AKH

THE REALM OF THE DEAD

figurines known as shabtis, which became increasingly common elements of burial

You come in, you go out,

THE JUDGEMENT OF THE DEAD

O Far-strider who came forth from Heliopolis, I have done no falsehood.

O my heart which I had from my mother!

The Osiris scribe Any, justified, is righteous. He has committed no

DEATH AND THE DEAD IN ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SOCIETY

The circumstances of death

A night is assigned for you with oils,

and you on a hearse,

The status of the dead in Egyptian society

substantial resources, manpower and material wealth were expended in equip-

example is inscribed on a stela.

Positive and negative views of death:

Those gods who existed aforetime,

I have heard the words of Imhotep and Hordedef,