Theories of Crime Through Popular Culture: Sarah E. Daly

Theories of
Crime Through
Popular Culture
Edited by
S A R A H E. D A L Y
Theories of Crime Through Popular
Culture
Sarah E. Daly
Editor
Theories of Crime
Through Popular Culture
Editor
Sarah E. Daly
Saint Vincent College
Latrobe, PA, USA
ISBN 978-3-030-54433-1 ISBN 978-3-030-54434-8 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54434-8
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Preface
In 2019, I was driving in the car with Justin, and we heard “Fantastic Voyage” by
Coolio on the radio. I started pointing out elements of the song that represent vari-
ous elements of criminological theory, and it led to an interesting discussion. From
there, I realized how my own love of the discipline is pervasive even in my personal
life, and I wanted to share the idea. I thought it would be both fun and beneficial for
students to understand how criminologists can apply these theories to films, televi-
sion, music, and more, even when those artifacts are not overtly related to criminal
justice or criminology. It is easy to point out criminal justice issues or criminologi-
cal theories at work in Law & Order or Criminal Minds, but less so when watching
The Bachelor or playing Super Mario Brothers.
Around the same time, I had also tweeted about the emotional burden of crimi-
nal justice research. It can be exhausting, depressing, and overwhelming at times.
I asked others in the field for the ways that they cope, and I learned that many
shared the same sentiments. As this project came to life, I also realized that it was
an opportunity to do something different within our field. We rarely have the oppor-
tunity to be so creative or free-flowing or even, dare I say, fun, so this project
became a source of entertainment. Contrary to popular belief, professors and aca-
demics do other things aside from research and teaching, but perhaps predictably,
we never really remove our criminology hat.
This collection of essays is the work of dedicated professors and criminologists
who want to share the ways they see the world and apply theory and research to
even the most unexpected topics. I encourage students and educators to do the
same in their lives and to find criminological theories at work in the most mundane
or non-criminal justice environments. The authors have added their own personal
touches, infused their personalities throughout the readings, and honestly enjoyed
vii
viii Preface
writing these chapters. They are more stylistically diverse and unique than standard
journal articles or academic books, and that was encouraged and celebrated throug-
hout this process. We did not want writing or reading about criminological theories
to be a tedious mandate, but rather a fun exercise that can allow students to peek
into the thoughts and personalities of those who have contributed. Further, I wanted
to use the opportunity to demonstrate the processes and thoughts of those at varying
stages in their careers and criminological studies, showcasing undergraduate and
graduate students, doctoral candidates, and seasoned professors.
Criminological theories and their elements are around us every day, and as
those who seek to participate and work in the criminal justice system, we have a
responsibility to recognize these as the foundation for an understanding of human
behavior in all forms. I hope that readers have as much fun reading these chapters
as the authors did writing them, and I look forward to seeing similar exercises
from young scholars and other academics. Academics, instructors, and students
are encouraged to email me their own applications of theory for possible inclusion
in future volumes.
Latrobe, PA Sarah E. Daly

Acknowledgment
This book would not have been possible without the dedication and excellence of
many people. It has been an honor to work with everyone on this fun and exciting
project.
First and foremost, I have to thank the team at Palgrave Macmillan who were
open to the idea and have provided meaningful insight and direction throughout the
process. Our editor, Josie Taylor, was fantastic in providing feedback about the
content, cost, and aims for the book. Liam Inscoe-Jones, our editorial assistant, has
been supportive in offering information about deadlines, formatting, and finaliza-
tion of the manuscript. I am thankful to have worked with such wonderful people
and an organization that values this project.
Academic Twitter truly came together for this project. Through a vast network
of criminologists, I met incredible people online who have contributed to this book.
Just when we all think that the internet is generally terrible, something amazing
comes to life from social media, and I am grateful that it was a resource that pro-
duced something positive and tangible.
The authors whose work appears in this book have been a joy. They have mira-
culously submitted all drafts and reviews on time and with shrewd and meaningful
input. I am amazed that even at the end of semester slogs, midterm madness, and a
pandemic, they have been punctual and thoughtful. Even more, their excitement
about this project has pushed me to work better, faster, and harder to make this idea
a reality. From students, to practitioners, to academics, everyone has worked to
make their interest in and love of criminological theory accessible for students and
the general reader. I have consistently been in awe of the authors who were there
for all the right reasons and let down their academic walls. They jumped at the
chance to apply elements of our job to our favorite forms of entertainment and the
ix
x Acknowledgment
students who relished the opportunity to apply what they were learning in the clas-
sroom. Thank you to all of you taking time out of your personal and professional
lives to share in this project.
Additionally, those students who helped me to organize emails, reviews, and
drafts made my life infinitely easier. Thank you to Teresa Zambotti and Derek
Fether for their help and for keeping me sane throughout this process.
Thank you to my colleagues and department at Saint Vincent College who sup-
ported me in this and other endeavors and recognized the importance of accessibi-
lity and pedagogical tools. Saint Vincent College is an educational environment
that focuses on teaching and educating, and it has allowed me the academic free-
dom and creativity to pursue endeavors such as this. I am sure that many other de-
ans and chairs would scoff at a junior criminology faculty member writing a piece
on Michael Scott of The Office, but Dean Gary Quinlivan and my chair, Bruce
Antkowiak, have been encouraging and supportive of this project. Similarly, Drs.
Kayla Jachimowski and Eric Kocian in my department not only contributed to this
project but also initially supported the idea and shared excitement about the pro-
ject. As usual, Sandy Frye is the glue who keeps us all together and keeps the de-
partment running, and Eva Kunkel helps us in every way possible.
Finally, thank you to my friends and family who support me in all my professi-
onal goals and share and tolerate my enthusiasm about criminology. My mom,
Marie Daly, is the best publicist I know and the most supportive person on earth,
and my initial conversations with Justin Perry—who always listens to me ramble
on about criminological theory—led to the idea for this book. My personal and
professional life would be far less meaningful and full without people to share
these experiences and achievements, and I am grateful to those I love for their
support and their encouragement.
Contents
1 Introduction to Criminological Theory and Popular Culture�� 1

An
Paige L. Parsley and Morgan P. Murphy
2 Deterrence Theory and Batman �� 7
Eric J. Kocian
3 Social Learning Theory and Mean Girls�� 17
Kayla G. Jachimowski, Ryan J. Lemmon, and Rachel E. Vanetta
4 General Strain Theory and The White Shadow �� 33
David Safin
5 Anomie and The Purge�� 43
Andrea R. Borrego
6 Rational Choice Theory and Friends �� 59
Rachel Baumann
7 Opportunity Theories and Super Mario Bros.�� 69
Victoria A. Sytsma
8 Opportunity Theories and The Bachelor�� 87
Cory Schnell
9 Routine Activity Theory and 13 Reasons Why��107
Colton D. Robinson
10 Self-Control Theory and The Office��123
Sarah E. Daly and Chad Painter
xi
xii Contents
11 Collective Efficacy Theory and Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood��145

Dana Winters and Kristopher Kell
12 Life-Course Theory and Romance ��159
Lauren Humby
13 Labeling Theory and Joker ��173
Shon M. Reed and Breanna Boppre
14 Hegemonic Masculinity and Game of Thrones ��185
Jill A. Kehoe
15 Critical Criminology and Hunger Games��203
Jared M. Hanneman
16 Radical Criminology and Star Wars ��219
Andrew Wilczak
Index�� 239
Notes on Contributors
Rachel Baumann, M.S. holds an M.S. in criminology from Saint Vincent Col-
lege in Latrobe, Pennsylvania, and a B.S. in computer science with a concentration
in cyber-security. Although her interest mainly focuses on cybercrime, an import-
ant skill in this field is understanding people and learning why they do the things
they do. She is new to publishing her work, but she is always ready to learn new
things and gain experiences when opportunities present themselves. She is an eDis-
covery Specialist with Arconic.
Breanna Boppre, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the School of Criminal Ju-

stice at Wichita State University. Her research examines how gender and race shape
system-involvement as well as the impacts of correctional policies and practices.
Her work appears in the International Journal of Offender Therapy and Compara-
tive Criminology, Corrections Policy, Practice, and Research, Victims & Offen-
ders, and The Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice.
Andrea R. Borrego, Ph.D. is Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice and Crimi-

nology at Metropolitan State University. Her main areas of research include police
use of force, LGBTQ victimization, and community perceptions of prisons.
Sarah E. Daly, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the Criminology, Law, and So-
ciety department at Saint Vincent College in Latrobe, Pennsylvania. Before her
career in academia, she was a high school Spanish teacher and school counselor in
New Jersey. Her research includes work on school violence, mass and active shoo-
tings, and gender-based violence. She holds degrees in criminal justice, school
xiii
xiv Notes on Contributors
counseling and applied psychology, and Spanish literature from Rutgers Univer-
sity, University of Pennsylvania, and University of Notre Dame, respectively.
Jared M. Hanneman, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the Department of Socio-

logy and Criminal Justice Studies at Thiel College in Greenville, Pennsylvania—a
small, Lutheran-affiliated college in the liberal arts tradition located about an hour
and a half from Pittsburgh and Cleveland. He holds a Ph.D. in sociology from the
Graduate School and University Center of the City University of New York, an
M.A. in sociology from University of Pittsburgh, and a B.A. in sociology, micro-
biology, and philosophy from Miami University in Oxford, Ohio.
Lauren Humby, Ph.D. is a lecturer in the School of Law and Criminal Justice at
the University of Southern Queensland in Australia. Her research interests focus on
therapeutic animal-centric practices that encourage rehabilitation, reintegration,
and desistance.
Kayla G. Jachimowski, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the Criminology, Law,

and Society department at Saint Vincent College in Latrobe, Pennsylvania. Her
primary areas of research include the intersection of mental health and criminal
justice and statistical methodology in criminology research.
Jill A. Kehoe, Ph.D. is an assistant professor of criminal justice at City University

of New York (CUNY) LaGuardia Community College. Her current work focuses on
offender and situational characteristics of LGBTQ hate crimes. She has one-year-old
twins and hopes that she will be able to watch the final season of Game of Thrones,
let alone write about it.
Kristopher Kell is a master’s student in criminology at Saint Vincent College. He

majored in sociology as an undergraduate and has plans to continue his education
in a doctoral program upon completion of his degree. He also works as a graduate
assistant at the Fred Rogers Center, and his research interests include drug addic-
tions and sexual deviance.
Eric J. Kocian, Ph.D. is an associate professor in the Criminology, Law, and

Society department at Saint Vincent College in Latrobe, Pennsylvania. He has a
true passion for the field of criminology and continually makes great efforts to ex-
pand his knowledge and teaching abilities in all areas of the discipline. He takes
great pride in formulating honest, caring, and personal relationships with his stu-
Notes on Contributors xv
dents. He does his best to assist them with the comprehension of material in class
while helping them decide where their vocational path will lead them when they
leave Saint Vincent College and how they can best serve God and mankind. His
relationship with God remains the most important thing in his life, and he is grate-
ful to have such wonderful, loving, and supportive family members and friends in
close proximity who remind him of His graces and blessings on a continual basis.
He enjoys weightlifting, running, swimming, basketball, good movies, Notre
Dame Football, and the New England Patriots.
Ryan J. Lemmon, M.S. is a criminology graduate student at Saint Vincent Col-

lege. He graduated from Waynesburg University with a dual major in criminal ju-
stice administration and social sciences. He is interested in research on criminolo-
gical theories as well as effective and safe law enforcement practices. He plans on
working with a law enforcement agency in some capacity in the future.
Morgan P. Murphy, M.S. is a doctoral student at University of Central Florida

where she studies the effects of young adults’ direct and indirect exposure to gun
violence. She graduated from Saint Vincent College with her master’s degree in
criminology in 2019 and her bachelor’s degree in criminology in 2018.
Chad Painter, M.S. is a graduate of the criminology master’s program at Saint

Vincent College where he also earned his undergraduate degree. He is pursuing a
career in law enforcement.
Paige L. Parsley, M.S. is a doctoral student at Indiana University of Pennsylva-

nia. She graduated from Saint Vincent College and earned her master’s degree in
criminology in 2018. Her area of research focuses on policing and biosocial crimi-
nology.
Shon M. Reed is a doctoral student in the Department of Criminology and Crimi-

nal Justice at University of Nevada, Las Vegas. His primary research interests focus
on masculinity and crime, gendered system responses to victimization, criminolo-
gical theory, and white nationalism. His work has been published in Child Abuse &
Neglect and the Journal of Drug Issues.
Colton D. Robinson, M.S. holds a master’s degree in criminology from Saint

Vincent College where he also completed his bachelor’s degree. During his acade-
mic career, Colton has written many research papers, presented at an academic
conference, and designed an ongoing study focusing on the public perceptions of
xvi Notes on Contributors
police-worn body cameras. As one who has a love for helping others and ensuring
their safety, Colton aspires to become an officer of law enforcement and has wor-
ked in juvenile probation agencies.
David Safin is Assistant Professor of Communication at Saint Vincent College in

Latrobe, Pennsylvania. He holds a Master of Fine Arts in Film and Digital Techno-
logy from Chatham University in Pittsburgh where he completed the thesis, “You
Had to Be There: Documentary Techniques in Narrative Comedies.” His areas of
interest include video production, television criticism, documentary, and film stu-
dies.
Cory Schnell, Ph.D. is an assistant professor at University of South Carolina. He

holds a Ph.D. from Rutgers University. His research interests include policing,
place-based criminology, and quantitative methods.
Victoria A. Sytsma, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the Department of Socio-

logy at Queen’s University. Her research interests include policing, applied rese-
arch, and open-air drug markets.
Rachel E. Vanetta is a master’s student in criminology at Saint Vincent College.

She graduated in 2019 with her bachelor’s degree, and she plans on attending law
school upon completion.
Andrew Wilczak, Ph.D. is Associate Professor of Criminology and Sociology at

Wilkes University. His research interests include exploring the relationship bet-
ween youth violence and victimization and both mental health and status attain-
ment in early adulthood, with a specific focus on gender and race differences in
these processes. He has a doctorate in sociology from Bowling Green State Univer-
sity and a master’s degree in criminology and criminal justice from Eastern Mi-
chigan University.
Dana Winters, Ph.D. is the Director of Simple Interactions and Academic Pro-
grams for the Fred Rogers Center for Early Learning and Children’s Media at Saint
Vincent College in Latrobe, Pennsylvania. Through projects involving children’s
helpers across many diverse settings, including child care, school systems, commu-
nity programs, residential care, and children’s hospitals, she communicates and
reflects what is simple and deep about work in service of children and their fami-
lies. Dana holds a Ph.D. in administrative and policy studies from University of
Pittsburgh, an M.A. in education from Indiana University of Pennsylvania, and a
B.A. in sociology from Saint Vincent College.
List of Figures
Fig. 3.1 Nine propositions of differential association theory.

(Note: Figure adapted from the propositions in
Sutherland, E. H., Cressey, D. R., & Luckenbill, D. F. (1992).
Principles of Criminology. Dix Hills, NY: General Hall)��19
Fig. 3.2 Seven propositions of differential reinforcement theory.
(Note: Figure adapted from the propositions in Burgess, R., & Akers,
R. (1966). A Differential Association-Reinforcement Theory of
Criminal Behavior. Social Problems, 14, 131)��20
Fig. 3.3 Variables of differential association. (Note: Figure adapted from the
propositions Akers, R. L. (1985). Deviant Behavior: A Social
Learning Approach. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth)��26
Fig. 3.4 Social learning theory: A process. (Note: Figure adapted from the
propositions Burgess, R. L., & Akers, R. L. (1966). A Differential
Association: Reinforcement Theory of Criminal Behavior. Social
Problems, 14, 128–147. ��31
xvii
List of Tables
Table 9.1 Episode guide and the three elements of routine activities theory �� 120
Table 10.1 Grasmick’s scale with Higgins’ revisions��126
xix
An Introduction to Criminological
Theory and Popular Culture 1
Paige L. Parsley and Morgan P. Murphy
An Overview of Criminology
Criminology aims to understand and explain criminal behavior and crime through
observation and extensive research. The overarching idea is that in understanding
criminal behavior, criminologists can better construct programs and policies and
suggest changes that will prove beneficial in reducing or eliminating crime. As
crime evolves and changes, so do the approaches to studying it. As such, crimino-
logy is always a growing field, with new information and insights developing every
day.
The field does not study offenders alone but also considers the role that victims,
law enforcement, environment, and community play in producing or inhibiting
crime. In doing so, criminology recognizes that crime is not the result of a single
person or characteristic, nor does it only affect the offender. Rather, many factors
culminate and lead to criminal behavior. Furthermore, criminology takes into ac-
count that crime not only affects offenders, but also victims, community members,
and members of the criminal justice system. In exploring all of the facets of crime
P. L. Parsley (*)
Indiana University of Pennsylvania, Indiana, PA, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
M. P. Murphy
University of Central Florida, Orlando, FL, USA
© The Author(s) 2021 1

S. E. Daly (ed.), Theories of Crime Through Popular Culture,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54434-8_1
2 P. L. Parsley and M. P. Murphy
and possible explanations for criminal behavior, criminologists are better able to
create a full picture of crime and its occurrences.
Theories as Essential Curriculum
Theory serves as the foundation of criminology. Simply put, a theory acts as a

sensible way for people to understand and help explain criminal behavior and acti-
vity (Bernard, Vold, Snipes, & Gerould, 2016). Theories begin with the observation
of a particular circumstance and are composed of logical, related concepts that al-
low criminologists to understand and explain possible reasons as to why the cir-
cumstance occurred (Kubrin, Stucky, & Krohn, 2009). By their nature, theories are
systematic and provide researchers with the same methods and meaning by which
to replicate and understand phenomena (Kubrin et al., 2009).
It is important to note that theories are not simply criminologists’ personal opi-
nions as to how and why crime occurs. Rather, theories are entrenched in research,
applicable to multiple situations, and easily proven or disproven by other resear-
chers (Akers, Sellers, & Jennings, 2017). Overall, learning about criminological
theories provides students with the tools to better understand the underlying rea-
sons for crime.
Applying and Observing Theories at Work
Individuals’ perceptions of crime and criminal justice can be shaped through popu-
lar culture. For example, movies, television shows, music, commercials, and art are
all sources of entertainment that can possibly shape an individual’s perception.
These sources of entertainment are able to affect what the public believes about
crime and related institutions, particularly if the public has little exposure to or
knowledge about actual crimes. Some popular examples of entertainment are
shows such as Law & Order, CSI, and NYPD Blue. Other examples of popular
criminology include the television show Oz, a 7-Up television commercial, the
movie Lean on Me, and hip-hop music.
Yousman (2009) examines the ways in which the HBO television drama, Oz,
legitimizes both the expansion of the prison-industrial complex and the prevalence
of inhumane prison environments. He highlights the hyperviolence and the framing
of race and class within the television series, and he explains that viewers enjoyed
the violence that was depicted in the series. Many of the viewers expressed how
realistic they believed the portrayed prison life was, while also noting that they had
1 An Introduction to Criminological Theory and Popular Culture 3
never been to jail or prison in their lifetime. The series depicted 72 deaths throug-
hout the six seasons, and the vast majority of those deaths were portrayed as homi-
cides. In contrast to the television show’s depiction of prison life and violence, the
most prevalent leading causes of death in prison are suicide, disease, or old age
(Yousman, 2009). As a result, individuals’ perceptions of prison life were shaped
based on the television show of the HBO television show Oz.
A 7-Up television commercial created by Young & Rubicam caused an uproar
when they based a commercial on the old saying, “Don’t drop the soap.” The com-
mercial begins with the protagonist in a prison, who drops a can of 7-Up. He then
turns to the camera and says, “I’m not picking that up.” Next, the actor sits in a cell
with an incarcerated individual who has his arm around him. The actor goes on to
say, “When you drink 7-Up, everyone is your friend.” A few seconds later, the actor
says “OK, that is enough being friends.” The commercial then fades to black, but
viewers are still able to hear the actor say “Hey, where are you going?”
The commercial was later removed from television after two months as a result
of the nature of the ad. The activist group, Stop Prisoner Rape, led the campaign to
have the ad taken off of television. The organization believed that the ad was ma-
king light of and joking about prison rape, and they argued that it would skew indi-
viduals’ perceptions of prison rape (Whitehead, 2010). When television shows and
ads make prison rape jokes, they normalize the idea of prison rape. As an idea—in
this case, prison rape—becomes normalized, there is a possibility that it is not ta-
ken as seriously as it should be, and it becomes a part of common rhetoric about
and widely accepted beliefs.
Another example of criminological theories in popular culture is the movie,
Lean on Me. Based on a New Jersey high school principal, Joe Clark, a Black
educator, who was hired in order to improve the conditions of a predominantly
African-American high school and, primarily, to raise students’ test scores in order
to prevent the state from taking over the school. In his first act as principal, Clark
expels 300 students that were “identified” as drug dealers or troublemakers. Clark
not only expelled students, but he also fired teachers that did not agree with his
radical measures.
Irwin Hyman (1989) discusses how the movie is misleading and how easily
society can be deceived when offered an easy solution. After the movie was relea-
sed, there was public support for Clark and his tough-guy antics. Individuals even
cheered for his actions against the students and teachers. If these radical tactics
were used on a parent’s child, they would not be cheering for Clarks’ tactics but
would be arguing against them.
Hyman (1989) argues that if these tactics were used by a white principal, then
the principal and tactics would be racist. However, since they were performed by
an African American principal, they are not. In reality, the takeover of the school
by the state was never a threat. Furthermore, the test scores of Clark’s students on
the New Jersey High School Proficiency Test were the lowest in the state for 1986
through 1988 (Hyman, 1989).
Regarding popular criminology, the concern is that Lean on Me could shape
individuals’ perceptions of the public-school system. For example, an individual
could reasonably conclude that expelling “troublemakers” is an efficient way to
quickly improve a school environment. Moreover, audiences could view Clark’s
radical actions as acceptable or even desirable when considering options for impro-
ving a school system if they were to base their opinions on the movie alone. As
such, the movie paints a particularly unrealistic, somewhat dangerous standard for
viewers.
Hip-hop music is another source of popular culture that has the potential to af-
fect individuals’ perceptions of society. Due to lyrics that are commonly used,
hip-hop music is widely associated with violence (Taylor & Taylor, 2007). For
example, the popular song “Murder on My Mind” by YNW Melly was in the top
20 on the Billboard Hot 100 and was also No. 1 on Apple Music (Anderson, 2019;
Eustice, 2019). The popular song refers to YNW Melly shooting and killing two of
his friends. Melly even turned himself in to the police and was charged with two
counts of first-degree murder (Hopkins, 2019). The use of explicit, violent lyrics
can encourage or lead many youths to copy and act out the lyrics that they hear in
songs, though there are other legal concerns about freedom of speech, hip-hop and
other music as art rather than a glorification of violence. Individuals, most likely
youth, could be affected by hip-hop music and what they believe about music and
crime. The study of criminological theories present in hip-hop could be a unique
pedagogical tool as well as a historical evaluation and artistic representation of a
specific time period. Further, it can highlight the ways in which popular culture can
affect views and perspectives about groups of people, leading to a larger discussion
of popular criminology.
Popular Criminology and This Book
Popular criminology is a conceptual approach used to interrogate popular under-

standings of crime and criminal justice and examine the interconnections between
crime culture and media (Kohm, 2017). Movies, television shows, music, art, and
literature are a few sources of popular criminology that criminologists use. Popular
criminology as a field of study could expand the ways in which scholars approach
1 An Introduction to Criminological Theory and Popular Culture 5
the study of crime and criminal behavior. This book provides several examples of
how criminologists can apply criminological theory to popular culture.
The layout of this book is designed to give students insight into how criminolo-
gists think about issues. In applying criminological theory to popular culture, the
authors show how deeply criminological theory pervades everyday life, not only
for the authors themselves but also for the subjects about which they write. The
book will change the lens through which students look at the world around them
and encourage them to consider the theoretical underpinnings of the books, mo-
vies, and music that they love.
As students read, they should notice that each chapter differs from the next in
both topic and approach. While this design may seem unusual for students, parti-
cularly those who have only encountered only more formal texts, it will show them
that there is not one single “right way” to think about criminology. In fact, it is
these nuances in how criminologists think and consider topics that create new ways
to consider criminological issues. The importance of innovative thinking is in-
valuable, as it keeps the criminology field moving forward and progressing.
Students will also note that each author has his or her own writing style and
process through which they convey their findings. Unlike peer-reviewed journal
articles that have a specific layout and rigid requirements, this book allowed the
authors more freedom to express their points of view regarding popular crimino-
logy and theoretical thinking. The strengths of this design are twofold: (1) Writing
a chapter was fun for the authors, rather than an exercise in checking off a list of
requirements for a peer-reviewed journal article. (2) Students are able to observe
that success in the criminological field is not necessarily determined by a particular
writing style or format, but rather the ability to think critically and articulate fin-
dings.
Moving Forward
From here, it is our greatest hope that students take the idea of applying criminolo-
gical theories to popular culture and do the same. Whether the songs that students
listen to remind them of strain theory or they recognize that the plot of the movie
they are watching has a plot riddled with elements of deterrence that heightened
level of thinking is our goal.
References
Akers, R. L., Sellers, C. S., & Jennings, W. G. (2017). Criminological theories: Introduction,
evaluation, and application (7th ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Anderson, T. (2019, February 28). YNW Melly’s “Murder on My Mind” Blasts into Top
20 on Billboard Hot 100. Billboard. Retrieved from https://www.billboard.com/articles/
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Bernard, T. J., Vold, G. B., Snipes, J. B., & Gerould, A. L. (2016). Vold‘s theoretical crimi-
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Deterrence Theory and Batman
The Dark Knight of Deterrence
2
Eric J. Kocian
“Why bats, Master Wayne?” asked Alfred, as Bruce Wayne molded a throwing
weapon into the shape of the nocturnal creature. “Bats frighten me. It’s time my
enemies share my dread” (Nolan, 2005, 0:59). Batman comic books, movies, and
television series hover around the theme of a billionaire orphan assuming the role
of the Batman in order to fight crime and keep the people of Gotham City safe from
those who prey upon its citizens. Like many other superhero characters, Bruce
Wayne suffered a tremendous loss earlier in his life when he witnessed the murder
of his parents, Martha and Thomas Wayne. This event sparked a flame inside young
Bruce to fight crime and victimization, relying on his extreme intellect, rigorous
training, and vast family fortune.
Yet, despite the high-tech devices and weapons found on his Bat-belt, the state
of the art computers and intelligence software in the Bat cave, and the military-style
land (Batmobile), sea (Batsub), and aircraft (Batwing) vehicles, the tool utilized
most by Batman in bringing about justice was the element of fear. Before his pas-
sing, Thomas Wayne taught young Bruce the valuable lesson that “all creatures feel
fear” (Nolan, 2005, 0:11). It was a life lesson that Bruce Wayne came to fully un-
derstand and master to protect Gotham, as evidenced by his life’s work and the
manner he fulfilled it.
E. J. Kocian (*)
Saint Vincent College, Latrobe, PA, USA

8 E. J. Kocian
Long before Bruce Wayne became Batman, taking to the streets with a hatred of
evil and a desire to bring about justice; turning fear against those who prey on the
fearful, Cesare Beccaria published his book On Crimes and Punishments.
Beccaria’s 1764 manuscript on criminal law reform received instant interest and
appreciation for his unique perspectives on crime, those who partake in criminal
behaviors, and those who seek to punish them accordingly. Beccaria argued that
the law needed to be impartial, with equal sanctions applied to anyone who enga-
ged in antisocial behaviors, but in a manner mild and humane and proportional to
the crime (Beccaria, 1764/1986).
In the world of criminology, Beccaria’s work epitomizes classical theory. The
starting premise for classical criminology theories is that human behavior is a re-
sult of free will: a rational calculation of risk/reward or pain/pleasure. Behavior,
according to classical criminologists, assumes a cost-benefit analysis (Akers &
Sellers, 2009; Bernard, Snipes, & Gerould, 2016). In other words, people make
decisions based on the extent they believe their choice of behavior options will
maximize their pleasure and/or minimize their pain.
Crime occurs when the perceived benefits or pleasures of a certain act outweigh
the perceived costs, or when people pursue their own self-interests because effec-
tive punishment is lacking (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). They argue,
All individuals choose to obey or violate the law by a rational calculation of the risk
of pain versus potential pleasure derived from an act. In contemplating a criminal act,
they take into account the probable legal penalties and the likelihood they will be
caught. (Akers, 2000, p. 16)
Beccaria argued that punishments should be such that the cost of crime exceeds the
rewards of crime, deterring people from engaging in criminal behaviors out of fear
of being punished (Akers & Sellers, 2009; Bernard et al., 2016).
When dissecting the constructs of Beccaria’s deterrence theory, the element of
fear remains apparent. All creatures feel fear. This was a lesson both Cesare
Beccaria and Bruce Wayne (Batman) taught humanity in their own, unique ways.
The purpose of this chapter is to explore the many ways in which Beccaria’s deter-
rence theory cloaks itself in the cowl of the Caped Crusader character in order to
provide a better understanding of Beccaria’s Batman, also known as The Dark
Knight of Deterrence.
2 Deterrence Theory and Batman 9
Two Facets, Same Subject
Specific deterrence and general deterrence operate similarly to that of Bruce Wayne
and Batman: two identities, but the same subject. Bruce Wayne, the eccentric billi-
onaire playboy, focused his attention and efforts on running Wayne enterprises and
making sound financial decisions that benefitted his individual lifestyle. Batman,
on the other hand, the vigilante crime-fighter, focused his attention and efforts on
scouring the city streets in search of villains. He did so to ensure Gotham citizens
were protected, in order to benefit society as a whole.
Deterrence theory can best be understood and viewed in terms of specific deter-
rence and general deterrence, two identities dealing with the same subject matter.
Specific deterrence focuses on the individual and the punishment he or she suffered
as a result of a crime or forbidden behavior in which they were caught and punis-
hed. When that individual is given the opportunity to engage in said behavior again,
for which he or she was previously punished, theoretically speaking, the person
will choose not to do it again out of fear of the impending punishment (Akers &
Sellers, 2009).
An example of how specific deterrence works theoretically can be found in the
sentiments of media personality and model, Paris Hilton. In 2007, Paris Hilton was
arrested for driving with a suspended license following her driving under the influ-
ence (DUI) arrest. She was sentenced to serve 45 days in jail, serving 23 days be-
fore being placed on house arrest. In an interview with Larry King following her
release, Paris said she would “never again drink and drive and that her time in jail
was ‘a time-out in life’” (HULIQ, 2007, n.p.). The punishment instilled in Paris
Hilton a fear about choosing to drink and drive and, as a result of the reprimand she
received, she will choose not to partake in that behavior again.
General deterrence, on the other hand, operates a little differently with attention
paid to how the punishment of someone else affects all others in society. The gene-
ral deterrent effect occurs when someone in society is caught and punished for a
crime. The wrongdoer serves as an example and theoretically speaking, others in
society will choose not to engage in the same type of behavior out of fear they will
be punished similarly. The punishment for bad behavior serves as an example to
others in society, and it is believed they will be afraid to engage in the same beha-
vior for which someone else was punished (Akers & Sellers, 2009).
In keeping with the Paris Hilton example, her punishment (jail time) for driving
under the influence of alcohol and driving with a suspended license should deter
others from committing the crimes she committed. The other members of society
knew what she did because of her celebrity status. They knew what the punishment
10 E. J. Kocian
was that followed as a result of the news coverage. Therefore, fear of punishment
would cause them to make a different choice when placed in a similar situation to
Hilton’s.
Commissioner Jim Gordon best realized the impact of a general deterrent effect
as a result of Batman’s efforts in Gotham. Commissioner Gordon maximized that
value by striking fear into criminals, most notably with his use of the Bat-signal.
The Bat-signal was a large projection light housed on the rooftop of the Gotham
City Police Department and, when lit, cast a brilliant Bat-symbol across the
Gotham nightline. This signal served as a way to communicate with Batman and
alert him that his efforts were required, but it also served as a means to strike fear
into potential lawbreakers by letting them know Batman could be in the general
vicinity (DC Database, n.d.).
As mentioned previously, classical theorists assume human beings are guided
by their own free will, and decisions for law-abiding behaviors and law violations
are the result of personal choice (Beccaria, 1764/1986). If behavior, including
crime, is a result of choice and individuals exercise their free will to engage in such
behaviors, Beccaria stressed the idea of deterrence through punishment in order to
decrease criminal behaviors. As stated earlier, this calculation is rooted in the indi-
vidual’s prior experience with punishment, either specifically or generally (Akers,
2000). Crime, according to this line of thinking, essentially would be controlled by
the law if the perceived “cost” or punishment for a violation of a behavior outweig-
hed the perceived reward.
If criminals believed Batman lurked about in the shadows, waiting to punish
those who violated the law, deterrence theory would suggest people would be too
afraid to offend because the cost of unlawful behavior outweighed the potential
reward. The potential for physical confrontation with Batman and his brand of ju-
stice, coupled with the likelihood of punishment from Gotham’s legal brand of ju-
stice, made it advantageous for people to obey the law. In short, it would not be
worth the risk of engaging in whatever nefarious act considered because the risk
outweighed the reward: an essential concept to the theory. This has often been re-
ferred to as the felicific calculus principle, where people seek to obtain an agree-
able balance of pleasure and pain (Schmalleger & Bartollas, 2008).
oly Ingredients, Batman (The Swiftness, Certainty,

H
and Severity of Punishment)
From 1966 through 1968, Adam West held the title role of Batman in the famed
television series (IMDb TV, n.d.). Anytime he or his trusty sidekick, Robin, would
find themselves in a battle throwing punches at evildoers, words insinuating the

power their punches carried would flash across the scene. This lets viewers know
how those blows resonated in the minds and bodies of the culprits. It was unmista-
kable to viewers of all ages that the lawbreakers were being punished by Batman
(and Robin).
Beccaria argued the main objective of punishment should be deterrence. “To be
deterred, offenders must stop to weigh the costs and benefits, be aware of the pen-
alties, find those penalties intolerable, and have other more attractive options”
(Vincent & Hofer, 1994, p. 11). In order to achieve deterrence, punishments should
be based on the principles of celerity (swiftness), certainty, and severity proportio-
nal to the crime (Akers, 2000; Beccaria, 1764/1986; Cullen & Agnew, 2003).
Celerity, or swiftness, refers to the amount of time that passes between the com-
mission of an illegal act and the implementation of punishment on that individual.
The more “swift” or immediate a punishment follows an unwanted behavior, the
more meaningful and useful the punishment will be to the individual and perhaps
society as a whole (Akers, 2000). Beccaria (1764/1986) stated in his book, On
Crimes and Punishments, “the more prompt the punishment is and the sooner it
follows the crime, the more just and useful it will be” (p. 36).
In applying swiftness to Batman and his brand of justice to assess how effective
he was in satisfying Beccaria’s first requirement for deterrence, one can make the
argument that the Dark Knight delivered his punishment in a most expeditious
manner. Whether Batman restrained criminals at the scene of the crime without
much of a struggle or he delivered a beat-down before incapacitating them, the vi-
gilante crime-fighter brought about “street-style” justice immediately. Compared
to the criminal justice system, where due process and the rights of the accused de-
lay punishment for those convicted or pleading guilty to a crime, Batman measured
out and administered punishment more rapidly than any formal, governmental sys-
tem could for aforementioned reasons.
Proportional severity of punishment deals with the strength or intensity of an
imposed punishment when a specific behavior has occurred (Gray, Miranne III,
Ward, &Menke, 1982). Severity concerns fitting the amount of punishment in pro-
portion to the damage the crime had on society. The punishment remanded to the
offender should be such that it is severe enough to outweigh the benefits of the
crime, but not overly severe, as unjust punishments will not deter (Akers, 2000;
Beccaria, 1764/1986).
When looking at the level of severity Batman levied toward criminals, he appe-
ars to have found the perfect balance of rigor and harshness. His level of force
(severity) depended on the seriousness of the crime and the threats posed by the
individuals perpetrating them. From all cinematic and literary accounts, Batman
12 E. J. Kocian
levied his most stern punishments on those who posed the biggest threats to the
overall well-being of society. Batman continually dug deeper into his repertoire of
reprimands to provide appropriate penance for those who sinned against humanity.
Whether it be the Joker, the Penguin, Bane, or the Riddler, it is hard to argue that
the common thief or drug dealer was dealt with as harshly as those terrorists who
endangered the citizens of Gotham the most. To the observer, Batman’s recipe of
reckoning captured the perfect balance of retribution and equity toward all he ser-
ved.
Certainty deals with the chances that an individual will be punished for an ille-
gal or unwanted behavior (Gray et al., 1982). Increasing the certainty of punish-
ment if someone engages in an illegal behavior decreases the probability that the
individual will continue to engage in illegal behavior because of the perceived like-
lihood of being punished (Akers, 2000; Beccaria, 1764/1986). In deterrence rese-
arch, certainty remains the most important of the three elements (Beccaria,
1764/1986; Bernard et al., 2016). Certainty of punishment remains the most diffi-
cult to attain and/or assess, even with child-rearing practices or violations of crimi-
nal statutes. Not all crimes or violations are reported and oftentimes, people suc-
cessfully complete criminal acts multiple times before getting caught.
While it remains impossible to punish every single time a bad behavior occurs,
the idea Batman (and other deterrence theorists) subscribe to looks for ways to in-
crease the certainty of punishment. “The certainty of punishment, even if it be
moderate, will always make a stronger impression than the fear of another which is
more terrible but combined with the hope of impunity; even the least evils, when
they are certain, always terrify men’s minds” (Bernard et al., 2016, p. 9).
In the final scene of Batman Begins, Jim Gordon reports the progress of
Batman’s efforts to him by stating, “You really started something here; bad cops
running scared; hope in the streets…” to which Batman responds, “We can bring
Gotham back” (Nolan, 2005, 2:09). This entire conversation serves homage to
Beccaria’s respect for the certainty of punishment and the idea that Batman’s ef-
forts are helping to meet that requirement.
Further proof of Batman triumphing in achieving the perception of certainty
that criminals will be punished takes place in The Dark Knight when the Joker first
meets with the mob bosses of Gotham. The Joker begins by saying, “Let’s wind the
clocks back a year. These cops and lawyers would never cross you. What happe-
ned? Did your balls drop off? I know why you are afraid to go out at night: The
Batman” (Nolan, 2008, 0:23–0:24). Although never directly referenced by Gordon
or the Joker, the certainty of punishment manifested in Batman’s pursuit of justice
facilitated both his sense of deterrence and justice.
Batman’s and Beccaria’s Boundaries
Throughout the history of the Batman comic books and cinematic portrayals, ques-
tions about Batman and his taking of human life have been debated. Some contest
that Batman killed the Joker in a 1988 comic book episode, entitled The Killing
Joke, while others argue the Batman did not take the Joker’s life at that time
(Burlingame, 2017; Crump, 2013).
In Christopher Nolan’s Batman Begins, the final step for Bruce Wayne’s trai-
ning to become a member of the League of Shadows required him to execute a
farmer accused of stealing his neighbor’s land and killing him. Bruce Wayne con-
fesses that he is no executioner and that the man should be tried for the accusations
against him. Bruce is told that his compassion is a weakness his enemies will not
share, to which he responds, “That’s why it’s so important: it separates us from
them. This man should be tried” (Nolan, 2005, 0:36). Batman’s appreciation for
human life rests on the same foundation as Beccaria’s work, regardless of whether
or not Batman killed the Joker or other villains most dangerous to society. Batman
recognizes the benefits of utilizing the criminal justice system and not punishing
overly harshly, conceding that incarceration provides a more equitable outcome
than death.
Beccaria believed that capital punishment was not a right, but instead was a war
of the nation against a citizen and not useful or necessary, with the exception of two
rare circumstances. Beccaria’s first argument in favor of capital punishment occur-
red when the security of the nation was threatened by the existence of someone
whose mere life presence produced the threat of a revolution. The second justifica-
tion for the use of capital punishment provided by Beccaria involved the scenario
where death served as the one and only deterrent to discourage others from com-
mitting crimes (Beccaria, 1764/1986).
Alfred, in a comic book speech, said, “There are reasons not to kill. We’ve dis-
cussed these before. To say that murder is immoral is too vague. Killing, even once,
even with reasons, strips you of your humanity” (White, 2019, p. 151). Alfred’s
soliloquy resonated throughout the Batcave and echoed Beccaria’s creed concer-
ning the taking of a human life. Batman does allow for exceptions and, while not
explicitly stated, they pertain to conditions similar to those expressed by Beccaria.
Four specific instances exist where Batman either allowed a wrongdoer to pe-
rish or purposely caused their death. All four occurrences involved exceptionally
sinister and remarkably dangerous extremists who accounted for the innumerable
deaths of Gotham citizens. Batman’s justification for said actions revolved around
the notion that their capture and imprisonment would not guarantee adequate
14 E. J. Kocian
p rotection for society, due to their abilities to escape/orchestrate crimes from jail
and/or their destructive actions were so heinous an example needed to be made out
of them (White, 2019). The rational parallels Beccaria’s seamlessly. After blocka-
ding a door, ensuring a Soviet Union assassin would die, rather than apprehend
him, Batman thought to himself, “Sometimes circumstances are such that rules
pervert justice. I’m not in the business to protect rules. I serve justice” (White,
2019, p. 160).
Becoming Legends
The philosophies, practices, and punitive ideologies between Batman and Beccaria
harmonize impeccably. Both men similarly hypothesized human nature, prescribed
parallel courses of action to curtail unwanted behaviors, and realized the import-
ance of guarding against abuses and atrocities associated with punishment. Their
respective work remains in the upper echelons of respect and acclaim of their cor-
responding fields and persists as the subject of countless opinions, educated deba-
tes, and rigorous studies. Essential to properly understanding either composition
entails recognizing and appreciating how fear of punishment influences human
behavior. Bruce Wayne articulated it best before his training began when he proc-
laimed, “I seek the means to fight injustice; to turn fear against those who prey on
the fearful” (Nolan, 2005, 0:08).
As a result of their masterpieces in their given concentrations, both Batman and
Beccaria live on as literary classics. Deterrence theory remains the posterchild for
the classical school of criminology while Batman posters hang about comic book-
stores, movie theaters, and the walls of Caped Crusader fans’ bedrooms. Their
impact remains mythical, leaving readers and aficionados to wonder how men like
Cesare Beccaria and Bruce Wayne, neither with any unearthly superpowers to
speak of, could elevate themselves to such lofty heights. Perhaps the answer to
such inquiry can be found in the words spoken to Bruce Wayne early on during his
training; “If you make yourself more than just a man, if you devote yourself to an
ideal, and if they can’t stop you, then you become something else entirely… a le-
gend, Mr. Wayne” (Nolan, 2005, 0:05). Suffice it to say, amongst other things,
Batman and Beccaria remain legends of deterrence and crusaders for criminology.
Discussion Questions
1. Deterrence theory focuses more on punishment than it does on rehabilitation.

Can Deterrence Theory remain relevant during times when the Criminal Justice
System focuses more on rehabilitation and education than it does on punish-

ment and incapacitation?
2. Deterrence theory assumes people make decisions on the extent they wish to
maximize pleasure and/or minimize pain. Do you think human beings are rati-
onal creatures or do you believe behavior is more determined by forces outside
of our control?
3. Critics argue that deterrence theory is not effective at altering behavior compa-
red to other theories. Think about raising an infant or house-training a pet.
When you witness a behavior you wish to change in that child or pet, what
methods do you find to be most successful? Do those methods coincide with
deterrence theory or are they in direct opposition to deterrence theory?
4. What are some policy recommendations you can suggest using deterrence the-
ory as the theoretical foundation for your argument?
5. Deterrence theory states that certainty is the most important element of punish-
ment and severity is the least important element of punishment. Why do you
think we have a tendency in the criminal justice system to focus more on se-
verity of punishment than certainty of punishment?
References
Akers, R. L. (2000). Criminological Theories: Introduction, Evaluation, and Application
(8th ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury Publishing Company.
Akers, R. L., & Sellers, C. S. (2009). Criminological Theories: Introduction, Evaluation,
and Application (5th ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Beccaria, C. (1986). On Crimes and Punishments (D. Young, Trans.). Indianapolis, IN:
Hackett Publishing. (Original work published 1764).
Bernard, T. J., Snipes, J. B., & Gerould, A. L. (2016). Vold’s Theoretical Criminology (7th
ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Burlingame, R. (2017). Did Batman Kill the Joker in Alan Moores’ The Killing Joke?
Retrieved from https://comicbook.com/blog/2013/08/16/did-batman-kill-the-joker-in-
alan-moores-the-killing-joke/
Crump, A. (2013). Did Batman Kill the Joker at the End of Killing Joke? Movie News Screen
Rant. Retrieved from https://screenrant.com/the-killing-joke-batman-killed-joker-grant-
morrison/
Cullen, F. T., & Agnew, R. (2003). Criminological Theory: Past to Present (2nd ed.). Los
Angeles, CA: Roxbury Publishing Company.
DC Database. (n.d.). Bat-Signal. Retrieved from https://dc.fandom.com/wiki/Bat-Signal
Gray, L. N., Miranne III, A. C., Ward, D. A., & Menke, B. (1982). A Game Theoretical
Analysis of the Components of Punishment. Social Psychology Quarterly, 45(4), 206–
212.
16 E. J. Kocian
HULIQ. (2007). Paris Hilton Tells She Will Never Drink and Drive. Retrieved from http://
www.huliq.com/25843/paris-hilton-tells-she-will-never-drink-and-drive
IMDb TV. (n.d.). Batman. Retrieved from https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0059968/
Nolan, C. (Director). (2005). Batman Begins [Motion Picture]. Burbank, CA: Warner
Brothers Entertainment Inc. Blue Ray.
Nolan, C. (Director). (2008). The Dark Knight [Motion Picture]. Burbank, CA: Warner
Brothers Entertainment Inc. Blue Ray.
Schmalleger, F., & Bartollas, C. (2008). Juvenile Delinquency. Boston, MA: Pearson
Education, Inc..
Vincent, B. S., & Hofer, P. J. (1994). The Consequences of Mandatory Minimum Prison
Terms: A Summary of Recent Findings. Washington, DC: Federal Judicial Center.
White, M. D. (2019). Batman and Ethics. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley Blackwell.
Social Learning Theory and Mean
Girls 3
“You Can’t Sit with Us”: An Application of Social
Learning Theory
Kayla G. Jachimowski, Ryan J. Lemmon

and Rachel E. Vanetta
A Brief Introduction to Social Learning Theory
Social learning theories focus on the process, application, and learning of criminal
or delinquent behaviors during the socialization of juveniles. More specifically,
how those who are close to the juvenile, for example, teachers, family members,
religious leaders, or peers can affect the ways in which an individual interacts with
the world and people around them. Consider the concept of “hate.” It is a well-held
notion that hate is a learned behavior; the constant exposure to negative feelings,
contacts, or ideology can plant the seeds that lead to violent, hateful encounters.
Similarly, social learning theorists believe that crime and delinquency are learned,
though the specifics of how the behaviors are learned vary between the theories.
Most theorists credit Edwin Sutherland’s differential association theory as the start
of more modern-day social learning theories. Ronald Akers (1994) articulates that
his theory is a “reformulation and extension” of Sutherland’s take on learned cri-
minal behavior (as cited in Cullen & Agnew, 2011, p. 130).
While there are many social learning theories to consider, both empirically and
historically, this chapter focuses on three theories: differential association theory
(Sutherland 1947), differential reinforcement theory (Burgess & Akers, 1966), and
K. G. Jachimowski (*) · R. J. Lemmon · R. E. Vanetta


18 K. G. Jachimowski et al.
social learning theory (SLT) (Akers, 1994). The chapter is broken into two parts.
First, it is an overview of two of the theories mentioned above and their relevance
as it builds to understanding the application of SLT. Second, the movie Mean Girls
was chosen specifically because of its pop culture icon status. In addition to the
awards, nominations, and celebrity mentions, the movie has topped charts for its
witty portrayal of high school, the adaption of a screenplay from a book, and the
memorable quotes the authors continue to use throughout this chapter. Sutherland,
and other social learning theorists, suggests that peer-groups play a critical role in
learned behavior; as such, the authors of this chapter picked a piece of media that
focuses explicitly on the hardships of peer relationships in high school at that.
Differential Association
Edwin Sutherland’s (1939) differential association is the first complete look at

what would later become a cornerstone for social learning theorists. However, it is
worth mentioning that he spent eight years perfecting his theory (as cited in Cullen
& Agnew, 2011). In Sutherland’s theory, the emphasis was not on how behavior
was learned, but rather what was learned. He believed that was the only difference
between conforming to societal norms and engaging in criminal behavior (Williams
& McShane, 2010). Unfortunately, given the complexities of his nine propositions
(discussed below) and the empirical nightmare of attempting to test some of the
central concepts, differential association was frequently critiqued as a theory that
cannot achieve empirical validity. In fact, despite attempts, Lanier, Henry, and
Anastasia (2015) suggest that, even though some concepts have received support,
the evidence suggests the theory is too complex and unclear to be successfully
tested.
It is well beyond the scope of this book chapter to discuss, in detail, Sutherland’s
nine propositions of differential association. However, it is essential to know them
to understand how Akers (1994) expands on the part of these concepts. Additionally,
the second theory discussed, differential reinforcement, also stems from these pro-
posed processes of how individuals begin engaging in criminal behavior. The au-
thors have provided these, in brief, in Fig. 3.1. However, they would like to empha-
size that learning theorists maintain that criminal behavior is learned and spent the
next 60 or so years attempting to define and expand on the concepts presented in
Sutherland’s differential association theory. Furthermore, Burgess and Akers
(1966) maintained several of the general propositions proposed by Sutherland
while clarifying their position (see Fig. 3.2).
3 Social Learning Theory and Mean Girls 19
1. Criminal behavior is learned

2. Criminal behavior is learned through interactions with other persons in a process of
communication.
3. The principal part of the learning of criminal behavior occurs within intimate personal
groups.
4. When criminal behavior is learned, the learning includes (a) techniques of committing
the crime, which are sometimes very complicated sometimes very simple; (b) the
specific direction of motive, drives, rationalizations, and attitudes.
5. The specific direction of motives and drive is learned from definitions of the legal
codes as favorable or unfavorable.
6. A person becomes delinquent because of an excess of definitions favorable to violation
of law.
7. Differential associations may vary in frequency, duration, priority, and intensity.
8. The process of learning criminal behavior by association with criminal and anti-
criminal patterns involves all of the mechanisms that are involved in any other
learning.
9. While criminal behavior is an expression of general needs and values, it is not
explained by those general needs and values since non-criminal behavior is an
expression of the same needs and values.
Fig. 3.1 Nine propositions of differential association theory. (Note: Figure adapted from the
propositions in Sutherland, E. H., Cressey, D. R., & Luckenbill, D. F. (1992). Principles of
Criminology. Dix Hills, NY: General Hall)
Differential Reinforcement (Burgess & Akers, 1966)
Initially, three theorists attempted to address the limitations of Sutherland’s diffe-

rential association theory, C. Ray Jeffery (1965) and Burgess and Akers (1966), by
blending Sutherland’s theory with an emphasis on Skinner’s concept of operant
conditioning (Lanier et al., 2015). Simply speaking, this is the idea that behaviors
can be adapted following a series of punishments and reinforcements. Tibbetts
(2015) suggested that due to the nature of academia being too “intradisciplinary,”
it is likely Sutherland would have considered adding operant conditioning to his
theory had it been a more well-known concept (p. 142). After deciding that Jeffrey’s
(1965) definitions and concepts of learning theory still lacked clarity, Burgess and
Akers made attempts to reformulate learning theories to concepts that were more
testable than the ones proposed (Williams & McShane, 2010). Most specifically,
Burgess and Akers (1966) approached differential reinforcement from a position of
punishment, specifically that punishment could be positive if it leads to a decrease
in unwanted behavior.
1. Criminal behavior is learned according to the principles of operant conditioning

2. Deviant behavior is learned both in nonsocial situations that are reinforcing or
discriminating and through that social interactions in which the behavior of other
persons is reinforcing or discriminating for such criminal behavior
3. The central proposition of learning criminal behavior is found in groups which make
up most of the individual’s reinforcement.
4. Specific skills, techniques, avoidance tactics, and attitudes are functions of the
effective and available reinforcers and the existing reinforcement contingencies.
5. Classes of behaviors which are learned and frequently occurring, are reinforcements
which are effective, available, and reinforced by the norms were the reinforcers are
applied.
6. Criminal behavior is a function of learning behaviors (criminal in nature) that is more
highly reinforced when compared to noncriminal behavior.
7. Learned criminal behavior is directly related to the probability, frequency, and amount
of reinforcement of the behavior. These interactions rely on the attitudes, norms, and
inclinations of the group.
Fig. 3.2 Seven propositions of differential reinforcement theory. (Note: Figure adapted
from the propositions in Burgess, R., & Akers, R. (1966). A Differential Association-
Reinforcement Theory of Criminal Behavior. Social Problems, 14, 131)
Secondly, though all their propositions can be seen in Fig. 3.2, an emphasis on
differential reinforcement is the role of imitation and modeling in reinforcing be-
haviors across the spectrum of what is socially acceptable. Influenced by the work
of Bandura, which suggests that while operant conditioning is vital as a form of
conditioning, they maintained that individuals can learn simply by watching the
actions of other people. Arguably, Bandura plays an extremely important role in
Burgess and Akers (1966) theory of differential reinforcement because it focuses
on how the modeling of behaviors of adults and, relevant to this chapter, peers can
change how a juvenile mimics behaviors, which are favorable (this is outside of the
legality of said behavior).
As with all criminological theories, there are criticisms of this theory. Most
notably, the theory is criticized that its propositions continue to be tautological
(Tibbetts, 2015). Simply put, it cannot be specified, which variables presented in
Burgess and Akers’ (1966) differential reinforcement theory come first in their list
of propositions. Even more specifically, Tibbetts (2015) offers the example that if
individuals are offending because they have seen others offend, and they have seen
positive results from criminal behavior, it makes sense that they would believe
criminal behavior is good and increase the likelihood of offending. Secondly, it is
still challenging to determine the association of peers and whether that occurs be-
fore or after the delinquent behavior. However, despite these criticisms, differential
association theory is possibly the most empirically valid theory outside of those
who fall under integrated criminological theories (Tibbetts, 2015).
Both of these theories play an enormous role in understanding the necessary
foundations of Akers’ SLT because they have informed the understanding of the
direction of how criminal behavior may be learned. One point the authors wish to
make is the distinction between micro- and macro-level theories: most simply put,
individual-level theories (micro-level theories) versus group-level theories
(macro-level theories). This difference is important because criminological theo-
ries have difficulty explaining differences among groups of people, that is, socioe-
conomic status, sex, race, geographical locations, to name a few. Sutherland’s dif-
ferential association and Burgess and Akers’ differential reinforcement are
micro-level theories (meaning their focus is on individuals). Neither theory
attempts to extrapolate their concepts as macro-level (focusing on groups). Akers’
SLT was extended in 1998 to do just that—apply criminal learning propositions
across groups of people.
Social Learning Theory: Learned Behavior
Social learning theory is a criminological theory used to explain deviant behavior.

The theory contends that criminal behavior is driven by variables that both moti-
vate and control undesirable behaviors. These variables can both encourage and
undermine conformity, depending on different factors (Cullen & Agnew, 2003).
Ronald Akers, the founder of SLT, revitalized differential association theory, incor-
porating the language of operant conditioning. Akers wrote that criminal behavior
is learned in both social and nonsocial situations. The social situations he referen-
ced are reinforcing or discriminative through social interactions. How people act in
these social interactions are also reinforcing or discriminative for criminal behavior
(Vold, Bernard, & Snipes, 1998). Essentially, social and nonsocial situations and
interactions with people in these situations and exposure to their behavior prove to
be reinforcing or discriminative stimuli for criminal behavior.
Operant conditioning holds that an organism (in this case, a person) learns how
to get what they want from their environment. In operant conditioning, rewards and
punishments are used to reinforce either conforming or undesirable behaviors. In
other words, operant conditioning is a means of learning by association. Behaviors
are reinforced through reward and punishment and through expectations that are
learned through watching what happens to others. Later, Akers added modeling to
SLT, believing that a large portion of learning takes place by observing the conse-
quences that behaviors have for others who exhibit them (Vold et al., 1998).
Means Girls Summary
Mean Girls (2004) is a movie about the inner workings of a high school and its
culture. The film script was written by Tina Fey, who also stars as Ms. Norbury.
The film was inspired by a nonfiction book called Queen Bees & Wannabes by
Rosalind Wiseman. The book discusses school culture and cliques within schools.
It describes how girls dress up in revealing costumes for Halloween and how fri-
ends have impacted girls. Wiseman discusses her time in classrooms when she asks
girls to shut their eyes and raise their hand if a friend had gossiped about them,
talked behind their back, or forced them not to be friends with certain people. There
was a quote from one girl that she did not believe that those things happened at her
school since she did not believe there were exclusive cliques in the school. Many
of these quotes from the book are an inspiration for scenes within the movie
(Zuckerman, 2014).
The movie begins by introducing the main character, a new student named Cady
Heron, who was homeschooled for 16 years in Africa. Cady, coming into an
American high school, provides a unique look at how the culture of a high school
can influence a person’s behavior. Cady has to learn how to navigate the school’s
social hierarchy and culture with the help of other students. Cady first makes fri-
ends with the social outcasts of the school, Janice and Damien. Janice and Damien
have past negative interactions with the popular girls in the school. The popular
girls bully Janice and Damien, which causes them to be social outcasts. The popu-
lar group of girls within the school is nicknamed “The Plastics.” The Plastics con-
sist of three girls named Gretchen Wieners, Karen Smith, and the leader of the
group, Regina George. Janice and Damien hatch a plan for revenge on The Plastics.
Because Regina approaches Cady about sitting with them at lunch, Janice and
Damien have Cady infiltrate The Plastics to take revenge on Regina George.
The Plastics begin to accept Cady within the group and begin to influence
Cady’s behaviors. Cady begins to sit with The Plastics for the rest of the week to
move the revenge plan forward. When The Plastics and Cady go to the mall for a
shopping trip, Cady begins to discuss how she might want to join the mathletes.
Regina, Karen, and Gretchen all tell her that it would be social suicide to partici-
pate in mathletes. This thinking is the beginning of Cady making academic sacri-
fices for the approval of The Plastics. Cady almost fails her calculus course due to
the influence of The Plastics. The influence of The Plastics changes Cady’s percep-
tion of the importance of her excellent grades. They also influence Cady’s percep-
tions of body image as well. Cady only believed there to be “only fat or skinny,” but
The Plastics introduce her to the perspective that there could be more things wrong
with a person’s body other than just being fat or skinny. After this, Cady begins to
see negative body image issues as acceptable and engages in them herself due to
the influence of The Plastics.
After their shopping trip, The Plastics show Cady a book that they call the Burn
Book. The Burn Book is a scrapbook filled with pictures of students and faculty at
the school with negative comments written about each person in the school. Later
within the movie, Ms. Norbury, Cady’s math teacher, confronts Cady about her
deliberately failing her exams. When Ms. Norbury confronts Cady, Cady puts Ms.
Norbury in the Burn Book, saying that she is a “sad old drug pusher.”
Cady begins to develop a crush on Aaron Samuels, who is in her math class.
Aaron is not very good at math, so Cady begins to fail math assignments and tests
for reasons to study with Aaron even though she knows the answers. Aaron is also
Regina’s ex-boyfriend, making the situation precarious. Cady goes to a Halloween
party as an ex-wife (an ugly, unappealing costume), while the rest of the girls are
dressed in very revealing costumes. Cady is made fun of for her choice in costumes
since it does not follow the status quo of the school. Regina then finds out about
Cady’s crush on Aaron and decides that she and Aaron should get back together.
Throughout the movie, Cady begins to unravel Regina’s popularity by using weight
gaining bars from Cady’s time in Africa, having Aaron break up with Regina, tur-
ning Karen and Gretchen against her, and becoming the leader of The Plastics
herself. One of the most iconic scenes within the movie is the winter talent show
when The Plastics perform to “Jingle Bell Rock” in revealing Santa costumes. The
dance starts the riff between Gretchen, Karen, and Regina. As Regina gains weight
and loses the support of Gretchen and Karen, Cady starts to lead the group herself.
As the revenge plot ends, Regina decides to leak The Burn Book to the school
and, to conceal the fact that that she created it, she puts herself in the book. With
Gretchen, Karen, and Cady being the only people not in the Burn Book, they are
the prime suspects. Cady, in the end, takes responsibility for the Burn Book and
subsequently, the rumors, disappointment, hurt feelings, bullying, and consequen-
ces, though not completely without motivation, as one of the rumors is that Ms.
Norbury sold drugs to the students. Upon Ms. Norbury’s investigation as a drug
dealer, Cady steps up and admits fault. As punishment for her contribution to The
Burn Book, Cady is forced to join the mathletes for their upcoming competition.
Cady and the mathletes win the competition and make it back in time to attend the
school’s Spring Fling dance; this is important as she has the opportunity to address
the juniors and seniors when she wins Spring Fling Queen. During her speech, she
talks about how everyone is royalty at the dance and metaphorically that popularity
is fleeting. The final scene pans through the different characters and how they
found cohesion outside of The Plastics. At last, there is peace at the school.
Mean Girls had an immense cultural impact on society. There are memorable
quotes from the movie that are still known in 2020. Quotes such as “I’m not a re-
gular mom, I’m a cool mom” and “on Wednesdays, we wear pink” are famous lines
in the movie. Scenes within the movie are relatable to what high schoolers have
endured in the past, present, and possibly future. The movie shows the variety of
cliques that could be seen within a high school that most people can relate to at
least one of the cliques. The movie inspired a theme for Ariana Grande’s music
video for Thank You, Next. In the music video, celebrities were cast to play diffe-
rent characters from the movie. As of January 26, 2020, the video has been viewed
472,673,873 times since it premiered on November 30, 2018 (Grande, 2018).
Sixteen years after the movie was released, it still provides references in society’s
culture.
Social Learning Theory in Mean Girls
The movie Mean Girls is an excellent teaching tool for SLT because the main cha-
racter, Cady, is essentially a blank slate going into high school for the first time.
Before this point in her life, she had been homeschooled. She also had quite an
unconventional childhood, spending 12 years in Africa because her parents were
zoologists. Because of this, high school was new to her, and she was vulnerable to
the influence of others. Later in the movie, she began associating with a group of
notoriously superficial, petty, and sometimes vicious girls known as The Plastics.
Gradually, she began to lose herself and resemble the peers she had associations
with, exhibiting learned behaviors. The evolution of her definitions and behaviors
is a significant motif in the plot of the movie.
The movie portrays the four elements of SLT very well. Akers and Burgess es-
tablished four key learning processes that occur when an individual learns behavi-
ors: differential association, definitions (general and specific), differential rein-
forcement, and imitation (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). These four concepts play a
prevalent role throughout the entirety of the movie and are observable at different
points.
Differential Association
The first of the four main elements of SLT is differential association. The central
premise of SLT is that behaviors, both deviant and nondeviant, are learned and
reinforced. Differential association is the process of an individual being exposed to
normalized definitions of certain acts and behaviors. These definitions could either
be favorable or unfavorable to deviant behaviors (Cullen & Agnew, 2003).
According to Akers, differential association is the most important source of social
learning (Vold et al., 1998).
There are two dimensions to differential association: a behavioral interactional
dimension and a normative dimension. The behavioral interactional dimension re-
fers to the direct association and interaction with others who engage in specific
behaviors. Simply put, it is around peers who act a certain way. The normative di-
mension is the different pattern of typical behaviors and values, which the indivi-
dual is exposed to through this association (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). These are the
norms and values the person is exposed to through these interactions. In the context
of Mean Girls, the differential association is Cady frequently socializing with The
Plastics, who frequently engage in behaviors which most would consider un-
desirable. They then normalize these behaviors and share their values with Cady. In
SLT, these social groups expose the individual to definitions and models to imitate
(Akers & Sellers, 2009).
According to differential association, the group that the individual decides to
interact with provides the social context for the mechanisms of SLT. This peer
group does not just expose the individual to the definitions, they model the behavi-
ors and definitions so the individual can imitate them, and, when they do, the group
reinforces the behavior. Differential association consists of two types of social
groups: primary and secondary groups. The primary group is the most important
group (Akers & Sellers, 2009). It consists of family, friends, and other close relati-
onships that can model and reinforce behaviors. The secondary group consists of
neighbors, church figures, teachers, authority figures, and other relationships that
may not be close family or friends. However, it can still serve a role in differential
association (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). In the film, Cady spends a significant amount
of time with The Plastics and often values their opinions and desires their approval.
Therefore, they most likely serve as a primary group for Cady, often modeling and
reinforcing undesirable behaviors. However, when she is not with The Plastics and
is with Janis and Damian, her values and interactions are vastly different because
they represent a different influence on her, and when she spends significant amounts
of time with them, her behaviors differ from when she is with The Plastics.
There are variables in differential association that can affect the immediate im-
pact and permanency of the associations. There are four variables associated with
differential association (see Fig. 3.3).
Primarily, the permanency of these associations will be impacted by how early
the association occurs in the lives of the individual, how long the association lasts,
and the frequency and intensity of the relationships and interactions. The stronger
Priority- How
early the
associations occur
in the life of the
individual.
Intensity - How
important these Differential Duration - How
relationships are to
the individual and association long these
relationships last.
the closeness of the
relationships.
Frequency- How
often the
interactions with
these groups occur.
Fig. 3.3 Variables of differential association. (Note: Figure adapted from the propositions
Akers, R. L. (1985). Deviant Behavior: A Social Learning Approach. Belmont, CA: Wads-
worth)
these variables are, the more common their effects on the lasting behaviors of the
individual may be (Cullen & Agnew, 2003).
Differential association can be observed in the movie Mean Girls. In the movie,
the main character, Cady, begins to associate with a group of vicious, superficial
girls who engage in what most would consider undesirable behaviors. At first,
Cady is appalled by many of their actions. However, it eventually becomes clear
that she does seek approval of the leader of the group, Regina George, despite how
much she claims to dislike her. These girls become a primary group for Cady, and
they model several negative behaviors for her and alter her definitions about what
is and is not acceptable behavior. Eventually, Cady starts to believe that being in
The Plastics and doing the horrible things is better than not being in The Plastics at
all, and her actions reflect this belief.
As the movie continues, a bright motif begins to form that Cady is slowing
turning into Regina George, doing the same horrible things she did. An example of
this would be the three-way phone call. In this instance, Regina calls Cady to gos-
sip about another girl in the group and gets Cady to agree. Immediately after, it is
revealed that the other girl is on the line with them, listening to the conversation.
Later in the movie, Cady does this same thing to Regina and exhibits several other
learned, manipulative behaviors.
Another example would be Cady’s definitions regarding The Burn Book. This
is a book that The Plastics had created where they write vindictive, slanderous re-
marks about most of the students and teachers in their high school. At first, Cady is
appalled by this and has an unfavorable definition of what the girls are doing.
However, as the movie progresses, and she spends more time with The Plastics, her
definitions change, harmful behaviors are reinforced, and she begins to imitate the
actions that initially appalled her. These actions all start with her association with
the girls and the significant amount of time she spends with them.
Definitions
The second element of SLT is definitions. Definitions are the individual’s attitudes
and meaning that they attach to a specific behavior. Simply put, these are the ratio-
nalizations, situational definitions, and other evaluative and moral beliefs that an
individual uses to define behavior as right or wrong. There are two types of defini-
tions that a person can have: general and specific (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). General
definitions are religious, moral, and other conventional values that are held by the
individual, favorable to conforming behaviors and unfavorable to deviant behavi-
ors (Akers & Sellers, 2009). Specific definitions, or those favorable to deviant be-
haviors, often lead people to undesirable behaviors that they rationalize and justify.
For example, people may consider stealing morally wrong. Also, they may feel that
it is important for people to obey theft laws. However, they may not see anything
morally wrong with using drugs, leading them to rationalize that it is acceptable to
violate drug possession laws (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). They will consider some
specific definitions of deviant actions that are morally reprehensible and rationalize
others as morally acceptable because specific definitions reflect the meaning they
attach to behaviors and actions (Vold et al., 1998).
If the individual holds attitudes and values that disapprove of deviant acts, they are
likely to refrain from engaging in these acts. Conversely, if their attitudes approve or
rationalize deviant behaviors, they are likely to do them (Vold et al., 1998). This can
lead people to create definitions that justify or rationalize specific behaviors. These are
called neutralizing definitions. An individual may view a specific act or behavior as
something that is generally morally reprehensible, but they may rationalize why it is
acceptable for them to do it. However, though they may consider it acceptable for
them to do it, they may still consider it unacceptable for others to imitate their actions
(Akers & Sellers, 2009). Cullen and Agnew (2003) wrote that neutralizing definitions
include verbalizations, rationalizations, techniques of neutralization, accounts, disc-
laimers, and moral disengagement. Neutralizing definitions may appear as feelings
and statements that justify behaviors or remove responsibility from the individual.
They may include feelings and statements such as “I can’t help myself,” “I am not
responsible,” or “They deserved it” (Cullen & Agnew, 2003).
Neutralizing definitions are developed through imitation and differential rein-
forcement. They affect the individual, both cognitively and behaviorally.
Cognitively, they create a mentality that increases the likelihood that someone will
commit an act when an opportunity presents itself. Behaviorally, they affect the
commission of deviant or criminal behaviors by acting as internal discriminative
stimuli (which operate as cues to signal the individual as to what responses are
appropriate or expected in a situation) (Akers & Sellers, 2009).
In Mean Girls, the restructuring of Cady’s definitions is apparent. For example,
when The Plastics and Cady are in Regina George’s room after the shopping trip,
The Plastics begin to judge their bodies very harshly and negatively, commenting
on minuscule details that Cady never even thought to notice before. Her voice-over
claims that she thought that there was “only fat or skinny, apparently, there can be
a lot of things wrong with your body.” Then, after this experience, Cady begins to
define this idea of body image as acceptable and starts to do it herself.
In another scene, Cady begins to purposely fail math class to talk to Aaron, a
high school boy she is romantically interested in. When she first starts the school
year, it is clear that she is knowledgeable and a very driven student who would
never jeopardize her grades for a romantic interest. However, Cady begins to think
that failing math is okay since she is trying to get Aaron’s attention, and these ac-
tions are in congruence with something The Plastics would do. Her definitions for
good grades in school begin to shift drastically.
Another example of this is when she first saw the Burn Book. When she first
sees it, she does not approve of it. She views it as something terrible. However, she
accidentally makes a remark about Damien that is written in the book and is posi-
tively reinforced by The Plastics. She begins to view the book more favorably and,
later, writes a comment about her teacher selling drugs (which is false). She goes
from viewing this book as bullying to a more acceptable definition, even using it as
the movie progresses. Her definitions on this topic change. Again, her definitions
on this matter change due to her association with The Plastics, leading her to en-
gage in undesirable actions she would not have at the start of the movie.
Differential Reinforcement
Differential reinforcement is the third element of SLT. Differential reinforcement

is when the individual considers potential ramifications that follow certain behavi-
ors. Simply put, these are the consequences of actions. People generally engage in
behaviors that they believe will result in reward and generally refrain from activi-
ties that they think result in punishment (Vold et al., 1998).
This element holds that an individual’s future actions and behaviors depend on
the past, present, and anticipated ramifications for their actions. The odds of a be-
havior reoccurring in the future depend on reward outcomes, the reaction to their
behaviors, whether they obtain approval, and if they get some sort of physical
reward (money, food, pleasant feelings) (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). In order to extin-
guish a behavior, SLT holds that positive and negative reinforcement is necessary.
Positive reinforcement is essentially punishment. This involves attaching a painful
or unpleasant consequence to an action. Negative reinforcement or removing the
reward of a pleasant outcome associated with the action is also necessary. There are
variables associated with reinforcement, such as amount, frequency, or probability.
Simply put, this is the amount of reinforcement, how often it is given, and the pro-
bability of it occurring (Cullen & Agnew, 2003).
Inversely, the behavior may achieve positive results and social reinforcement
within the group of peers. The greater the value or amount of supportive reinforce-
ment for a person’s behavior, the more it will be reinforced, and this makes a higher
probability that it will recur in the future. After the initiation of the behavior has
begun, the social and nonsocial reinforcers impact whether acts will be repeated in
the future. The definitions that the individual creates are also affected by the
consequences, not just the behaviors (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). Social reinforce-
ment, social context, moral attitudes, and other variables affect whether an indivi-
dual experiences the acts as pleasant or unpleasant (Akers & Sellers, 2009).
Differential reinforcement is also prevalent in the movie. Again, the Burn Book
scene is an example of this. Cady accidentally remarks on Damien’s sexuality. The
Plastics laugh and applaud, positively reinforcing Cady’s comment. She then ma-
kes comments in the future in the book because she receives social validation from
the people from whom she sought approval. In weighing the actions, she has to
consider the benefits and drawbacks of her actions. Typically, she is given the
choice of participating in The Plastic’s antics and gaining social validation and
friendship or rejecting their behaviors and losing the approval and the friendship,
both of which she desires. Ultimately, the more Cady associates with Regina and
The Plastics, the more attention, recognition, popularity, and social validation she
receives. These reinforcers incentivize her to continue imitating Regina (the final
stage of SLT) because, in her mind, she is obtaining the desired consequence, rein-
forcing her actions.
Imitation
The final element of SLT, imitation, is when the individual engages in behaviors,
they observe others doing. Whether an individual will imitate the behavior depends
on the variables discussed earlier. It also includes the characteristics of the model,
the specific behavior, and the consequences they receive for doing it. Simply put,
the individual mimics the behaviors they see in the group they associate with.
There are several examples of this to be seen throughout the movie. The evolu-
tion of Cady’s feelings and behaviors regarding the Burn Book proves yet another
example. The three-way call scene is another. Regina uses the three-way call on
Cady earlier, and she uses it on Regina later. These behaviors are imitated after The
Plastics provide Cady with a model.
However, one of the stronger examples of imitation in the movie is what hap-
pens within Regina George’s family. Regina’s mother, in the few scenes she is in,
proves to be a very shallow, superficial, and emotionally immature mother, allo-
wing Regina to behave very promiscuously, offering Cady alcohol as a minor, and
having had cosmetic surgery. Regina follows suit in some way as she is promis-
cuous, shallow, self-obsessed, and emotionally immature as well. However, in the
single scene in which she appears, Regina’s little sister is dancing provocatively. At
the same time, at a very young age, showing the behaviors learned through primary
groups, the definitions the women in that family had created, the differential rein-
forcement, and, ultimately, imitation.
Sequence and Feedback Effects
Akers stressed that social learning is a complex process with reciprocal and feed-
back effects (Cullen & Agnew, 2003). He proposed a specific sequence of events
by which learning behavior takes place (Vold et al., 1998). The sequence originates
Differential Social Social

Definitions Imitations
association Reinforcement Learning
Fig. 3.4 Social learning theory: A process. (Note: Figure adapted from the propositions
Burgess, R. L., & Akers, R. L. (1966). A Differential Association: Reinforcement Theory of
Criminal Behavior. Social Problems, 14, 128–147.
with the differential association of the individual with other individuals who have
a favorable definition of criminal behaviors. These people then model the behavior
for the individual to imitate. After this process has begun, differential reinforce-
ment will dictate which behaviors will continue and which will cease.
The four elements are all pivotal components of an underlying process, which
dictates what they will do when the opportunity for a deviant behavior occurs
(Cullen & Agnew, 2003). Whether the individual will engage in deviant behaviors
depends on learned definitions, imitation of deviant models, and the anticipated
consequences reinforcement produces the initial deviant act. The facilitative effects
of these variables continue in the repetition of acts, although imitation becomes
less critical than it was in the first commission of the act (Akers & Sellers, 2009)
(Fig. 3.4).
Conclusion
The societal impact that Mean Girls has had on society for 16 years makes the
movie a pop culture icon. Since the movie allows for the viewers to learn how in-
dividuals change their behaviors to fit a social circle, applying SLT to the movie is
simple. While there are examples that could be interpreted outside of those given
by the authors, the examples given were the best way to describe the learning pro-
cess within this movie. Showing the shaping of an individual new to a public high
school environment shows an interesting perspective on high schools even if it is
just within a movie. Using pop culture icons and criminological theories allows for
more perspectives on how pop culture shapes society and what perspectives the
writers, producers, and directors seem to include into their movies, books, and te-
levision shows.
1. Consider Cady’s sudden change of heart when Mrs. Norbury is going to be ar-
rested. Do you think SLT can be used to explain this change in behavior? Make
sure to support your answer.
2. Given the other criminological theories discussed in this text, what other theo-
ries do you think work well to explain Mean Girls or situations within the mo-
vie?
3. The chapter discusses imitation as one way Cady begins acting like “The
Plastics.” Using your own examples, describe how researchers can use imitation
to better understand peer-groups and juvenile delinquency.
References
Akers, R. L. (1985). Deviant Behavior: A Social Learning Approach. Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth.
Akers, R. L. (1994). Criminological Theories: Introduction, Evaluation, and Application
(3rd ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury Press.
Akers, R. L., & Sellers, C. (2009). Criminological Theories: Introduction, Evaluation, and
Application. New York: Oxford University Press, 90–95.
Ariana Grande. (2018, November 30). Ariana Grande – Thank U, Next [Video]. YouTube.
Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gl1aHhXnN1k
Burgess, R. L., & Akers, R. L. (1966). A Differential Association: Reinforcement Theory of
Criminal Behavior. Social Problems, 14, 128–147.
Cullen, F. T., & Agnew, R. (2003). Criminological Theory Past to Present: Essential
Readings. Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury Publishing Company.
Cullen, F. T., & Agnew, R. (2011). Criminological Theory Past to Present: Essential
Readings. Los Angeles, CA: Oxford University Press.
Lanier, M. M., Henry, S., & Anastasia, D. J. M. (2015). Essential Criminology (4th ed.).
Boulder, CO: Westview Press.
Sutherland, E. H. (1939). Principles of Criminology (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott.
Sutherland, E. H. (1947). Principles of Criminology. Philadelphia, PA: J. B. Lippincott.
Sutherland, E. H., Cressey, D. R., & Luckenbill, D. F. (1992). Principles of Criminology
(11th ed.). Dix Hills, NY: General Hall.
Tibbetts, S. G. (2015). Criminological Theory: The Essentials (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks,
CA: SAGE Publications, Inc.
Vold, G. B., Bernard, T. J., & Snipes, J. (1998). Criminological Theory. New York, NY:
Oxford University Press.
Williams, F. P., & McShane, M. D. (2010). Criminological Theory (5th ed.). Upper Saddle
River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Zuckerman, E. (2014, April 28). The Author Who Inspired ‘Mean Girls’ Talks Its 10th
Anniversary. Retrieved January 24, 2020, from https://www.theatlantic.com/culture/ar-
chive/2014/04/revisiting-mean-girls-with-rosalind-wiseman/361283/
General Strain Theory and The White
Shadow 4
Off the Court: Understanding Agnew’s General Strain
Theory Through TV’s The White Shadow
David Safin
Decades after its modest run on network television, The White Shadow (CBS,
1978–1981) is often identified as being the program Bruce Paltrow created before
his more recognized and acclaimed series, St. Elsewhere (NBC, 1982–1988). It is
also regarded for being a training ground for Thomas Carter, Kevin Hooks, and
Timothy Van Patten, who acted in the series, but went on to more successful careers
behind the camera. On its own, however, The White Shadow only managed to
achieve cult status despite being regarded as groundbreaking (Botte, 2018). Its
premise was simple. Following a career-ending injury, professional basketball
player, Ken Reeves, was recruited by his old friend and former college classmate,
Jim Willis, to serve as the head coach of the boys’ basketball team at Carver, an
inner city high school populated, mostly, by African-Americans. Early episodes
played like a fish-out-of-water tale, as Reeves, who is white, adjusted to his situa-
tion and vice versa.
Over the course of 3 seasons and 54 episodes, Coach Reeves helped students
with issues such as addiction, alcoholism, gambling, parental abuse, prostitution,
and teen pregnancy. In doing so, he demonstrated that regardless of the circumstan-
ces, his tactic of relentless discipline, motivation, and above all, loyalty would
remain steady, and the appreciation the players felt toward him intensified as his
stay extended. His unwavering credo was that success in basketball would lead to
D. Safin (*)

34 D. Safin
a funded college education, which he often described as a “ticket out” of their en-
vironment. By immersing himself into his players’ lives, he enrolled in a crash
course in the difficulties they were forced to endure on a near-daily basis, and vica-
riously, the audience went along for a ride not often exhibited on network televi-
sion.
General Strain Theory: An Introduction
In an interview with the New York Post, actor Thomas Carter, who portrayed player
James Hayward, noted, “It really made you think about where these kids, many of
them African-American, really live. What kind of things do they have to deal with
every day? What are the consequences, what are the costs, of their environment? So
much of it, I don’t remember it being done before anywhere on television” (Botte,
2018).
Carter’s thoughts regarding the “costs” of the players’ “environment” are repre-
sentative of scholar Robert Agnew’s general strain theory (GST). In it, Agnew ar-
gues that “people engage in crime because they experience strains” in their daily
lives. “Strains,” as defined by Agnew, are “events or conditions that are disliked by
an individual.” He delineates “strains” in three general ways—an individual losing
“something they value,” being treated in an “aversive or negative manner,” and/or
being “unable to achieve their goals” (Agnew, 2006 p. 190). In The White Shadow,
Coach Reeves learned quickly that success on the court hinged not just on his
practice schedules and game plans, but also on his ability to help manage the strains
faced by his players.
For example, in the series’ fifth episode, “Pregnant Pause” (January 1, 1979),
Reeves was chastised by Principal Willis for advice given to a player, Milton Reese,
who had just been informed that his girlfriend, Darlene, was pregnant. Distressed
and in search of counsel, Reese asked the coach what he would do in this situation.
Reeves, who was born in Queens and educated in Boston, replied, “Where I come
from, it is simple—you ring the bell, you marry the girl.” Consequently, Reese quit
school with an eye toward marriage. Later, Reeves was summoned to the princi-
pal’s office where Willis, the stern yet patient patriarch of Carver, asserted via a
pointed lecture, “Ken, you don’t come from the ghetto. You don’t know the pressu-
res these kids have to face.”
Willis’ discourse was a calming intervention in response to a heated reprimand
delivered by the assistant principal, Cybil Buchanin, who declared Reeves’
guidance to be irresponsible for he “imposed his own values” on one of his players.
Throughout the series, Buchanin played the role of Reeves’ foil as she was often
4 General Strain Theory and The White Shadow 35
frustrated by his methods. While she was unyielding in her role as his administra-
tive superior, their relationship ultimately evolved into one of mutual respect. In
“Pregnant Pause,” Reeves said in response to an apology from Buchanin, “I like a
good fight, and you’re the only one who will go toe-to-toe with me.”
After calming down, Buchanin stressed that she wished Reeves had given Reese
multiple alternatives because his counsel only made matters worse. Later, Reeves
convinced Reese to return to school, work toward a college scholarship, and pro-
mise to marry his girlfriend after high school. Reese heeded this advice, but Darlene
was left unsatisfied with his lack of immediate commitment. After some surreptiti-
ous investigating, Reeves learned that Darlene was not, nor was she ever, pregnant.
Fearful that Reese would leave her if he received a college scholarship, she feigned
the pregnancy in order to coax Reese into proposing marriage. Her fear of losing
Reese is what Agnew would define as an “anticipated strain.” Agnew contends that
“anticipated strains may upset individuals and lead to criminal coping” (p. 192).
While her actions were not illegal, they were certainly drastic. Her assertion that
she was pregnant, therefore, negatively affected Reese because by quitting school,
he would not be able to achieve his goal of a college scholarship.
Reeves’ initial advice, therefore, added strain to Reese’s life, and it took
Assistant Principal Buchanin to point that out to him. Reeves believed he was tea-
ching Reese responsibility, but when she asked, “how long do you think it’ll take
for an immature, 17-year-old, unemployed black kid from the ghetto to renege on
that responsibility?” Reeves realized that perhaps his role as an advisor was not as
black and white as he originally thought. The episode concluded with Reese back
at practice grateful for the support offered by his coach, and Darlene in counseling
at the behest of Assistant Principal Buchanin. Amid this situation, Reeves stressed
to his superiors that he was brought in not to coach “players,” but to coach “peo-
ple.” While he admitted he might have overstepped his boundaries in his efforts to
solve the problem, he was unapologetic in his approach. His ability to maintain a
sense of equilibrium in spite of the many challenges facing him, as he did in
“Pregnant Pause,” was the fulcrum of the series’ run.
Detachment from Conventional Others
The potential for succumbing to the pressure caused by strains via deviant or cri-
minal behavior looms over the head of each of the players, so Reeves used a stra-
tegy called “direct control” to prevent them from resorting to such conduct. “Direct
control” is a type of social control in which someone sets rules, monitors behavior,
and consistently sanctions violations (p. 193). Reeves asserted this method as his
36 D. Safin
primary means of authority to his team at the conclusion of the pilot episode
(November 27, 1978), when he declared in the locker room after their first victory,
“I’m going to be leaning on you guys, and I’ll be behind you every step of the way.”
Brash guard, Morris Thorpe, slyly grinned and responded, “Yeah, like a white
shadow.”
The level of control Coach Reeves could exert over his players was called into
question in the episode “That Old Gang of Mine” (January 15, 1979). In it, Ricardo
“Ricky” Gomez was cut from the team, not by the coach, but by the administration
due to poor academic performance. They stressed that the move was “in the best
interest of the student.” Upon receiving the news that he had been removed from
the team, Gomez was unfazed because he assumed his coach “fixed it.” When
Reeves responded that he had not, Gomez firmly asserted that his poor perfor-
mance was not his fault. Reeves snapped, “look, you can’t go through life blaming
everybody else for your own problems. I’m sorry, Gomez. I don’t make the rules.”
Before storming out of Reeves’ office, Gomez replied, “Yeah. Sure you don’t.”
After being removed from the team, Gomez’s bond with the institution of school
weakened, and he began cutting class. During his “retreat from conventional
others,” Gomez, the only Mexican American on the team, rejoined a street gang
called “The Aztecas” (p. 195). His transformation was symbolized by his choice to
don a leather jacket bearing their insignia in favor of his Carver varsity coat. When
Reeves saw him cleaning out his locker, he asked if the “Aztecas” jacket was new.
Gomez replied, “Nope. I had it a long time. I just haven’t worn it lately.” When
asked why he was once again hanging with this delinquent group, he responded
that he had “nothing better to do.”
Frustrated that he had no say in Gomez’s dismissal, Reeves pleaded with
Buchanin to overturn her decision. In his appeal, he insisted that being on the bas-
ketball team was what kept Gomez in school. He added, “He’s got to feel like be-
longs somewhere, that he belongs to something. If it’s not the team, it’s going to be
that gang.” Agnew would concur with Reeves’ contention, theorizing “individuals
who cannot achieve status through conventional channels, like educational or oc-
cupational success, often join criminal gangs because the gang makes them feel
important, respected, and/or feared” (p. 196).
In response to his plea for leniency, Buchanin told Reeves that if he wished to
uncover what truly caused Gomez’s dismissal; he should talk directly with his tea-
chers. Among the subjects of his inquiry was Carver’s English teacher, Miss
Newkirk. When asked for her rationale for failing Gomez, she declared it was due
to his not completing a book report. Gomez had wanted to write his report on the
story of Emiliano Zapata, but Miss Newkirk would only accept reports on one of
two books—Little Women or The Autobiography of Malcolm X, neither of which

interested Gomez.
Reeves’ survey of the faculty led him to conclude that Gomez was being ill-
treated due to his race. He further argued that this “demeaning treatment” lessened
his “emotional bond” with his teachers, which led to a reduction in his “investment
in conventional activities” like studying and completing assignments (p. 195).
Reeves revealed this opinion in an impassioned speech at a faculty meeting in
which he stated, “Gomez isn’t failing Carver. Carver is failing Gomez, and he’s the
one being punished for it.” After meeting resistance from members of the faculty,
Reeves continued, “Do any of you care that Gomez feels like a failure, and he
doesn’t know why. Right now, he is roaming around the streets with some gang
trying to get back what’s left of his self-esteem because you’ve taken away from
him possibly the one thing that was keeping him out of trouble.”
Reeves’ monologue was effective. He managed to convince Miss Newkirk to
allow Gomez to do a report on The Biography of Pancho Villa. He also organized
the other players on the team to develop what they playfully entitled, “The New
Chicano Studies Program.” They asserted that Gomez would not fail any more
biology or history exams. This increased level of “social support” yielded positive
results, as Gomez’s subsequent book report was deemed passable, and he was per-
mitted to rejoin the team (p. 197). The episode concluded with Gomez studying for
an exam with several of his teammates.
The Cost of Criminal Coping
Reeves’ experience with Gomez was a stark lesson on how strains can be generated
from within, but in the season 2 episode “Needle” (November 26, 1979), he witnes-
sed how external forces can also produce such a situation. In it, team captain James
Hayward’s 15-year-old cousin, Jason, died of an overdose of heroin. Robert Agnew
calls Hayward’s subsequent feeling of shock as a “vicarious strain,” which he defi-
nes as a “strain experienced by others around an individual, especially close others
like family members and friends” (p. 191). Agnew further argues that strains of this
sort increase the probability of crime because individuals might “seek revenge
against those who had victimized their family” or they might attempt to “prevent
the perpetrators from causing further harm” (p. 192).
During a police officer’s overview of the situation that led to Jason’s demise, a
distraught Hayward exhibited low levels of confidence in the officer’s desire to
bring the perpetrator to justice. The officer assured him that the police would do
“everything they can,” which did little to assuage Hayward’s concerns. Later in the
38 D. Safin
episode, Hayward followed up with a police detective. With little to report, the in-
vestigator repeated, “we’re doing all we can,” which only exasperated Hayward
further. This dissatisfaction propelled him on a clandestine investigation of his
own. After discovering the name and whereabouts of the dealer, Hayward set out to
exact revenge.
Concerned for their friend, a few members of the team reached out to Hayward
with hopes of changing his mind. When their efforts were unsuccessful, Thorpe
approached the coach and informed him about Hayward’s plan. An incredulous
Reeves responded, “You’re actually telling me that James Hayward is going to kill
somebody?” Thorpe reasserted his contention that Hayward was plotting that level
of revenge. Reeves, then, lectured Thorpe that a matter like this was the responsi-
bility of the police. Clearly aggravated, Thorpe stated, “you really ain’t from this
neck of the woods, are you?”
Thorpe, like others on the team, shared Hayward’s belief that finding the man
responsible for Jason’s death was not a high priority for the police. Roused by
Thorpe’s words, Reeves took to the streets in an effort to find Hayward before he
was able to execute his plan. When his search proved successful, he made one final
plea to Hayward. “Your cousin is dead. Killing this guy is not going to pull him out
of the ground.” After a brief back and forth, Reeves continued, “if you do this, you
will not have just killed your cousin. You will have killed off your entire family,
Hayward!” In tears, Hayward replied, “He was only fifteen years old!” Reeves re-
sponded, “Your kid brother’s only five. You can’t make him a victim too.”
Undeterred, Hayward shoved the coach and ran away. Later that night, he con-
fronted the dealer, Trotter, armed with a handgun. Having knocked him to the
ground, Hayward pointed the gun in Trotter’s face. Sobbing, he called out “please,
God, let it come. Please, God, please!” But Hayward could not bring himself to
pull the trigger. He told Trotter, “your time is going to come, man,” before hur-
riedly leaving. The next day, before practice, Hayward admitted to Reeves that he
could not shoot the man. When Reeves attempted to explain what he thought had
stopped him, Hayward cut him off, proclaiming, “oh, come on, Coach. You don’t
know why, ’cause I don’t even know why, man.”
Reeves accepted his answer, and gestured toward the gym, as it was time for
practice. What Hayward could not yet articulate was his realization that even
though he could not resolve his strain through proper legal channels, the cost of
committing murder was too high. Reeves’ words were true. Hayward was too im-
portant to his mother, little brother, and those relatives left coping with Jason’s
untimely death. As a result, he proved Agnew’s theory correct; “many individuals
avoid criminal coping because the costs of crime are high for them” (p. 196).
Basketball as a Conventional Coping Resource
The season 2 episode “The Death of Me Yet?” (March 11, 1980) opened with a
montage of basketball highlights compiled atop an address being delivered by
Coach Reeves. “I want you to think about where you guys were two years ago, and
where you are now. Because when we started, there wasn’t one among you who
believed enough in yourselves to think that you could ever get this far.” Where they
were was the cusp of a division title. All that stood between them and a trip to the
city championship was a single victory. Laser-focused on the task at hand, Reeves’
team handily defeated Keeler landing them a spot in the city championship game
against Westmere at the sports arena in downtown Los Angeles.
The episode played like a series finale, as its tone was reflexive in nature.
Reeves’ pre-game words only reinforced that sentiment, as did his pensive stroll
through the locker room the following day. As his gaze panned the players’ lockers,
aural flashbacks from earlier episodes played underneath. He continued his walk
into the empty gymnasium where his eyes locked onto a single sign adhered to the
wall, “BEAT WESTMERE.” His reflection was interrupted by Assistant Principal
Buchanin, who asked that they meet in her office.
Soon after defeating Keeler, the team held a victory party at the home of their
equipment manager, Phil Jefferson. Their level of enthusiasm was reflected in how
quickly they consumed their local alcohol supply, and senior Curtis Jackson, the
least inebriated among the team, was charged with going to the liquor store to
purchase more. Upon completing his purchase, two armed burglars stormed the
register, demanding all of its contents. When the cashier pulled out a gun in his own
defense, the burglars shot him and Jackson, killing them both.
This was the news Buchanin delivered to Reeves after his contemplative prome-
nade through his facilities. Blindsided and upset, Reeves returned to the locker
room, where he was visited by Miss Plunkett, a teacher who Reeves had been se-
eing socially. Reeves confided to her, “I managed to delude myself into thinking
that I, well, that basketball could protect them from things like this.” He went so far
as to suggest that the team might not play the championship game, but he would
leave that decision to his team. Unbeknownst to him, the team had already met
privately and unanimously decided that they would play the game as scheduled.
Concurrent to his receipt of this terrible news, Reeves was contacted by a repre-
sentative from the athletic department at Moorpark College, an affluent, private
institution in need of a new basketball coach. His feelings of distress and disillusi-
onment fueled his curiosity, as he visited the campus willing to hear their offer. The
pristine and decadent campus featured a brand new, state-of-the-art athletic facility,
40 D. Safin
but the lure that pulled Reeves to it most was the outward absence of the strains that
plagued his tenure at Carver. There was, to him, no good reason to remain in his
current position.
His decision to leave Carver for Moorpark was all but a foregone conclusion,
when he returned to campus for practice. To his surprise, the team was waiting in
the locker room, ready to confront him about the possibility of his leaving them for
greener pastures. Defensive and angry, Reeves initially stated it was none of their
business, but quickly realized that they deserved an answer. He confessed that he
had been offered a job, but had not yet committed. Later, while the team ran laps
after an efficient practice, Reeves returned to his office in the locker room, only to
find a young man standing at one of the lockers. It was Jackson’s younger brother,
Willie, and he was there to retrieve his brother’s belongings. The two engaged in a
brief conversation about basketball, and in it, Willie emphatically stated that he
hoped to, one day, play for Reeves because his older brother said that he was “the
best—even for a white man.”
Wanting to learn more about him, Reeves offered Willie a ride home. During
their trek, Reeves peppered Willie with the same questions he asked of his play-
ers—questions about his family, his life, and his aspirations. While Willie was un-
sure how to answer Reeves’ broad philosophical questions, he was confident that
he “would always play basketball” because it is “the only time that I don’t have to
think about things I don’t want to think about. Like when my father told me about
my brother, I concentrated on putting the ball through the hoop.”
Conclusion
Willie’s words reminded Reeves that for those who suit up in Carver orange, bas-
ketball is not so much about the ends of leaving their environment, but more a
means to surviving it. Basketball is an institution to which they could form a strong,
emotional bond. It improves their “conventional coping skills,” increases their “so-
cial support,” and limits their “association with delinquent peers”—all strategies
Agnew says aid in reducing the “likelihood that individuals will respond to strains
with crime” (p. 197).
Basketball was why Reeves’ players spent much of their free time cruising for
pick-up games, hardly ever took off their varsity jackets, and wanted to play the
championship game as scheduled despite losing one of their close friends to vio-
lence. It took Willie to remind Reeves why he took this job in the first place, and
why he would continue at it “for years to come.” Reeves revealed to his team that
he’d be staying at Carver just prior to their taking the court, and not surprisingly,
they went on to win the city championship.
At the subsequent trophy presentation, Reeves publicly summarized what two
years of on-the-job training taught him about life in the inner city, and the role
basketball played in it. He proclaimed, “I’m proud of my team because I think they
proved to all of us that no matter what the adversity, no matter what the problems,
you can overcome almost anything, as long as you have the will to win.”
1. For those who have watched The White Shadow, what other methods of social
support did Coach Reeves offer to his players? How did they help his players
cope with their strains?
2. For those who have watched The White Shadow, what other strains did the
members of the Carver High basketball team face? How did they manage those
strains?
3. What other television shows or feature films have used the trope of a teacher/
coach using methods of direct control as a means to prevent young people from
resorting to crime?
References
Agnew, R. (2006). Pressured into Crime: An Overview of General Strain Theory. Los
Angeles, CA: Roxbury Publisher.
Botte, P. (2018, November 27). Cult-classic ‘The White Shadow’ Still Resonates 40 Years
Later. New York Post. Retrieved from https://nypost.com/2018/11/27/cult-classic-the-
white-shadow-still-resonates-40-years-later/
Episodes
Pilot (Season 1, Episode 1)

Paltrow, B. (Writer), & Cooper, J. (Director). (1978). Pilot [Television series episode].
In Paltrow, B. (Executive Producer), The White Shadow. Los Angeles, CA: Columbia
Broadcasting System.
Pregnant Pause (Season 1, Episode 5)

Bochco, S. (Writer), & Cooper, J. (Director). (1979). Pregnant Pause [Television series
episode]. In Paltrow, B. (Executive Producer), The White Shadow. Los Angeles, CA:
Columbia Broadcasting System.
42 D. Safin
That Old Gang of Mine (Season 1, Episode 7)

Rubin, M., & Kott, G. (Writers), & Paltrow, B. (Director). (1979). That Old Gang of Mine
[Television series episode]. In Paltrow, B. (Executive Producer), The White Shadow. Los
Angeles, CA: Columbia Broadcasting System.
Needle (Season 2, Episode 9)

Falsey, J. (Writer), & Lobl, V. (Director). (1979). Needle [Television series episode]. In
Paltrow, B. (Executive Producer), The White Shadow. Los Angeles, CA: Columbia
Broadcasting System.
The Death of Me Yet? (Season 2, Episode 22)

Rubin, M. (Writer), & Lobl, V. (Director). (1980). The Death of Me Yet? [Television series
episode]. In Paltrow, B. (Executive Producer), The White Shadow. Los Angeles, CA:
Columbia Broadcasting System.
Anomie and The Purge
Release the Beast: Purging for the American Dream
5
Andrea R. Borrego
The America depicted by The Purge films creates a social structure focused on
economic success, as well as participation in the once-a-year purge. Economic
success and purge participation are not mutually exclusive. In order for the eco-
nomy to thrive and to keep crime rates down, citizens must purge on the sanctioned
night. The lower and middle classes depicted in the films, however, experience the
purge disproportionately from the top 1%. Access to safety through security sys-
tems, reinforced housing, and weapons vary among the social classes. The lower
class experiences obstacles to stay safe during the purge and struggle to make ends
meet the other 364 days outside of the purge. Institutionalized norms enacted by
the New Founding Fathers of America (NFFA) through the purge are not sustain-
able, and they begin to lose their power to regulate citizens’ behavior. The resulting
society is one of anomie and strain.
Merton’s Anomie
The “American Dream” involves achieving success by gaining material wealth and
money. The idea has become institutionalized through American culture, which
constantly advertises that everyone and anyone can achieve riches and social status
A. R. Borrego (*)
Metropolitan State University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA

44 A. R. Borrego
through hard work and ambition (Merton, 1968). Monetary success, however, can
be indefinite in that people always want more and what is to be earned is relative to
each individual and their social position (Merton, 1968). Economic success is rela-
tive to each individual and not everyone is privy to the same resources. Societal
structure, such as social position, networks, and access to opportunities, shapes the
various avenues individuals have for achieving the American Dream. Overemphasis
on cultural goals, coupled with lack of options and opportunities, leads to what
Emile Durkheim, a French sociologist, termed as “anomie,” or normlessness.
Robert K. Merton (1938, 1968) applied Durkheim’s idea of anomie to the di-
screpancy between America’s culturally defined goals (i.e., economic success) and
the structure in place that differentially allows for attainment, as well as avenues
for attainment. Not everyone can achieve the American Dream of prosperity due to
societal and personal limitations, which can cause strain. The pervasive cultural
emphasis on ambition or the never-quit mentality pressurizes individuals to find the
most effective way to achieve wealth and status. Methods for achieving wealth and
status may or may not be legitimate, creating instability in society or anomie
(Merton, 1968). Certain groups of society must choose how to adapt to the institu-
tionalized ideas of success knowing that they cannot always pull themselves up by
their bootstraps and make their way up the “corporate ladder.” Merton’s theory of
anomie/strain explores the different ways in which individuals adapt to the appa-
rent discrepancies of culturally defined objectives of success and the limitations on
opportunities and resources to achieve those goals. In particular, Merton outlines
five ways in which individuals adapt to cultural goals and institutionalized means:
conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion.
The Purge Universe
In order to understand Merton’s anomie/strain theory, this chapter uses the back-
drop of the different Purge films produced by Blumhouse Productions. In the film
series, the NFFA gain political power and enact the 28th Amendment to create the
purge. “The purge” is a 12-hour period in which all crime, including murder, is
legal. Four main films that comprise what we will call, in this chapter, the Purge
universe:1
1
The films are presented as they occur in the Purge universe timeline and not according to
their release dates.
5 Anomie and The Purge 45
• The First Purge takes place in 2017, portraying the first purge as a government-
sanctioned social experiment at a Staten Island low-income housing project that
eventually starts the nationwide practice, despite protests. In order to ensure
participation, citizens are offered US$5000 to stay on the island during the
purge period. They are paid even more to participate (i.e., commit a crime). The
government monitors participation through the use of video-linked contact eye
lenses.
• The Purge takes place in 2022, five years after the first social experiment. The
film not only focuses on one family but also portrays how society has embraced
the yearly purge, which is evident through the various industries that have emer-
ged, such as high-tech security systems and purge insurance.
• The Purge: Anarchy is set in the greater Los Angeles area and depicts what
happens in the surrounding city a year after the previous film. The film follows
a group of individuals who are brought together through varying circumstances:
a mother–daughter duo taken from the public housing units by mercenaries; a
police officer seeking revenge on a man who killed his son in a drunk driving
incident; and a couple running from a group of individuals who capture and sell
people to a wealthy society to hunt and kill on purge night. Overall, the film
portrays how groups of varying social situations engage in the purge. This film
also introduces anti-purge activists who begin to fight back against the NFFA.
• The Purge: Election Year follows a presidential nominee, Charlie Roan, who is
running on the platform of repealing the 28th Amendment, which would end the
purge, spurred by her witnessing the death of her family on purge night. During
the present purge period, government officials and mercenaries hunt her down
in an assassination attempt as government officials are fair game this purge
season. Accompanying storylines depict the challenges the working class face,
such as increased insurance premiums and homemade security systems (i.e.,
sitting on the roof of one’s property with a shotgun), as well as the underground
rebellion that provides medical services, a hideout, and a plan to assassinate the
NFFA presidential nominee.
As you learn about anomie and strain, imagine yourself in the Purge universe.
Imagine that the government supports and encourages engagement in crime,
including murder, for 12 hours once a year, every year. Society is now built around
the yearly purge. Organizations, businesses, and the media focus on and profit from
the purge the other 364 days, weaving the purge into the social fabric of American
society.
46 A. R. Borrego
Society, Anomie, and Strain
“As your elected president, with my fellow New Founding Fathers, we make this
promise. We will revive this country. The American Dream is dead. We will do
whatever it takes to let you dream again,” a message made by President Bracken in
The First Purge (Blum et al., 2018) blares on the television representing the
NFFA. The NFFA political party was created as a third option to republicans and
democrats in response to an American society that was looking for a change.
Citizens were increasingly angry due to a collapsing economy, high crime, high
unemployment, and a bankrupt government that could not take care of its citizens
(Blum et al., 2018). In 2014, the NFFA supported a social experiment by a psycho-
logist that hypothesized that people will behave better when they are allowed to act
out their frustrations without experiencing the repercussions (Blum et al., 2018).
By 2023, six years after the first purge experiment, America had experienced an
unemployment rate below 5%, a nearly nonexistent crime rate, and a relatively low
percentage of people living below the poverty line (Blum et al., 2014). It appears
as if the NFFA had created a societal oasis by allowing citizens to purge, or engage
in all types of crime, for one night each year.
According to Merton (1968), “a cardinal American virtue, ‘ambition,’ promotes
a cardinal American vice, ‘deviant behavior’” (p. 200). In particular, Merton’s
(1938, 1968) sociological theory focuses on how social structure and anomie pro-
mote deviant behavior and nonconformity to social norms. He rejects the notion
that deviance is a result of humanity’s primal impulse for evil and focused on how
social structure influenced conformist and deviant behavior (Merton, 1968).
Anomie manifests when the pressure to conform and achieve economic success
promotes individual competition that overrides a sense of community and working
toward a collective good (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2013). Citizens, in turn, feel the
strain to compete and achieve through any means necessary. Furthermore, indivi-
dual means or resources an individual has to achieve are potentially limited by so-
cial stratification. The way the society is structured, with fewer opportunities for
the poor and more opportunities for the middle class and rich, creates obstacles in
achieving the American Dream that exacerbate strains (Merton, 1968).
Merton, however, rejects the propositions of the Chicago School that macro-
level, structural characteristics allow crime to flourish in inner-city, lower socioe-
conomic areas (Lilly, Cullen, & Ball, 2019). Merton (1968) argues that poverty is
not enough to produce high rates of crime and deviance. Rather, Merton (1968)
hypothesizes that factors innate to American society across all levels of the socioe-
conomic continuum explained crime and deviance. In particular, American culture
emphasizes (1) ambition toward the same goals no matter what one’s social status
because goals are open to everyone; (2) if at first you do not succeed, try again; and
(3) if one truly fails, it is because they lost ambition (Merton, 1968). The over-
emphasis on ambition perpetuates the idea of success but fails to provide means
and opportunities for an achievement other than the message “keep trying.” As in-
dividuals are so focused on their own ambitions, they fail to see how societal struc-
ture limits certain groups’ opportunities and access to the necessary means for
achieving the American Dream (Merton, 1968).
The varying socioeconomic levels in America create differential experiences
while constantly promoting the same goal for all: the American Dream. The
American Dream can be described as “material comforts and individual opportuni-
ties of a middle-class lifestyle: a car, a house, education for the children, and a se-
cure retirement” (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2013, p. 7). Citizens are constantly bom-
barded with marketing that glamorizes material wealth. Media portrays the rags to
riches story as uniquely American; anyone can become successful if they can just
get to America. Structural differences, however, limit opportunities and resources
to achieve the American Dream through legitimate, institutionalized normative be-
haviors (Merton, 1968). Institutionalized normative behaviors include receiving a
proper education, finding and maintaining gainful employment, investing in mate-
rial wealth to keep earning, and following the law. For large segments of the coun-
try, following that path is not possible. For example, individuals from lower soci-
oeconomic communities do not have the same school systems as middle-class
suburbia and, in turn, do not have the same access to higher education. The lack of
educational opportunities may lead to a lack of better-paying jobs to gain material
wealth.
The ambition to gain economic success is ever prevalent, but constant failure to
achieve such goals can lead to feelings of strain. Individuals may then be persuaded
by ambition and strain to find alternative actions to achieve the universal cultural
goals of society. Alternative actions could involve legitimate (i.e., law-abiding ac-
tions) or illegitimate (i.e., law-violating and norm-violating actions). Thus, the li-
mitations experienced by individuals turn into strains, which leave individuals figu-
ring out how to adapt to societal pressure with the American Dream constantly
looming over their heads.
While society limits opportunities and resources for certain socioeconomic
groups, the social structure also imposes certain norms or behaviors that are com-
mon and acceptable. Anomie occurs when cultural norms and goals do not match
certain groups’ abilities to follow culturally prescribed behaviors (Merton, 1968).
What follows is crime and deviance from social normative behaviors. The over-
emphasis of achieving success results in pressure being placed on individuals to
48 A. R. Borrego
obtain their goals through whatever means necessary. While not all individuals will
turn to crime and deviance, deviant behavior has a pattern as explained through five
different typologies proposed by Merton (1968).
The American Dream in a New Society

This is your Emergency Broadcast System announcing the commencement of The
Annual Purge sanctioned by the US Government. (Blum et al., 2014)
The premise of The Purge films highlights the cultural goals of economic suc-
cess, decreased crime, and participation in the purge. Crime becomes legal and is
encouraged for one night every year to continue to keep crime and poverty rates
down (Blum et al., 2014). According to Merton (1938), individuals must adapt to
the culturally defined goals and institutionally acceptable means. American life in
the Purge universe retains the same culturally defined goals, but the institutionally
acceptable means have changed. Purging is now the institutionally acceptable me-
ans to promote prosperity and gain what you want. Not purging is viewed as
non-normative behavior because it does not support the goal of economic success
in the United States. Nonparticipation undermines the social norms and behaviors
outlined by broader society, creating anomie. Furthermore, nonparticipation varies
for different social classes. Just as Merton (1959) suggested, “differential access to
the approved opportunities for those variously located in the social structure” (p. 6)
will result in feelings of strain.
Universalism and Inequality

Government officials of ranking 10 have been granted immunity from the Purge and
shall not be harmed. (Blum et al., 2014)
Regardless of the different eras of social change that American society has ex-
perienced, inequality remains pervasive. The distribution of wealth and income is
continually concentrated among a small percentage of citizens (Messner &
Rosenfeld, 2013). Despite income segregation, the idea of the American Dream has
endured across all social classes. In actuality, inequality may be needed to continue
to motivate citizens to support the idea of the American Dream to compete for
monetary gain (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2013), as is exemplified in the Purge uni-
verse. Poverty and inequality do not occur in a vacuum but are rather interrelated
with other social and cultural values (Merton, 1938). In particular, the universally
accepted American Dream devalues other institutional goals and promotes the idea
that monetary gain is the only marker of success, which leads to a social structure
that perpetually causes strain among individuals (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2013). For
example, in the Purge universe, the purge is not seen as a morally defunct practice.
Rather, it is a way for society to flourish. During the other 364 days, society in the
Purge universe markets security systems, costumes, and murder tourism (a practice
where people from other countries flock to American to participate in the purge) to
continually promote the purge as the only way to a better America.
The government in the Purge universe realizes that in order for the purge to be
successful, society must adopt it as an acceptable way to achieve the universally
agreed-upon goal of the American Dream. In The First Purge, the NFFA sold the
idea of the purge by dangling money in front of the citizens in a low-income neigh-
borhood if they participated. In response to the question of whether or not people
would participate one character proclaimed, “People pissed. They ain’t got no mo-
ney. They ain’t got no food. They gotta release their anger. If they participate, it’s
going to be for that paper” (Blum et al., 2018). By focusing on the inequality al-
ready structured within society, the NFFA and the government created a market
economy for engaging in the purge in order to control the population.
In the following years, the purge became the way of American society. The go-
vernment no longer had to entice citizens to purge with actual money as the idea of
the universally coveted American Dream was sufficient alone. By improving soci-
ety through a reduction in crime and poverty, citizens believed that purging was the
answer to upward mobility, or so it seemed. In order for the purge to work, the
government had to perpetuate inequality through the social structure to pressurize
citizens into participating. This was exemplified by choosing to implement the first
purge experiment in a low-income neighborhood. During the experiment in The
First Purge, the social scientist that created the idea of the purge realized that the
government was using mercenaries to make it seem like people are purging so that
the experiment would seem successful and become law (Blum et al., 2018).
In The Purge: Anarchy, the government also manipulates the system to create
the social structure necessary for economic gain. The main characters discover that
mercenaries target low-income housing projects in Los Angeles in order to reduce
the number of low-income citizens. The mercenaries use surveillance systems to
track individuals and target entire housing buildings (Blum et al., 2014). They
easily break down the virtually nonexistent security systems to depopulate lower
socioeconomic communities. In doing so, the government reduces the poverty rate,
continues to tout the success of the purge, and perpetuates the necessary sociocul-
tural conditions to promote conformity and competition.
50 A. R. Borrego
Additionally, the first film, The Purge, highlights the relationship between saf-
ety inequality and income inequality. Citizens of the lower socioeconomic commu-
nities have less access to safety measures during the purge. In The Purge, the main
character, James Sandin, sells high-tech security systems to the wealthy to ensure
safety among middle- and upper-class societies. Alternatively, homemade security
systems of wooden planks and deadbolts, as seen in The Purge: Anarchy, can be
easily breached, which can force lower-income groups into purge participation
whether they like it or not. Social stratification bounds responses to the structurally
induced strain caused by the creation of the purge by the government. In essence,
the purge is a way for the government to create barriers to economic success for the
lower class or to perpetuate inequality and build a society that conforms to the
values of the NFFA. Purge participation then becomes a choice for the wealthy,
who can purchase poor people to slaughter in the comfort of their own homes or
pay individuals to kidnap people to hunt, as seen in The Purge: Anarchy. Lower-
class individuals who choose to purge do so at their own risk of falling victim to
other purgers, but they are also not guaranteed safety should they choose to refrain.
Thus, the Purge universe exemplifies how opportunities and means, or lack thereof,
influence individual choices and actions based on social stratification.
Merton’s Five Modes of Adaptation
Individuals who experience obstacles to opportunities, and subsequent strain, must

decide how to adapt, which includes a two-step process. First, individuals must
choose if they buy into the cultural goals being pushed by society. That is, do they
buy into the American Dream? Second, they must decide what actions they want to
take to achieve those goals. Merton (1968) discusses these actions in terms of legi-
timate or illegitimate means. Legitimate means refer to norm-following behaviors,
such as getting a job to earn money. Illegitimate means refer to norm-violating
actions, such as selling drugs to make money. Thus, deviant behavior can be seen
as a rejection of the universal goals of economic success and/or the rejection of
achieving the American Dream through institutionalized (i.e., socially acceptable)
means or behaviors.
Conformity. Merton (1957, 1968) argued that most people conform to societal
norms. In particular, conformists buy into the goals of success and they engage in
legitimate means to achieve those goals, even if they experience obstacles.
Conformists buy into the cultural goals of economic success, as well as the means
to achieve those goals (Merton, 1968). Within the Purge universe, legitimate means
refer to engagement in the purge. Individuals who support the purge demonstrate
their adherence by purging once a year. They buy into products, marketing, and
institutions that continue to promote the purge. The Skeletor character from The
First Purge best exemplifies the conformist mentality. As he gets ready to purge, he
yells “Founding Fathers! Pay me! Save me!” (Blum et al., 2018). He both buys into
the idea of getting money and purging to earn that money.
Innovators. Individuals who buy into the cultural goals of economic success,
but engage in creative, law- and norm-violating behaviors to achieve those goals
are innovators. Essentially, innovators engage in deviant behavior to overcome the
obstacles blocking them from achieving their goals. In the Purge universe, inno-
vators buy into the goals of economic success but do not engage in the violent
crime associated with the purge. They do, however, engage in other acts that sup-
port cultural goals. For example, in The Purge: Anarchy, young men drive around
the city finding individuals to target during the purge. The characters Shane and Liz
find that their vehicle brakes have been cut before the commencement of the purge.
After the purge begins, the young men that cut their brake line continue to follow
them. Later in the film, the young men capture Shane and Liz and sell them to a
wealthy club located at a secretive location in the city so they can be auctioned off
and hunted (Blum et al., 2014). The young men accept the cultural goals of econo-
mic success but find other creative ways to earn their money. They technically en-
gage in deviant behavior by cutting the brake line before the purge begins and use
that to their advantage during the purge.
Panhandlers engaging in law-violating behavior prior to the beginning of purge
night provide another illustration of innovators. On her way home, Eva encounters
panhandlers that are trying to sell her black-market weapons. The panhandler gets
in her face to sell his product and yells “You gonna need something for protection
tonight? Uzi, Barretta. Look, on the cheap, cheap. Or a blade to cut your man
throat. Whatever you need. We take any kind of payment” (Blum et al., 2014).
Selling illegal weapons prior to the start of the purge violates what is considered
law-abiding behavior.
Ritualism. Ritualists are nonconformists in terms of goals. They still have goals
for success and prosperity but not ones that closely align with the American Dream.
Ritualists realize that their strain stems from the inability to achieve the culturally
outlined standards of economic success and thus scale down their own personal
goals and aspirations (Lilly et al., 2019). They still, however, conform to the
institutionalized means of achieving their goals, which in the Purge universe can
include purge participation.
The ritualist examples involve the ideas of revenge and justice, which are not
promoted in the American Dream. In The Purge: Anarchy, the main characters are
fleeing the mercenaries and a group of collectors. Eva, the mother of the mother–
52 A. R. Borrego
daughter duo, leads them to her co-workers house claiming she has a car they can
borrow. While at the house, the co-worker’s sister shoots her sister and husband
because she found out they were having an affair (Blum et al., 2014). Purge parti-
cipation for her was not a way to gain economic success but to enact revenge for
the hurt she felt when uncovering the affair. She conformed to the institutionalized
means (i.e., purge participation) provided by the government to achieve a means to
an end that does not particularly align with the American Dream.
The second example focuses on Sergeant Leo Barnes, also in The Purge:
Anarchy. Leo does not prescribe to the culturally dominant goals, but he does ac-
cept the purge as the institutionalized means to achieve his goal. Several years ago,
Leo’s son was killed in a drunk driving accident. The man who killed his son did
not face any penalties due to a technicality (Blum et al., 2014). Leo decides to use
the Purge as a way to get justice for his son. A few days before the purge, he di-
sarms the man’s security system so that he could slip in undetected during the
purge (technically an innovative behavior). His actions are viewed as ritualism
because as we learn about his character, he does not support the idea of the purge
and only participates in violent actions (or attempts) when seeking justice. In the
film The Purge: Election Year, Leo only engages in violent actions when protecting
Senator Charlie Roan. When presented with the opportunity, he does not kill when
it is not warranted (Blum et al., 2016). Leo’s ultimate goals are not economic suc-
cess or personal wealth demonstrating that he does not buy into the American
Dream. He does, however, believe that the Purge can be used to his advantage to
fulfill his own goals and desires.
Retreatism. The fourth mode of adaptation focuses on nonconformity in terms
of both cultural goals and institutionalized means to achieve those goals. Retreatists
reject the ideals associated with cultural success as well as the normative behaviors
to gain success (Lilly et al., 2019). Merton (1968) describes retreatists as belonging
to society but not being a part of it. Instead, retreatists engage in deviant behaviors,
such as drug addiction or vagrancy, as a way to escape societal pressures and norms
(Merton, 1968). In the Purge universe, homeless individuals exemplify reatreatists.
Homeless encampments are strewn across the subway lines in The Purge: Anarchy.
The homeless are attempting to wait out the purge by hiding below ground. They
exemplify the part of society that does not subscribe to the American Dream or the
purge.
Rebellion. Individuals that fall in this category reject the broader cultural goals
imposed on all individuals by society. Instead of adjusting the pervasive, normative
cultural goals to fit their own lives as the ritualists do, they fight to change the sys-
tem (Lilly et al., 2019). The first rebels in the Purge universe timeline include the
protestors outside the Park Hill Towers, the site of the first purge experiment.
Protestors exclaimed, “The NFFA knew that we, the impoverished, would stay if
there was monetary gain. This is another way to keep the brown and black people
down” (Blum et al., 2018). The citizens realize the imposition of socially structu-
red capacities by the government and do not blame themselves for the failure to
achieve economic success, but blame the system.
Rebels not only want to change the cultural goals but also the means to achieve
the new goals. “The redistribution of wealth upward through killing has to stop. We
must pick up arms. This year we will fight back!” is a proclamation by Carmelo
Jones in The Purge: Anarchy (Blum et al., 2014). Carmelo Jones exemplifies how
rebels seek to change the system through the rejection of broader cultural goals and
institutionalized means. Throughout the film, Carmelo Jones displays underground
videos to incite a revolution against the NFFA to end the purge. He also notes the
inevitability of having to engage in violence during the purge by explaining change
does not happen until the blood of the wealthy is shed (Blum et al., 2014). Jones is
not the only character to adapt through rebellion. In The Purge: Election Year, a US
Senator, Charlie Roan, campaigns for the presidency on the platform of eliminating
the purge (Blum et al., 2016). Instead of purging, she seeks to change the system
for a more equal society.
The Purge as a Market Economy
Messner and Rosenfeld (1997), concerned with the disproportionately high serious
crime rate in the United States compared with other industrialized nations, set out
to sociologically conceptualize what makes the American culture and society
unique. They elaborated on the idea of anomie by arguing that the economy is in-
terrelated with other social institutions in what they termed as institutional-anomie
theory. When the economy is overemphasized in society, the balance among social
institutions, which may have competing value systems, is disrupted and anomie
and high crime rates follow (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2013). Anomic cultural pres-
sure and crime are more likely to occur when the power dynamics are disrupted and
economics dominates other noneconomic goals through two processes: socializa-
tion and social control (Messner & Rosenfeld, 1997). In the Purge universe, the
purge becomes the main social institution. Through year-round marketing and
product development, Americans are taught to believe that the success of all citi-
zens depends upon involvement in the purge.
The idea of the purge is sold on a countrywide scale as a way to reduce crime
and poverty in society. The NFFA capitalizes on the idea of the purge by creating a
market economy for purging and safety. Big corporations make money by creating
54 A. R. Borrego
and selling high-tech security systems, which can only be purchased by middle-
and upper-class citizens (Blum et al., 2013). Consequently, individuals who get
jobs with those corporations have access to safety, to a certain extent. For example,
in The Purge, security system salesman James Sandin has made a prosperous living
from the purge market. The Sandins’ neighbors take note that their economic pro-
sperity is due to the neighbors purchasing the expensive security systems from
James, making the Sandins the gossip of the community and later the target of their
purge outrage (Blum et al., 2013). While the neighbors have every right to purge by
killing the Sandin family, their motive is not related to economic success but rather
hatred (Blum et al., 2013), which exemplifies the increase in anomie.
Socialization
Noneconomic goals set forth by the values important to other social institutions
(such as family, education, and/or the political system) socialize individuals to re-
spect social norms and law abidance (Messner & Rosenfeld, 1997). If nonecono-
mic structures lose strength to properly socialize individuals, as anomie grows,
deviant behaviors may emerge to participate in the dominant structure (i.e., econo-
mic success), as well as create a bigger demand for the market economy (Bernburg,
2002). For example, family places value on attachment between parent and child.
Family, however, also places an emphasis on monetary success to provide for the
family (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2013). The economic goal of providing food,
housing, and education then becomes the dominating goal of the family, rather than
closeness and engagement. Limited-opportunity families might have to turn to
other means to reach their goals. Additionally, an increased labor market also cre-
ates a demand for childcare services, which continues to increase the need for more
money (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2013).
Through the institutionalized means of purging, individuals are socialized to
accept that engaging in crime for 12 hours once a year is beneficial to all. The idea
of the purge coupled with economic success dominates the values of noneconomic
institutions, such as family. For example, a teenager in The Purge: Election Year
kills her parents so that she can go out and purge (Blum et al., 2016). While it is her
right afforded to her by the NFFA, killing her parents does not align with the goal
of family cohesion. The act of purging overpowers values associated with other
social institutions. This act exemplifies how the purge has become part of the nor-
mative culture with an expectation that all should participate, even if it hurts and
diminishes the roles of other social institutions.
Social Control
Social controls exert influence over an individual’s behavior. When the goals of
noneconomic institutions are strong, they bolster engagement in normative beha-
vior. When economic success goals are given more credence than noneconomic
realms of life, however, noneconomic institutions fail to govern behavior and “the
result is relatively tenuous institutional engagement, weak social control, and high
rates of crime” (Messner & Rosenfeld, 1997, p. 1397). Weakened social controls
leave citizens engaging in any means necessary to achieve the American Dream
while other aspects of social life are demoted. Participation in noneconomic roles
is no longer the main focus. Rather, individuals seek heightened participation in the
economic market, which may occur through legitimate or illegitimate means
(Messner & Rosenfeld, 2006).
What happens when citizens begin to reject the idea of the purge? When other
institutions start promoting competing values that challenge the social order asso-
ciated with the purge, anomic pressures are created, which in turn weaken social
controls (Messner & Rosenfeld, 2006). As more citizens rebel against the idea of
the purge, more power dynamics are disrupted. In The Purge: Election Year,
Charlie Roan finds support from a large constituency who is deviating away from
the purge by supporting the banishing of the practice. By weakening social cont-
rols, citizens no longer view the purge as the only institutionalized means to gain
and promote success and prosperity in the United States. This spurs the govern-
ment to make drastic changes to ensure that other institutions, or people like
Charlie Roan do not devalue the economic market. In order to maintain the status
quo (i.e., the existing sociocultural conditions), the government removes immunity
for high-ranking officials so that Charlie Roan can be legally assassinated and
removed as a threat to the purge and NFFA control (Blum et al., 2016).
Lastly, while the purge can be viewed as an acceptable institutionalized means
for achieving economic goals, it also creates an environment for alternative beha-
vior that contradicts the purpose of the purge. The purpose of the purge is to allow
individuals to release the beast one night a year so that people are law-abiding citi-
zens the rest of the year. The growing competition among the lower class
exacerbated by structural conditions (created by the government) promotes innova-
tion over conformity. The interrelated value systems of noneconomic institutions
begin to influence behavior and challenge the idea of the purge. The character
Laney Rucker in The Purge: Election Year demonstrates how a change in values
modifies her behavior (Blum et al., 2016). Once a hard-core purger, Laney now
provides emergency medical services during purge night to help those in need.
56 A. R. Borrego
Another character who rejects the idea of the purge in The Purge: Election Year is
Dante Bishop and his followers. He, like Carmelo Jones in The Purge: Anarchy,
views that the only way to end the purge is through violence against the NFFA’s
leadership (Blum et al., 2016). Thus, through the creation of violence as normative
behavior to promote the American Dream more violent behavior deemed noncon-
formist manifests.
Conclusion
Commencing at the siren, any and all crime, including murder, will be legal for 12
continuous hours…Blessed be our New Founding Fathers and America. (Blum et al.,
2014)
In an effort to maintain the status quo, the NFFA government engages in tactics
to create structural obstacles for the lower classes to perpetuate a social hierarchy
and economic competition for a healthy economic market. Using the framework of
Merton’s (1938) theory and Messner and Rosenfeld’s (1997) institutional-anomie
theory, we can understand how The Purge films depict normlessness, inequality,
and social deviance. The Purge universe presents a society that allows citizens to
release the beast in order to reduce crime and poverty rates. The government, ho-
wever, perpetuates economic inequality by hiring mercenaries to reduce low-
income communities, creating unattainable safety measures, and overemphasizing
the values associated with the purge. The result is anomic pressure, strain, and de-
viant behavior.
According to Merton, societies that overemphasize the American Dream (i.e.,
economic success) will experience an imbalance of values with other social insti-
tutions. In the Purge universe, the imbalance of values led to rebellion (i.e., deviant
behavior) against the NFFA and the practice of the purge (i.e., lack of engagement
in crime during the purge). In nonfictional American society (i.e., real life), en-
gagement in crime and delinquency exemplifies the imbalance of values. Comparing
the different approaches between the fictional and nonfictional American societies
demonstrates the need for a balance among social institutions and reduction in in-
equitable practices so that proper socialization and social controls exerted by vari-
ous social institutions can reduce strains felt by citizens and bolster legitimate ins-
titutionalized norms.
1. Describe the American Dream in today’s society. Do you think that it has chan-
ged or evolved since Merton first observed society and crime?
2. What parallels can you draw from the social structure represented in The Purge
films with today’s society?
3. How did Messner and Rosenfeld build upon Merton’s theory of anomie?
4. Identify other popular culture characters that exemplify the different modes of
adaptation and explain.
References
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Rational Choice Theory and Friends
Rational Decision Making and Friends
6
Rachel Baumann
The origin of rational choice theory began with the philosophical theories of Cesare
Beccaria and Jeremy Bentham—theories that would eventually assist in forming
the classical school of criminology (Moran, 1996). The classical school of crimi-
nology focuses on the idea that people have free will and choose to either act ac-
cording to societal rules or act against them (Moran, 1996). Since the formation of
the classical school of criminology, criminologists have formed many different
theories of crime that hold the assumption that humans have free will (Moran,
1996). Rational choice theory, as revived by Derek Cornish and Ronald Clarke,
explains that people will mentally rationalize both the costs and benefits of their
potential actions, seeking to maximize their pleasure and minimize their pain, in
order to make decisions on how to ultimately act (McCarthy, Hagan, & Cohen,
1998). Additionally, Cornish and Clarke mention that while people consider the
costs and benefits of their potential actions, “decisions are compromised by time,
abilities, and the availability of relevant information,” meaning that people have
limited rationality and only have a vague understanding of the potential outcomes
(McCarthy et al., 1998, p. 158).
Although Cornish and Clarke are recognized as the original designers of ratio-
nal choice theory, other criminologists have either slightly altered the theory while
maintaining the theory’s core assumptions or have integrated concepts of the the-
ory into their own (McCarthy et al., 1998). For example, Gary Becker’s version of
R. Baumann (*)

60 R. Baumann
rational choice theory is focused on an economic viewpoint and claims that all
people make decisions “‘as if’ they are aware of all possible outcomes,” conclu-
ding that both offenders and nonoffenders use the same costs and benefits when
making decisions (McCarthy et al., 1998). Another example is the idea of rational
choice developed by Michael Gottfredson and Travis Hirschi, which claims that
offenders have limited self-control and do not consider the future consequences
and that these traits affect their ability to rationalize the costs of their actions pro-
perly (McCarthy et al., 1998).
This chapter focuses on the variation of rational choice theory developed by Bill
McCarthy in 2002, who argues that this theory not only explains the thought pro-
cesses of criminals but also showcases the very nature of human agency (Paternoster
& Pogarsky, 2009). He describes four elements of “thoughtfully reflective decision
making” that all humans experience when making decisions and explains how the
process of thoughtfully reflective decision making varies depending on the indivi-
dual and their state of being throughout their life (Paternoster & Pogarsky, 2009).
The four elements of thoughtfully reflective decision making, hereinafter referred
to as TRDM, are gathering information pertaining to the current situation, thinking
about all potential courses of action and their consequences, making a decision on
how to act, and reflecting on that decision in order to make better decisions in the
future (Paternoster & Pogarsky, 2009).
There are numerous situations where the four elements of the TRDM process
apply in the 1990s and 2000s television sitcom Friends, a show that follows six
friends as they work together to get through the ups and downs of life. The show,
although ending in 2004, continues to have a strong fan-following. The show’s
mass fan following comes from its willingness to tackle controversial topics and
real-life scenarios. Throughout the show’s ten seasons, the characters encounter
countless situations where they face tough decisions that require them to gather
information pertaining to their issue, think about their options, make decisions, and
reflect on their decisions. Although most of the situations within the show do not
pertain to criminal activity, they serve as good examples of situations that clearly
follow the four elements of TRDM and help to clearly understand rational choice
theory.
Ross’ List
One of the most direct examples of decision making occurs in one of the earlier
episodes, titled “The One with the List.” The situation demonstrates a clear ex-
ample of weighing costs and benefits within decision making. In this episode, Ross
6 Rational Choice Theory and Friends 61
is dating a young girl named Julie. However, he discovers that his long-time crush,
Rachel, has feelings for him. He now faces the decision to either stay with his gir-
lfriend, Julie, or leave her for Rachel. Ross decides to create a pros and cons list for
each girl in order to facilitate his decision making. By creating a pros and cons list
for each girl, Ross is actively gathering and organizing all the information relevant
to his situation, fulfilling the first element of the TRDM process. He then uses that
list to consider all his options based on the information gathered, fulfilling the se-
cond element of the TRDM process. Although choosing Julia ultimately has the
most pros and the least cons, Ross lets his emotions take over his decision making
by saying, “She’s not Rachel” (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Ross ultimately chooses Rachel, fulfilling the third element of the TRDM pro-
cess. However, he makes this decision based on his emotions rather than the gathe-
red information, which McCarthy names as one of the extraneous factors that can
influence decision making (Paternoster & Pogarsky, 2009). McCarthy claims that
decisions made using “intuition, habit, emotions, or one’s moral beliefs” requires
no, or limited, cognitive work, which means an individual will use less reasoning
and logic to make the decision (Paternoster & Pogarsky, 2009, p. 106). Ross then
reflects on his decision, fulfilling element four of the TRDM process, when Rachel
discovers his list of pros and cons and is hurt by the cons he has listed for her. Ross
quickly regrets his decision to create the list and attempts to explain his actions to
Rachel, who storms out of the room hurt and upset (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–
2004). Ross reflects upon his decision, McCarthy would say, to “assess what went
right and what went wrong” (Paternoster & Pogarsky, 2009, p. 105).
Joey’s Bankruptcy and Stubbornness
In the episode titled, “The One Where Eddie Won’t Go,” audiences are provided
with a great example of how decision making through emotions, rather than logic,
can lead to poor results. Joey is fired from his acting role as Dr. Drake Ramoray,
promptly leading the soap opera writers to kill his character. Estelle, Joey’s acting
agent, can only present Joey, who now needs a new acting job, with a role as a
simple cab driver. Joey refuses to take such a small role, claiming that he will only
accept larger roles after his experience acting as Dr. Drake Ramoray, one of the
leading characters in the soap opera “Days of Our Lives.” With no larger roles
available and spending more than his new salary can afford, Joey accrues large
amounts of debt (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Joey’s friend, Ross, discovers how much debt he now has and advises Joey to
take whatever acting roles he can get to earn whatever money he can. Joey responds
62 R. Baumann
by gathering little information regarding his situation. He only thinks about his
pride and how he will only accept larger acting jobs, completely disregarding the
large amount of debt he has accumulated and the potential future consequences
(Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004). This is another example of someone limiting
their rationality by letting emotions take over their decision making (Paternoster &
Pogarsky, 2009).
With limited information gathering and rationality, Joey reduces his options for
how to react to the situation. He ultimately chooses to continue his stubbornness
and not accept any small acting roles, acting against Ross’ suggestions to take
whatever acting roles he could get. Eventually, men go to Joe’s apartment and re-
possess most of his possessions. Joey then admits to Ross that he has made a mis-
take, having reflected on his decision making and realizing what he has done after
the consequences of his actions have come to fruition. Ross, feeling Joey has le-
arned a lesson from the situation, agrees to buy one of Joey’s repossessed items
back for him: the large ceramic dog (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Monica’s Decision to Leave Richard
Another instance of rational choice theory occurs in the episode “The One with
Barry and Mindy’s Wedding,” where viewers can see a clear example of logical
decision making. In this episode, Monica and her boyfriend, Richard, discuss their
future together. Monica admits to Richard that she wants to have children in the
future. However, Richard, being significantly older than Monica, expresses reluc-
tance to have any more children. He claims that he wants his future to focus on
Monica and not raising more children. Monica, left heartbroken by this news, must
now make a tough decision; either she can stay with Richard and accept not having
any children or she can leave Richard and find someone else who wants the same
things she does (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Monica begins her decision-making process by gathering all the information
regarding her situation, the first step of the TRDM process. She first chooses to
explain to Richard how much she wants children, hoping he will change his mind.
Richard, seeing Monica’s indecisiveness, offers to have children with her if that
will make her happy because he truly loves her. With this new information, Monica
has several options for how to proceed with the situation and fulfills element two
of TRDM by considering them all. She could agree to Richard’s offer although she
knew that is not what he truly wants, she could stay with Richard and choose to not
have children, or she could leave Richard in search of somebody who also wants
children. Although staying with Richard and having children with him is what she
wants to choose, Monica considers Richard’s feelings and does not want to force
him to have children if he does not truly want them. She considers the fact that he
has already had children with his former wife and has already endured the struggles
of raising young children. Finally, she recognizes that Richard is older now and
that forcing him to raise more young children with her now would not be fair to
him. After gathering all her information and considering all her options, Monica
ultimately chooses to leave Richard for a life of future children, fulfilling element
three of TRDM. Although Monica loves Richard immensely, she recognizes that it
would be unfair to ask him to have children with her if he truly does not want to
(Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
In the following episode, “The One with the Princess Leia Fantasy,” viewers can
see the final element of the TRDM process, Monica’s reflection on her decision to
leave Richard. As she thinks about her decision, Monica becomes depressed over
losing Richard, the man she loves. However, regardless of how she feels, she still
admits that she made the best choice for her situation (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–
2004). McCarthy would consider Monica “deliberate, careful, and mindful” for
coming to a logical conclusion rather than deciding through emotions (Paternoster
& Pogarsky, 2009, p. 105). Rather than disregarding Richard’s feelings and asking
him to have children with her when that is not what he wants, just because she loves
him and wants that future with him, she decides to logically consider the conse-
quences and emotions of Richard as well. She does not limit her options or her
rationality based on how she feels, but instead, she considers all of her options and
chooses the best available option regardless of how it makes her feel (Crane &
Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Ross and Rachel’s Annulment
Revisiting the character of Ross, his battle for and with Rachel continues throug-
hout the series and leads to them getting drunkenly married in Las Vegas. When
choices need to be made in the aftermath of this incident, both emotions and logic
influence the characters’ decisions. In the episode titled “The One After Vegas,”
Rachel asks Ross to get the marriage annulled. Being divorced twice already, Ross
hesitates to get the annulment, not wanting to have three failed marriages. Rachel
demands the annulment, and Ross eventually agrees to get it. However, Ross per-
forms limited information gathering by only focusing on the fact that he does not
want a third failed marriage. With his limited information, Ross creates a situation
where he now has few options. Ross, being ruled by his emotions rather than logic
64 R. Baumann
and rationality, chooses to not get the marriage annulled and simply tells Rachel
that he did, leaving them secretly married (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Of course, Rachel eventually learns the truth and becomes furious. Due to the
prolonged amount of time after the marriage and accidentally informing the judge
of their past relationship, the judge decides that she will not annul the marriage,
and they must proceed through a full divorce process instead. Ross now reflects on
his decision and realizes that by choosing to lie to Rachel and never actually getting
the annulment, he finds himself in a worse situation than he would have been other-
wise. His fears have come true, and he now has three true divorces rather than one
annulment. Ross realizes that he made a poor decision by relying on his limited
rationality and emotions rather than on logic and reasoning. Had Ross considered
all the potential consequences and how his actions would make others feel, he
would have allowed himself to have more options for reacting to his situation.
Additionally, if he had not let his emotions affect his decision making, he could
have made a logical choice of how to best handle the situation (Crane & Kauffman,
1994–2004).
Chandler and Rachel: Cheesecake Thieves
The show Friends does not include many examples of crime, but there are a couple
of situations spread throughout the show’s ten seasons. This example demonstrates
how people seek the most reward and the least pain when making decisions and
how they will select the criminal option if it appears the most beneficial. The cha-
racters Chandler and Rachel become cheesecake thieves in the episode “The One
with All the Cheesecakes.” Chandler accidentally receives a cheesecake at his front
door meant for a woman in an apartment downstairs from his. Without looking at
who the package is addressed to, Chandler opens and tastes the cheesecake. After
tasting the delicious cheesecake, he decides to eat it, even though he realizes it is
not intended for him. Rachel walks in on him eating the cheesecake, and Chandler
coerces Rachel into tasting it. Rachel is amazed at how delicious it is and looks at
the package to see where it came from only to find that it is not addressed to them.
She scolds Chandler for taking something that does not belong to him, but Chandler
explains his rationalization to Rachel. After gathering the information about his
situation and observing his options, Chandler argues with Rachel that eating the
cheesecake does not pose a problem. He came to the logical conclusion that their
neighbor will call the bakery and claim she never got the cheesecake and that the
bakery will send her another one. Choosing this option allows Chandler to maxi-
mize his pleasure by eating the delicious cheesecake but minimizes his pain by
knowing that the neighbor will receive another cheesecake; he does not have to feel
guilty. Rachel agrees with Chandler’s logic and decides to share the cheesecake
with him (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
The next day, Chandler and Rachel discover that a second cheesecake has arri-
ved, but again to the wrong address. Rachel says they cannot eat the second chee-
secake, and they attempt to take the cheesecake to its rightful owner. However, they
find that the neighbor is not home. Chandler and Rachel then reason that the chee-
secake cannot just sit in the hall and that they should watch it for their neighbor
until she returns home. This choice ultimately causes Chandler and Rachel to not
only eat the cheesecake but to fight over it. This situation shows that both Chandler
and Rachel have limited rationality by not considering the neighbor lady’s feelings
or other potential consequences. They allow themselves to only gather information
and create options of how to handle the situation that fulfill their selfish wants,
choosing to neglect any information or options where they may feel guilty or cause
themselves pain (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
The Mugging of Science Boy
One of the best examples of criminal decision making within this show occurs in
the episode “The One with the Mugging.” The episode begins with Ross and
Phoebe walking down the street when a mugger approaches them. Ross begins to
freak out and comply with the mugger’s demands. However, this situation quickly
becomes comedic when Phoebe recognizes the mugger as an old friend of hers. As
Phoebe and the mugger chat, Ross looks dumbfounded. Later, when Ross and
Phoebe meet Monica at the café that they frequent, Central Perk, Ross tells Monica
about what happened. Phoebe explains how she knew the mugger from her days of
living on the streets and how she used to also mug people for money. Ross and
Monica look at her shocked. Phoebe defends her actions by saying that she needed
the money for food, explaining that she did not grow up with any money as they
did, and how she has had a hard life. Phoebe is explaining her rationality for why
she would mug people; the benefit of eating outweighed any pains that came with
mugging people. During her decision-making process, it was the best option for
handling the situation she was in. The viewer can see that Phoebe recognizes her
decision seems questionable due to her feeling that she must defend her actions to
her friends. This is because Phoebe has now expanded the perspective of her limi-
ted rationality to include her friends’ view of her. However, the show’s audience
can also see that she still stands by the decision she made due to how comfortable
she seems by telling her friends these stories. She explains that she did what she
66 R. Baumann
had to do in her situation at that time, knowing what she knew then (Crane &
Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Monica then explains to Phoebe that this situation was traumatizing for Ross
because he was mugged as a kid when leaving the comic book store. Ross says the
person who mugged him was a thug with a pipe who stole his backpack, which
contained his own hand-written comic titled “Science Boy.” When Ross leaves the
café to get to work, Phoebe confides to Monica that the comic book store is where
she used to mug people and that a pipe was her weapon of choice. Phoebe details
how there was once a boy she mugged outside the comic book store with a back-
pack that had a “Geology Rocks” sticker, and Monica confirms that that boy was
Ross. Phoebe is now made aware of an unforeseen pain that her decision has cau-
sed, not just for her but for Ross (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
With Phoebe now retroactively including Ross’ feelings into her decision ma-
king and reflecting on her decision, element four of TRDM, she feels guilty and
decides to tell Ross what she has discovered. Once she explains the situation to
Ross and asks him for forgiveness, he ends up feeling hurt and humiliated. Phoebe
tries to focus on the positive outlook of the situation by explaining how she never
had any old memories with the group of friends and now they have an old memory
together. By doing this, Phoebe offers Ross additional information and alternative
rationality for this situation, hoping Ross will choose to view the situation from a
milder perspective. Ross is not amused and leaves the café upset. Phoebe, feeling
horrible for the decision she made in the past, decides to redeem herself now by
presenting Ross with a box of her treasures she kept from her life on the streets.
Ross is skeptical but listens to Phoebe as she removes the old copy of “Science
Boy” from the box. Ross instantly becomes overjoyed from being reunited with
this old, cherished item. Phoebe explains that she felt it was too important to get rid
of, so she kept it for all those years. With this present, Ross chooses to let the past
go and forgives Phoebe, focusing his choice on the good that came from the situa-
tion (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Chandler the Doctor and Monica the Minister
Finally, in one of the last episodes of the series titled “The One with the Birth
Mother,” viewers watch as Chandler and Monica both process a difficult decision,
achieve different conclusions, and need to explain their decision making to each
other. Chandler and Monica wait on a list to adopt a baby because they cannot have
children naturally due to health concerns. After waiting for a while, they finally
receive a call saying that a birth mother would like to interview them as potential
parents. Ecstatic, Chandler and Monica arrive at the meeting ready to impress the
mother. However, they soon realize that she has mistaken them for another couple.
There was a mistake with the identification numbers on the potential parent forms,
and the birth mother believes Chandler is a doctor and Monica is a minister. Monica
realizes the mistake but only considers her options with limited rationality. She
senses that the birth mother respects them due to their occupations and knows that
she wants a child more than anything else. So, making her choices through her
emotions of wanting a child, Monica chooses to let the birth mother continue to
believe the mistake (Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Chandler eventually becomes the voice of reason and convinces her that they
must tell her the truth. Monica, reflecting on her decision and realizing that what
she has done goes against her moral beliefs, decides that telling the birth mother the
truth is the right thing to do. Although Monica acknowledges the best course of
action, that action is too painful for her to do herself. So, Chandler chooses to tell
the birth mother the truth alone, explaining how they only lied because they really
want a baby to call their own. The birth mother, shocked by his honesty and moved
by his genuine desire for a child, decides to still choose them as the parents for her
child. This example shows how emotions can alter rational decision making, crea-
ting limited rationality within a person. Monica declined to consider the birth mo-
ther’s feelings or the potential consequences for her actions at first. However, once
Monica has the additional information to consider, provided by Chandler, and
some time to reflect on her initial decision, she is able to realize the logic and rea-
soning she had been missing. This new mindset alters her decision, and Monica
decides to choose another course of action by telling the birth mother the truth
(Crane & Kauffman, 1994–2004).
Conclusion
The media presents many examples of rational choice theory that imitate real-world
experiences. On the basis of the philosophies of Beccaria and Bentham, “human
nature was predicated upon the search for pleasure and the avoidance of pain”
(Hayward, 2007, p. 233). All human action is calculated to maximize pleasure and
minimize pain (Hayward, 2007). Although emotions and moral beliefs can hinder
rational decision making, humans logically process the information they know that
pertains to a decision and choose the course of action with the best, most plea-
surable, outcome (Paternoster & Pogarsky, 2009). In order to make such decisions,
people gather information, think about the possible options they have, choose the
best course of action, and reflect upon that decision to learn what went well and
68 R. Baumann
what went wrong for reference in later decision making (Paternoster & Pogarsky,
2009).
People use rational decision making in decisions both big and small in their
everyday lives. The television show Friends explores the everyday lives of six in-
dividuals, all living their own lives, making numerous choices throughout the
show, some big and some small. The show encounters silly topics, as well as seri-
ous ones, and viewers can relate to some of the characters’ experiences. Therefore,
the outcomes of these characters’ decision-making processes could potentially oc-
cur in real-world scenarios as well. Knowing how people make decisions, using the
TRDM process, for example, informs criminologists about how to potentially stop
people from deciding to commit crimes and instead facilitate people to make
law-abiding decisions.
1. What is rational choice theory? Who developed it? Where did it originate?
2. What is the TRDM process? Who developed it?
3. What are some of the extraneous factors that can cause limited rationality? How
often do you think these factors are involved in real-world decision making?
How do we avoid them?
4. After reading the chapter, watch one of the mentioned episodes of Friends. With
the TRDM process in mind, consider what could have been different.
5. List the four elements of the TRDM process as though it were the best-case
scenario. What was the worst-case scenario?
6. What would your TRDM process look like if you were in those situations?
Would any of the limited rationality factors come into play?
References
Crane, D. (Producer), & Kauffman, M. (Producer). (1994–2004). Friends [Television
Series]. Burbank, CA: NBC.
Hayward, K. (2007). Situational Crime Prevention and Its Discontents: Rational Choice
Theory Versus the ‘Culture of Now’. Social Policy & Administration, 41(3), 232–250.
McCarthy, B., Hagan, J., & Cohen, L. E. (1998). Uncertainty, Cooperation, and Crime:
Understanding the Decision to Co-offend. Social Forces, 77(1), 155–176.
Moran, R. (1996). Bringing Rational Choice Theory Back to Reality. The Journal of Criminal
Law and Criminology (1973–), 86(3), 1147–1160.
Paternoster, R., & Pogarsky, G. (2009). Rational Choice, Agency and Thoughtfully Reflective
Decision Making: The Short and Long-term Consequences of Making Good Choices.
Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 2, 103–127.
Opportunity Theories and Super
Mario Bros. 7
Opportunities for Crime in the Mushroom Kingdom:
Applying Rational Choice Perspective and Routine
Activity Approach to Super Mario Bros.
Victoria A. Sytsma
Introduction
Mario Is a Murderer
Super Mario Bros. is a side-scrolling, 8-bit videogame and cultural juggernaut

released on the Nintendo Entertainment System in 1985. According to the American
edition of the Super Mario Bros. Instruction Booklet, Mario—the central protago-
nist of the game—is tasked with making his way through the Mushroom Kingdom
to free the Mushroom People from a black-magic spell (Nintendo of America, Inc.
[NAI], 1985). The spell was cast upon them by the Koopa, a tribe of magic turtles.
To break the spell, Princess Toadstool—daughter of the Mushroom King—must be
freed from her captor: Bowser, King of the Koopa.
As Mario moves through the environment en route to rescuing Princess
Toadstool he must avoid pitfalls; he can collect coins and various power-ups; and
he must avoid or attack enemies. In doing so, Mario commits hundreds of, what
Cohen and Felson (1979, p. 589) referred to as, “direct-contact predatory viola-
tions”. These crimes are conceptualized as consisting of direct physical contact
between the offender and the target. Specifically, Mario commits thefts through the
V. A. Sytsma (*)
Queen’s University, Kingston, ON, Canada

70 V. A. Sytsma
gathering of gold coins, as well as assault and murder through the elimination of
enemies.1 It is not known who the victims of the coin theft are as there is no indi-
cation in the Super Mario Bros. Instruction Booklet who actually owns the coins:
“Bonus Prizes…If Mario picks up 100 coins, he gets an extra life” (NAI, 1985,
p. 7). Certain enemies, such as Little Goomba, are killed with one “stomp” (NAI,
1985, pp. 9–12). In contrast, enemies such as Koopa Troopa and Koopa Paratroopa
require multiple “stomps” to be eliminated and thus are more likely to suffer an
assault rather than be murdered.
The act of gathering power-ups cannot in and of itself be conceptualized as
criminal. This is because power-ups are gifts from the Mushroom People. From the
Super Mario Bros. Instruction Booklet: “If you come across mushrooms who have
been turned into bricks or made invisible, they reward you by giving you a power
boost” (NAI, 1985, p. 8). With that said, many coins and power-ups are difficult to
reach as the Koopa and their followers (such as Little Goomba, a mushroom who
chose to join the Koopa rather than maintain loyalty to the Mushroom Kingdom)
often serve as guardians over desired rewards.
While this chapter makes the argument for Super Mario Bros. as an allegory of
the opportunity theorist, it must be noted that because the Mushroom Kingdom has
been overtaken by the Koopa, Mario is ostensibly moving through an occupied
territory where crime and laws may be viewed differently than they would in a
liberated or free territory. For the purpose of this book chapter, it is assumed that
the Mushroom Kingdom maintains laws prohibiting theft, assault, and murder des-
pite its occupation. The Koopa are acknowledged as soldiers of the Turtle Empire
(see NAI, 1985, p. 10) in discussion of their routine activities, but the fact that
Super Mario Bros. does not take place during peacetime in the Mushroom Kingdom
is not belabored. Further, in the interest of length and simplicity, this chapter was
written without consideration for other games from the Super Mario franchise. As
such, while Mario’s vocation is unknown, given his value system (e.g., he learned
of the persecution of the Mushroom People and chose to come to their aid), he may
be a fairly ordinary citizen turned vigilante—and some might perceive him to be a
hero.
1
Rather than assault and murder Mario may actually be engaging in cruelty to animals, de-
pending on how one chooses to conceptualize the Koopa—which are not human, but are
sometimes anthropomorphic in nature as in the case of Bowser.
7 Opportunity Theories and Super Mario Bros. 71
Environmental Criminology
Early notions around deterrence laid the groundwork for subsequent theories con-
cerned with rationality and ecology. In Cesare Beccaria’s 1764 book, An Essay on
Crimes and Punishments, Beccaria (1872) argued against the use of torture and
death as a response to crime. Beccaria opined on more enlightened methods of
crime prevention for the time and argued that the purpose of punishment should be
to make a lasting impression on others while inflicting the least amount of pain on
the offender. Beccaria’s notions around influencing public perceptions form an
early conceptualization of the concept of general deterrence. In Jeremy Bentham’s,
1789 book, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, principles
of deterrence were furthered through Bentham’s argument that human behavior is
driven by the need to maximize pleasure and minimize pain. Bentham (1789) sug-
gested that efforts to control behavior should be developed around this pleasure-
seeking drive.
Long after Beccaria and Bentham came twentieth-century criminological theo-
ries seeking to explain crime by way of identifying individual-level risk factors and
societal-level “root causes” of crime. These “positive” (see Gottfredson & Hirschi,
1987) approaches proved unsatisfactory to some scholars. This is because despite
strong social and economic conditions through the 1960s and 1970s, crime rates in
North America were high. It is during this climate that opportunity theorists emer-
ged with explanations for crime which combine the rational decision-making of
deterrence theories with the notion that setting and environment can provide oppor-
tunity for crime. Felson and Clarke (1998) argued that criminological theory cen-
tered around the impact of ecological factors on crime avoids the pitfalls that come
from attempting to empirically determine individual predictors of crime. Such pit-
falls include the Sisyphean task of narrowing down the list of potential causes of
crime. Felson and Clarke (1998) purported that the focus on setting provides an
easier avenue for risk-factor identification, as setting-oriented theories rest on the
principle that “easy or tempting opportunities entice people into criminal action”
(p. 2). Such theories concerned with setting fall under the umbrella of opportunity
theories of crime and include rational choice perspective and routine activity
approach, as well as routine activity approach’s nearest neighbor, crime pattern
theory. Brantingham and Brantingham (1991) couch ecological theories within the
field of environmental criminology, and Smith, Frazee, and Davison (2000) refer to
the individual approaches that collectively make up the opportunity theories of
crime as “intellectual cousins” (p. 490). Smith et al.’s sentiment is echoed by
Jacques and Wright (2011), who use the term “theoretical siblings” (p. 738).
72 V. A. Sytsma
Rational Choice Perspective
One Player Game: Readiness
Rational choice perspective suggests that throughout our daily lives we set various
objectives, such as acquiring money, moving through the community, or experien-
cing enjoyment. In determining how to meet such objectives individuals must
weigh the costs and benefits associated with each available option for achieving a
particular objective. In the case of criminal activity, when the reward for the crimi-
nal event is high and the risk is low, crime may occur. With that said, Derek Cornish
and Ronald Clarke (1987) posited that decisions to offend are crime-specific and
are the products of the interaction between characteristics of offence and of offen-
der. In Clarke and Cornish’s (1985) essay on modeling offender decision-making,
the authors argued that crime involvement can be divided into various stages: ini-
tial, continuance, and desistence; and crime involvement should be framed diffe-
rently from the crime event.
In the initial involvement stage there are two central decision points. First, the
offender must accept his readiness to commit the specific offence. According to
Clarke and Cornish (1985), the offender contemplates possible means of meeting
objectives, as well as considers their willingness to engage in crime to meet objec-
tives. Offending is the result of undergoing an evaluation process of the properties
associated with the available courses of action and determining that committing an
offence is the most desirable path (Cornish & Clarke, 1987). According to Clarke
and Cornish (1985), the offender’s decision to offend is influenced by their life
experiences. Life experiences in turn are predicted by psychological, interpersonal,
and socio-economic factors. Clarke and Cornish (1985) argued that such backg-
round factors are associated with exposure to particular challenges and opportuni-
ties, and these background factors influence how people respond to such challenges
and opportunities. However, personal histories are moderated by situational ele-
ments. Further, the assessment process of the properties associated with the availa-
ble courses of action to reach a particular goal may be quite cursory in nature and
offenders may not be aware of the full range of activities that could satisfy their
goals (Cornish & Clarke, 1987). They may be unaware of the ways in which avai-
lability of opportunity has restricted their choice, or unaware of the wide range of
potential costs and benefits associated with each available option for achieving an
objective. In other words, “the offender’s decision-making processes will tend to
display limited rather than normative rationality” (Cornish & Clarke, 1987, p. 942).
While it is clear that Mario accepts his readiness to commit crime, little is
known about how his life experiences influence his willingness to resort to crime
as a means of meeting objectives. The Super Mario Bros. Instruction Booklet pro-
vides very little background on Mario: “Mario, the hero of the story (maybe) hears
about the Mushroom People’s plight and sets out on a quest to free the Mushroom
Princess from the evil Koopa and restore the fallen kingdom of the Mushroom
people” (NAI, 1985, p. 2). It is unknown if Mario accepts his general readiness to
commit crime upon hearing about the takeover of the Mushroom Kingdom, or if he
contemplates this willingness to engage in criminality immediately prior to each
crime event. We do however get a sense that despite his readiness to commit crime,
he initially has a strong value system that centers around assisting those in need.
From the perspective of the player, who eventually learns various strategies for
beating the game, it may be argued that Mario displays fairly normative rationa-
lity—after all, if he did not “steal” coins, he would not likely earn enough extra
lives to make it to the end of the game (for every 100 coins collected Mario earns
1 additional life). However, from the perspective of Mario, who is experiencing the
environment for the first time, he may not realize the implications of collecting
coins—at least not at first. He may simply view the act of gathering them as a plea-
surable activity (more on this below), and he is therefore displaying rather limited
rationality. Once he realizes he can earn an extra life for every 100 coins, the
decision-making process may lean toward more normative rationality and conti-
nuance is probable (see below for more on continuance). Ultimately, since we do
not know what information Mario had about the Mushroom Kingdom prior to
beginning his quest and we do not know the value of the coins beyond the
Mushroom Kingdom, it is difficult to determine how bounded his rationality is
with regard to his decisions to commit theft of gold coins.
The exploration of displays of rationality by a videogame character invites a
particular paradox: is the videogame character merely an extension of the rational
choices of the player, or can it be assumed that the character is driving the actions
of those controlling him (at least to some degree)? For the purpose of this book
chapter, I argue that from the perspective of the player, collecting power-ups and
coins and destroying enemies is necessary in order to complete the game. Therefore,
the amount of freedom the player has to project themselves onto the main character
is limited. If the player is endeavoring to finish the game in its entirety, the player
has little control over how Mario behaves in order to meet objectives. In other
words, while committing “direct-contact predatory violations” is Mario’s choice
within his environment, it is scantly the player’s choice if the player wants to com-
plete the game—crime is necessary to avoid “Game Over”. With that said separa-
74 V. A. Sytsma
ting the decisions of the character from those of the player does pose analytical
and conceptual challenges for applying criminological theories to video games in
general.
World 1-1: Choice-Structuring Properties
The second decision point in the initial involvement stage is the decision to commit
the offence. The offender must first be presented with circumstances that create
need and opportunity to commit an offence at the situational level. Clarke and
Cornish (1985) theorized that at the situational level one’s perception, experience,
and processing of the available information contributes to the occurrence of the
actual crime event. Cornish and Clarke (1987) termed those characteristics which
make particular offences attractive to specific offenders, choice-structuring pro-
perties. This is because those properties which the offender considers relevant to
their particular objectives—such as opportunity, costs, and benefits—help to struc-
ture the choice to offend.
Crime types are heterogeneous in their choice-structuring properties, particu-
larly across goals. In order to achieve one’s goals, the various available options are
not exclusively criminal. Cornish and Clarke (1987) provided the example of dri-
ving while impaired. The options available to achieve the goal of getting home
include the illegal option of driving while impaired, as well as many legal alterna-
tives. Similarly, if the goal is to make money, there are nearly unlimited legal and
illegal options to achieve this goal. It is because of this heterogeneity of choice-
structuring properties that the potential for offending displacement is only present
in very specific circumstances. Displacement to alternative offence types has the
potential to occur only when those alternative offences share properties with the
initial crime type, such as the shared goal of acquiring money. Even when various
crime types share similar goals, displacement is not a certainty. As Cornish and
Clarke (1987) noted, “some choice-structuring properties may have a more pivotal
role to play in decisions concerning displacement. It is generally accepted, for
example, that some offenders will not contemplate crimes which involve the use of
violence” (p. 941).
During the course of the crime event the offender first selects a location and
specific target based on factors such as ease of access to the location and target,
level of guardianship, or the appeal of the target. For instance, the home selected
for burglary might be especially affluent and located in a neighborhood the offen-
der regularly frequents. The decision to engage in the crime event may change
mid-crime commission as the external situation changes; for example, if a pedest-
rian passes by during a break-in, the offender may simply walk away (Clarke &
Cornish, 1985). If the crime occurs and a reward is presented, positive reinforce-
ment of the offending behavior will result in continuance (Clarke & Cornish,
1985). With continuation comes an improved and diversified offending skill set,
possible enjoyment of the criminal lifestyle, and an expansion of interpersonal
relationships with others who engage in criminality. Continuance is especially
likely if offenders are arrested because an arrest decreases legitimate opportunities
and expands the criminal peer group.
Mario has a number of objectives over the course of his journey. Mario’s objec-
tives can be divided into (i) situational and (ii) long term. Situational objectives
include moving through the environment, gathering coins and power-ups, and sur-
viving various interactions with the Koopa. Long-term objectives include acquiring
enough coins to be granted an extra life and rescuing Princess Toadstool. Mario’s
situational objectives are largely intertwined with one another. While successfully
moving though the environment often means avoiding physical barriers and pit-
falls, it also means surviving various interactions with the Koopa. Further, survi-
ving various interactions with the Koopa is more probable when power-ups, such
as Fire Flower (a flower that gives Mario the ability to throw fireballs at enemies)
have been acquired. The situational objective of gathering coins is also intertwined
with the long-term objective of acquiring enough coins to be granted an extra life.
The options available to Mario to meet objectives are sometimes diverse and
sometimes limited; with the physical environment very often predicting whether or
not Mario can meet his objectives with or without resorting to criminality.
Despite coin-collecting being a central objective, we do not know why Mario
initially collects the first 100 coins. The initial collection of coins may be a pleasure-
seeking behavior; however, it is unlikely any of his criminal behavior is initially
driven by either hedonism or sadism given the information we have regarding
Mario’s value system: he learned of the persecution of the Mushroom People and
chose to come to their aid. Alternatively, the coins may have value outside of the
Mushroom Kingdom (monetary or otherwise) and Mario has an objective we are
unaware of that requires coins or money to meet it. It could also be that Mario was
informed of the value of coins in cultivating extra lives prior to beginning his quest.
Regardless of the initial motivation to collect them, Mario will inevitably learn he
can improve his odds of survival by collecting coins. Once he experiences the high-
value reward of an extra life, continuance can be expected. In addition, Clarke and
Cornish would predict that Mario will become quite skilled at collecting coins, and
experience some satisfaction with the criminal lifestyle; thereby creating a
pleasure-centered motivation that may not have been present at the outset.
76 V. A. Sytsma
The central choice-structuring property of coins at the situational level for

Mario is likely ease of access. In many areas of the Mushroom Kingdom accessing
coins poses very little personal risk to Mario. Coins are often visible to passersby,
are unguarded, and, from Mario’s perspective, they will prolong his life: low risk,
and high reward over time. In other areas, the coins are less easily accessed. Coins
may be hidden inside of bricks or well-guarded by an enemy. Attempting to access
hidden or guarded targets poses a higher risk to personal safety, and may be consi-
dered low-reward for a number of reasons—such as Mario already having a large
number of extra lives saved up, or the player controlling Mario being skilled
enough that they believe they can complete the game without accumulating extra
lives. Another reason why the collection of coins in less accessible areas may be
considered high risk is the lengthy nature of the coin-collecting endeavor: it takes
time to accumulate 100 coins and one difficult-to-reach area will not necessarily
net the amount of coins needed to ensure an extra life. Unless the yield is certain to
be large or enough to meet the 100-coin threshold, it may not be worth the risk.
The assault and murder of the Koopa and their followers possess differing
choice-structuring properties depending on whether the Koopa pose a perceived
threat to personal safety, or are perceived to be guardians of gold coins or power-
ups. In the event that the Koopa are perceived to be a threat, Mario may choose to
evade them or to subdue or kill them. The choice to subdue or kill them can depend
on a number of factors. In some cases, getting close enough to the enemy to be able
to kill or attack them can be riskier than evading an approaching enemy. For
example, a pair of Koopa known as the Hammer Brothers pose a greater risk than
Little Goomba because Hammer Brothers come in pairs, and they throw a
weapon—if Mario were to risk getting close enough to kill one brother while the
Koopa’s hammer is in the air, even if Mario is successful, the hammer may fly back
and strike him. Further, the other brother would still be nearby and continue to pose
a threat.
Koopa Paratroopas are flying Koopa and may be perceived to pose greater risk
than other types of Koopa because they are uniquely mobile. On the other hand, if
Mario has acquired power-ups such as a Fire Flower, or Starman (giving him the
power of invincibility), enemies pose very little, if any, risk. Despite power-ups the
assault or murder of the Koopa may still be unattractive due to environmental fac-
tors, such as Mario’s or the enemy’s placement on a narrow platform or near a
barrier that Mario could get trapped against. In the event that the Koopa are acting
as guardians of gold coins or power-ups, Mario must weigh the value of the reward
with both the enemy’s abilities and the probability of being struck by the enemy. If
the reward is considered quite valuable (such as a 1-up Mushroom which gives
Mario an extra life), the guardian has few threatening attributes (such as flight, or
weapon use), and the environment or terrain is easily traversed, the reward might
outweigh the risk. Further, if the reward is less valuable but is not hidden (such as
a coin or cluster of coins), and the guardian is less threatening, it may be worth the
risk given that the reward over the long-term of coin-collecting is an extra life.
Thank You, Mario! Your Quest Is Over: Desistance
Finally, Clarke and Cornish (1985) posited that desistance occurs for a number of
possible reasons. The offender may have an unpleasant experience, or they may
have had a change in their circumstances, making their previous criminal lifestyle
no longer feasible or desirable; such as marriage or increased police presence in
their neighborhood of activity. Desistance does not necessarily mean desistance
from crime generally, as the offender could move on to another crime type; nor
does it necessarily mean desistance from the initial crime type permanently. They
may return to the initial crime type as their circumstances continue to change.
Because Mario exists in a closed world in Super Mario Bros. we do not know
how he would behave if he were able to rescue Princess Toadstool and exist freely
in the Mushroom Kingdom or elsewhere. Those who have completed Super Mario
Bros. know that once the game is completed and the player pushes button “B”,
Mario is put back to the beginning of the game and tasked with starting the quest
again with an added degree of difficulty. Thus the likelihood of Mario’s journey to
permanent desistance from crime is unknown. That said, given the choice-
structuring properties associated with Mario’s general offending habits, an unplea-
sant experience leading to temporary or sporadic desistance from certain activities
is likely. For example, if Mario (or the player controlling him) has been repeatedly
injured or killed by Hammer Brothers during attempts to assault or murder them,
he may elect to evade Hammer Brothers by jumping over or sprinting past when
faced with them in the future.
Routine Activity Approach
ctivity Spaces and the Routine Activities of the Mushroom

A
Kingdom
Lawrence Cohen and Marcus Felson (1979, p. 588) presented the routine activity
approach in their 1979 article titled, Social Change and Crime Rate Trends: A
Routine Activity Approach. These theorists conceived of this approach in response
78 V. A. Sytsma
to a documented “sociological paradox” that despite improving social and econo-

mic conditions across the United States through the 1960s and 1970s, crime had
increased dramatically. The routine activity approach is rooted in ecology in that
the approach is concerned with how the spatial and temporal organization of social
life facilitates criminal activities for those who have criminal inclinations. This
approach is not concerned with why people may be inclined to commit crime, but
rather the offender’s proclivity toward crime is taken for granted. According to this
approach, crimes take place when a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the
absence of a capable guardian converge in space and time. If even one of the three
elements that make up this theory is absent, crime can be avoided.
The concept of routine activities refers to, “recurrent and prevalent activities
which provide for basic population and individual needs, whatever their biological
or cultural origins. Thus routine activities would include formalized work, as well
as the provision of standard food, shelter, sexual outlet, leisure, social interaction,
learning and childrearing” (Cohen & Felson, 1979, p. 593). Cohen and Felson
argued that post-WWII such routine activities shifted, keeping people outside of
the home for longer hours, and with more desire and need for transportable consu-
mer goods; thereby increasing the likelihood that the three elements of the routine
activity approach will converge in space and time. While the routine activity appro-
ach explains criminal events at the situational level, it also explains how macro-le-
vel social change creates or eliminates opportunity. For instance, Cohen and Felson
cited Patrick Colquhoun’s (1800) Treatise on the Police of the Metropolis where
Colquhoun attributed climbing crime rates in London to an increase in goods
moving through London’s various terminals and ports.
Brantingham and Brantingham (1993, 2008) added to the concept of routine
activities their crime pattern theory. Crime pattern theory suggests that crime
occurs when the activity spaces (e.g., home, work, shopping, entertainment, and
the paths that join such “nodes”) of motivated offenders and those of victims/tar-
gets intersect. Further, crime will cluster at the intersection of multiple activity
spaces, such as in places where shopping and entertainment districts overlap
(Brantingham & Brantingham, 1993, 2008). As people engage in regular routine
activities, they eventually cease to engage in a decision-making process, but rather
adopt a default sequence. In the case of those who engage in crime, Brantingham
and Brantingham (1993, 2008) referred to this guiding sequence as a crime tem-
plate. Such crime templates are not static, and as sequences fail based on changing
circumstances, the template is adjusted. Family and peers influence the forms such
guiding templates take; and by aggregating offender crime templates, patterns of
“typical” criminal processes emerge.
Before discussing the ways in which the routine activities of Mario and the
Koopa intersect, it must first be established what their routine activities consist of.
Again, little is known about Mario’s background in Super Mario Bros. Across the
Super Mario franchise, Mario’s occupation ranges from carpenter to plumber to
physician and more, but the Super Mario Bros. Instruction Booklet makes no men-
tion of Mario’s vocation or where he lives. What is known is that Mario endeavors
to move through the various activity spaces of the Mushroom Kingdom to achieve
the long-term goal of rescuing Princess Toadstool, with several situational objecti-
ves arising along the way.
In contrast, quite a bit is known about the prevalent activities of the Koopa. The
Koopa are sometimes referred to as citizens of an empire in the Super Mario Bros.
Instruction Booklet (see NAI, 1985, p. 10), and some characters Mario encounters
in the activity space (such as green Koopa Troopa) are soldiers of the empire led by
Bowser, King of the Koopa. Other characters encountered by Mario (such as Little
Goomba) are not actually Koopa, but rather appear to be rebel insurgents of the
Mushroom Kingdom who have joined the Koopa tribe. It is unclear if the Koopa
have taken over the Mushroom Kingdom as an occupation or annexation, but it
should be noted that Mario is moving through the environment after the central
conflict between the Koopa and the Mushroom People has ended. Through their
role as soldiers the routine activities of the Koopa and their followers consist of
patrolling or guarding the ground or skies.2 Mario’s situational objectives of
moving through the Mushroom Kingdom and gathering coins and power-ups cre-
ate cause for him to regularly share activity space with the Koopa.
Mario’s Friends as Handlers and the Rest of the “Two Triplets”
Motivated offenders are those who have “both criminal inclinations and the ability
to carry out those inclinations” (Cohen & Felson, 1979, p. 590). In addition, the
routine activity approach was meant to apply to a class of crimes Cohen and Felson
(1979, p. 589) referred to as “direct-contact predatory violations”. These crimes are
conceptualized as consisting of direct physical contact between the offender and
target. The target—which could be a person or object—may be either damaged or
taken. Cohen and Felson (1979) identified high-priced goods that are both light and
transportable (such as small electronics) as especially suitable targets, as well as
people who go outside the home more often for work and social activities (such as
young people and single adults). A capable guardian in this approach is someone
2
As in the case of Lakitu, “the mysterious turtle who controls the clouds” (NAI, 1985, p. 12).
80 V. A. Sytsma
who protects targets. Capable guardians are not strictly police and security guards.
These theorists posited that regular civilians fill the role of guardians regularly
throughout their daily routine activities. In fact, Cohen and Felson (1979) noted
that because guardianship is so commonplace and marked by the absence of crime,
it often goes unnoticed. Felson (1986) later added to the theory the role of the
handler who controls the offender. The notion of the handler draws on Hirschi’s
(1969) control theory and rests on the idea that various handlers in a society are in
a position to exert informal social control over motivated offenders (Felson,
1986,1995). John Eck (1994,1995) added the term place manager to refer to those
who monitor places.
Using these updates to the routine activity approach, Felson (1995, p. 55) pre-
sented the theory as “two triplets” consisting of three objects of supervision and
three supervisors: suitable targets are protected by guardians, motivated offenders
are controlled by handlers, and amenable places (those places where there is a
potential for crime to occur) are supervised by place managers. Felson (1995) also
added to the theory a description of varying levels of responsibility by each of the
supervisor types. For instance, personal responsibility for targets, offenders, and
places fall on owners of goods or property, or those directly responsible for other
people, such as parents. Assigned responsibility refers to those specifically emplo-
yed to monitor (such as a school principal or concierge). Diffuse responsibility
refers to employees with more general assignment, and general responsibility
refers to strangers or bystanders who have no specific connection to a target, offen-
der, or place, but by virtue of their presence crime is prevented.
There are two suitable targets in Super Mario Bros.: (i) coins and (ii) those
characters who are routinely occupying space in the Mushroom Kingdom. Though
the Koopa and their followers are often targets, they also act as guardians over
coins, as well as guardians over one another. Some guardians are more effective
than others; with those characters who possess multiple abilities (such as the
Hammer Brothers and Lakitu) likely serving as a greater deterrent for Mario (or the
player) when he is seeking an opportunity to collect treasures or physically victi-
mize others. In addition, Mario is the motivated offender and while the offender’s
proclivity toward crime is taken for granted in the routine activity approach, his
motivations and readiness to commit crime have been discussed elsewhere in this
chapter. Despite Mario moving through the environment alone, power-ups are gifts
from the Mushroom People and the Super Mario Bros. Instruction Booklet does
conceptualize these gift-givers as “Mario’s Friends” (NAI, 1985, p. 8). The power-
ups are likely given to increase the likelihood of Mario freeing the Mushroom
People from the Koopa, but it could also be that Mario’s friends are acting as hand-
lers by showing support for him, thereby increasing informal social control (albeit
the likelihood of this being the case is low).
Brantingham and Brantingham (1993, p. 17) posited, “Physical clusters of par-

ticular types of land use shape the movement and concentration of people, the
awareness spaces of potential offenders, and the distributions of crime.” Branting-
ham and Brantingham (2008) later referred to locations where large numbers of
people tend to congregate as crime generators. Both the outdoor and indoor
environments in the Mushroom Kingdom consist almost entirely of amenable pla-
ces. Valuable goods are often in plain sight and characters are regularly moving
about the space; thus, there are high concentrations of potential victims and targets.
Again, just as the Koopa and their followers are often targets, they can also be
described as place managers because of their routine guarding and patrolling acti-
vities. The Koopa can also be said to have assigned responsibility over goods and
places because they are specifically employed to monitor such targets through their
role as soldiers of Bowser’s empire.
Policy Implications and Empirical Evidence
The policy implications born out of opportunity theory are numerous. For instance,
in his 1971 book of the same name, C. Ray Jeffery conceived of the concept of crime
prevention through environmental design, or CPTED. Jeffery (1971) was concerned
with how the physical environment plays a role in learning via punishment and
reward and posited that opportunity for crime, risk to the offender, and offender moti-
vation can all be manipulated. Concurrent to Jeffery, in 1972 architect, Oscar New-
man coined the term “defensible space” in his book, Defensible Space: Crime Pre-
vention through Urban Design. Newman argued that crime and disorder can be
curbed through urban design that reduces opportunity for such behavior. This urban
design should include clear visibility of those walking through and using the space.
The spaces people live and move through should also instill a sense of security in
people so that they will interact with neighbors, take ownership over the area, and be
more willing to intervene when they observe crime or disorder.
In Ronald Clarke’s 1980 piece on situational crime prevention, he argued that
understanding the offender’s life circumstances and experiences contributes very
little to developing actionable crime prevention strategies. Understanding the spa-
tial and temporal distribution of specific crime types allows stakeholders to prevent
crime through the development of setting manipulation tactics designed to “(i)
reduce the physical opportunities for offending or (ii) increase the chances of an
offender being caught” (Clarke, 1980, p. 139). Clarke (1983) described situational
crime prevention as measures meant to reduce opportunities for crime, and increase
the risks associated with committing crime. Such measures include various “tar-
get-hardening” initiatives, increased guardianship, and architecture designed with
82 V. A. Sytsma
crime prevention in mind. Further, Cornish and Clarke (1987) noted that catalo-
guing choice-structuring properties of specific crime types can aid in crime preven-
tion program development by allowing policy-makers to anticipate when displace-
ment is possible. Clarke and Cornish (1985; Cornish & Clarke, 1986) also stressed
the importance of developing crime-specific decision-making models given diffe-
rences in motivation, techniques, and offender characteristics—and therefore diffe-
rences in crime prevention strategies.
A number of modern policing innovations can be linked to principles of oppor-
tunity theories. Herman Goldstein proposed a then-radical approach to policing,
known as problem-oriented policing (POP) in the late 1970s. Goldstein (1979)
advocated for an approach to policing which starts with defining a particular crime
problem and developing a thorough understanding of the crime problem through
research, including analysis of the spatial and temporal trends of the crime type,
victim and offender profiles, and the typical modus operandi. Once a crime prob-
lem is thoroughly understood, possible responses should be explored, with a novel
response eventually being selected and executed. Eck and Spelman (1987) added
to POP the “SARA” model, which stands for scanning to identify the crime prob-
lem; analysis to thoroughly understand the scope and nature of the problem; res-
ponding to the problem with a solution that is based on the knowledge gained
during the analysis stage; and an assessment of the intervention to evaluate its
impact on various outcomes of interest. A 2008 Campbell Systematic Review
found POP to have a small but statistically significant impact on crime and disorder
(Weisburd, Telep, Hinkle, & Eck, 2008).
Conceptually similar to POP is hotspots policing. Lawrence Sherman and David
Weisburd (1995) discovered that increasing police officer presence in crime “hots-
pots” can produce reductions in disorder and crime calls for service. Police targe-
ting of relatively small, high crime areas later become known as “hotspots poli-
cing” and the empirical evidence for such a policing innovation is fairly strong. For
instance, a 2019 Campbell Systematic Review by Braga et al. concluded, “Hotspots
policing generates statistically significant small reductions in overall crime and
disorder in areas where the strategy is implemented. These crime control gains
were evident across specific categories of crime outcomes including drug offenses,
disorder offenses, property crimes, and violent crimes” (p. 2).
Finally, surveillance tools such as closed-circuit television cameras (CCTV) are
theoretically supported by opportunity theories given the potential for deterrence
that CCTV creates. A systematic review and meta-analysis on the effects of CCTV
on crime by Piza, Welsh, Farrington, and Thomas (2019) found that while the mere
presence of CCTV produces small crime reductions, when coupled with a diversity
of interventions and active monitoring, effects are sizable.
Despite empirical evidence favoring a number of policy directions inspired by

opportunity theories of crime, meta-analysis by Pratt, Cullen, Blevins, Daigle, and
Madensen (2006) found that mean effect sizes of various indicators of deterrence
theory on crime and deviance are rather small. While Pratt et al. (2006) found cer-
tainty of sanction to be a fairly well-supported dimension of deterrence theory in
its ability to predict crime/deviance that predictive value was found to be crime-
specific, with white-collar crimes having the strongest association with certainty.
Pratt et al. (2006) recommended deterrence and rational choice theories are applied
to specific crime types, rather than viewed as a general theory of crime. Pratt et al.
(2006) also recommended deterrence and rational choice theories be integrated
with other frameworks; particularly those that employ dimensions of informal
social control and self-control similar to the integrated framework developed by
Piquero and Tibbetts (1996). Piquero and Tibbetts’ (1996) integrated theory com-
bines deterrence principles with situational crime prevention and self-control.
Piquero and Tibbetts (1996) found that low self-control impacts one’s ability to
perceive an activity as high risk (has the potential for sanction), and those with low
self-control are more likely to derive pleasure from the activity.
Situational crime prevention is applicable to Super Mario Bros. Depending on
how skilled the player is, there are many environmental elements that make targets
less desirable due to guardianship, spatial barriers, and even temporality—moving
forward at the wrong moment may result in missing the desired target, incurring
damage to Mario, or even Mario’s death. In an effort to prevent “direct-contact
predatory violations”, it is recommended that stakeholders such as Bowser, King of
the Koopa, manipulate the physical space of the Mushroom Kingdom to reduce
criminal opportunities and increase risk of apprehension of offenders. This inclu-
des adding narrow and difficult-to-reach platforms, removing loose coins from
public spaces, and providing soldiers of the Turtle Empire with more clandestine
patrol spaces. With that said while applying principles of situational crime preven-
tion to a video game might keep game characters safer, the gameplay would surely
suffer. Realistically, the physical spaces of Super Mario Bros. were carefully desi-
gned to provide game players with a fun and challenging platforming game that has
endured for decades. Be he a murderer, thief, vigilante, or plumber, Mario remains
the hero of the Mushroom Kingdom.
1. Using the example of bicycle theft on a college campus, brainstorm a situational

crime prevention strategy that takes into consideration all three elements of
routine activity approach (i.e., a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the
absence of a capable guardian).
84 V. A. Sytsma
2. Cornish and Clarke termed those characteristics which make particular offences
attractive to specific offenders, choice-structuring properties. If you were to
find a duffle-bag containing cash near the library of a college campus (similar
to Mario encountering gold coins throughout the Mushroom Kingdom), what
choice-structuring properties of the duffle-bag are you likely to consider prior
to making the choice to take the bag for yourself?
3. Brantingham and Brantingham’s crime pattern theory suggests that crime oc-
curs when the activity spaces of victims/targets and those of offenders intersect.
What are some major activity spaces in your town or city? Are there locations
where multiple activity spaces cluster, and what sorts of criminal activities are
likely to take place within such activity spaces?
References
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Opportunity Theories
and The Bachelor 8
The Bachelor Goes on a Date with Criminal
Opportunity Theories
Cory Schnell
Introduction
Chemistry is defined as “the branch of science that deals with the identification of
the substances of which matter is composed; the investigation of their properties
and the ways in which they interact, combine, and change; and the use of these
processes to form new substances” (Oxford, 2012). Outside of an educational con-
text, when people refer to chemistry, they are likely discussing the dynamics of
interpersonal relationships. This social conceptualization of chemistry examines
the question—why do certain people get along and others do not? For example,
Sections from this chapter were adapted from a previous discussion of criminal
opportunities theories I authored (see Schnell, 2017). While I tried to provide citations to
any Bachelor-related facts provided, I had to rely more on my personal recollections of
watching the show and other non-academic sources of information from the internet. A
main source of this information is the Bachelor Party podcast. In addition, the analysis of
The Bachelor is based upon me being a fan of the show, and I recognize there are likely
other academic appraisals of the show with insightful analyses which I did not consult for
this chapter.
C. Schnell (*)
University of South Carolina, Columbia, SC, USA

88 C. Schnell
why does Sarah always collaborate on projects with Jill at work? Why does Jim
only throw the ball to Jordan during flag football games? The definition of social
chemistry is almost identical to its academic counterpart, replacing particles with
people to observe “the complex emotional or psychological interaction between
two people” (Oxford, 2012). Social chemistry is crucial to understanding how peo-
ple form connections beyond transactional social encounters (e.g. friendships, mar-
riage, etc.). The change from particles to people is significant. People have agency
and can act in surprising ways. Particles or matter can be more predictable; for in-
stance, it is comparable to baking. There is a recipe for combining ingredients to
form a new product which is more than the sum of its parts. You combine a specific
mixture of eggs, flour, and other ingredients to create a batter that is baked to be-
come a cake. With people, it can be more complicated. That is why the study of
interpersonal chemistry is inexact. People can find it hard to describe and often
revert to the infamous logic of Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart in Jacobellis
v. Ohio (1964) where he said of determining the definition of obscenity: “I know it
when I see it”.
The dynamics of social chemistry are essential to understand for dating or why
certain individuals “couple up” and others do not. This chapter explores the con-
cept of social chemistry by examining the reality TV dating show The Bachelor.
Criminal opportunity theories that examine the chemistry for crime incidents to
occur at specific places are used to inform this discussion. The analysis of chemis-
try is essential to understanding both The Bachelor and criminal opportunity theo-
ries. Both ask individuals to become “social chemists” or problem-solvers to deter-
mine individual’s decision-making processes based upon unique situations. These
theories are then applied to create a framework to understand why the lead suitor
on The Bachelor selects certain contestants for dates throughout the show. This
chapter is divided into three sections. The first section provides an overview of the
television show The Bachelor. The second section features an introduction to cri-
minal opportunity theories in criminology. The third section offers a preliminary
framework that is influenced by criminal opportunity theories to evaluate the deci-
sion-making of suitors on The Bachelor. To borrow the immortal words of The
Bachelor’s host Chris Harrison, this will be the most dramatic chapter in this book!
The Bachelor: An Overview
The Bachelor is a reality TV dating show that premiered on the American

Broadcasting Company (ABC) in 2002. Its premiere occurred around the same
time other popular reality TV shows such as Survivor and American Idol helped
8 Opportunity Theories and The Bachelor 89
revolutionize the landscape of American television in the twenty-first century. The

Bachelor has spawned two other successful shows—The Bachelorette (2003 de-
but) and Bachelor in Paradise (2014 debut)—which offer variations on the same
format created by The Bachelor. There have been several other spin-offs from the
original show since its premiere (e.g. Bachelor Pad, Listen to Your Heart, etc.) and
the franchise has also been exported to 37 countries around the world (Angelo,
2018). For the purpose of this chapter, The Bachelor and The Bachelorette are used
interchangeably since they use the same format but just switch the sex of the lead
suitor and contestants. Collectively, these two shows, as well as Bachelor in
Paradise, and the discourse on social media which surround each show, form what
is referred to as “Bachelor Nation” (see Kaufman, 2018). Despite mixed reviews
from television critics over the years (see Metacritic, 2020), The Bachelor remains
an enduring cultural phenomenon. Most contestants on the show today have grown
up with The Bachelor being a fixture on television for almost their entire lives. The
shows receive formidable ratings for ABC, especially amongst the coveted demo-
graphic of viewers aged 18–49 (see Porter, 2020). During the Covid-19 pandemic
in spring 2020, President Trump repeatedly used the ratings of The Bachelor finale
to provide a triumphant comparison point for the ratings of his daily press confe-
rences by claiming they received similar numbers (Bump, 2020).
The premise of the show is one romantic lead suitor who dates anywhere bet-
ween 20 and 30 contestants or available singles at the same time with the goal of
finding someone to offer a marriage proposal by the end of the show. There are
one-on-one and group dates each week where the suitor gets to learn more about
each contestant. The field of contestants is whittled down each week with a tense
rose ceremony where contestants are eliminated if they do not receive a rose from
the suitor. Chris Harrison hosts the show and presides over the rose ceremonies.
The show has begun to experiment with this format in recent years. One of the most
apparent shifts is the reduction of screen time for Chris Harrison which gives the
show more of a “fly on the wall” documentary-feel as opposed to a formally staged
game show. The production design of the show is lavish, and the premise is mined
for comedy although there is an earnest romanticism at the core of the show.
The production of The Bachelor extracted the DNA from the iconic roman-
tic-comedies of film from the 1980s to 1990s such as When Harry Met Sally or My
Best Friend’s Wedding to create arguably the signature “rom-com” of both the rea-
lity TV and social media eras in the twenty-first century. Some Bachelor fans will
ask as a personality litmus test about which half of the show they prefer (see
Kaufman, 2018). The former being goofy (i.e. more “com”) and the latter being
more concerned with the relationships (i.e. more “rom”). Over time viewers start to
grow attached to contestants as they learn more about each one through the seriali-
90 C. Schnell
zed format of the show and just by proxy spending more time with them. This
process simulates the way in which the lead starts to form connections with certain
contestants or by which someone starts to fall in love. It is a genius design feature
of the show. For the first few episodes, viewers can struggle to separate contestants.
Was that Hannah B. or Hannah G. that was unable to give a coherent toast on a
date? By halfway through the season viewers can feel like they are best friends
with certain contestants and have strong opinions about who the lead should end up
with. Each season is around 12 episodes long. For the most recent seasons, episo-
des are two hours long with finales that often span two nights and well over four
hours. Being a member of Bachelor Nation requires investing a large amount of
time.
One of the easiest ways to lure someone into Bachelor Nation shows is telling
them you can view it as a sport. Each show is a contest. Someone wins at the end.
People often watch the show in group atmospheres and drink alcohol in the same
manner people do for sporting events. You root for certain contestants over other
ones. If that does not work, you can simply say you get to watch people that range
from the most attractive person at your high school to a supermodel travel around
the world. One of the fine lines contestants must walk is between being competitive
but not viewing the show as a contest (yes, I do see the irony here) because it is a
Bachelor faux pas to say you “won” at the end of the show. Instead, your “journey”
led you to love. There is a labyrinth of unwritten rules and jargon in which the show
traffics, which I will highlight throughout the chapter. I wish this all was a joke but
it is not. The show has existed in two general eras. The first era covered around the
initial ten years the show (i.e. 2002–2012) aired when the contestants’ primary
objective appeared to be forming a relationship. Most of the contestants had
careers, were older by modern TV standards (i.e. late 20s to late 30s), and their
main motivation for being on the show was finding love. The show was more of a
“rom” instead of a “com” during this era. The second era covers the last seven years
(i.e. 2013–2020) when the contestants would be just as willing to use the show as
a platform for their career interests. The contestants were younger and either vie-
wed being on reality TV as a career or had jobs where being on the show could help
their visibility through becoming an influencer on social media.
This was unavoidable during one of the latest cycles of Bachelor shows in 2019.
On the 23rd season of The Bachelor, the lead, Colton Underwood, had no discern-
able job. He previously was on the practice squad of two NFL teams, ran his na-
mesake charity, and loved dogs. His final four contestants included a former Miss
North Carolina and an Instagram model while the woman he picked was appearing
on her second reality TV dating show before the age of 24. Hannah Brown, a for-
mer Miss Alabama who appeared on Colton’s season, was given the reigns of the
15th season of The Bachelorette. She ended up picking a man named Jed Wyatt,
who explicitly told her he only came on the show to promote his music career and
was later revealed to be dating someone up until the show started filming. They
ended their engagement before the final episode of the season even aired. For the
24th season of the Bachelor, the production appeared to course correct by having
Peter Weber, who is a pilot, as the lead suitor. Despite him having a well-defined
career, “Pilot Pete” still provided a turbulent run as the lead, culminating with him
breaking up with his fiancé, a 23-year-old model, before the show aired its finale.
His mother Barb Weber would go on to become infamous in Bachelor Nation
because of her aggressive disapproval of her son’s most recent relationship with the
show’s runner-up Madison Prewett on the live after show. The newly formed cou-
ple broke up less than a week later. When these relationships do not last it leaves
Bachelor Nation to ask: what went wrong? Viewers of The Bachelor often second
guess the decisions of the lead and have a more objective view of the chemistry or
lack of chemistry forming between people based on their vantage point from their
couch at home. The next section of this chapter introduces criminal opportunity
theories to provide a framework to further understand why the leads on The
Bachelor select certain contestants.
Criminal Opportunity Theories
Marcus Felson’s seminal book on criminal opportunity theories titled Crime and
Everyday Life (2002) presents the metaphor “chemistry for crime” to describe how
criminal opportunities influence crime (also see Felson & Eckert, 2016). While
these theories have been applied to study other issues such as individual-level victi-
mization rates (see Sampson & Wooldredge, 1987), they are most commonly used
in place-based criminology to understand why certain places have more crime than
others. Specifically, these theories are used for research on the distribution of crime
at micro-places within cities which applies criminal opportunity theories to explain
the spatial variability of patterns between these units of analysis (Weisburd, Groff,
& Yang, 2012). The consideration of criminal opportunities in criminological the-
ory is not entirely new (see Cloward & Ohlin, 1960; Sutherland, 1940), although
contemporary scholarship has established the study of opportunity as a distinct
theoretical approach within criminology (Eck & Weisburd, 1995). Opportunity
theories are pragmatically focused on the situational emergence of crime events
(i.e. foreground conditions) as opposed to other theoretical frameworks in crimino-
logy which are concerned with criminal dispositions (i.e. background conditions)
such as strain or self-control theories (see Agnew, 1985; Gottfredson & Hirschi,
92 C. Schnell
1990). In other words, these theories do not try to discover the factors which lead
individuals to commit crime, they examine the factors which determine why they
commit crime in a specific time and place. Three complementary criminal oppor-
tunity theories provide the foundation of this perspective: rational choice, routine
activities, and crime pattern theory (Eck & Weisburd, 1995).
Rational Choice
Rational choice theory posits the act of committing a crime is inherently purposive
and that an individual’s participation in crime is the result of a cognitive decisi-
on-making process (Cornish &Clarke, 1986). This decision-making process can be
limited or bounded to varying degrees of rationality but is nevertheless still a rati-
onal process (see Simon, 1972). This element of rational choice theory is one most
fans of The Bachelor can easily embrace. The lead suitor makes decisions that
follow an underlying logic to them but for other people it could appear difficult to
understand why they are making certain decisions. Why did Peter pick Victoria F.?
Why did he send home Kelley? In hindsight, people are even critical of their own
decision-making processes, but in the moment, people make choices which appear
rational to them. Historically, the earliest iteration of rational choice theory preda-
tes the founding of criminology as an academic discipline. Enlightenment scholars
Cesare Beccaria (1764) and Jeremy Bentham (1789) proposed that individuals
consciously choose to commit crimes and their decision-making processes can be
influenced by the punishments associated with certain crimes. This scholarship
also provided the foundation for deterrence theory in criminology (see Apel &
Nagin, 2011). Becker (1968) introduced an influential choice model in economics
which reinvigorated discourse and contemporary research on the subject throug-
hout the social sciences (see Becker, 1993). In his contemporary expansion of the
rational choice perspective in criminology, Clarke (1983) suggested that the deci-
sions made during a crime event were primarily rooted in the offender’s assessment
of specific criminal opportunities.
Clarke and Cornish (1985) separate the decision-making process into various
choices across different stages of criminal involvement. Clarke (1995, p. 10) sug-
gests “a fundamental distinction be made between criminal involvement and crime
events,” with the former being “multi-stage and extend over substantial periods of
time” and the latter being “frequently shorter processes, utilizing more circumscri-
bed information largely related to immediate circumstances and situations.” One
reason people enjoy watching The Bachelor is because the viewer can try to ima-
gine how they would react in this scenario and then provide critical analysis of the
decisions by each person on the show. Bachelor leads make several key decisions
at distinct stages of the process which lead them on a path to the final rose cerem-
ony. One of the earliest impactful decisions is what contestant gets the first impres-
sion rose on the premiere episode. A later key decision is which four contestants
the lead chooses to go on hometown dates. The lead’s decisions during the first half
of the show could be based on what contestants they have fun with, while their
decision-making process later shifts more toward decisions about a life partner. For
a potential criminal, the decision to hang out one night with friends that are invol-
ved in crime is only problematic because it could lead down a path where commit-
ting a crime is possible. The decision to go home and get a ski-mask because you
want to commit a robbery is much more proximal to the actual commission of a
crime.
Eck and Weisburd (1995) suggest “a rational choice perspective provides the
basic rationale for defining places as important, since it suggests that offenders
will select targets and define means to achieve their goals in a manner that can
be explained” (p. 5). Cornish (1993) views rational choice as a meta-action the-
ory because it specifically outlines how human decisions lead to crime outco-
mes. Offenders follow a situational progression that can be approximated th-
rough crime scripts (Cornish, 1994). This perspective also emphasizes adopting
a crime specific prevention focus since scripts are unique for each offense
(Clarke, 1983). Situational characteristics of locations can influence the availa-
ble opportunities for crime through encouraging or discouraging actions of indi-
viduals at the micro-level (see Clarke & Cornish, 1985). For example, the pre-
sence of street lights could decrease the likelihood of a potential robber deciding
to commit a crime while the presence of a bar on an adjacent street could in-
crease the likelihood (see Roneck& Meier, 1991; Welsh & Farrington, 2008;
Wright & Decker, 1997). A critique of rational choice theory is that it does not
readily propose a model which is testable since decisions can always be inter-
preted to an extent as rational (Loughran, Paternoster, Chalfin, & Wilson, 2016;
Parsons, 1951). This critique can be assuaged by offering hypotheses about of-
fender behavior and crime events which opportunity theories explicitly address
(Eck & Weisburd, 1995). The contemporary development of the rational choice
perspective as an opportunity theory has also coincided with the emergence of
situational crime prevention strategies. Through the targeting of the situational
characteristics of locations, which facilitate the commission of specific crimes,
crime control reductions can be achieved (Clarke, 1995).
94 C. Schnell
Routine Activities
Routine activities theory offers a convenient approach to understand how the inter-
action of individuals and certain locations results in the emergence of crime events.
Routine activities are a general theory of crime which has been used to explain
crimes ranging from street crime to white-collar crime (see Benson & Simpson,
2018). This theory suggests the spatial-temporal interaction of motivated offen-
ders, suitable targets, and the absence of capable guardians are the prerequisite
conditions or “chemistry” for crime events to occur (Cohen & Felson, 1979). The
idea that a handful of components need to converge to create an opportunity is just
as salient to understanding the chemistry for crime as it can be for the chemistry of
dating on The Bachelor. This theory provides the foundation in the next section of
this chapter for constructing a framework to consider why Bachelor leads select
certain contestants. Routine activities theory builds on Hawley’s (1950) investiga-
tion of the spatial-temporal intersection of conditions which influenced the distri-
bution of other social outcomes in neighborhoods. The theory was first introduced
with a macro-level spatial analysis—exploring the factors associated with changes
in national crime rates—but the theory can be applied across various units of ana-
lysis (see Sampson & Wooldredge, 1987; Smith, Glave-Frazee, & Davison, 2000).
Cohen and Felson (1979) initially used the theory to explain increases in predatory
crime rates during the 1960s and 1970s in the United States. The authors found
“the dispersion of activities away from households and families increases the op-
portunity for crime and thus generates higher crime rates… as a byproduct of ch-
anges in such variables as labor force participation and single-adult households”
(p. 588). Today, routine activities theory is primarily explored using within city
spatial units of analyses such as micro-places (see Weisburd et al., 2012).
The integration of routine activities and rational choice perspectives offers an
enhanced comprehension of the situational characteristics at places which influ-
ence crime events (Clarke & Felson, 1993). These two opportunity theories are
helpful to unpack the decision-making of Bachelor leads as they survey their field
of contestants. These theories suggest individuals make choices and respond to the
ecological convergence of opportunity. On another hand, routine activities theory
does not fit well with The Bachelor because one of the most novel facets of this
theory is ignoring offender motivation. The theory assumes there will always be
motivated offenders and leaves it to most other perspectives in criminology to
ascertain why people want to commit crime. The motivation of contestants on The
Bachelor is heavily considered within the decision-making process and the ele-
ments of chemistry the lead uses to assess potential relationships. The culture of
the show rewards contestants that are on the show for the “right reasons” or moti-
vated to find love. For example, on the 11th season of The Bachelorette, Nick Viall,
who finished second in the previous season, ruffled feathers of contestants when he
was allowed back on the show by the lead Kaitlyn Bristowe because of their bud-
ding relationship before the show started filming. The other contestants protested
Nick’s addition because they felt he only wanted to be on television again (i.e. the
wrong reasons). Viall would finish second again giving him the distinction of being
the only person to finish second on two seasons of the show.
Conceptually, suitable targets are malleable depending on the specific crime
category routine activities are used to explain. An important distinction can be
found between property crimes and violent crimes because suitable targets switch
from being objects, which are more closely associated with places, to people,
which are more dynamic spatially. The concept of capable guardians or “guardian-
ship” is primarily used to represent individuals which offer informal social control
as opposed to sources of formal social control at place (i.e. police officers).
According to Clarke and Felson (1993), “the most likely persons to prevent a crime
are not policemen (who seldom are around to discover crimes in the act) but rather
neighbors, friends, relatives, bystanders, or the owner of the property targeted”
(p. 3). Guardianship as an indicator of informal social control at places can also be
used to link routine activities theories to other place-based theories of crime (Braga
& Clarke, 2014).
The interaction of these three components of routine activities can be illustrated
using the problem analysis triangle (Eck, 1994). More importantly, the problem
analysis triangle incorporates a controller for each of the three components of rou-
tine activities which can be used to prevent crime (Clarke & Eck, 2007; Eck &
Clarke, 2003). Sampson, Eck, and Dunham (2010) have even proposed introducing
a third layer of “super controllers” to fortify understanding of techniques for crime
control at problem places. Since routine activities theory proposes the intersection
of all three components is necessary for a crime event to occur this perspective
suggests crime prevention efforts be focused on disrupting this convergence
(Felson, 1987). The routine activities perspective provides a theoretical framework
for problem-oriented policing and situational crime prevention strategies which
have demonstrated effectiveness in reducing crime through targeting problem pla-
ces within cities (Guerette & Bowers, 2009; Weisburd et al., 2010). Over the past
30 years, scholarship on routine activities (see Andresen & Farrell, 2015) has diver-
sified to include tests of the theory (Messner & Blau, 1987), integration with dispa-
rate criminological theories (Franklin et al., 2012), and expansions to cyber-space
which radically reconsider the concept of “place” (Reyns, 2013).
96 C. Schnell
Crime Pattern Theory
Crime pattern theory investigates the distribution, movement, and interaction of

criminal opportunities across time and space (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1991).
Crime pattern theory expands upon the contributions of rational choice and routine
activities theory through a broader understanding of the dynamic nature of criminal
opportunities at places. Crime pattern theory is commonly associated with environ-
mental criminology, which can be used interchangeably with criminal opportunity
theories depending on the preference of the scholar. Rational choice theory out-
lines the decision-making processes of potential offenders. Routine activities the-
ory demonstrates how these motivated, rational offenders interact with suitable
targets experiencing no capable guardians at places for crime events to occur at a
fixed point in time and space. Crime pattern theory offers an account of how each
of these three components reached that specific point in time and space.
There is not a direct comparison with The Bachelor because the dating on the
show unfolds in a controlled environment. Bachelor in Paradise does provide an
exception because there is competition between multiple suitors and contestants
which provides a more dynamic context. On season six of Bachelor in Paradise,
one of the main feuds centered around Derek Peth, who previously was engaged to
a fellow contestant on the show, arguing with a man named John Paul Jones over a
potential guest appearance on Derek’s podcast when the show ended filming. This
petty feud made Tayshia Adams, who was considering both individuals to date,
reject them because she viewed the conflict as reflecting poorly on their characters.
If Derek did not run into a frisky John Paul Jones that night he might have been
able to continue dating Tayshia. Dating outside of The Bachelor is easier to analyze
using this opportunity theory. In other words, this theory is helpful to trace how two
people get into a room (i.e. the chain of events) and continue to be involved in each
other’s lives to build a relationship. This theory can provide the backstory for the
beginning of a relationship. Did two people meet because they had mutual friends
at a party or did they randomly stumble upon each other at a book store? How did
they end up there?
According to crime pattern theory, the relationship between crime and place can
be understood through analyzing the spatial (i.e. where it occurred) and temporal
(i.e. when it occurred) dimensions of crime events. This perspective can be consi-
dered a lifestyle theory of crime because it aims to unpack why crime events occur
through understanding how crime is a function of everyday life (see Felson &
Eckert, 2016). The offender’s journey to crime demonstrates this idea; research
suggests that individuals commit crimes in close proximity to where they live
(Bernasco, 2010; Phillips, 1980). The use of the word journey is evocative of The
Bachelor. It is a common buzzword in Bachelor Nation parlance which could ap-
pear on a bingo board for a Bachelor drinking game because of its frequent usage.
In the context of the show, one’s journey is their personal voyage which leads them
to love. An individual’s daily routine could influence where they choose to commit
crime. Eck and Weisburd (1995, p. 6) provide an insightful explanation of these
findings:
Just like other, non-offending individuals, offenders move among the spheres of
home, school, work, shopping, and recreation. As they conduct their normal legiti-
mate activities, they become aware of criminal opportunities. Thus, criminal oppor-
tunities that are not near the areas offenders routinely move through are unlikely to
come to their attention. A given offender will be aware of only a subset of the possible
targets available. Criminal opportunities found at places that come to the attention of
offenders have an increased risk of becoming targets (Brantingham and Brantingham,
1993). While a few offenders may aggressively seek out uncharted areas, most will
conduct their searches within the areas they become familiar with through noncrimi-
nal activities.
While the scope of crime pattern theory is much broader compared to the two
other opportunity theories discussed in this section, empirical tests of this perspec-
tive are conceptually much more focused. Since crime pattern theory is not unified
by a singular theory like routine activities, empirical tests can explore a wide range
of hypotheses within the general framework of this opportunity perspective. This
flexibility has resulted in a wide range of studies being conducted using crime
pattern theory as the guiding theoretical construct. Tests of crime pattern theory
hypotheses can be conceptualized as anything exploring the distribution, mo-
vement, and interaction of offenders and targets across time and space on crime.
Over only the past few years, for example, analyses have examined the role of the
accessibility of streets on burglary incidents (Johnson & Bowers, 2010), the influ-
ence of public transit on crime in cities (Groff & Lockwood, 2014), and drug mar-
kets as crime attractors at street corners (Taniguichi, Ratcliffe,& Taylor, 2011).
Applying Criminal Opportunity to The Bachelor
Before discussing the essential components to chemistry on The Bachelor, the bro-
ader environment in which the show unfolds must be addressed. On The Bachelor
dating occurs in a quasi-laboratory setting. This presents a unique context to ana-
lyze relationships and chemistry—combined with the fact everyone is being recor-
98 C. Schnell
ded. In a predictable move, Bachelor producers during the Covid-19 pandemic

suggested even the possibility of a Bachelor: Quarantine to adapt to a shut down
in production (Wynne, 2020). This is not far-fetched because the show’s produc-
tion is already sequestered. Contestants all live together and are not allowed access
to any personal devices, news from the outside world, or contract with friends or
family. This reality distortion, which is of course the paradox of reality TV—to
present the real world they must manipulate certain situations—extends to the con-
cept of time. Between each rose ceremony, the viewers are constantly reminded a
“week” has passed even though your intuitive sense of time (i.e. counting each time
the sun goes up and down) tells you it is closer to three or four days used for
filming. Even this simple observation of objective reality could be manipulated on
these shows which might edit certain events out of order. The entire filming of the
show is completed in around three months. This provides an additional layer of
drama because the premise of the show asks that two people get engaged in a short
period of time.
Contestants often are required to quit their jobs to join the sequestered produc-
tion of the show. While the lead gets paid during filming the contestants do not
receive compensation. Women that are cast have spent thousands of dollars to as-
semble the wardrobe of stylish dresses and evening wear which the show requires
(Kaufman, 2018). The producers of the show do implicitly incentivize conflict,
manipulate contestants’ actions, and manufacture uncomfortable scenarios. During
season 24, the producers arranged a date where one of the contestant’s ex-boyfri-
ends was the musical act. This woman had to slow dance on a stage with the lead
while her ex-boyfriend awkwardly watched. These savvy production flourishes in-
spire the popular meme on social media which states “the devil works hard but the
Bachelor producers work harder”. A former Bachelor-producer helped create a
fictionalized version of the show and how it is produced called Unreal where the
Machiavellian producers continuously manipulated the contestants to extreme
ends. Although this does occur (see Kaufman, 2018), the laboratory conditions of
the show are still able to highlight some essential characteristics of chemistry and
dating.
While every lead on The Bachelor has personal dating preferences, and decisi-
on-making processes can be difficult to model for individuals, there are some pat-
terns that emerge across seasons which emphasize certain components of chemis-
try. Criminal opportunity informed this preliminary framework for understanding
why certain contestants are selected throughout the show. Rational choice theory
provides the basis for saying Bachelor’s have a decision-making process and rou-
tine activities theory offers a guideline for considering the convergence of key ele-
ments to determine why certain contestants are selected. The Bachelor lead is often
reacting (i.e. rational choice) to the group of individuals (i.e. crime pattern theory)
and specific actions or traits of individuals which emerge through these interactions
(i.e. routine activities). There are four main categories fans of The Bachelor often
consider when determining who the lead will select: attractiveness, personality,
lifestyle, and motivation. Similar to routine activities theory, the interaction bet-
ween these categories provides the potential chemistry for who stays and who is
eliminated. It also is a similar set of criteria people might articulate in real life
when dating. A key difference with routine activities theory is that all components
are not required for a selection to be made. The key to crime prevention according
to routine activities theory is removing or controlling one of the three elements of
crime events of motivated offenders, suitable targets, and capable guardianship.
While the removal of one of the components of Bachelor chemistry could hurt so-
meone’s case to stay, it does not necessarily preclude them from being selected.
This role of chemistry is heightened on The Bachelor because it develops while the
lead is dating around 20 other individuals which presents an effective counterfac-
tual in the sample (i.e. the chemistry did not develop with them).
The category of attractiveness is subjective; each lead has a preference for the
type of individual they are the most physically attracted to. One fascinating com-
ponent of the show is observing which individuals separate themselves from the
others because everyone on the show is objectively attractive. Each contestant
tends to check off every box of the superficial standards of beauty which Western
culture forward (i.e. fitness, fashion, jawlines, etc.). Viewers quickly realize that
Bachelorette B prefers tall men or Bachelor A prefers brunettes. A pattern begins
to emerge which could guide the analysis of the lead’s decision-making process.
Personality is one of the most elusive elements on The Bachelor. This is not neces-
sarily a reflection of the contestants, which get the chance to shine on Bachelor in
Paradise, but the editors who focus only on cliched conversations about romance.
Certain personalities are bright enough to overcome this obstacle. Rachel Lindsay
appeared on the 21st season of The Bachelor and stole the show with her intelli-
gence, charisma, and wit. She would later go on to become the first African
American lead of either The Bachelor or Bachelorette. Jason Tartick on the 14th
season of The Bachelorette finished in third place but won over fans as the guy you
would most want to be in your friend group or run for mayor of your town. He
would later reveal he is friends with NFL player and legendary “fun hang” Rob
Gronkowski, which further cemented his status.
Lifestyle is a crucial dimension because contestants often come from different
backgrounds, a wide range of ages, and have very diverse life experiences. Since
each season ends with a proposal, this component becomes important during the
later stages of the show. During the 22nd season of The Bachelor, the lead Arie
100 C. Schnell
Luyendyk Jr. connected with a contestant named Bekah Martinez. He would later
learn she was only 22 years old while he was 36 years old. He made a point throug-
hout the season of how he wanted to settle down and how much he loved going to
sleep early, wearing cardigans, and sipping wine (i.e. old man things in his estima-
tion). After Bekah was eliminated, she briefly disappeared, forcing her mom to file
a missing person report, and was later found safely camping on a marijuana farm
in Northern California. They had very different lifestyles. After he proposed to and
broke up with Becca Kufrin, Arie Luyendyk went on to propose to Lauren Burnham
who was much more reserved throughout the season which aligned better with his
lifestyle. The couple is still together and has a child.
The final component is motivation. A reoccurring discussion on the show is
either the lead or contestants are skeptical of someone’s rationale for being on the
show. Is it to find true love or become famous? The latter is defined in Bachelor-
jargon as being “here for the wrong reasons.” The show has a checkered history of
people being there for the wrong reasons thus it is perceived as disrespectful to the
lead and Bachelor Nation. Also, the lack of motivation for contestants to get enga-
ged at the end of the show is a common reason a lead would eliminate a contestant.
Motivation is not essential to routine activities theory because it is concerned with
crime events instead of individual criminality. The concept of motivation is crucial
to chemistry for The Bachelor because it reveals the willingness of a contestant to
try in building a relationship.
Even when these four components converge it does not necessarily indicate
chemistry or that this relationship will survive to the final rose ceremony. Each of
these four components is just a key dimension to consider when appraising the
decision-making process of the lead. Tyler Cameron was the runner-up on the 15th
season of The Bachelorette but went on to win hearts all over America becoming a
social media phenomenon. The Bachelorette, Hannah Brown, would remark that
he was perfect, and as viewers we observed he checked all the boxes she previously
outlined for a partner, but they still did not have that tangible chemistry. Hannah
expressed she was worried he was too perfect and ultimately picked a man whose
self-admitted greatest career achievement was writing a jingle for a small dog food
company’s commercial. Bachelor relationships are notorious for not lasting long
beyond the show. That is why the rules of chemistry only apply to guessing who
will advance on the show and not necessarily what relationship will last after the
show. As of September 2020, for the final couples in The Bachelor, only 1 of 23 is
married. Another 2 of the 23 are married to the runner-up of the show, which they
switched over to in spectacular fashions after their season finale. For The
Bachelorette, 5 of 15 couples are still married. The fact that most Bachelor relati-
onships do not last, while a referendum on the show, does closely mirror the fact
that crime is still a very rare occurrence. Weisburd’s (2015) law of crime concent-
ration finds that only about 4–6% of micro-places within cities account for 50% of
the total crime incidents which indicates crime only happens in a small number of
“hot spot” locations. Thus suggesting the chemistry for a lasting relationship from
The Bachelor and crime might actually be more elusive than we assumed.
Conclusion
The concept of chemistry is central to The Bachelor and criminal opportunity the-
ories. There is a very specific set of ingredients which produce the chemistry for a
crime or a Bachelor relationship to occur. For crimes, according to routine activi-
ties theory, it is motivated offenders, suitable targets, and the lack of capable guar-
dianship. While routine activities theories present all the elements and crime pat-
tern theory considers how they interact, there is no clear-cut recipe for success on
the Bachelor. These theories though are helpful to begin to identify specific ele-
ments of focus that could have an impact. The four components of attractiveness,
lifestyle, personality, and motivation were identified as salient factors to evaluate
the decision-making process for any lead on a Bachelor show. The Bachelor and
any individual’s personal dating experiences in general help highlight the import-
ance of the concept of chemistry in the creation of a relationship. This chapter ex-
plained criminal opportunity theories then applied this perspective to propose how
The Bachelor weighs factors to determine which contestants to select throughout
the course of the show. There are certain limitations to this extension of criminal
opportunity theories to The Bachelor, but overall it still provides an insightful fra-
mework to provide critical analysis of the show.
1. What are other components that should be considered to understand the decisi-
on-making process of lead suitors on The Bachelor? How are these similar or
different to dating outside of The Bachelor?
2. How does opportunity influence interpersonal relationships? How would you
define chemistry and how large of a role does it have in developing relations-
hips?
3. How do criminal opportunity theories contrast with social disorganization the-
ory which is the other predominant perspective in place-based criminology?
102 C. Schnell
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Routine Activity Theory and
13 Reasons Why 9
13 Reasons Why: Routine Activity Theory
Colton D. Robinson
Introduction
In the TV series 13 Reasons Why, many situations relate to the criminological the-
ory of routine activities. The show focuses on Hannah Baker who committed sui-
cide and left 13 audio tapes for individuals whom she believed to play a role in her
death. Episodes occur after her death while Clay Jensen, an acquaintance of hers,
obtains the audiotapes, and flashbacks tell Hannah’s story leading to her suicide.
Clay is one of the 13 individuals for whom Hannah recorded a tape detailing the
reason he is involved in her suicide. Each tape contains information about a diffe-
rent person who had a part in her suicide. The series follows the 13 tapes in chro-
nological order to gain knowledge on each character’s part in the suicide. Each
episode is a new tape with Hannah’s story exposing another character and the rea-
sons why that individual played a role in her suicide.
The following chapter will discuss how the scenarios in 13 Reasons Why corre-
late with elements of routine activity theory to define deviant and criminal behavi-
ors. The chapter will begin with a brief overview of routine activity theory.
Following the overview of the theoretical components, the chapter elaborates on
each episode introducing a new tape. For each recording, a scene will describe the
deviant or criminal behavior which is displayed. That scene is then broken down to
demonstrate the theoretical elements of routine activities that occur.
C. D. Robinson (*)

108 C. D. Robinson
Routine Activity Theory
Cohen and Felson (1979) developed routine activity theory. The theory is an exten-
sion of rational choice theory which asserts that criminal or deviant behaviors oc-
cur through the free choice of individuals who search for ways to avoid pain and
gain pleasure. They suggest there are three main elements that lead to an occur-
rence of a crime. The elements include a motivated offender with deviant inten-
tions, a suitable target, and a lack of capable guardianship (Cohen & Felson, 1979).
The main idea suggests that crime is structured rather than a random act.
A motivated offender is an individual who is willing to commit a crime or devi-
ant behavior with motivation to gain pleasure or to avoid pain. The second compo-
nent is a suitable target. A suitable target refers to the perception of the motivated
offender that there is vulnerability present. The more vulnerability, the more suita-
ble the target becomes for the offender. Lastly, lack of guardianship means that no
present physical person is capable of deterring the deviant behavior. Guardianship
also refers to other forms of presence to deter criminal activity, such as surveillance
cameras or alarms (Cohen & Felson, 1979).
Throughout the TV series, the three main elements of routine activity theory
occur on multiple occasions. Below, the chapter will outline each episode to intro-
duce new characters, describe relevant scenes, and support with research. The situ-
ations containing deviant or criminal behavior will be defined by the three compo-
nents of the theory. Each scenario obtains a motivated offender, a suitable target,
and a lack of capable guardianship.
Episode 1
Episode 1 began with Clay Jensen, one of Hannah Baker’s classmates, obtaining
the audiotapes with her stories explained by her. Clay started listening to the tapes
on his father’s boombox and then discovered the meaning behind the tapes. While
Clay listened to the audiotapes, Hannah introduced Justin Foley. The first tape de-
scribed why the character Justin belonged in her tapes and was a reason for her
suicide (McCarthy, 2017).
Justin was a popular “jock” who was on multiple sports teams. Hannah agreed
to go out on a date with Justin. The two teens met up late one night at a local
playground. Hannah went down the playground slide and Justin proceeded to take
a picture of Hannah on his phone while she was sliding down. The picture exposed
underneath Hannah’s dress, which Hannah was not aware of. Hannah and Justin
9 Routine Activity Theory and 13 Reasons Why 109
started to make out, and Justin had the desire to go further by attempting to put his
hands up her dress. Hannah did not consent, and she walked away while saying
“Just get away from me.” Justin was upset by the reaction of Hannah (McCarthy,
2017).
The following day at school, Justin was with his group of athletic friends who
knew Justin was to go on a date with Hannah. Justin remained upset about the in-
cident and wanted to impress his “jock” friends, so he showed them the picture
revealing Hannah. Justin then proceeded to send the picture in a mass text to many
of the other students attending Liberty High School. As a result of the picture,
Hannah became labeled as “slut,” “whore,” “easy,” and other profanities. This label
was significant in her reasoning for committing suicide (McCarthy, 2017).
The situation with Justin above demonstrates the components of routine activity
theory. The motivated offender in this situation was Justin. He became a motivated
offender during the scene at the playground when he had the desire to continue
further than kissing. Justin also became motivated when attempting to impress his
friends. Justin wanted to avoid the pain of rejection and sent the picture in a mass
text. The suitable target during this time was Hannah. She was vulnerable as she
was nervous about her first date and was not aware that Justin had taken a picture
which exposed parts of her body and would then be sent to others. Lack of capable
guardianship is evident as there are no adults around during the time of the two
teenagers spending time together. Justin and Hannah also met while it was dark
outside. There is no capable guardianship as other individuals were not able to see
the event due to the darkness, making it easier for Justin to portray the behavior of
attempting to touch Hannah inappropriately without consent (McCarthy, 2017).
Behavior of this type, specifically sexual harassment, is a frequent occurrence
within high schools. Fineran and Bennett (1999) studied gender and power issues
of peer sexual harassment among teenagers, and in their survey of 1600 students,
found that 87% of the girls and 71% of the boys experienced sexual harassment in
grades 8–11. The sexual harassment included sexual jokes, sexual messages, spy-
ing on locker rooms and showers, and flashing. The categories of harassment which
Hannah experienced from Justin would include the variables of pulling clothes off
or down, forcing a sexual act more than kissing, as well as sexually explicit photo-
graphs without consent (Fineran & Bennett, 1999).
Hill and Kearl’s (2011) AAUW report, Crossing the Line: Sexual Harassment at
School, focused on the types of sexual harassment committed, the offender, and the
victim. Although Hannah did not willingly “sext” the explicit picture of herself, the
fact that the picture spread through a mass text message causes it to be considered
“cyber-harassment.” Similarly, Hill and Kearl (2011) argued that 36% of females
have experienced cyber-harassment, noting three types of cyber-harassment that
110 C. D. Robinson
Hannah experienced in the show. The types included “being sent unwelcome se-
xual comment, jokes, or having someone post them about or of you,” “having so-
meone spread unwelcome sexual rumors about you,” and “being called gay or les-
bian in a negative way.” The percentage of girls were nearly always higher, except
in the category of “being called gay or lesbian in a negative way.” The report high-
lights the realities of the presentations in 13 Reasons Why, demonstrating that
many girls in high school may have experienced similar situations as Hannah.
Episode 2
The subject of the second tape shared information on character Jessica Davis. In
the episode, Hannah became friends with Jessica as well as her friend Alex Standall.
The three became best friends and did everything together. Over time, Alex and
Jessica started a romantic relationship and spent less time with Hannah. When Alex
broke up with Jessica, she became upset and blamed Hannah for their break-up,
stating that Hannah was jealous. Jessica spread this idea to other peers in school.
As a result, the idea that Hannah was jealous reinforced the thought that Hannah
was a “slut” who wanted a relationship with Alex. While Clay was listening to this
tape, Hannah’s mother also found notes which suggested bullying of Hannah
(McCarthy, 2017).
The deviant behavior explained by routine activity theory in this scenario is the
concept of bullying. In the cycle of the theory’s elements, Jessica becomes the
motivated offender as she believes Hannah caused Alex to break up with her.
Hannah becomes the suitable target with becoming jealous of the two starting a
relationship and spending less time with her. Vulnerability is displayed because
there is the excuse that Hannah sabotaged the relationship out of anger and jea-
lousy, and other peers believe this was a possibility. During the time of the notes
and rumors which caused the bullying behaviors toward Hannah, neither the prin-
cipal nor teachers were present. No adults within the vicinity are the lack of ca-
pable guardianship of those who had the ability to stop the current behavior. The
bullying and calling of names occurred in hallways and at the beginning of class
before the teacher walked into the classroom. This lack of guardianship allowed
Jessica and peers to conduct negative words to Hannah without an adult to enforce
any repercussions (McCarthy, 2017).
Episode 3
Episode 3 explained Hannah’s tape for why Alex is a cause of her death. During the
episode, viewers are introduced to a new character, Bryce Walker. Bryce is a “jock”
who is part of the same clique as Justin. Alex and Bryce discovered that Clay had
possession of the tapes, and they did not want Clay to expose what they did on their
tapes. Bryce bought alcohol from a gas station and challenged Clay and Alex to
drink the alcohol, or else Bryce would not allow them to leave. Clay and Alex pro-
ceeded to drink the alcohol in fear of Bryce and his teammates (Shaver, 2017).
Bryce bought the alcohol for Alex and Clay to drink in order to threaten and
show power over Clay and Alex, so the tapes were not exposed. Bryce becomes the
motivated offender who bought the alcohol illegally to intimidate Clay from relea-
sing information about the tapes. Alex and Clay both become suitable targets of
threatening and bullying as they are coerced by Bryce and his fellow teammates,
who are larger in physical stature, making Alex and Clay more inferior. There is a
lack of capable guardianship portrayed in this scenario as there are no surveillance
cameras. Bryce was not caught on camera in the gas station buying the alcohol nor
were the boys seen drinking underage while in the alleyway (Shaver, 2017).
The television series glamorized underage drinking numerous times. Underage
drinking has been associated with high school students, oftentimes in the context
of parties. Edwards, Heeren, Hingson, and Rosenbloom (2009) highlighted the re-
lationship between underage drinking and the respective odds of being in a motor
vehicle crash, unintentionally injured, or engaging in a physical fight after drin-
king. The national sample consisted of 4021 “drinkers” and were broken down by
their age of onset. The age groups were younger than 14, 14–15, 16–17, 18–20, and
21 and older. The results concluded that the earlier age of onset to start drinking,
the greater the odds of being in physical fights, a motor vehicle crash, or an unin-
tentional injury. This research comes to life in multiple episodes that include a car
accident, physical fights, and injuries that all occur as a result of drinking.
Episode 4
Throughout episode 4, Hannah claimed that she heard camera clicks outside of her
window in her bedroom. At school, she tells her friend Courtney Crimsen. Courtney
agreed to stay with Hannah that night while her parents were not home. Courtney
and Hannah stayed in Hannah’s bedroom and while playing “Truth or Dare,” the
girls kissed and heard more camera clicks. Hannah advanced by shining a light out
112 C. D. Robinson
the window to discover that the individual who continuously stalked Hannah was
Tyler Down. Tyler Down then spread the picture of the girls kissing around Liberty
High School (Shaver, 2017).
The action of “stalking” is the deviant behavior explained by routine activity
theory. The motivated offender is Tyler Down. His reasoning for following Hannah
and taking these pictures is due to his love for Hannah and her kindness, his lone-
liness, and that he has to take pictures to catch people living life as part of the ye-
arbook committee. Hannah and Courtney are both vulnerable targets in the episode
as they cannot see who the stalker is while it is dark outside, as well as the fact that
both girls are intoxicated. Hannah’s parents are not home during this time which
leads to a low level of guardianship (Shaver, 2017).
Stalking has become a prevalent subject in high school. This includes both du-
ring school hours and outside of school grounds. A study by Theriot identified
“stalking” as inappropriate phone calls and e-mails, obsessively following the
victim, continually visiting the victim’s home or workplace, and theft of personal
items. Tyler Down would fall into the category of following the victim, Hannah,
around school as he would hide in the distance while watching her go from class to
class. Tyler also visited Hannah’s home multiple times, and this is when he snap-
ped the photo of Hannah and Courtney together. Theriot (2008) explored the num-
ber of restraining orders against perpetrators who would be considered a “stalker”
by this definition. The study found that for adolescent offenders of “stalking” there
had been 757 restraining orders filed within a 10-month period (Theriot, 2008).
Episode 5
Episode 5 started with rumors about which individuals were in Tyler’s picture.
Courtney did not want the secret of her sexuality to be exposed, so she spread ano-
ther rumor claiming it was Hannah and Laura, a classmate who had already come
out as a lesbian. The episode continued as Clay took Courtney to Hannah’s graves-
ite as a way to express to Courtney that she was selfish for caring about her sexua-
lity more than Hannah needing her friend. Justin, Alex, and their other friend, Zach
Dempsey, did not like Clay taking actions into his own hands by talking to those
mentioned on Hannah’s tapes. The group of Alex, Justin, and Zach stole Clay’s
bike while he was on his way home and forced him into their car. While in the car,
the boys intimidated Clay by threatening him if he continued trying to handle
things himself and speeding in the car until getting pulled over by a police officer
(Alvarez, 2017).
Alex, Justin, and Zach became motivated offenders in the deviant behaviors of
stealing Clay’s bike and forcing him into their car. The three boys became motiva-
ted by the action of Clay taking Courtney to Hannah’s grave site to get a reaction
of regret out of her. Clay was the vulnerable target in this scene as he was riding his
bike alone on the road and was no match for the three boys in the car. Until the
police officer pulled the car over, there was no other sense of guardianship while it
was dark outside and no other adults were present (Alvarez, 2017).
Episode 6
Two scenes in episode 6 relate to routine activity theory. The first scene occurred
outside of the school when the character Montgomery was driving on school
grounds and nearly ran into Alex with his car. Alex took a stand against Montgomery.
The two boys engaged in a physical altercation on school grounds (Alvarez, 2017).
The deviant action of fighting at school is an example of routine activity theory.
Both individuals act as motivated offenders in this situation. When Montgomery
laughed at the fact that he almost ran his car into Alex, Alex started yelling at
Montgomery. Montgomery then told Alex that Alex should be scared of
Montgomery. At this point, Alex became infuriated and started the fight by pushing
Montgomery away. Montgomery became mad at Alex and tackled him to the
ground. They both became motivated by the act of hitting back at one another. The
two boys ended up rolling on the ground until Montgomery fought his way on top
of Alex when he repeatedly punched Alex in the face. Alex became the suitable
target as he was not physically capable of assaulting Montgomery to the same ex-
tent as his body type was naturally smaller than and not as strong as Montgomery.
Montgomery ended up contributing much more damage to Alex once Montgomery
continued beating on Alex even after Alex was not able to fight back anymore. No
school authority figures were at the scene of the fight, causing a lack of capable
guardianship. No school authority figures were present until minutes after when
Alex sustained injuries to his face and a gathering of students circled the fight. By
that point, the damage had already been done (Alvarez, 2017).
The second incident which occurred in episode 6 included Hannah and Marcus
Cole, the senior class president. Marcus and Hannah both participated in a
Valentine’s Day activity which matched the two as compatible with each other and
agreed to go on a date. Marcus accepted a bet with his peers that he had the ability
to “hook up” with Hannah while on their date. While on the date, Marcus sat on the
same side of the booth as Hannah at the diner. Marcus attempted sexual assault as
114 C. D. Robinson
he grabbed Hannah’s thigh and proceeded to put his hand underneath Hannah’s
dress until she screamed for him to get away from her (Alvarez, 2017).
The three components of the theory outlined in this scene include Marcus as the
motivated offender by a bet he made with his friends. Hannah became a suitable
target as she could not defend herself and froze. She was not able to move, and the
only defense mechanism she was able to produce was yelling at him for touching
her. No others were at the booth or were aware of the situation leading to no guar-
dianship to witness the event taking place (Alvarez, 2017).
Episode 7
Midway through the season, Zach Dempsey played a significant role once again.
Hannah recorded a tape explaining why Zach had a role in her killing herself. She
elaborated that she rejected going on a date with Zach, so he advanced by decrea-
sing her self-confidence by removing compliment notes written to her. Clay liste-
ned to the tape which explained what Zach had done to Hannah’s confidence and
wanted revenge. During a basketball game, while Zach was playing in the game,
Clay went to the parking lot and keyed Zach’s car (Araki, 2017).
Vandalism is a crime which has an impact on a victim. In the current situation,
Clay becomes a motivated offender to commit vandalism to Zach’s car out of anger
and revenge. Zach became targeted while he is playing in the basketball game and
Clay is not face-to-face with Zach in the parking lot. The explanation of lack of
guardianship takes place as there are no authorities who were able to see Clay
committing vandalism, in addition to the incident occurring outside the view of the
cameras (Araki, 2017).
Vandalism is a crime many people have committed from a young age into adul-
thood by damaging the property of others. Vandalism could be as small throwing
shoes over power lines to something as big as burning a car. Krivoshchekova,
Kruzhkova, and Vorobyeva (2015) surveyed 1522 participants who have caused
damage to public property at some point in their lives. Of the participants, 466 were
of the young adult age group. The researchers explored motivations for why parti-
cipants in this age group had committed vandalism. The most motivated individu-
als were explained as an “internally-oriented activity.” Meaning that those who
committed the act did not analyze or internalize the event or a conventional thought
process. They are considered to be ready to take responsibility and that the act was
opposite of their character (Krivoshchekova et al., 2015). Clay is an example of this
when we observe his vandalism, as it seems that he did not internalize or analyze
the situation and committed vandalism on Zach’s car or consider the consequences.
Clay took responsibility for his actions and could be viewed as “acting out of cha-
racter.”
Episode 8
Ryan Shaver was the next character who was revealed by Hannah’s recorded tapes.
Ryan was the inspiration for Hannah to write and present poems. Hannah produced
one poem for a class which was a call for help but submitted it anonymously. Since
the work was anonymous, Ryan stole Hannah’s work not knowing it was hers and
published it in the school magazine without her consent. Other peers then found the
poem hilarious and made comments about the poem which offended Hannah
(Araki, 2017).
Ryan became a motivated offender to steal the poem without consent, as he felt
her expressions needed to be heard by others. Hannah was a target due to the reason
that Ryan had a position with the school magazine to publish the poem. He had the
power to publish the work without her consent, and she allowed Ryan to further the
process since she submitted the piece anonymously. Guardianship was not available
during this occurrence of the anonymously submitted poem. No one was able to step
in to take the poem out of the magazine because there was no way of telling who the
original author was or that it was stolen due to the anonymity (Araki, 2017).
Episode 9
The events in Episode 9 also contributed to Hannah’s life coming to an end. The
setting of the episode was a party at Jessica’s house while her parents are out of
town. Hannah was in a room upstairs at the party before Jessica and Justin stumb-
led into the same room. Hannah hid in the closet to avoid being seen. Justin had the
intention of performing sexual acts with Jessica until she fell asleep due to her in-
toxication. Justin then let Jessica sleep on the bed while he left the room. Hannah
then witnessed Bryce Walker come into the room and make his way over to the bed
where Jessica slept. Bryce continued to press himself onto Jessica and removed her
clothes. Bryce then proceeded to have sex with Jessica who was intoxicated and
unconscious as Hannah witnessed the event still in hiding (Franklin, 2017).
Throughout this traumatic scene, Bryce was sexually motivated to commit the
criminal act of raping Jessica. Jessica was both intoxicated and unconscious which
116 C. D. Robinson
proved her to be very vulnerable in this situation and made for an easy target.
During Bryce forcing himself onto Jessica, Hannah was the only person present but
found herself not able to move or reveal herself. Jessica’s parents were gone for the
weekend out of town, causing a lack of capable guardianship (Franklin, 2017).
An article explained the effects of direct as well as vicarious victimization.
Vicarious victimization is defined as one experiencing trauma by witnessing the
victimization of another person. The article explains that suicidal cognition and
self-harm have a correlation with both direct and vicarious victimization. The ar-
ticle suggests that if one experiences being directly victimized or witnessing ano-
ther person being victimized, they have a higher risk of suicidal ideations. Going
through a traumatic event is seen as a predictor to self-harm in adolescence (Baldry
& Winkel, 2003).
During this event, Jessica had been directly victimized by the offender, Bryce.
Hannah was also victimized at this time. Hannah witnessed the heinous act which
occurred to Jessica. Hannah could not move because she became so traumatized
and was vicariously victimized herself (Franklin, 2017).
A National Institute of Justice study estimated that one-fifth to one-fourth of
women are victims of completed or attempted rape while in high school and col-
lege. A link has been found between alcohol and sexual assault and rape. Often
times, this is considered “party rape,” which is a term defined for a distinct form of
rape according to the U.S. Department of Justice. “Party rapes” are sexual assaults
which take place off school grounds and involve the targeting of intoxicated wo-
men (Armstrong, Hamilton, & Sweeney, 2006).
Katz, Olin, Pazienza, and Rich (2014) found that 19% of women in undergradu-
ate programs in college had been victim to attempted or completed sexual assault.
Of the 19%, 83% of the women were under the influence of alcohol or drugs.
Although the study focused on college undergraduates, it is suggested that the
same rate is applied for females in high school (Katz et al., 2014). They also exa-
mined different responses of bystanders to friends or strangers who were at risk for
party rape victimization. They found that empathetic concern was greater for fema-
les than males, especially if the bystander was considered friends with the potential
party rape victim (Katz et al., 2014). This episode mirrors the study findings, as
Hannah showed empathetic concern for Jessica as a bystander and as friends, this
event had such an impact on Hannah that it played a role in her death.
Episode 10
The story of Sheri Holland explained the situation she caused and contributed to
Hannah feeling guilt. After Hannah witnessed the rape of Jessica, she left the party,
and Sheri offered Hannah a ride home. While driving home, the girls were in a
minor accident which knocked down a stop sign. Sheri refused to call the police in
fear that she would be held accountable; therefore, Sheri left Hannah who called
the authorities. Moments later, there was a more substantial accident at the inter-
section as a result of the knocked down stop sign. The accident provoked the death
of another student, Jeff Atkins, who was also traveling home from the party and
was in the accident at the intersection (Franklin, 2017).
Fear of getting in trouble and being held accountable for knocking down a stop
sign caused the motivation of Sheri not to contact the authorities. Jeff became a
suitable target in the more substantial accident as he was not aware that a stop sign
was missing from the intersection and miscommunication with another driver oc-
curred. This allowed Jeff to become the victim of the crash, and he died due to
Sheri’s motivation to defiantly ignore the situation she caused. Sheri refused to
notify the proper authorities because there were no other witnesses to take the role
of guardianship (Franklin, 2017).
Episode 11
Clay finally reached the tape which Hannah recorded regarding his role in her de-
ath. Hannah expressed that Clay was not a reason as to why she committed suicide,
but there was a need for him in the purpose of the story. The tape explained that
Clay was the only true friend Hannah ever had. Hannah further claimed that al-
though the tape talked about Clay, it was not his fault for her suicide. She then re-
ported that the reason there was a tape dedicated to Clay was because he was not
there the one time she needed him. The tape revealed a scene in which Hannah and
Clay kissed. They then started to remove each other’s clothes. Once Clay began to
put his hands on Hannah, flashbacks occurred for her. Hannah started to vision
Marcus touching her and felt the pain she had gone through previously. Hannah
then threw Clay off of her and yelled at him to leave the room. Clay apologized and
left. Clay did what Hannah told him to do, however, she actually wanted Clay to
stay with her, so she did not feel this pain while alone. This scene caused Hannah
to create the tape to explain that she thought he would always stay even when she
forced him out. She stated that Clay did not pay attention to realize that she was
118 C. D. Robinson
hurting inside and needed someone there. After listening to the tape, he became
overwhelmed with guilt and left school. Clay is with Tony, and Clay contemplated
suicide himself by almost jumping off a cliff until Tony talked him into taking a
step back and saving him (Yu, 2017).
Suicide is the deviant behavior described in this scene of episode 11. Clay plays
the role of the motivated offender and the suitable target. Clay is motivated that he
ruined Hannah’s life and that she would still be living if he paid attention and be-
lieved her. He feels overwhelmed by much guilt and is motivated to take his own
life. Clay also plays a suitable target as a result of his guilt. Clay mentally breaks
down and feels like he is worthless and is emotionally unstable. A suitable target is
one who allows the offender the opportunity to complete the deviant behavior. Clay
allows his emotions to get the better of him and allows his guilt to take over. This
allows him to become the target of himself as the motivated offender of taking his
life. No guardians were in the vicinity as they were on top of a cliff, and they left
school in the middle of the day, leading to no adults or anyone else who could
prevent the potential suicide from happening (Franklin, 2017).
Episode 12
Possibly the most traumatic experience of Hannah transpired during the events of
episode 12. Hannah was trusted by her parents to take a bank deposit to the bank
for their local business. Hannah accidentally lost track of the deposit and under-
stood that she furthered her parents’ money problems with the store. Hannah felt as
though she disappointed her parents and felt extremely guilty (Franklin, 2017).
Hannah decided to take a walk through the neighborhood to clear her head. She
ultimately ended up at Bryce’s house where he was hosting a small party while his
parents were out of town. Hannah spent time in the hot tub with others including
Bryce. The other peers started to leave and go inside the house. Hannah was the last
person in the hot tub alone with Bryce. Once everyone left the outside area, and the
two were alone, Bryce started to force himself on Hannah. Hannah attempted to
resist his actions; however, Bryce was too powerful. Bryce continued by turning
her over, restraining her hands so she could not fight back and pulled her underwear
down. Bryce proceeded to have sexual intercourse with Hannah against her will,
leaving her as another one of his rape victims (Franklin, 2017).
Bryce, once again, used the need for power as the primary motivation to commit
a sexual offense. Hannah became vulnerable once she resisted but was overtaken
by Bryce’s strength. Hannah was a target who could not fight back against Bryce
and ultimately became another sexually assaulted victim due to this reason. Bryce’s
parents could not serve as guardianship as they were out of town. The other indivi-
duals were not able to pose as guardians as they all left the party or went into the
house. Bryce and Hannah were left alone outside in the dark. No one was in the
vicinity to help Hannah during this traumatic experience (Franklin, 2017).
Episode 13
During the finale of Season 1 of 13 Reasons Why, Hannah sought help one final
time. Hannah wanted to get help and attempted to do so by seeing the school gui-
dance counselor, Mr. Porter. Hannah entered Mr. Porter’s office and ventured to
gain help about the struggles in her life, including the incident leaving her a rape
victim. Hannah did not explicitly explain the details of the rape or who forced
themselves on her, rather, Hannah hinted at the event. Mr. Porter claimed to follow
protocol by letting Hannah leave the office as he could not help without specific
details (Alvarez, 2017).
Going to Mr. Porter was Hannah’s last attempt at reaching out for someone to
help her. Hannah felt as though she had no support from him or anyone else. This
experience was Hannah’s deciding factor on whether or not she went through with
committing suicide or getting further help. With Mr. Porter’s lack of support,
Hannah later took her tapes to the post office to mail them to Tony. Hannah procee-
ded home, and during this time, she took her own life by slitting her wrists in the
bathtub (Alvarez, 2017).
The motivation for Mr. Porter’s decision to turn Hannah away was due to follo-
wing the school’s protocol for that situation. Hannah became more vulnerable than
she had ever been before. Hannah felt no support and that there was no other way
out of her pain besides causing her death. Neither Mr. Porter nor any other autho-
rity figure attempted to help Hannah in a time of need and did not show much gu-
ardianship for her (Alvarez, 2017).
Conclusion
Episode to episode, many characters excelled as the role of the offender, while
many others portrayed the role of a suitable target when there was a lack of guardi-
anship. Episodes throughout the series portrayed routine activity theory very well
and held up when elements of the theory are explained to the situation. Episode 7
120 C. D. Robinson
explained how Clay became a motivated offender as Zach was seen as a suitable
target for Clay to vandalize Zach’s car while no one proceeded within the vicinity.
Episodes 9 and 12 have much evidence for the theory by explaining Bryce as the
motivated offender to commit the criminal act of rape on the suitable targets of
Jessica and Hannah while the parents of the home were out of town and there was
a clear lack of guardianship during both occurrences.
Hannah Baker endured much pain while at Liberty High School which funda-
mentally provoked her into committing suicide. The series described many crimi-
nal or deviant behaviors explained by the three main elements of routine activity
theory. Routine activity theory throughout 13 Reasons Why focused on motivated
offenders who were motivated to act deviantly, suitable targets who became
victims, and the lack of capable guardianship. The three elements of the theory are
a recipe for a crime or deviant act to occur, and throughout the series, the elements
fusing together in various situations ultimately lead to the tragic scene of Hannah
Baker taking her own life (Table 9.1).
Table 9.1 Episode guide and the three elements of routine activities theory
Motivated offender Suitable target Lack of guardianship
Episode 1 Justin Hannah Alone together at the park at
night
Episode 2 Jessica Hannah No school authority
Episode 3 Bryce Clay and Alex No cameras at the gas station
Episode 4 Tyler Hannah and Hannah’s parents were not
Courtney home
Episode 5 Alex, Justin, and Clay Dark outside, no adults around
Zach
Episode 6 Montgomery and Alex and Hannah No others were at the same
Marcus booth
Episode 7 Clay Zach Outside the view of the
cameras
Episode 8 Ryan Hannah Poem was anonymous
Episode 9 Bryce Jessica Parents were out of town
Episode 10 Sheri Jeff No witnesses or authorities
Episode 11 Clay Clay No adults within the vicinity
Episode 12 Bryce Hannah Alone together at night
Episode 13 Mr. Porter Hannah No authority figure helped
1. Do you believe that if capable guardianship (teachers, parents, cameras, etc.)

were present, there would be a reduction in the criminal or deviant behaviors
which occurred in each episode? Why or why not?
2. Do you think routine activity theory accurately explains why deviant behaviors
occurred throughout the series? Is there a different criminological theory that
provides a better explanation as to why criminal and deviant behaviors were
displayed throughout 13 Reasons Why?
3. Describe a criminal act or deviant behavior you have committed or witnessed
another person commit whether a real experience or seen in a TV show, movie,
or video game. Can you use the three key elements of routine activity theory to
explain why the behavior occurred? If so, please explain how the situation ful-
filled the roles of a motivated offender, a suitable target, and lack of capable
guardianship. If not, which elements were not present to support the theory in
your scenario?
References
Alvarez, K. (Director). (2017). 13 Reasons Why [Television Series]. Vallejo, CA: Netflix.
Araki, G. (Director). (2017). 13 Reasons Why [Television Series]. Vallejo, CA: Netflix.
Armstrong, E. A., Hamilton, L., & Sweeney, B. (2006). Sexual Assault on Campus: A
Multilevel, Integrative Approach to Party Rape. Social Problems, 53(4), 483–499.
Baldry, A. C., & Winkel, F. W. (2003). Direct and Vicarious Victimization at School and
at Home as Risk Factors for Suicidal Cognition Among Italian Adolescents. Journal of
Adolescence, 26(6), 703–716.
Cohen, L. E., & Felson, M. (1979). Social Change and Crime Rate Trends: A Routine
Activity Approach. American Sociological Review, 44, 588–608.
Edwards, E., Heeren, T., Hingson, R. W., & Rosenbloom, D. (2009). Age of Drinking Onset
and Injuries, Motor Vehicle Crashes, and Physical Fights After Drinking and When Not
Drinking. Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research, 33(5), 783–790.
Fineran, S., & Bennett, L. (1999). Gender and Power Issues of Peer Sexual Harassment
Among Teenagers. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 14(6), 626–641.
Franklin, C. (Director). (2017). 13 Reasons Why [Television Series]. Vallejo, CA: Netflix.
Hill, C., & Kearl, H. (2011). Crossing the Line: Sexual Harassment at School. AAUW.
Katz, J., Olin, R., Pazienza, R., & Rich, H. (2014). That’s What Friends Are For. Journal of
Interpersonal Violence, 30(16), 2775–2792.
Krivoshchekova, M. S., Kruzhkova, O. V., & Vorobyeva, I. V. (2015). The Genesis of
Vandalism: From Childhood to Adolescence. Psychology in Russia: State of Art, 8(1),
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McCarthy, T. (Director). (2017). 13 Reasons Why [Television Series]. Vallejo, CA: Netflix.
Shaver, H. (Director). (2017). 13 Reasons Why [Television Series]. Vallejo, CA: Netflix.
Theriot, M. T. (2008). Conceptual and Methodological Considerations for Assessment and
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30(4), 223–233.
Yu, J. (Producer). (2017). 13 Reasons Why [Television Series]. Vallejo, CA: Netflix.
Self-Control Theory and The Office
“That’s What She Said”: Michael Scott and Self-
10
Control Theory
Sarah E. Daly and Chad Painter
NBC’s hit television show, The Office, aired from 2005 to 2013. Rolling Stone
ranked it 48th on its list of 100 Great TV Shows of All-Time list and called it a
“groundbreaking and original comedy” (Sheffield, 2016). Adapted from the origi-
nal British series of the same name and style, its “mockumentary” approach chro-
nicled the everyday hijinks of a mid-level paper company in Scranton, Pennsylvania.
Portrayed by Steve Carell, Michael Gary Scott is the regional manager who often
provided the main source of conflict in the show. He exhibited behaviors that were
largely uncomfortable, absurd, and inappropriate, but at times may have been con-
sidered deviant or even criminal. His immaturity, impulsivity, and insensitivity cre-
ated a working environment that some have considered uncomfortable at best and
abusive at worst. The show’s storylines often centered around Michael’s antics, but
the employees had their own foibles, problems, and arcs including Jim and
Dwight’s ongoing pranks, Angela’s love triangles, Kelly and Ryan’s tumultuous
relationship, and Toby’s inability to be anything more than the office’s bland
Human Resources representative. Although the show continued for two additional
seasons after Carell’s departure from the show, Michael Scott, “the World’s Best
Boss” remains the most iconic of the cast and “one of the most original characters
of all time” (Jaremko-Greenwold, 2015).
S. E. Daly (*) · C. Painter


124 S. E. Daly and C. Painter
Michael’s unique personality, his childlike responses to conflict, and his com-
pulsive need to be loved and accepted by his employees created problems for him-
self and those around him. These enduring behaviors and needs often have disast-
rous outcomes that made for 149 episodes of frustration, awkwardness, and hilarity.
He gave Oscar ulcers, upset Angela with his ever “inappropriate” ideas, and disap-
pointed or annoyed everyone in the office at one point or another. While Michael’s
choices and behaviors may shock viewers, those familiar with criminological the-
ory must see a clear representation of Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) self-control
theory (SCT).
Self-Control Theory: An Overview
Since its introduction in 1990, the theory has received notable attention from scholars
and been the subject of much empirical testing and critique. Perhaps one of the most
parsimonious of theories, researchers have used self-control theory (SCT) to explain
a variety of criminal and deviant behaviors, including, but not limited to: driver ag-
gression (Ellwanger & Pratt, 2014); corporate offending (Leeper Piquero, Schoepfer,
& Langton, 2010); alcohol and substance abuse (Baker, 2010; Conner, Stein, &
Longshore, 2008; Ford & Blumenstein, 2013; Jones, Lynam, & Piquero, 2015;
Zavala & Kurtz, 2017); police misconduct (Donner, Fridell, & Jennings, 2016); and
theft and delinquency (Chui & Chan, 2016). One of the theory’s major strengths is its
continued empirical measurement and support through decades of research.
One of the most important elements of the theory is that it does not only relate
to or explain crime but also deviant or problematic behaviors that may not necessa-
rily be considered illegal or criminal. As Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) explained,
“Crime is not an automatic or necessary consequence of self-control” (p. 91).
Behaviors analogous to crime—imprudent, irresponsible actions—serve as a better
measure of self-control, as it avoids the tautological issue of using engagement in
crime to predict criminal activity. As Arneklev, Elis, and Medlicott (2006) found,
“…if analogous behavior measures include illegal activities, they are stronger pre-
dictors of crime than are attitudinal indicators of low self-control…When stripped
of illegal behavior, Imprudent (Analogous) Behavior is not as efficacious in predic-
ting crime, yet is still significant” (p. 47). It could be argued that nearly all of
Michael’s behaviors that served as the foundation for storylines on The Office
could be considered analogous to crime if not illegal. These imprudent, yet hilari-
ous, antics serve as the foundation for this chapter and its relation to SCT.
Gottfredson and Hirschi identify parenting or child-rearing as the most influen-
tial factors in the development of self-control. They note, “all of the characteristics
10 Self-Control Theory and The Office 125
associated with low self-control tend to show themselves in the absence of

nurturance, discipline, or training” (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990, p. 95). They con-
tinue by asserting that parents can help to develop and support higher levels of
self-control by monitoring children, recognizing bad behaviors, and punishing
them. When children experience this, they learn delayed gratification, empathy,
independence, and patience. Unfortunately, we know relatively little about Michael
Scott’s family, although there are quick allusions to his resentment of his step-
father, Jeff, his strained relationship with his nana, Barbara, and unnamed siblings.
Yet, we can speculate that there may have been issues of attachment, attention, or
punishment that may have affected Michael’s development.
Despite its parsimony and popularity, SCT, however, is not without its critiques
and weaknesses. In one of the earliest published criticisms of the theory, Barlow
(1991) states that “Gottfredson and Hirschi never provide an operational definition
of specifying a basis for distinguishing degrees of self-control” (p. 241). However,
in 1993, Grasmick, Tittle, Bursik, and Arneklev created a scale by which resear-
chers could measure self-control. By conceptualizing six tenets of the theory and
operationalizing them through a 24-question survey, they attempted to address one
of the primary criticisms of the theory.
Based on Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) early work, Grasmick, Tittle, Bursik,
and Arneklev (1993) asserted that the scale measures low self-control as “a single
unidimensional latent trait” (p. 9). The authors, however, concluded that “contrary
results [suggest] the theory needs expansion, refinement, and elaboration before it
can explain crime to the degree Gottfredson and Hirschi imply…[their] formula-
tion constitutes an important innovation, but it requires additional theoretical
work” (Grasmick et al., 1993, p. 26). These researchers and, later, Higgins (2007)
further developed Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) original theory by elaborating
self-control theory and classifying behaviors into six different constructs.1 We use
these constructs to offer an overview of self-control theory and demonstrate
Michael Scott’s low self-control as exhibited through imprudent, irresponsible, and
even deviant and criminal behavior.
1
The Grasmick Scale was then used as a measurement tool in subsequent research studies
(e.g., Grasmick et al., 1993), but through quantitative analysis and validity testing, Higgins
(2007) found that the original Grasmick scale does not have construct validity and that items
2, 6, 9, 12, 13, 19, 20, and 22 (see Table 10.1) should be omitted from the scale to improve
the use of the Grasmick Scale as a measure of self-control.
Table 10.1 Grasmick’s scale with Higgins’ revisions

Item
number Construct Survey question
1 Impulsivity I often act on the spur of the moment without stopping to
think
2 I don’t devote much thought and effort to preparing for the
future
3 I often do whatever brings me pleasure here and now, even at
the cost of some distant goal
4 I’m more concerned with what happens to me in the short run
than in the long run
5 Simple tasks I frequently try to avoid projects that I know will be difficult
6 When things get complicated, I tend to quit or withdraw
7 The things in life that are easiest to do bring me the most
pleasure
8 I dislike really hard tasks that stretch my abilities to the limit
9 Risk-seeking I like to test myself every now and then by doing something a
little risky
10 Sometimes I will take a risk just for the fun of it
11 I sometimes find it exciting to do things for which I might get
in trouble
12 Excitement and adventure are more important to me than
security
13 Physical If I had a choice, I would almost always rather do something
activities physical than something mental
14 I almost always feel better when I am on the move than when
I am sitting and thinking
15 I like to get out and do things more than I like to read or
contemplate ideas
16 I seem to have more energy and a greater need for activity
than most other people my age
17 Self-centered I try to look out for myself first, even if it means making
things difficult for other people
18 I’m not very sympathetic to other people when they are
having problems
19 If things I do upset people, it’s their problem, not mine
20 I will try to get the things I want even when I know it’s causing
problems for other people
21 Temper I lose my temper pretty easily
22 Often, when I’m angry at people I feel more like hurting them
than talking to them about why I’m angry
23 When I’m really angry, other people better stay away from me
24 When I have a serious disagreement with someone, it’s
usually hard for me to talk to them without getting upset
Note: Items in italics are ones that were removed from the original scale and thus not inclu-
ded as a part of the organization of this chapter
Applying Self-Control Theory to Michael Scott
To provide readers with a thorough examination and application of the theory,

this chapter is organized based on the six constructs and uses items from the scale
for each to present specific examples of Michael’s behavior. These items, present
in bold and in quotes, can acquaint readers and students with the elements of the
theory while also observing the questions from the Grasmick and Higgins scales.
For each, we offer the outlandish, comical, and perhaps cringe-worthy antics,
while also applying the notion of self-control theory at work in high- and low-
cost situations (see also Seipel & Eifler, 2010). We hope this supports the notion
“that low self-control in combination with opportunity to commit crime [at the
office] is a (perhaps the) primary cause of criminal behavior” (Grasmick et al.,
1993, p. 6).
Impulsivity
First, impulsivity relates to the tendency to act quickly without consideration of

consequences. As Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) explain, “The impulsive or
short-sighted person fails to consider the negative or painful consequences of his
acts” (p. 95). Ignoring the notion of consequences and punishment allows or en-
courages people to engage in crime or behaviors analogous to crime because they
would be less fearful of the outcomes.
Michael’s behavior often reflects impulsivity and a lack of planning or fore-
thought. He planned several events and activities quickly and whimsically, often
with unsuccessful or disastrous results (see, for example, Michael Scott’s Dunder
Mifflin Scranton Meredith Palmer Memorial Celebrity Rabies Awareness Fun Run
Pro-Am Race for the Cure; the raid at the Utica Branch; and Michael’s original
plan to propose to Holly). While often hilarious, his lack of concern for details,
consequences, and logical thinking led to some of the most memorable episodes of
the series and the most cringe-worthy.
I often act on the spur of the moment without stopping to think.
In Season 7, Episode 7, “Christening,” Michael attended the baptism of Jim and

Pam’s first child, Cece. At the reception in the church hall, he was overcome with
awe at a teenage girl’s explanation of the volunteer work that her youth group
planned to do in Quimixto, Mexico. As he stood in line to shake their hands as they
boarded the bus, he impulsively decided to join the group and leave with them.
Despite being warned by nearly everyone (except Andy Bernard who rushed to
join him when he saw that Erin was impressed), he argued that it was not irrespon-
sible, because he had never been so sure about anything in his life. As the bus pul-
led away, he began to realize the ramifications of what he had done, and after only
45 minutes on the road, he demanded to be let off the bus, exclaiming that he has
already given back to society and that now is the time for him to take.
Had Michael stopped to consider his actions at the time, he would have realized
that he had no luggage or supplies, that the trip required months of manual labor,
and that he did not know anyone on the trip, save for Andy. Yet, despite his cowor-
kers’ protests, he left for Mexico only to change his mind shortly thereafter.
Similarly, when he decided to open “The Michael Scott Paper Company” in
Season 5, Episode 21, he did not stop to think about the many obstacles that he
would face in a dying industry. Both Pam and Oscar attempted to explain the chal-
lenges he would face, and Michael heard from his potential replacement that
management jobs were scarce. Even in light of this reality, Michael pressed on in
his goal without thinking.
One might argue that he did, in fact, plan for the company by hiring a team,
securing an office space, and organizing meetings and events to promote the com-
pany, but he lacked the insight and the skills to do this effectively or realize his own
shortcomings in the process. Despite his best efforts, his actions seemed more like
an attempt to recreate his position at Dunder Mifflin and exact revenge on his for-
mer company rather than legitimate attempts to start and successfully run a small
business.
I often do whatever brings me pleasure here and now, even at the cost of some dis-
tant goal.
Similarly, in what may be one of the most uncomfortable episodes of the series,
Michael faced the consequences of a terrible promise he made ten years earlier. In
Season 6, Episode 12, we learn that when he met a group of third graders, he pro-
mised them that he would pay for their college tuition if they finished high school.
When the time came to face this group of students, affectionately known as “Scott’s
Tots,” to tell them that he could not pay, he explained to the camera crew, “I have
made some empty promises in my life, but hands down, that was the most gene-
rous” (Season 6, Episode 12, Timestamp: 5:14). Though he made the promise
before the beginning of the show, it is clear that this is an example of his impulsi-
vity and his overwhelming need to be liked. An ongoing theme throughout the
show, Michael once tellingly explained that he has a constant need to be praised.
To satisfy this need to be liked and praised, he made this promise to the students,
likely knowing full well that he would not have the financial means to do it. This
promise brought him pleasure at the time, though it clearly led to discomfort,
disappointment, and financial distress for the students years later. Even with ten
years to plan, renege on his promise, or find another way to help the students, he
could not bring himself to admit his mistake, because his immediate pleasure and
gratification were the most important goal.
I’m more concerned with what happens to me in the short run than in the long run.
In Season 5 Episode 10, Michael is forced to make a decision that raises tensi-
ons within the office. The accounting department had found a budget surplus, and
he must spend the money or risk losing it in the next year. Two teams formed, each
suggesting that Michael purchase different items for the office. Pressure from both
sides to either purchase a new copier or a new set of office chairs overwhelmed
Michael, and multiple employees attempted to swindle Michael in furtherance of
their agenda. After Jim invited him to lunch and Pam flattered him on his appea-
rance, Michael called David Wallace, CFO of Dunder Mifflin, for advice. David
informed Michael that managers who finished under budget can return the surplus
and receive a bonus check. Michael tried to hide this information and decided that
the office does not need any new items. Michael’s employees quickly realized what
had happened, and he then placed the burden of deciding on everyone else. If they
could not reach a decision, he would keep the bonus.
Disregarding the potential of a decision being reached, Michael purchased an
expensive fur coat from Burlington Coat Factory using his credit card, anticipating
that he would receive the bonus check. Michael was surprised when shortly after,
the employees came to him with their decision to buy a new copier. Michael could
not return the coat because animal rights activists threw fake blood on him as he
exited the store. Michael displayed an extreme need for instant gratification; no
long-term consequence was considered during his decision-making process.
Simple Tasks
Next, Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) argue that criminal acts “provide easy or
simple gratification of desires” (p. 89). Because those with low self-control often
“lack diligence, tenacity, or persistence in the course of action,” (p. 89), they gene-
rally prefer simple tasks and generally dislike more complex or difficult underta-
kings. They may avoid responsibilities that they know will be hard for them or quit
when those tasks require additional work or commitment.
Michael Scott was many things, but the average viewer would likely not consi-
der him to be astute or a complex thinker. The vast majority of his foibles on The
Office are exceedingly simple tasks or a result of Michael attempting to avoid com-
plex or difficult tasks. Though many required thoughtful reflection, higher-order
thinking, and keen insight or knowledge, this was often far beyond his abilities.
Some may argue that his strong sales record may be an indication of a certain skill
set, such as an intuitive ability to read people and relate to them. However, viewers
rarely observe him undertaking responsibilities or tasks that may be difficult, com-
plicated, or unpleasant. Rather, we see him delegate the most unpleasant tasks to
others or avoid them altogether. This section highlights moments that demonstrate
his aversion to the complexity and his tendency to figuratively—and sometimes
literally—run away from his problems.
I frequently try to avoid projects that I know will be difficult.
Early in the show (Season 1, Episode 3), Jan, Michael’s corporate superior,
informed him that he must make changes to the employees’ insurance plan. He
delegated the responsibility to Dwight, who was always eager to assume an admi-
nistrative role because Michael recognized that any changes would be unpleasant
news for his employees.
In various episodes and scenes throughout the show, Michael avoided comple-
ting tasks or being productive. Instead, he preferred to amuse himself and his col-
leagues or distract himself with activities that entertained him more. Perhaps one
of the best examples of his avoidance was in Season 2, Episode 6, when he found
multiple ways to avoid signing timecards, purchase orders, and expense reports.
Though these were not intellectually difficult tasks, he found it hard to concentrate,
instead choosing to tap on his mug and sing, practice his signatures (ironically, not
on the forms he was supposed to be signing), and engage in a fight with Dwight at
the local dojo.
Additionally, when Michael returned from his Jamaican vacation in Season 3,
Episode 11, he was upset when he learned that the yearly inventory review had not
been completed because of his absence. He then stated, “I specifically went on
vacation so I would miss it” (Season 3, Episode 11 4:07). He then went on to say
that “inventory is boring. In the islands, they don’t make you do stuff like take
inventory. Why do you think so many businesses move to the Caymans?” (Season
3, Episode 11 4:10).
The things in life that are easiest to do bring me the most pleasure.
The moments in which Michael seems happiest are those that require or
demonstrate little skill or planning. From his failed jokes (e.g., “Buddha my bread,”
“what’s updog”) to his lackluster improvisation, he enjoys attempting humor but
fails to note the nuances and skill involved in successful comedy. Yet, he still finds
immense amusement and pleasure in trying, all while thinking of himself as hilari-
ous. Other examples of his almost childlike interest in simple activities include
Tube City, the maze for gerbils he wanted to construct in his office (Season 6,
Episode 10), his enthusiasm for elementary-level magic tricks (Season 3, Episode
18; Season 7, Episode 1), and his easy distraction while playing Connect Four with
Toby (Season 7, Episode 2).
Combined with his obvious dislike of difficult tasks, it is clear that Michael
values simplicity and ease in his life.
I dislike really hard tasks that stretch my abilities to the limit.
The previously listed responses and examples demonstrate Michael’s prefe-

rence for easy tasks and his disdain for difficult ones. Perhaps most telling is Jim’s
interpretation of Michael’s behavior. In Season 6, Episode 3, Jim offered a pie chart
to explain his conclusions after studying Michael for years. He noted that one sec-
tion in green—more than half of the chart—shows that he spends most of his time
procrastinating while the remaining section in yellow represents the time Michael
spends distracting others. There is a tiny section in red marked “critical thinking,”
but Jim explained that he enlarged the section so that viewers would be able to see
it.
Those who knew Michael best, and often suffered as a result of his contempt for
difficult tasks, recognized that he rarely attempted to improve himself or enhance
his abilities. While he developed as a character over the course of seven seasons, he
remained fairly rigid in his limited social, professional, and personal life, wreaking
havoc on his employees with his childish and stubborn behavior.
Risk-Seeking
Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) explain that “people lacking self-control…tend to

be adventuresome, active, and physical” because “criminal acts…involve danger,
speed, agility, deception, or power” (p. 89). Breaking the law or engaging in beha-
viors analogous to crime is often based on the desire for thrills or excitement.
Those who are cautious or guarded are less likely to engage in risky activities.
Michael frequently engaged in daring, dangerous, or risky behavior often because
he failed to consider the consequences, or he simply wanted to do what was most

appealing to him. These often made those around him uncomfortable or had disast-
rous outcomes that left the employees, the company executives, or his romantic
partners uncomfortable or disappointed. While his impulsive, risky behavior frus-
trated most people in his life, they provided hours of hilarity for viewers.
Sometimes I will take a risk just for the fun of it.
After Dwight found a half-smoked joint in the parking lot and began an investi-
gation, Michael revealed that he attended an Alicia Keys concert and smoked what
he called a “clove cigarette.” Although he likely did not realize the potential for
drug-testing at work, he explained that he smoked what they were passing around
because “everyone in the aisle was doing it” and he was intrigued by a girl with a
lip ring (Season 2, Episode 20, 8:05).
The vast majority of Michael’s attention and energy is focused on his desire to
have fun and make the workplace enjoyable for his employees as well. His near-
constant reliance on games (Murder Mystery, the Survivor challenge on beach
day), costumes (his sumo/fat suit, his jazzercise outfit from the “Let’s Get Ethical”
seminar), and showmanship is always a risk (and typically one that fails, as it
always falls short in accomplishing what needs to be done), but it satisfies his
desire to have fun and amuse himself, even if it comes at the cost of alienating,
distracting, or bothering others.
I sometimes find it exciting to do things for which I might get in trouble.
Perhaps the most iconic artifact of The Office and Michael Scott is the retort,
“That’s what she said.” Used 45 times in the series, it is Michael’s way of making
even the most innocent of statements sexual. In Season 2, Episode 2, when he was
chastised by upper management for his inappropriate comments at the workplace,
Michael announced that his “comedy” was over and there would be no more jokes
in the office. Jim asked him if that included “That’s what she said,” and Michael
said that it did. Jim responded by goading him with easy setups for the joke while
Jan and the corporate attorney observed. Despite his bosses in the room and the
very clear expectation that he should improve his behavior, he took a risk and shou-
ted, “That’s what she said,” knowing full well that he would likely get into trouble
for his response, particularly because his bosses were standing next to him. He
exhibited self-control for a fleeting moment here before allowing the fun and
humor of the situation to outweigh the consequences.
When Phyllis was flashed in the parking lot before work (Season 3, Episode
21), employees were concerned and comforting her. When Michael arrived at work
and learned of the incident, he began to laugh, lacking any concern for the severity
of the situation. Shortly after, he made an inappropriate gesture toward Phyllis,
mimicking what he perceived the flasher to have done. Even in the most serious of
circumstances, Michael risked potential disciplinary actions to make a distasteful
joke at Phyllis’s expense.
Physical Activities
Gottfredson and Hirsch (1990) posited that “people lacking self-control need not
possess or value cognitive or academic skills” (p. 89). The show frequently alludes
to the fact that Michael is not overwhelmingly intelligent or cerebral (e.g., “spider
face,” “explain this to me like I’m five,” “I’m a little ‘stitious’”). This physical ac-
tivity element of self-control theory is not specifically related to a preference for
physicality alone, but rather relative to a disdain for cognitive engagement. Yet,
instead of focusing on Michael’s insinuated stupidity, many of the episodes of The
Office involve physical comedy. Thus, Michael Scott’s physicality creates humo-
rous situations, but they often arise as a result of his avoidance for a negative or
unpleasant situation. It is often clear that he does not enjoy critical thinking or re-
flective silence; instead, he wants to be up and moving around, finding physical
activities to be the most fun. It obviously serves as a distraction for him, but his
physicality is his preferred method of addressing any number of issues.
I almost always get better when I am on the move than when I am sitting and thin-
king.
In Season 4, Episode 7, Michael was not invited to the wilderness retreat with
Ryan and other members of the company, so he decided to create his own retreat.
Dwight drove Michael “deep into the Pennsylvania wilderness” (4:15) to spend
time alone surviving in the “wild.” Michael was motivated; he built a shelter, sear-
ched for food, and even documented the trip. Yet, Dwight kept a close eye on him,
fearing that he would not survive on his own. Luckily, Dwight’s supervision saved
Michael’s life after Michael almost consumed poisonous mushrooms. Michael’s
reaction to not being invited to the retreat affected him more while he was thinking
about it in the office. The idea to participate in his own retreat was a physical acti-
vity that diverted the negative outcomes into positive experiences in his own mind.
Another fitting example occurred in the Season 4 opener. The first scene showed
Michael claiming that the upcoming year will be “very good,” citing his relations-
hip with Jan and the return of certain employees to the office. When he pulled into
the parking lot, however, he struck Meredith Palmer with his car. Once in the hos-
pital, Meredith found out she had been exposed to rabies in the past. Rather than
admitting fault or rationally thinking of a way he could have amended the situation,
he decided that he actually helped Meredith, concluding that she would have cont-
racted rabies had she not been struck by his car. Michael then created the “Michael
Scott’s Dunder Mifflin Scranton Meredith Palmer Memorial Celebrity Rabies
Awareness Pro-Am Fun Run Race for The Cure,” a race intended to raise aware-
ness for rabies. After thinking about the situation, Michael could not handle being
at fault for the accident and again resorted to physical activity in an attempt to
correct the situation.
I like to get out and do things more than I like to read or contemplate ideas.
As a result of Michael physically disciplining his nephew who he had hired, in

Season 7, Episode 2, Michael was forced to receive six hours of counseling to
avoid being fired. When Michael found out that the counseling would be adminis-
tered by Toby Flenderson, his nemesis in Human Resources, he implied that he
would rather be fired. After Toby’s numerous attempts at getting through to
Michael, he finally gets him to speak a bit about his childhood. Michael began to
recall some of his experiences as a child and spoke of the experiences aloud to
Toby. Michael then realized he was opening to Toby and became enraged, pleading
his discontent for Toby and spilling insults.
The notion of revisiting childhood experiences and sharing them with Toby
caused Michael to act out aggressively. The setting of a quiet room where ideas are
discussed and experiences are shared made Michael uncomfortable, increasing his
anxiety and imprudent behavior.
I seem to have more energy and a greater need for activity than most other people
my age.
Michael started dating Pam’s mother, Helene, after Jim and Pam’s wedding. In
Season 6, Episode 9, on Helene’s birthday, Michael organized a birthday lunch for
Helene and invited Jim and Pam. Still concerned about the relationship, Pam deci-
ded to attend lunch, feeling that she could not miss her mother’s birthday
celebration.
At the table, Pam engaged her mother, asking if she would be claiming a lesser
age for her birthday once again. Helene stated that she was “sticking with 49,”
(Season 6, Episode 9, 7:07) and Pam exclaimed that that was the ninth year in a
row. After learning Helene’s actual age, 58, Michael asked about several activities
typically engaged in by younger people, gauging if Helene was too old to do them.
When she rejected every idea Michael presented, Michael immediately ended the
relationship while still at lunch. He cited several factors that led to the decision, all
that related to the age difference. Michael felt that his energy level and need for
activity, which was seemingly high for his age, well exceeded that of Helene and
he deemed it necessary to end the relationship immediately.
Self-Centered
Perhaps one of Michael’s most notable qualities is his self-centeredness. He fre-

quently engages in behaviors that hurt or harm others because his primary concern
is for his own well-being. In many cases, he is a disappointing person and even
unlikeable. Michael is often only concerned with what makes him happy or pro-
tects his own self-interests, even if it has negative consequences for those he consi-
ders his best friends. This supports Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) assertion that
“people with low self-control tend to be self-centered, indifferent, or insensitive to
the suffering and needs of others.” His employees regularly voiced their disdain for
Michael’s actions and shared their discomfort with him, and we know that his be-
haviors negatively affected his employees.
I try to look out for myself first, even if it means making things difficult for other
people.
In Season 2 Episode 4, “the temp” Ryan Howard accidentally started a fire in

the kitchen setting off the alarm, Angela and Dwight attempted to evacuate the
employees in an orderly way. However, Michael quickly ran by the others to ensure
his own safety. He physically pushed Jim, who subsequently bumped into Pam and
Oscar, and hallway footage showed him running from the building. He rationalized
this behavior by explaining that although women and children should be saved or
evacuated first, he does not employ children and—to treat women in the workplace
equally—he is avoiding a lawsuit by not treating them preferentially.
Besides, in an attempt to correct his own mistake of sharing gossip about
Stanley’s infidelity, he attempted to spread rumors about everyone in the office
(Season 6, Episode 1). While one might argue that he was trying to help Stanley,
their conversation indicated that Michael was essentially trying to remain in

Stanley’s good graces and ensure, as always, that he was well-liked. In doing so, he
spread hurtful rumors, particularly about his employees’ sexuality, eating habits,
personal relationships, and employment status. By trying to save his reputation and
friendship with Stanley, he made life increasingly difficult for the rest of his emplo-
yees that day.
Both the warehouse and the office employees had to complete safety training.
When the warehouse crew suggested that their job was more dangerous, Michael
wanted to prove them wrong. He determined that depression is one of the dangers
of working in an office, and with Michael’s lack of visual aids during his safety
training, he decided to do a demonstration. Michael had planned to jump off the
roof of the office after stating the “cold, hard facts of depression” (Season 3,
Episode 19, 10:43). He wanted the fake suicide to make the warehouse workers
believe that the office jobs are dangerous but hope that they realize they should
have been nicer to Michael. The employees soon realized the danger of his propo-
sed stunt and offered calming words to talk him off the roof. His desire to make a
statement and benefit himself puts the other employees in emotional distress.
I’m not very sympathetic to other people when they are having problems.
In more childlike behavior, Michael always had a thoroughly vested interest in

everyone celebrating and acknowledging his birthday (March 15). However, in
Season 2, Episode 19, Michael’s birthday celebrations were dampened by the possi-
bility of Kevin having skin cancer. While everyone anxiously awaited the results
from the doctor, Michael and Dwight attempted to create a birthday celebration with
donuts, baloney and ketchup subs, and birthday festivities. Michael saw that Kevin’s
fear and everyone’s concern was dampening the mood, and after a failed attempt to
send him home for the day, he brought everyone to the skating rink. Though he clai-
med it was to distract Kevin, the preplanned decorations and Michael’s affinity for
skating tell us that the party was for his amusement, not Kevin’s benefit. Even in the
face of potentially devastating news, Michael could not be sympathetic to Kevin’s
situation, and instead, he focused on his birthday and enjoyment.
Temper
While emotions such as frustration or irritation are typically situational rather than
indicative of personality traits, the response to these feelings may be the impetus
for crimes for those with self-control. They may react with violent or vicious
r esponses to stimuli that incite these feelings, as “people with low self-control tend
to have minimal tolerance for frustration” (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990, p. 90).
Michael frequently exhibited behaviors that were childlike in his ability to address
stress or negative circumstances. His coping mechanisms often involved physical
violence, pouting, or verbally lashing out at others. While his anger issues may not
have been as severe as Andy Bernard’s (which required anger management classes
due to punching a hole in the wall), they still created an often-hostile environment
and situations in which Michael’s anger was palpable.
I lose my temper pretty easily.
In the summer leading up to the Season 7 premiere, Michael hired his nephew,
Luke, as an assistant for the office. Michael constantly received negative feedback
from other employees about Luke’s job performance, including failure to deliver to
customers, incorrect coffee orders, and an overall lack of motivation. However,
Michael dismissed the complaints to protect his nephew and keep him employed
with the company. After a while, Michael’s temper grew short, and after Luke con-
tinued to distract others during a meeting, Michael pulled him aside. When Michael
attempted to peacefully resolve the situation, Luke continued to mock Michael,
treating the conversation as a joke. Michael finally lost control and began spanking
Luke against his will in front of everyone in the office. His quick loss of control of
his temper caused him to react physically. He was subsequently disciplined for his
actions and forced to engage in counseling with Toby.
Michael was upset when others referred to Gabe as “the boss,” but when he was
invited to a viewing party at Gabe’s apartment, Michael reluctantly accepted the
invitation (Season 7, Episode 8). Several times at the party, Michael vocally shared
his disdain for Gabe; once he criticized Gabe using pizza dough for making pigs-
in-a-blanket, and again when Gabe continued to turn the television volume down.
Michael clearly disliked Gabe, but instead of avoiding him, he turned off the cable
and ruined the party for everyone. His temper not only affected Gabe but everyone
else in addition.
When I’m really angry, other people better stay away from me.
Michael’s unfortunate miscommunication with Ryan convinced him that he was

invited to New York City for the launch party, celebrating the launch of Dunder
Mifflin’s new website. Once he realized his mistake halfway to New York, he
returned to the office and rearranged the previously organized party to his own
liking and decided to order pizza. When it arrived, Michael presented a coupon,
claiming that he was entitled to receive all of the pizza at 50% off. When the deli-
very boy stated that the coupon only applies to orders of two pizzas, (Michael
ordered eight) Michael expressed extreme disapproval and forced the boy into the
break room.
After making the boy wait for several hours, Michael called the pizza shop and
demanded that he receive his order at the discounted price and additional pizza for
the inconvenience, which sounded eerily similar to demands of ransom for the boy.
Michael eventually paid for the pizza and freed the boy after he realized that he
was, in fact, committing the crime of kidnapping, reckless endangerment, false
imprisonment, or child abuse. Michael’s lack of self-control caused him to act
impulsively as a result of the anger he felt and essentially kidnap a minor.
Michael also made the office feel his anger when the other employees did not
take him seriously during his “Prison Mike” display. After discovering an emplo-
yee was formerly in prison and hearing others compare the office to a prison,
Michael gave a presentation, playing the role of a former convict. After the emplo-
yees overwhelmed him with questions to discredit his performance, he left the
meeting and locked the employees in the room. Michael’s anger made him trap the
employees in the room, and he justified his behaviors by noting, “They are such
babies. I am going to leave them in there until they can appreciate what it’s like to
have freedom” (Season 3, Episode 9 17:41).
When I have a serious disagreement with someone, it’s usually hard for me to talk
calmly about it without getting upset.
At the start of Season 5, Episode 9, members of the office were in the confe-
rence room eating brownies. Ryan questioned Kelly as to why she was taking two,
but she informed him that she was taking one to Toby. Michael overheard the con-
versation, laughed, and stated that she should “send it to him in Costa Rica,”
(Season 5, Episode 9, 0:35) failing to realize that Toby had moved back to Scranton
after a six-month stay in Costa Rica. Michael continued to treat comments regar-
ding Toby as a joke genuinely believing he never returned.
Jim then asked Michael to go back to Toby’s desk to see if he was there. When
Michael discovered that Toby had actually returned, and when he was greeted,
Michael looked at him and screamed, “No! God! No, God, please no! No! No!
Nooooo!” (Season 5, Episode 9, 1:27). Michael was extremely upset with Toby’s
presence and immediately began screaming, showing a lack of control.
Conclusion
While fans of the show would argue that Michael Scott is one of the most oddly
lovable, iconic characters in television history, he undoubtedly has his flaws. In
nearly every episode, he demonstrated that he lacks self-control. His self-
centeredness, short temper, lack of concern for others, and avoidance of critical
thinking may create hilarious scenes for viewers, but they also demonstrate a pat-
tern of behaviors analogous to crime and sometimes, actual crimes.
Like Michael Scott, SCT is also flawed and criticized. More empirical testing
and conceptualization are needed, but the application of the theory allows students
of criminology to consider how Michael’s behavior highlights the six elements of
the theory: impulsivity, simple tasks, risk-seeking, physical activity, self-centered,
and temper. Yet, its parsimony and easy application allow criminologists to under-
stand how self-control can affect crime and deviant behavior and consider how
parenting and development can lead to juvenile adult and adult crimes. Perhaps
with time, further research, and more testing of the instruments, SCT might become
the biggest thing yet. That’s what she said.
1. For fans of The Office, are there other characters who may have similar or con-
trasting characteristics? Compare them to Michael and identify ways in which
they have more or less self-control.
2. What individual factors or characteristics can serve moderating factors, or those
that would inhibit the negative effects of low self-control? Does Michael ever
exhibit any of these?
3. What strategies or interventions would you use to address these behaviors?
How can the criminal justice system address self-control to reduce offending?
References
Arneklev, B. J., Elis, F., & Medlicott, S. (2006). Testing the General Theory of Crime:
Comparing the effects of “imprudent behavior” and an attitudinal indicator of “low
self-control.” Western Criminology Review, 7(3), 41–55.
Baker, J. O. (2010). The Expression of Low Self-Control as Problematic Drinking in
Adolescents: An Integrated Control Perspective. Journal of Criminal Justice, 38(3),
237–244.
Barlow, H. D. (1991). Review Essay: Explaining Crimes and Analogous Acts, or the
Unrestrained Will Grab at Pleasure Whenever They Can. The Journal of Criminal Law &
Criminology, 82(1), 229–242.
Chui, W. H., & Chan, H. C. (2016). The Gendered Analysis of Self-Control on Theft and
Violent Delinquency: An Examination of the Hong Kong Adolescent Population. Crime
and Delinquency, 62(12), 1648–1677.
Conner, B. T., Stein, J. A., & Longshore, D. (2008). Examining Self-Control as a
Multidimensional Predictor of Crime and Drug Use in Adolescents with Criminal
Histories. Journal of Behavioral Health Services and Research, 36(2), 137–149.
Donner, C. M., Fridell, L. A., & Jennings, W. G. (2016). The Relationship Between Self-
Control and Police Misconduct: A Multi-Agency Study of First-Line Police Supervisors.
Criminal Justice and Behavior, 43(7), 841–862.
Ellwanger, S. J., & Pratt, T. C. (2014). Self-Control, Negative Affect, and Young Driver
Aggression: An Assessment of Competing Theoretical Claims. International Journal of
Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, 58(1), 85–106.
Ford, J. A., & Blumenstein, L. (2013). Self-Control and Substance Use Among College
Students. Journal of Drug Issues, 43(1), 56–68.
Grasmick, H. G., Tittle, C. R., Bursik, R. J., & Arneklev, B. J. (1993). Testing the Core
Empirical Implications of Gottfredson and Hirschi’s General Theory of Crime. Journal
of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 30, 5–29.
Gottfredson, M. R., & Hirschi, T. (1990). A general theory of crime. Stanford, CA: Stanford
University Press.
Higgins, G. E. (2007). Examining the Original Grasmick Scale: A Rasch Model Approach.
Criminal Justice and Behavior, 34(2), 157–178.
Jaremko-Greenwold, A. (2015, March 24). Why Michael Scott Is One of the Most Original
Characters of All Time. Indie Wire. Retrieved from https://www.indiewire.com/2015/03/
the-office-10-years-later-why-michael-scott-is-one-of-the-most-original-characters-of-
all-time-248114/
Jones, S., Lynam, D. R., & Piquero, A. R. (2015). Substance Use, Personality, and Inhibitors:
Testing Hirschi’s Predictions About the Reconceptualization of Self-Control. Crime &
Delinquency, 61(4), 538–558.
Leeper Piquero, N., Schoepfer, A., & Langton, L. (2010). Complete Out of Control or the
Desire to Be in Complete Control? How Low Self-Control and the Desire for Control
Relate to Corporate Offending. Crime & Delinquency, 56(4), 627–647.
Seipel, C., & Eifler, S. (2010). Opportunity, Rational Choice, and Self-Control: On the
Interaction of Person and Situation in a General Theory of Crime. Crime & Delinquency,
56(2), 167–197.
Sheffield, R. (2016, September 21). 100 Greatest TV Shows of All Time. Rolling Stone.
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time-105998/eastbound-and-down-106484/
Zavala, E., & Kurtz, D. L. (2017). Using Gottfredson and Hirschi’s A General Theory of
Crime to Explain Problematic Alcohol Consumption by Police Officers: A Test of Self-
Control as Self-Regulation. Journal of Drug Issues, 47(3), 505–522.
For Further Reading

Hirschi, T., & Gottfredson, M. R. (2000). In Defense of Self-Control. Theoretical
Criminology, 4(1), 55–69.
Episodes
Health Care (Season 1, Episode 3)

Daniels, G., Kaling, M., Lieberstein, P. (Writers), & Whittingham, K. (Director).
(2005). Health Care [Television Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein,
S. Merchant, & B. Silverman (Executive Producers), The Office. Los Angeles, CA:
National Broadcasting Company.
Sexual Harassment (Season 2, Episode 2)

Daniels, G., Novak, B. J. (Writers), & Kwapis, K. (Director). (2005). Sexual Harassment
[Television Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, S. Merchant, &
B. Silverman (Executive Producers), The Office. Los Angeles, CA: National Broadcasting
Company.
The Fire (Season 2, Episode 4)

Daniels, G., Novak, B. J. (Writers), & Kwapis, K. (Director). (2005). The Fire [Television
Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, S. Merchant, & B. Silverman
(Executive Producers), The Office. Los Angeles, CA: National Broadcasting Company.
The Fight (Season 2, Episode 6)

Stupnitsky, G., Eisenberg, L. (Writers), & Kawpis, K. (Director). (2005). The Fight [Television
Michael’s Birthday (Season 2, Episode 19)

Daniels, G., Eisenberg, L., Stupnitsky, G. (Writers), & Whittingham, K. (Director). (2006).
Michael’s Birthday [Television Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein,
Drug Testing (Season 2, Episode 20)

Daniels, G., Celotta, J. (Writers), & Daniels, G. (Director). (2006). Drug Testing [Television
The Convict (Season 3, Episode 9)

Daniels, G., Gervais, R., Merchant, S. (Writers), & Blitz, J. (Director). (2007). The
Convict [Television Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, K. Kwapis, &
Company.
Back from Vacation (Season 3, Episode 11)

Daniels, G., Spitzer, J. (Writers), & Farino, J. (Director). (2007). Back from Vacation
[Television Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, S. Merchant (Executive Producers), The
Office. Los Angeles, CA: National Broadcasting Company.
Women’s Appreciation (Season 3, Episode 21)

Daniels, G., Eisenberg, L., Stupnitsky, G. (Writers), & Gates, T. (Director). (2007). Women’s
Appreciation [Television Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, S. Merchant (Executive
Producers), The Office. Los Angeles, CA: National Broadcasting Company.
Beach Games (Season 3, Episode 22)

Daniels, G., Celotta, J. (Writers), & Ramis, H. (Director). (2007). Beach Games [Television
Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, & S. Merchant (Executive Producers), The
Office. Los Angeles, CA: National Broadcasting Company.
Fun Run (Season 4, Episode 1)

Daniels, G. (Writer), & Daniels, G. (Producer). (2007). Fun Run [Television Series Episode].
In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, S. Merchant, & B. Silverman (Executive Producers),
The Office. Los Angeles, CA: National Broadcasting Company.
Money (Season 4, Episode 4)

Daniels, G., Lieberstein, P. (Writers), & Lieberstein, P. (Director). (2007). Money [Television
Local Ad (Season 4, Episode 5)

Daniels, G., Novak, B. J. (Writers), & Reitman, J. (Director). (2007). Local Ad [Television
Branch Wars (Season 4, Episode 6)

Daniels, G., Kaling, M. (Writers), & Whedon, J. (Director). (2007). Branch Wars [Television
Survivor Man (Season 4, Episode 7)

Carell, S., Daniel, G. (Writers), & Feig, P. (Director). (2007). Survivor Man [Television
Weight Loss Part II (Season 5, Episode 2)

Daniels, G., Eisenberg, L., Stupnitsky, G. (Writers), & Feig, P. (Director). (2008). Weight
Loss Part II [Television Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, P. Liberstein,
Business Ethics (Season 5, Episode 3)

Daniels, G., Koh, R. (Writers), & Blitz, J. (Director). (2008). Business Ethics [Television
Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, P. Lieberstein, S. Merchant, &
Company.
Frame Toby (Season 5, Episode 9)

Daniels, G., Kaling, M. (Writers), & Reitman, J. (Director). (2008). Frame Toby [Television
Series Episode]. In J. Celotta, G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, P. Lieberstein,
The Surplus (Season 5, Episode 10)

Daniels, G., Eisenberg, L., & Stupnitsky, G. (Writers), & Feig, P. (Director). (2008). The
Surplus [Television Series Episode]. In J. Celotta, G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein,
P. Lieberstein, S. Merchant, & B. Silverman (Executive Producers), The Office. Los
Angeles, CA: National Broadcasting Company.
Michael Scott Paper Company (Season 5, Episode 23)

Daniels, G., Spitzer, J. (Writers), & Stupnitsky, G. (Director). (2009). Michael Scott Paper
Company [Television Series Episode]. In J. Celotta, G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein,
Gossip (Season 6, Episode 1)

Daniels, G., Lieberstein, P. (Writers), & Liberstein, P. (Director). (2009). Gossip [Television
Company.
The Promotion (Season 6, Episode 3)

Celotta, J., Daniels, G. (Writers), & Celotta, J. (Director). (2009). The Promotion [Television
Company.
Double Date (Season 6, Episode 9)

Daniels, G., Grandy, C. (Writers), & Gordon, S. (Director). (2009). Double Date [Television
Company.
Murder (Season 6, Episode 10)

Chun, D., Daniels, G. (Writers), & Daniels, G. (Director). (2009). Murder [Television Series
Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, P. Lieberstein, S. Merchant, & B. Silverman
Scott’s Tots (Season 6, Episode 12)

Daniels, G., Eisenberg, L., & Stupnitsky, G. (Writers), & Novak, B. J. (Director).
(2009). Scott’s Tots [Television Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein,
Nepotism (Season 7, Episode 1)

Chun, D., Daniels, G. (Writers), & Blitz, J. (Director). (2010). Nepotism [Television Series
Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, P. Liebersterin, S. Merchant, & B. Silverman
Counseling (Season 7, Episode 2)

Daniels, G., Novak, B. J. (Writers), & Blitz, J. (Director). (2010). Counseling [Television
Company.
Christening (Season 7, Episode 7)

Daniels, G., Ocko, P. (Writers), & Hardcastle, A. (Director). (2010). Christening [Television
Company.
Viewing Party (Season 7, Episode 8)

Daniels, G., Vitti, J. (Writers), & Whittingham, K. (Director). (2010). Viewing Party
[Television Series Episode]. In G. Daniels, R. Gervais, H. Klein, P. Lieberstein,
Collective Efficacy Theory and Mister
Rogers’ Neighborhood 11
Strong Communities and Neighborhoods: Collective
Efficacy and Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood of Make-
Believe
Dana Winters and Kristopher Kell
Launched nationally in 1968, Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood helped children to ex-

press their feelings, accept differences, and learn what it meant to be good neigh-
bors. Guided by the foundational importance of childhood and the desire to present
children and families with a high-quality and developmental option for television
programming, Fred Rogers worked to bring concepts of kindness, compassion, and
cooperation into countless households over 30 years and nearly 900 episodes.
While many were introduced to Fred Rogers through Mister Rogers’
Neighborhood, Fred Rogers often wrote and spoke publicly about the needs of
communities and families in support of children. The ideas frequently found within
his public speeches for adult audiences often mirrored the ideas that he presented
to children through his television program. He was not afraid to challenge adults to
create a world where children had the best opportunity to grow to be competent,
confident, and caring human beings. He often would talk about the need for radical
kindness and compassion in our world, and call communities to action for the be-
nefit of all people. In what would become his final commencement address, given
in May 2002 at Dartmouth University, Fred offered these words to the graduates,
calling them to support their neighbors and world throughout the many challenges
they faced:
D. Winters (*) · K. Kell


146 D. Winters and K. Kell
You don’t ever have to do anything sensational for people to love you. When I say,
“It’s you I like,” I’m talking about that part of you that knows that life is far more than
anything you can ever see or hear or touch … that deep part of you that allows you to
stand for those things without which humankind cannot survive: love that conquers
hate, peace that rises triumphant over war, and justice that proves more powerful than
greed. So, in all that you do in all of your life, I wish you the strength and the grace to
make those choices which will allow you and your neighbor to become the best of
whoever you are. (Rogers, 2002)
It is in this sentiment, so common to many of Fred’s messages through the program

and his public service, that we see the deep commitment Fred had to embrace each
person’s role within a community to work together for social benefit. He asks the
graduates to make choices not only with individual need in mind but with the needs
of entire communities and neighborhoods. This focus on communal good and the
role of communities in creating societies of mutual aid and care is also found wit-
hin Fred’s messaging on Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood, especially through the
Neighborhood of Make-Believe.
It is in this Neighborhood of Make-Believe where we see citizens of all forms,
ages, faces, ethnicities, and genders working together to build a community based
on trust, social cohesion, and collective efficacy. The conflict was a normal part of
the Neighborhood, and viewers watched as the citizens worked together to address
issues like food insecurity, anger, destruction of property, and environmental da-
mage. Each group of week-long episodes included a conflict or story where citi-
zens of the Neighborhood worked together for the benefit of the communal need,
often displaying many foundational elements of collective efficacy such as group
dynamics, attachment to the community, informal social control, and the coordina-
tion across communities to address the needs of others. Viewers not only saw the
benefits of collective efficacy through community action, but also the incivilities
(typically from Lady Elaine) that are possible when the collective breaks down and
how internal social control can restore order through kinship and friendship
(Armstrong, Katz, & Schnebly, 2015; Kasarda & Janowitz, 1974).
A Brief Introduction to Collective Efficacy
The theory of collective efficacy proposes that through social learning and social
influence, a group of people can set and achieve a collective goal (Bandura, 1997;
Souza, 2014). By influencing the behavior and actions of group members, it is
possible to unite the community in ways that make a collective goal achievable
(Souza, 2014). Within criminology, the most commonly studied goals are the pre-
11 Collective Efficacy Theory and Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood 147
vention of crime or increasing neighborhood safety; however, collective efficacy

can also be focused on goals such as mutual aid and generally improving the com-
munity (Armstrong et al., 2015; Swatt, Uchida, Varano & Solomon, 2013).
Two main factors influence a group’s ability to exercise collective efficacy: skill
and belief (Bandura, 1997, 2000). In any community, different members will have
different abilities and skills. Collective efficacy requires that members combine
these skills and work together. Of course, these skills must be relevant to the task
at hand; it would be difficult for someone with no experience in organizing to faci-
litate a neighborhood watch or food drive on their own, but it would be doable in
collaboration with persons with relevant experience (Souza, 2014). In a similar
vein, collective efficacy requires belief, namely, the belief that a proposed goal can
really be met. If group members disagree on the reality of a goal, it will be impos-
sible for them to collaborate to make that goal a reality (Souza, 2014).
Social Control and Community Attachment
While skill and belief are core to the successful implementation of collective effi-
cacy, these factors are further influenced by social control (Souza, 2014: Sampson,
Raudenbush, & Earls, 1997). This kind of control is a motivating force that en-
courages people to prioritize community goals without being externally forced to
do so. It can be something as small as volunteering to supervise a group of neigh-
borhood children playing on the street, to intervening in an emergency to save the
life of another community member (Sampson, 1998). Social control utilizes kins-
hip, friendship, and other interpersonal bonds to control behavior within a commu-
nity (Sampson et al., 1997). Often, social control is exercised to address issues (like
truancy or loitering) that would often fall under the jurisdiction of government or
law enforcement agencies (Sampson et al., 1997). Social control-based interven-
tions can be reactive to a current issue or can proactively prevent an issue by rein-
forcing pro-social behaviors and values (Hoffman, 2003; Sampson et al., 1997).
While social control is often related to community policing, it isn’t limited to
combating anti-social behavior. Members of the community can use their bonds to
aid each other and improve the happiness and overall well-being of the community
through the sharing of resources, time, and knowledge (Wickes & Hipp, 2018).
While social control often takes the form of direct commands, requests, or sugge-
stions from friends and fellow community members, it can also be exercised th-
rough less direct methods (Wickes & Hipp, 2018). This more informal social con-
trol is the kind of control that tends to be most present in instances of collective
efficacy (Souza, 2014).
Informal social control relies upon the same bonds and relationships as formal
or regular social control but is the definition, less direct and overt (Wickes & Hipp,
2018). It relies on an individual coopting the values or goals of friends and mem-
bers of his or her community. Valuing a bond with another person may lead an in-
dividual to adopt some of the beliefs that person holds, and can make said indivi-
dual more receptive to ideas and concerns from persons they are bonded to
(Hoffman, 2003; Wickes & Hipp, 2018). Not only does informal social control
make collective efficacy possible, but it also brings a community closer together by
uniting them in common goals. Perhaps more importantly, people who have inter-
nalized common goals are more likely to share resources, knowledge, and time
with other members of the community who need aid (Wickes & Hipp, 2018). As
community values and goals are internalized by the individual, they will act to
fulfill those goals.
Interpersonal attachment serves as a driving force for informal (and formal)
social control, and consequently collective efficacy at large. Attachment motivates
people to care about each other and demands a person care about the safety, needs,
and goals of the people they are attached to. Furthermore, bonds with members
inside one’s own community correspond with attachment to the community as a
whole (Sampson, 1998). These bonds have multiple benefits. People with strong
community attachment report lower levels of perceived violence (Armstrong et al.,
2015). Additionally, having multiple attachments within the same community ge-
nerally makes a person more willing to exercise social control and influence the
behaviors of their friends and acquaintances (Armstrong et al., 2015). In a commu-
nity that lacks attachment, people are far less likely to reach out to or help people
that they do not know (Sampson et al., 1997).
actors Influencing Collective Efficacy, Social Control,

F
and Attachment
Given that interpersonal and community attachment play such a strong role in the
foundations of collective efficacy, it follows that factors that damage interpersonal
trust and attachment make it far more difficult for collective efficacy to take place
(Sampson et al., 1997). Unsurprisingly, racial/ethnic discrimination, class separa-
tion, and economic stratification within a community impact a community’s ability
to come together and severely damage trust and attachment between community
members (Kasarda & Janowitz, 1974). Economic stratification across communities
tends to result in significantly different life experiences. For example, members of
higher economic classes tend to live further away from their friendship or kinship
groups, often resulting in attachments spanning multiple communities, rather than

focusing on one community, where social control can be exercised (Sampson,
1998). This can result in people from different economic classes, even those living
in the same community, facing considerably different challenges and struggles in
their everyday lives. These different experiences may lead to a lower likelihood of
informal social control and collective efficacy due to a lack of collective action and
experience within the community (Sampson et al., 1997).
One final factor influencing collective efficacy is the length of residency
(Kasarda & Janowitz, 1974). To form effective bonds and attachments, an indivi-
dual must live in the community. Consequently, communities with high rates of
residential instability are far less likely to achieve levels of community attachment
and informal social control that make collective efficacy possible (Kasarda &
Janowitz, 1974; Sampson, 1998). Without interpersonal relationships and attach-
ments, it is far less likely that community attachment can be built. Since commu-
nity attachment is vital to the activation of both formal and informal social control,
it is less likely that collective efficacy can take effect (Bandura, 1997, 2000). At the
heart of any effective community effort are the bonds, friendships, kinships, and
other interpersonal relationships that turn strangers into neighbors.
ister Rogers’ Neighborhood as a Center of Collective

M
Efficacy
Radical for his time, Fred Rogers was committed to communicating with children,
through television, about topics that many adults worried were too controversial
and difficult for children to truly understand. Through its time on air, Mister
Rogers’ Neighborhood covered topics such as divorce, death, racial injustice, food
insecurity, mad feelings, unkindness, and more. In addressing all of these concepts,
viewers were comforted by Fred’s direct approach in talking with his “television
neighbors,” visits to see how others in the “neighborhood” were thinking and ad-
dressing these topics, and by daily trips to the “Neighborhood of Make-Believe,” a
land of imagination where anything was possible. In each episode, Mister Rogers
would welcome his television neighbors into the Neighborhood of Make-Believe
for 10–12 minutes of the 30-minute episode. The Neighborhood of Make-Believe
was yet another way of addressing the very real inside lives of children and the
ever-changing outside worlds around them. Many of the most difficult subjects,
such as shame, guilt, self-confidence, and difference were captured through con-
versations and on-goings of the Neighborhood of Make-Believe.
Within the Neighborhood of Make-Believe, viewers were privy to the inner

workings of a community, with differences, conflicts, individual needs, and com-
munal goals. Trips to the Neighborhood often displayed many foundational ele-
ments of collective efficacy such as group dynamics, attachment to the community,
informal social control, and the coordination across communities to address the
needs of others. To demonstrate these foundational elements of collective efficacy
found within the Neighborhood of Make-Believe, this chapter discusses two week-
long story arcs spread across five episodes, each, within the Neighborhood. Each
arc within the Neighborhood of Make-Believe applies to a larger theme discussed
throughout the full episodes of Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood for that week. This
chapter uses each of those arcs to demonstrate collective efficacy and discuss how
children were taught and shown how to function in a productive society.
Food Insecurity in the Neighborhood
In 1984, Fred Rogers devoted one of his “theme weeks” of episodes to discussing
food and hunger. As he describes to his television neighbors how some people and
animals do not have enough food to eat, he spent the week visiting with people
around his neighborhood who make or provide food for communities. This inclu-
ded a trip to an applesauce manufacturer, Chef Brockett’s bakery, a vegetable soup
factory, and a visit to Mr. Costa’s home to make pasta. Within the Neighborhood of
Make-Believe, television viewers were invited by Mister Rogers to imagine what
could happen in a community where there is not enough food.
In the first episode of this week (Rogers & Lally, 1984a), we follow the trolley
to the Neighborhood of Make-Believe where X the Owl is waiting patiently, and at
times impatiently, for the delivery of seeds for his new garden. After Mr. McFeely
helps X the Owl to plant the seeds, they wait for them to grow by playing hide and
seek and trying to be patient. While viewers have not been introduced to the con-
flict for this week, the episode shows neighbors coming together to wait for the
planting of the seeds. It is evident, even for a first-time viewer, that the citizens of
the Neighborhood of Make-Believe all have a deep attachment to their community
and to one another. They support each other individually but do so in a way that
benefits the community, as well (Sampson, 1998).
As the week moves on, viewers are introduced to the conflict in the second
episode of the week (Rogers & Lally, 1984b). As the segment opens, Queen Sara
talks to Lady Aberlin about her “Hunger Project” and how helpful X the Owl’s
“speedy seeds” could be to the work she is doing. X the Owl’s seeds have begun to
sprout vegetables and he invites his neighborhood friends to dinner to eat his new
vegetables. After X the Owl, Henrietta, and Bob Dog exit, viewers see a goat stea-
ling X the Owl’s vegetables from his garden. When X the Owl discovers that the
plants are gone, he gets very upset. Lady Aberlin, Henrietta, and Bob Dog all vow
to help X the Owl find who has taken the plants. They come together as a commu-
nity to help X the Owl, a symbol of their community attachment, which indicates
that those with higher levels of community attachment are more likely to reach out
to help people within their community, even without the direct individual benefit
(Sampson, 1998).
As the scene continues, Lady Elaine talks with Betty Okonak Templeton and
Lady Aberlin, telling them that her entire garden in Southwood is gone and has
been stolen. When Lady Aberlin tells them that X the Owl’s garden has also been
stolen, they all decide to meet at the Castle to “make some plans.” Betty Okonak
Templeton responds by saying, “I would certainly be interested in participating. I
mean there’s hardly been a time in history that I can remember that plants and
gardens were in jeopardy. And those are things that folks like us that really care
about the finer things of life can hardly afford to let go unchecked. Don’t you
agree?” Betty’s concern is for her community, and in seeing that there could be an
issue affecting all its citizens. She indicates the importance of that community, and
her own desire to protect it. On the way back to the castle, Lady Aberlin talks with
Bob Dog who is taking his turn “guarding X’s garden.” This is the first example of
informal social control within this specific story arc in the Neighborhood of Make-
Believe. Identifying a potential problem that could affect the community, as a
whole, the neighbors work together to protect one another and the Neighborhood.
This indicator of collective efficacy is a product of the neighbors operating interde-
pendently within a social system toward a common goal (Bandura, 1997, 2000), in
this case, the protection of the community.
The collective efficacy and informal social control evidenced by the community
coming together willingly without individual motivating factors continues in the
third episode of the week (Rogers & Lally, 1984c), where the citizens of the
Neighborhood of Make-Believe work together to guard their community. When
viewers arrive in the Neighborhood of Make-Believe, King Friday is talking with
Lady Aberlin, Bob Dog, and Handyman Negri, who are serving as garden guards
seeking to catch the vegetable thief. Disguised in capes and false noses, the guards
are ordered by King Friday to guard the gardens and “if anyone should come to
take part of any part of any garden” the guards are to report back immediately. King
Friday provides an example of a formal leader within a community who works to
support the internal social control. This internal social control takes shape both
directly and indirectly, as the group comes together independently of a third party
(direct informal social control) and then gains the support of the governmental
authority in King Friday, who works to create supports for them to continue their
work in protecting the Neighborhood (indirect informal social control) (Swatt,
Varano, Uchida, & Solomon, 2013).
As they monitor the Neighborhood, guarding the various gardens, Bob Dog and
Lady Aberlin discover the old goat from Northwood stealing from a garden near
Daniel’s clock. Together, they confront him, asking him if it is his garden and tel-
ling him that he should not be taking the plants. The goat responds that Northwood
doesn’t have any food—which surprises both Bob Dog and Lady Aberlin. They ask
him how that can be and why he was stealing, and he tells them that he didn’t think
that anyone would help him. They respond by telling him they will all go to the
castle and “make a plan together.” Even when faced with an external threat, the
neighbors seek to “make a plan together,” rather than addressing the issue individu-
ally.
At the Castle, the “Garden Guards” report that “the one who has been taking the
food is one who has no food where he lives.” King Friday is surprised by this and
asks the old goat about the situation. The old goat says that he didn’t think anyone
would help so he had been taking plants from the Neighborhood of Make-Believe
to Northwood to feed the hungry people there. When analyzing the community
dynamics of old goat’s response, it may be that Northwood community’s informal
social control lacks the same level of activation as what is found in the Neighborhood
of Make-Believe (Sampson et al., 1997). The old goat felt compelled to individu-
ally seek food during the shortage in Northwood instead of establishing a commu-
nal effort to respond to the crisis. It could be that his community lacks the trust and
solidarity to activate the high levels of informal social control, which are evident
within the Neighborhood of Make-Believe (Sampson et al., 1997). King Friday
responds to the old goat by saying, “Of course we will help! I declare an all-out
effort!” and commands the garden guards to plant as many seeds as possible to help
during this emergency. When the goat questions why they would do this, Queen
Sara tells him that the people of Northwood would do the same for them—and they
only need to ask for help and they shall receive it. This is a comment that exempli-
fies community trust, solidarity, and mutuality, all examples of high levels of at-
tachment to the community, informal social control, and collective efficacy
(Sampson et al., 1997).
As the story continues to unfold in the fourth episode of the week (Rogers &
Lally, 1984d), the Neighborhood of Make-Believe is full of sprouting plants, where
the speedy seeds have produced a full harvest. Talking with the old goat, Lady
Aberlin says, “All of us in the neighborhood are happy to help.” They all look at the
gardens and talk about how happy they are to help the citizens of Northwood. They
have named the project the “All-Out Effort for Northwood” and every person in the
Neighborhood of Make-Believe is working together to provide food for the citizens

of Northwood. Even Daniel plants a can of vegetable soup, hoping that it will grow
additional cans of vegetable soup to be able to give to Northwood. In this episode,
in particular, viewers see the true meaning of action across an entire community. As
internal social control grows within a community, even the youngest or most vul-
nerable members of a community can provide for the internal social efforts which
contribute to collective efficacy (Hoffman, 2003; Souza, 2014). Daniel Striped
Tiger, one of the youngest members of the Neighborhood of Make-Believe is an
example of that. He wants so much to contribute to the effort in any way that he
can. After learning that his cans will not grow as the many plants have grown, he
tells his neighbors that he will, instead, give of his friendship to the citizens of
Northwood.
In the final episode of the arc (Rogers & Lally, 1984e), Lady Aberlin, Bob Dog,
and Handyman Negri are packaging food in the Neighborhood of Make-Believe to
send to Northwood when Lady Aberlin says, “I’d like to meet those people from
Northwood. They’re really smart to want us to send seeds and plants so they can
grow their own food.” King Friday calls everyone to the castle and congratulates
and thanks them for their effort in supporting Northwood.
In working toward a goal for those outside of their neighborhood, the citizens of
the Neighborhood of Make-Believe have not only provided help and service but
have created opportunities for internal capacity-building for another community.
As collective efficacy strengthens, these elements have the power to affect other
like communities and plant seeds of collective efficacy across other communities,
as well (Sampson, 1998; Swatt et al., 2013). Across this story arc, viewers see ex-
amples of strong community attachment, kinship/friendship ties in working to-
gether to protect and help others, informal social control in the guarding of
community members’ gardens, and true collective efficacy in the solidarity across
citizens to provide for their own community and a neighboring community. The
citizens of the Neighborhood of Make-Believe exhibit a strong belief in the power
of their collective effort to protect their community and to provide for the needs of
others (Bandura, 2000).
Deviance and Anger in the Neighborhood of Make-Believe
In 1995, Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood devoted a week to understanding and ma-

naging mad feelings for children. These episodes included Mister Rogers sharing
his own ways of managing his anger, such as allowing his emotion to come through
the songs he would play on the piano. The week paid special care to show viewers
how to deal with anger in ways that do not hurt ourselves or anyone else. The
week’s story arc within the Neighborhood of Make-Believe echoed this theme. In
the first episode (Rogers & Walsh, 1995a), the viewers see that Lady Elaine is
struggling to draw Grandpere’s Tower and is getting progressively angrier with
every attempt. Her area is littered with ill-fated attempts to draw, and she is openly
frustrated with her inability to draw well. As she gets angrier, she gets more vocal
about that anger. Others in the Neighborhood, including Henrietta, express that
they are afraid of Lady Elaine’s anger. Finally, Lady Elaine retreats to the top of her
home, the Museum-Go-Round, where she proceeds to spin around and around with
increasing speed. This adds to the fear for the citizens of the Neighborhood of
Make-Believe, who wonder what she might do next. As Lady Elaine gets angrier,
those close to her in the Neighborhood fear that she may do something harmful to
herself or others as a response to her anger. Their fear is based on previous inci-
dents of incivility and mistrust between the community and Lady Elaine when she
has reacted to her anger and strong feelings in ways that have caused feelings of
discomfort for the citizens of the Neighborhood of Make-Believe.
As the second episode of this week (Rogers & Walsh, 1995b) ventures to the
Neighborhood of Make-Believe, viewers find Queen Sara and Bob Troll talking
about how Lady Elaine will not listen to anyone in the Neighborhood about her
anger. Fearing that there could be an act of personal violence within the
Neighborhood, the citizens begin to collectively work to mitigate the effects on the
community through activating their collective efficacy (Sampson et al., 1997). Bob
Troll, in wanting to help his neighbor, draws a beautiful picture of Grandpere’s
Tower for Lady Elaine. He and Mayor Maggie, who is visiting from neighboring
Westwood in an attempt to help the Neighborhood to manage Lady Elaine’s beha-
vior, take the drawing to Lady Elaine and try to reason with her. The drawing ma-
kes her even angrier. Instead of talking about her feelings and relying on her neigh-
bors and community for the help they are trying to provide, Lady Elaine uses her
boomerang-toomerang-zoomerang (a magical boomerang) to turn Grandpere’s
Tower upside down. Everyone becomes more upset by this behavior, and Mayor
Maggie expresses to the citizens of the Neighborhood of Make-Believe that,
“Something must be done!” As the third episode opens (Rogers & Walsh, 1995c),
Mayor Maggie from Westwood and King Friday are talking together about what
can be done with Lady Elaine. She brings Assistant Mayor Aber from Westwood to
help with Grandpere’s needs, showing community solidarity and friendship to
community members who have been affected by the act. King Friday expresses,
“This unruly behavior must be curtailed!” and tells Mayor Maggie that he will talk
with Lady Elaine. When King Friday intervenes, as the “government” official of
the Neighborhood of Make-Believe, he recognizes and joins in the informal social
control response that other neighbors had taken to promote order and safety within
the community (Sampson et al., 1997). Instead of activating a formal response that
would supersede the informal response of the neighbors, King Friday joins with
other community members in planning to talk with Lady Elaine about her behavior.
However, when King Friday arrives to talk with Lady Elaine and she will not talk
with him, he responds with, “It looks like I might need to muster an army!” While
King Friday did not “muster an army,” had he followed through with this decree,
the informal social control of the community would have been instantly replaced
with external action. While the external action may have increased the protection
of the Neighborhood, it would not have contributed to the collective efficacy that is
a strong symbol of the Neighborhood of Make-Believe (Sampson et al., 1997).
As this episode continues, Ana Platypus is crying and afraid of what is hap-
pening in the Neighborhood of Make-Believe. When talking with Assistant Mayor
Aber, she says, “she (Lady Elaine) is our neighbor, what if she would do it to us?”
To this, Assistant Mayor Aber responds, “All of the grownups here and in Westwood
are going to keep trying to help.” Aber reinforces the strong informal social control
and kinship ties of the neighborhood to Ana by telling her that everyone in her own
community and a neighboring community is working together to help. This is espe-
cially important for Ana, who as a child, feels helpless in this situation. While she
does not recognize the collective efficacy within this setting, she recognizes that
she is safe within her community because of the shared action they take (Sampson
et al., 1997).
The fourth episode of the arc (Rogers & Walsh, 1995d) shows the neighbors still
working together to find a solution for Lady Elaine’s anger and subsequent beha-
vior. King Friday and Lady Aberlin talk about Lady Elaine, and Lady Aberlin asks,
“Do you suppose she would listen if she could get over the mad that she feels?” To
this thought, Lady Aberlin asks Daniel to borrow his pounding board to see if Lady
Elaine could use it to let go of her anger—and do something else with her mad
feelings. At this time, a long-time friend of Lady Elaine’s, Betty Okonak Templeton
comes to visit to see if she can help her. Bringing flour, oil, and salt to make play
clay that Lady Elaine can use to pound and build, Betty convinces Lady Elaine to
accept help from her neighbors in managing her anger. As Mister Rogers finishes
the week of the program devoted to mad feelings (Rogers & Walsh, 1995e), Lady
Elaine and Betty Okonak Templeton continue to spend time together in hopes that
they can manage Lady Elaine’s anger and restore order to the Neighborhood of
Make-Believe. As Daniel and Lady Aberlin continue to work together, King Friday
arrives and summons Lady Elaine to tell her that her “neighbors are worried about
her” and she admits that she is worried about herself, too—and that she is very
upset. She presents a clay tower that she has created for the Neighborhood of Make
Believe as an apology and uses her boomerang-toomerang-zoomerang to turn

Grandpere’s Tower right. The successful restoration to peace and calm within the
Neighborhood of Make-Believe would not have been possible without the collec-
tive action of the many citizens of the Neighborhood. The community worked to-
gether to support one another and to respond to the incivility of one of their com-
munity members. They self-policed their community in a way that transcends the
individual need for protection.
Conclusion
Across both of these story arcs, viewers see examples of the many factors associa-
ted with collective efficacy: group dynamics, kinship/friendship, attachment to the
community, and informal social control. While the typical viewers of Mister
Rogers’ Neighborhood, three- to five-year-old children, certainly could not identify
these components, they learned valuable lessons concerning community action,
working together, and care for others. The examples of communities coming to-
gether to protect and help others are indicators of collective efficacy, which “is an
important neighborhood-level process that functions as an intermediary between
neighborhood conditions and disorder” (Swatt et al., 2013, p. 2). It is through these
strong social networks that disorder and violence are prevented and values of com-
munal action and harmony are promoted (Swatt et al., 2013). These concepts are
foundational for children, who will play an increasingly more active role in the
informal social control and collective efficacy of their communities and neighbor-
hoods. Showing children the importance of community and the contribution each
person makes to the collective becomes the building blocks of productive
neighborhoods and future adults who value collective efficacy in building strong
communities.
1. As the meaning of “community” continues to evolve due to a more global

world, what are the implications on collective efficacy for groups whose citi-
zens may not be geographically close to one another?
2. What are other possible communal responses to people like the old goat from
Northwood who steal or commit other crimes out of necessity?
3. Are there any other children’s shows that showcase collective efficacy? Any
adult oriented programs? How do these programs contribute to understandings
of collective efficacy?
References
Armstrong, T. A., Katz, C. M., & Schnebly, S. M. (2015). The Relationship Between
Citizen Perceptions of Collective Efficacy and Neighborhood Violent Crime. Crime and
Delinquency, 6(1), 121–142.
Bandura, A. (1997). Self-Efficacy: The Exercise of Control. New York: Freeman.
Bandura, A. (2000). Exercise of Human Agency Through Collective Efficacy. American
Psychological Society, 9(3), 75–78.
Hoffman, J. P. (2003). A Contextual Analysis of Differential Association, Social Control, and
Strain Theories of Delinquency. Social Forces, 81(3), 753–785.
Kasarda, J. D., & Janowitz, M. (1974). Community Attachment in Mass Society. American
Sociological Review, 39(3), 328–339.
Rogers, F. (2002, May). Commencement Address. Dartmouth University.
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Lally, P. (Director). (1984a, November 19). Episode #1536 (Season
15, Episode 11) [TV Series Episode]. In F. Rogers (Executive Producer), Mister Rogers’
Neighborhood. Family Communications, Inc.
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Lally, P. (Director). (1984b, November 20). Episode #1537 (Season
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Lally, P. (Director). (1984c, November 21). Episode #1538 (Season
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Lally, P. (Director). (1984d, November 22). Episode #1539 (Season
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Lally, P. (Director). (1984e, November 23). Episode #1540 (Season
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Walsh, B. (Director). (1995a, October 16). Episode #1691 (Season
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Walsh, B. (Director). (1995b, October 17). Episode #1692 (Season
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Walsh, B. (Director). (1995c, October 18). Episode #1693 (Season
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Walsh, B. (Director). (1995d, October 19). Episode #1694 (Season
Rogers, F. (Writer), & Walsh, B. (Director). (1995e, October 20). Episode #1695 (Season
Sampson, R. J. (1998). Local Friendship Ties and Community Attachment in Mass Society:
A Multilevel Systemic Model. American Sociological Review, 5(5), 766–779.
Sampson, R. J., Raudenbush, S. W., & Earls, F. (1997). Neighborhoods and Violent Crime: A
Multilevel Study of Collective Efficacy. Science, 227(5328), 918–924.
Souza, R. (2014). Collective Efficacy. In T. L. Thompson (Ed.), SAGE Reference Encyclopedia
of Health Communication (pp. 204–205). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications Inc.
Swatt, M. L., Uchida, C. D., Varano, S. P., & Solomon, S. E. (2013). Fear of Crime,
Incivilities, and Collective Efficacy in Four Miami Neighborhoods. Journal of Criminal
Justice, 41, 1–11.
Wickes, R., & Hipp, J. R. (2018). The Spatial and Temporal Dynamics of Neighborhood
Informal Social Control and Crime. Social Forces, 97(1), 277–308.
Life-Course Theory and Romance
At the Movies: Representation of Life-Course
12
Criminology and Desistance in Romance Films
Lauren Humby
Idealistic heteronormative notions of love, romance, and relationships dominate

movie narratives. Boy meets girl. Boy and girl fall in love. Boy and girl live happily
ever after. While this may appear harmless, these films have the potential to deliver
powerful rhetoric messages that lead viewers to adopt unhealthy and unrealistic
ideas of love and romance. Films depicting love between a sweet, naïve, and in-
nocent heroine and the mysterious, deviant bad boy have been labeled particularly
harmful. These movies follow a reverse Cinderella narrative in which the quintes-
sential, criminally inclined bad boy transforms into a law-abiding citizen after he
falls in love with the heroine. Since hetero-romantic love is the principal storyline
in many of these movies, it is often cited as the reason for the fated bad boy’s trans-
formation. While these movies may cultivate and reinforce toxic ideas about love
and relationships, this may not be due to a film’s misrepresentation, but rather a
lack of consideration regarding life-course criminology and desistance.
L. Humby (*)
University of Southern Queensland, Toowoomba, QLD, Australia

160 L. Humby
Life-Course Criminology and Desistance
Theories of crime and criminal behavior provide a critical foundation in crimino-

logy. They provide knowledge regarding why crime occurs, why it varies, factors
that increase or decrease criminality, and the sorts of interventions that could be
useful in reducing and preventing crime (Akers, Sellers, & Jennings, 2016; Burke,
2018; Garland, 1990; Hayes & Prenzler, 2019; White, Haines, & Asquith, 2017).
For decades, criminological theories focused on identifying why an offender starts
to commit a crime. The majority of these theories were static and aimed to identify
which individual characteristics elicited criminal behavior. They considered crimi-
nality to be innate and something that offenders have little to no control over (e.g.
Lombroso, 2006 [1876]). Over time, it became evident that human behavior chan-
ges according to circumstance and multiple causal factors can influence offending
behavior. This finding led to the development of several dynamic theories of crime,
including life-course criminology. Adapted from Elder’s (1985) life course per-
spective, life-course criminology recognizes that as individuals age, they experi-
ence transitions in life, which can act as turning points and redirect criminal trajec-
tories (Sampson & Laub, 1993; Thornberry, 1997). Research examining transitions
over the life course seeks to explain why offenders start committing a crime, why
they persist or continue to commit a crime, and why they desist or stop.
Desistance is a fundamental concept within life-course criminology. The con-
cept of desistance has been defined many times in the literature. While the literal
meaning of desistance is “to stop,” applying this definition to criminality is proble-
matic. No offender commits crime constantly; thus, cessation from offending hap-
pens often, albeit temporarily (Maruna, 2001). Criminologists have attempted to
quantify the period required to determine desistance; however, this has led to di-
sagreement in the literature. While some suggest one year is sufficient to determine
desistance, others suggest that desistance can only be truly measured when an of-
fender dies (Maruna, Immarigeon, & LeBel, 2013; Warr, 1998).
Laub and Sampson (2001) respond to these definitional issues by distinguishing
between termination, the time at which criminal activity stops, and desistance, the
process that causes and supports the termination. Defining desistance as a process
acknowledges that offenders can reoffend and desist simultaneously by reducing
the frequency, severity, and variety of offenses (Le Blanc & Loeber, 1998). There
has been much research dedicated to identifying the factors that contribute to
desistance. Although theories within life-course criminology are founded on the
same basic assumptions, “their theoretical constructs vary” (Center for C riminology
and Public Policy Research [CCPPR], 2003, p. 104). As such, there is not one uni-
12 Life-Course Theory and Romance 161
versally accepted theory of life-course criminology or desistance (CCPPR, 2003).

Most theories, however, fit into one of the three broad categories: ontogenetic, so-
ciogenetic, and narrative theories. Ontogenetic theories are maturational theories
of crime which posit that age predicts criminality. Sociogenetic theories expand on
this idea, however suggest that it is not age itself that increases the likelihood of
criminal behaviour, but rather the social processes associated with age. Narrative
theories acknowledge the impact of age and social processes, however, posit that a
cognitive shift from offender to non-offender is needed for desistance.
Ontogenetic Theories
The age-crime curve is a well-known and consistently demonstrated phenomenon

widely accepted by criminologists. Longitudinal studies of crime over the life
course consistently show that criminal behavior peaks in adolescence and declines
with age (Glueck & Glueck, 1930, 1937, 1950; Quetelet 1984 [1831]). One of the
first to examine the relationship between age and crime was Adolphe Quetelet who
found that crime peaked for men in their late teens to mid-twenties and declined
thereafter. He argued that “with age [a] man’s physical strength and passions de-
velop” and “their energy afterwards diminishes” (Quetelet 1984 [1831], pp. 54–
56).
Glueck and Glueck (1937) also studied the effect of age on crime, however,
unsatisfied that age could be considered the only factor, developed a theory of ma-
turational reform, which posits that as individuals age they mature, physically, psy-
chologically, and socially. Subsequent research on desistance has made numerous
attempts to elaborate on the maturational theory of desistance by dissecting the
processes of maturation to identify which contributed to a reduction in crime.
Sociogenetic Theories
Perhaps the most notable contemporary study to dissect the processes of matura-
tion is that of Sampson and Laub (1993, 2009). Their age-graded life-course theory
is a sociogenetic theory which suggests that “individual behavior is mediated over
time through interactions with age-graded institutions” (Laub, Sampson, &
Sweeten, 2006). It hypothesizes that strong attachments to others and commit-
ments to conventional social institutions (e.g. school, family, work, marriage) pro-
duce social capital, which reduces offending behavior due to an individual’s desire
162 L. Humby
to maintain these relationships (Hirschi, 1969; Matza, 1964; Sampson & Laub,
1993).
Therefore, those who do not develop social bonds are more likely to participate
in the crime, while those who invest in social institutions and build prosocial rela-
tionships are less prone to criminal behavior. Sociogenetic theories also suggest
that relationships with others reduce crime and deviancy as a result of the informal
social controls they provide (Hirschi, 1969; Matza, 1964; Sampson & Laub, 1993).
While sociogenetic theories explain how biological and social processes impact
desistance, they fail to recognize psychological factors.
Narrative Theories
Maruna’s (2001) narrative theory of desistance addresses this gap by explaining

crime and criminal behavior through individual differences in cognitive processes.
Maruna (2001) claims an offender’s self-identity, or narrative, impacts desistance
more than age or environmental factors associated with age. Through an analysis
of autobiographical narratives of 20 active offenders (persisters) and 30 desisting
offenders, Maruna found that offender narratives could predict the likelihood of
future offending behavior. The self-constructed stories of those who persisted with
crime followed a condemnation script in which offenders described themselves as
victims of circumstance. The narratives of desisters, on the other hand, followed a
redemption script, in which they constructed a story to redeem themselves of their
criminal past and alluded to a meaningful future. Since Maruna’s (2001) initial
research, additional studies have supported his theory and have shown that
desistance is often precipitated by a cognitive shift, transformation or turning point
that involves a reshaping of the individual’s identity that is in line with a conventi-
onal lifestyle (Giordano, Cernkovich, & Rudolph, 2002; Laub & Sampson, 2001;
LeBel, Burnett, Maruna, & Bushway, 2008; Rumgay, 2004).
The Power of Film
Movies are a popular medium in today’s society. They are not only a form of enter-
tainment and escapism, but also educational (Walt Disney, 1948, as cited in Van
Riper, 2014). While this can be beneficial, movies also have the potential to distort
our perceptions and realities. One genre that is often criticized for cultivating and
endorsing rhetoric beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors is the teen romance genre.
Research suggests that behind their light-hearted and fluffy romantic narratives lie
powerful archetypes that engender unrealistic expectations and serve to cultivate

and reinforce popular cultural myths such as “love at first sight,” “love conquers
all,” and “love is all you need” (Chia & Gunther, 2006; Galician, 2004; Galloway,
Engstrom, & Emmers-Sommer, 2015; Hefner & Wilson, 2013; Holmes, 2007;
Johnson, 2007; Kile, 1992; Martin & Kazyak, 2009; Parry, 2018, Tanner, Haddock,
Zimmerman, & Lund, 2003; Todd, 2013; Ward & Friedman, 2006). Content analy-
ses show that many romance films utilize reverse Cinderella rescue narratives, in
which the heroine saves the stereotypical bad boy from a future life of crime.
Rescue narratives such as these are often criticized for their propensity to romanti-
cize aggressive and criminal behavior. It is suggested that they reinforce the idea
that “love transforms and elevates people to better versions of themselves” (Zwier,
2012, p. 42) and “any problems of character, misunderstandings or incompatible
goals” can be resolved through love (Hubbard, 1985, p. 122; see also Franiuk &
Scherr, 2013; Martin & Kazyak, 2009; Parry, 2018).
Film Summaries
Step Up follows the life of Tyler Gage, a street kid who gets into trouble trespassing
with his friends and damaging property of the Maryland School of Arts. When
caught by a security guard, Tyler receives 200 hours of community service which
he has to serve by cleaning the Maryland School of Arts every day after school.
While doing his community service, Tyler meets Nora, a dance student who is
preparing for her senior showcase. After Nora’s dance partner suffers from a
sprained ankle, Nora must find a new partner for her showcase. After no suitable
dance partner is found in the school, Tyler offers to help. Although Nora is skepti-
cal at first, she eventually accepts Tyler’s help. Through the course of the movie,
Tyler and Nora grow closer, and Tyler begins to spend more time with Nora than
with his deviant friends Mac and Skinny. By the end of the movie, Tyler performs
with Nora and is accepted into the Maryland School of Arts as a transfer student.
Tyler and Nora celebrate with a kiss (Feig, Gibgot, Shankman, Wachsberger, &
Fletcher, 2006).
A Walk to Remember tells the similar story of Landon Carter, a popular and re-
bellious, 17-year-old senior, who receives community service after a prank goes
wrong and a fellow student is seriously injured. While fulfilling his community
service, Landon gets to know Jamie, the town preacher’s daughter and social out-
cast who spends her time helping others. While Landon and his friends initially
ridicule Jamie, as Landon spends more time with Jamie as a result of his commu-
nity service, he begins to fall for her which culminates in an off-script kiss in the
164 L. Humby
school play. Their kiss leads to an unlikely love that grows as Landon helps Jamie
tick off her bucket list. Then, Jamie shocks Landon by telling him she has leukemia
and has stopped responding to treatments. Although heartbroken by the news and
upset that Jamie had lied by omission, Landon supports her through her treatment.
The two are wed and soon after Jamie passes away. In the final scenes of the film,
Landon is accepted into medical school (Di Novi & Lowry, 2002).
epresentations of Life-Course Criminology in Romance

R
Films
While these films may appear to promote unrealistic ideas about the transformati-
onal power of love, further analysis of these films through the lens of life-course
criminology reveals that these films do not necessarily cultivate and reinforce un-
realistic ideas about love and romance. For decades, research has examined whether
movie depictions of crime and violence influence crime rates, with many finding a
positive link between deviant behavior and media exposure (Anderson et al., 2003;
Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1961; Berkowitz, Corwin, & Heironimus, 1963; Lövaas,
1961). While it has been suggested that crime and violence are gratuitously depic-
ted in the film, particularly those targeted toward adolescents (Coyne, Callister, &
Robinson, 2010), from a criminological point of view, films that feature male teens
engaging in crime and deviancy are more likely to be an accurate representation of
teen culture than those that do not.
Empirical data on crime consistently shows an age-crime curve, which suggests
offending behavior peaks for young men between the ages of 15 and 19 (Farrington,
1986; Sampson & Laub, 2003). While it could (and has) be argued that films, such
as Step Up and A Walk to Remember, romanticize crime and deviancy, it is also
possible to argue that they provide a unique opportunity to educate adolescents on
the risk and protective factors associated with offending behavior and the potential
consequences of engaging in crime. There are numerous studies to suggest that
teens utilize movies as a source of information and use them to guide their behavior
in the real world (Bandura et al., 1961; Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorielli,
1986).
While cultivation and observational learning theories have been primarily used
to support the idea that viewers acquire unrealistic and unhealthy views of love
portrayed in movies (e.g. Parry, 2018; Roach, 2016; Ward & Friedman, 2006), they
can also be used to argue that audiences can learn vicariously through the charac-
ters and their situations. For example, both Tyler and Landon in Step Up and A
Walk to Remember, respectively, are punished for their deviant and criminal
b ehavior, with both receiving community service. Since both Tyler and Landon are
punished, it is unlikely that adolescent viewers would idealize their criminal and
deviant behavior. It is possible that they could learn from Tyler and Landon, and
young offenders or those at risk of offending could begin their desistance process.
While it is gratuitous to assume that the presence of a romantic relationship is
responsible for the transformation of a rebellious bad boy, desistance research has
shown that romantic relationships can indirectly trigger the desistance process th-
rough their tendency to disrupt routine activities, discourage negative peer associ-
ations, and foster new social networks (Akers et al., 2016; Horney, Osgood, &
Marshall, 1995; Knight & West, 1975; Laub, Nagin, & Sampson, 1998; Sampson
& Laub, 1990, 1993, 2003; Warr, 1998). Scholars refer to this effect as “knifing
off,” in which new life transitions into different environments can create turning
points and lead to new noncriminal life trajectories (Sampson & Laub, 1993).
While sanctions may be the primary cause of knifing off, research has found
that creating strong social ties to conventional institutions can have a similar effect.
Relationships that are perceived to be of high value become a new priority and indi-
viduals begin to restructure their activities in favor of these new relationships, which,
in turn, reduces the time available to spend with delinquent peers (Simons et al.,
2002; Theobald, Farrington, & Piquero, 2019; Warr, 1998). Horney Osgood and
Marshall (1995, p. 671) liken the development of social ties to an investment process.
The more an individual invests in conventional activities, the more they want to pre-
serve their place in society, and the less likely they are to engage in deviance.
Romantic relationships have also been found to serve as an agent of informal
monitoring which, in turn, fosters desistance. Significant others can play the role of
a capable guardian which encourages conformist behavior (Laub & Sampson,
2009; Osgood & Lee, 1993). While community service operates as the initial dis-
ruption to Tyler and Landon’s routine activities in the movies Step Up and A Walk
to Remember, their interest and investment in their relationships with Nora and
Jamie, respectively, encourage them to restructure their routine activities reducing
the time spent with their deviant peers. Tyler (Step Up) commits to spending his
free time rehearsing with Nora, which also leads to the development of additional
prosocial relationships with other students, while Landon (A Walk to Remember)
rejects his deviant friends in favor of altruistic activities and spending time with
Jamie.
While disruption to routine activities and new prosocial relationships can en-
courage offenders to desist, it is still necessary for individuals to make a conscious
decision to commit to change and rewrite their self-narrative (Maruna, 2001).
Research found that offenders who have an optimist outlook and a sense of agency
166 L. Humby
are significantly more likely to desist than offenders who have a fatalistic attitude
(Giordano et al., 2002; Maruna, 2001).
One of the ways in which self-narratives have been found to change is through
romantic relationships (Mattingly, Lewandowski Jr., & McIntyre, 2014). Research
has shown that motivation to be romantically involved with a partner is sufficient
to promote individuals to integrate new positive attributes of the partner into their
own self-concept (Slotter & Gardner, 2009, 2012). When entering close relations-
hips, the self becomes intertwined with a romantic partner, as each individual mer-
ges aspects of the other into their own self-concept and they begin to think of a
collective unit rather than individualistically (Agnew & Etcheverry, 2006; Aron &
Aron, 1986; Aron, Aron, Tudor, & Nelson, 1991; Slotter & Gardner, 2012).
Psychological research refers to this as the Michelangelo phenomenon, whe-
reby romantic partners influence, or sculpt, each other over time toward what they
consider to be their ideal selves. They do this by affirming a partner’s positive at-
tributes and rejecting their negative qualities (Mattingly et al., 2014). In A Walk to
Remember, Landon’s change in self-narrative is evident when he creates a list of
future goals “examine moon rock, go to college, get into medical school.” After his
mother challenges his goals citing “you are going to have to work really hard,”
Landon responds with “I can do that” and further explains “Jamie has faith in me.
She makes me want to be different. Better.” It is worth noting, however, that not all
relationships result in positive changes to self-concept (Mattingly et al., 2014;
Slotter & Gardner, 2012).
Consider, for example, Sandy’s transformation in Grease from good girl to bad
girl. When motivations are strong, individuals may merge undesirable qualities of
a partner with their self-concept in the interest of gaining their affections (Slotter &
Gardner, 2009, 2012; Slotter & Lucas, 2012). As such, it is not simply love or a
relationship that encourages desistance, rather it is the valence of a partner’s
self-concept that is important (Mattingly et al., 2014). In the movie Step Up, Tyler
also experiences identity transformation. At the beginning of the movie, Tyler has
a fatalistic outlook, a characteristic of persisters (Maruna, 2001). After Nora asks
Tyler what he wants, Tyler responds:
For me, it’s just better not to want anything. That way, if it goes away or doesn’t hap-
pen, you know, it just doesn’t matter.
However, a significant event, namely, Skinny’s death, acts as a turning point for
Tyler who, with the help of his friend Mac, recognizes that his deviant and criminal
past is “a bunch of bull” after which, he creates a new self-narrative that sees him
pursue his dream of dancing.
Conclusion
Much research has suggested that romance films distort understanding and experi-
ences of love, romance, and relationships. Reverse Cinderella rescue narratives
have been identified as deceptive, as they appear to promote the idea that love is
magical and transformative. This chapter aimed to provide new considerations on
romance films by examining the movies Step Up and A Walk to Remember through
a life-course criminological perspective. Upon consideration, it is evident that such
films do not necessarily cultivate and reinforce the common cultural myths of “love
is all you need,” “love conquers all,” and “the love of a good woman.” Rather, it is
perhaps a lack of consideration on the part of the audience that is responsible for
the espoused idealistic notions. Desistance is a relatively new concept, and as such,
it is understandable that there is a lack of knowledge regarding its processes. Future
research should consider examining perceptions of desistance to assess whether a
greater understanding of the desistance process impacts viewers’ ideas about com-
mon romantic myths presented in reverse Cinderella narratives.
1. Identify the three broad categories of life course and desistance theories and
explain how each contributes to the desistance process. Is there one theory that
is more important to the desistance process?
2. Identify other popular films that depict reverse Cinderella rescue narratives.
How do these movies depict the desistance process? Are they an accurate repre-
sentation of life-course criminology and desistance?
3. How do reverse Cinderella narratives, in which a woman rescues a man (e.g. A
Walk to Remember) compare with traditional Cinderella narratives, where the
man rescues the women (e.g. The Last Song), in their representations of the
desistance process.
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Labeling Theory and Joker
“Could You Introduce Me as Joker?”: An Application
13
of Labeling Theory to Explain the Creation
of the Clown Prince of Crime
Shon M. Reed and Breanna Boppre
The 2019 film, Joker, provides an intense and moving backstory of the develop-
ment of the popular DC comic book villain, the Joker. The film has since become
the highest-grossing R-rated movie of all time and was the first to top $1 billion at
the worldwide box office. Joker recently won two Golden Globe awards for Joaquin
Phoenix’s role as the main character, as well as the musical score, and has since
received numerous other awards and nominations.
Few films in recent years, particularly comic book-related, have invoked such
strong reactions as Joker (2019). Phoenix lost over 50 pounds for the role and gave
an outstanding performance. Additionally, and uncommon to comic book films, the
R-rating allowed for graphic emotional and physical scenes throughout the film,
such that some have even cautioned that the film’s portrayal of the Joker might in-
cite others to commit violence.
Acting performance and societal controversy aside, Joker excited fans as it of-
fered another origin story for the Clown Prince of Crime, a character whose origin
is often debated. In this origin story, we see a protagonist named Arthur Fleck face
deviant societal labels and stigmatization due to his mental health and profession.
S. M. Reed (*)
University of Nevada, Las Vegas, Las Vegas, NV, USA
B. Boppre
Wichita State University, Wichita, KS, USA

174 S. M. Reed and B. Boppre
Following a chain of events that occur after Arthur starts committing violent crime,
we see the character internalize these labels and become the Joker.
This chapter will apply Howard Becker’s labeling theory (1963) to the Joker
film. First, we provide a brief overview of the theory. Next, we discuss important
scenes and apply labeling theory as an explanation for the development of Joker.
Finally, we end with a discussion of our application and implications. We en-
courage readers to watch the film before starting this chapter.
Becker’s Labeling Theory
Becker’s labeling theory (1963) is a product of his graduate education as well as his
life experiences. Being a student of the Chicago School of Sociology, Becker was
inspired by the interpretive paradigm of Sociology, which emphasizes that what is
deemed “reality” through social construction becomes real in its consequences
(Thomas & Swaine Thomas, 1928). Becker relates his theoretical ideas to early
anthropological work conducted by Malinowski (1926). In his studies of the native
peoples of Trobriand Islands, Malinowski notes an incident when a young man
commits suicide due to the societal repercussions of an affair with his cousin.
Incestual relationships were not uncommon within this population, yet the social
stigma attached to the affair was too much for the boy to handle. Becker associates
this incident with the ways that society labels certain people and individuals as
“deviant” within modern society (Becker, 1963). It was not the incident itself that
guided the boy’s behavior, but rather the social label and stigma associated with it.
For most of his life, and throughout his graduate career, Becker was a pianist
that played at many locations both in and around Chicago, Illinois. According to
Becker (1963), musicians are often seen as an “outcast” culture as they do not
conform to the traditional Western ideals of mainstream employment. When he
later interviewed his fellow musicians, many of them noted that they felt like they
were separated from their audiences and the rest of the world (Becker, 1963).
Being labeled as societal outcasts allowed these musicians to form their own cul-
ture where support was fostered from others who shared similar experiences and
values.
During his interviews with individuals who used marijuana, Becker noted that a
similar subculture occurred where the users were seen as “deadbeats” or “deviants”
by society. Similar to musicians, these marijuana users began to associate with
each other more frequently, as their behavior was not judged in the same way as it
was by the general public. Through these narratives, Becker derived his theoretical
13 Labeling Theory and Joker 175
framework which explains as to why it is that individuals join “deviant” or “out-

cast” subcultures.
According to Becker (1963), deviancy is any form of behavior which is not ac-
cepted by society in general. While many often attribute “deviancy” to illegal or
criminal behavior, not all socially “deviant” behaviors are criminalized. Becker
(1963) highlights that divergent forms of employment or sexuality may be conside-
red socially deviant as they do not align with mainstream culture. For example, the
jazz club musicians of Becker’s study were often stigmatized for rejecting traditio-
nal forms of employment in favor of performing music.
Becker’s theoretical framework of labeling begins with an individual engaging
in some form of deviance, known in his framework as primary deviance (e.g.,
crime or drug use). According to Becker, the reason as to why this deviance occurs
is unimportant, as the emphasis of the theory is focused around societal labels in
reaction to the behavior. Following the deviant act, the individual is labeled by so-
ciety as an “outcast,” “deviant,” “troublemaker,” or other negative label. The label
indicates that an outsider does not fit within societal norms. After this initial label,
the individual continues to engage in secondary deviance, which is followed by
continual labeling by society. Eventually, the “deviant” individual will internalize
these labels until it becomes their master status. Once this process occurs, the indi-
vidual sees themselves as the “deviant” or “outsider.” They accept that they are no
longer a part of general society and seek out a deviant or outsider subculture, which
offers social support and acceptance. In turn, joining this group facilitates their
deviant career, whereby they continue to engage in the deviant behavior.
With Becker’s labeling theory in mind, we can now turn our attention towards
Arthur Fleck, the main protagonist of the Joker film, who transforms into the Joker
at the end of the film. How is it that a down-on-his-luck comedian becomes the
Clown Prince of Crime? Through close observation of the dialogue and scenes in
the film, we can clearly see how society’s lack of empathy created one of the most
infamous villains in comic book history.
Application to Joker
At the start of the film, we are introduced to Arthur Fleck who is both literally and
figuratively beaten down by society. He sits in front of a mirror wearing clown
makeup and is forcing his face into a smile. We next see Arthur dressed in his
clown attire dancing with an advertising sign on the street. A group of teenage boys
come up to Arthur and start making fun of his appearance. They then steal Arthur’s
sign and run across traffic into an alley. When Arthur tries to get the sign back, the
boys begin beating Arthur up and ruining the sign. Arthur lays alone in the alley
visibly in pain. By the end of the first major scene, we can tell Arthur is not appre-
ciated or respected by the society he lives in, which sets the stage for the rest of the
film and the application of labeling theory.
Another important characteristic of Arthur that we are introduced to early on is
his struggles with mental illness, which includes a condition that forces him to
laugh uncontrollably. Arthur carries around a laminated card describing his condi-
tion to avoid conflict with other when the laughing fits occur. Although Arthur
presents this card to people when he has outbursts, the citizens of Gotham often
treat Arthur poorly due to his unmanageable laughter. Early in the film, while on a
bus, Arthur tries to make a young boy in the seat ahead of him laugh. The boy’s
mother turns around and confronts Arthur and he suffers from a fit of laughter. He
hands the mother his card at which point she scoffs and turns away from him.
Shortly after, Arthur meets with a caseworker regularly as a result of prior mental
health institutionalization. Although he is on several medications, he is unsure if
they help his condition as he is still depressed and suffers from uncontrollable
laughter.
We learn that Arthur takes care of his mother, who refers to him by the nick-
name, “Happy,” by himself in a seedy apartment. At this point in the film, we know
nothing of Arthur’s father and only see the relationship between him and his mo-
ther. His mother used to work for Thomas Wayne, the affluent mayoral candidate
of Gotham city, whom she consistently sends letters to asking for financial help.
Arthur fails to understand why Thomas Wayne is so important to his mother but
still agrees to send her letters and check for Wayne’s responses in the mail.
Arthur has dreams of becoming a stand-up comedian, but instead has a job
working as an entertainment clown. While Arthur enjoys his job, many of his co-
workers view him as “weird” or a “freak.” Arthur is told by his boss that he is on
thin ice when it comes to his work performance, which includes losing the sign at
the beginning of the film. He will be fired if he screws up again. Following the as-
sault by the teenage boys, Arthur is given a gun by his coworker to protect himself.
Arthur carries this gun with him and accidentally drops the gun while he is perfor-
ming for children at a hospital. This incident leads Arthur’s boss to fire him due to
his negligence.
During his commute home from the children’s hospital, Arthur is assaulted by
three affluent men dressed in suits on the subway, who we later find out work for
Thomas Wayne’s investment business. The men call Arthur a “freak” and make fun
of his laughing condition. During the assault, Arthur draws his gun and shoots two
of the men in self-defense. The third man attempts to flee the train and is shot in the
leg by Arthur before he can escape. While attempting to escape the train station,
Arthur follows the man and executes him.
The act of killing these men, namely the killing of the third man, is Arthur’s act
of primary deviance. While Arthur certainly killed the first two men in self-defense,
the argument could be made that killing the third man was unnecessary, as Arthur
would have been physically safe letting him escape. Following the killings, we see
Arthur struggle with his emotions about murdering the men. This is evidenced by
Arthur’s dance in the public restroom following the killings, which is slow and
somber.
In the days following the killings, media sources and public figures tied to the
upper classes of Gotham begin to label the killer as a “coward,” “outcast,” and
“freak,” which reflects the next stage of Becker’s theory (initial labeling). On the
other hand, the murders also sparked “anti-rich” sentiment across Gotham and less
wealthy residents began taking the side of the killer, according to the news. These
reactions help validate Arthur’s violence.
At this point in the film, it becomes clear that Arthur is beginning to internalize
these labels. During a session with his caseworker, Arthur states that society is be-
ginning to notice him. Arthur indicates that he feels he never really existed until
now; stating that he is starting to become something “more.” His caseworker dis-
misses his remarks and tells Arthur funding has been cut for mental services in
Gotham and that he will not be able to get his medication. She implies that society
does not care about people with mental health conditions, like Arthur.
Following this scene, Arthur attempts stand-up comedy for the first time, but he
struggles to tell jokes due to his uncontrollable laughter. After the failed comedy
act, Arthur sees in a newspaper that his actions are starting a social movement
where the disenfranchised people of Gotham are protesting the upper classes of
society using the likeness of the clown costume that he used for work. Immediately
after, a taxi drives by with a passenger wearing a clown mask. Seeing this, Arthur
smiles authentically.
Afterward, Arthur comes home and is in a very good mood. He dances around
his living room with his mother. As his mother goes to bed, she asks him to mail a
letter to Thomas Wayne. Arthur reads the letter and finds out his father might be
Thomas Wayne, who is also the father of a young Bruce Wayne, who comic book
fans will recognize later becomes the Batman. Arthur attempts to foster a relations-
hip with Thomas Wayne throughout the movie, but his attempts are met with denial
and threats. Even within his own family, Arthur struggles to fit in and be accepted.
We find out that detectives have been speaking to workers at the entertainment
company about the murders. The detectives speak to Arthur’s mother while he is
away, and she has a stroke due to the stress associated with finding out that Arthur
is a suspect. While at the hospital with his mother, he watches an episode of his
favorite television show, Live With Murray Franklin. During the opening
monologue of the show the host, Murray, plays a clip of Arthur’s standup act and
refers to him as a “joker.” Arthur relishes the fact that his act is being broadcasted
on Murray’s show; he feels as though he is finally getting recognition for his co-
medy. While he may view this as a success, both Murray and the rest of the viewers
are actually making fun of him (a further act of stigmatization). A few days later
Arthur receives a call from the producers of Murray’s show, asking if he would like
to be a guest due to the popularity of his clip, to which he excitedly agrees.
While Arthur’s mother is in the hospital, he finds out that she was institutionali-
zed at Arkham Asylum for delusional psychosis and narcissistic personality disor-
der. After stealing her medical files, a further deviant act, he reads that he was ad-
opted by his mother and faced severe neglect while her boyfriend repeatedly
physically abused Arthur in his youth. In a flashback, his mother indicates that
Arthur was always such a happy little boy. This is quite the juxtaposition to the
Arthur we see throughout the film who is filled with sadness and melancholy. Also
included in the file are adoption papers which indicate that Arthur was indeed ad-
opted, as suggested earlier by Thomas Wayne.
Back in his mother’s hospital room, the news about his abuse and adoption un-
hinges Arthur and, following a monologue where he discusses his mistreatment by
her and society, he suffocates her with a pillow. The murder of his mother signifies
the start of Arthur’s secondary deviance. As Arthur has already been labeled, his
violence escalates as he dives deeper into his outsider status.
The film then cuts to Arthur preparing for his television appearance. We see him
dying his hair green, a feature of his prior clown costume, as well as a well-known
feature of the character in the comics. He dances more sporadically and excitedly
around the bathroom, which indicates his increasing excitement associated with
this new identity. We also see Arthur practicing his stage entrance for the show and
it appears as though he plans to commit suicide on the show by shooting himself
with the same gun that he killed the three men with prior in the film.
While painting his face, two of his former coworkers show up at his apartment
to offer their condolences about Arthur’s mother passing away. Arthur tells them
that he is not actually sad and is instead happy with how things are going, a sign
that he is starting to reject societal norms. One coworker, who gave him the gun,
tells him that detectives have been showing up at the office and asking questions
about Arthur. Arthur brutally murders his coworker with a pair of scissors that he
took off of his mother’s makeup stand. He allows his other coworker to leave, wi-
thout harming him, as the man was always nice to him while he worked at his old
job. This interaction indicates that the way in which people treated Arthur has a
major impact on his identity and feelings toward others in society.
Following the murder of his former coworker, we see Arthur for the first time in
his full Joker persona. He is wearing a bright-colored suit, his hair is dyed green,
and his makeup is done in a way that matches the clown look of the protestors. As
Arthur heads to the television station, we see him dance in a way unlike any other
time in the movie. His dance to the “Rock and Roll” song by Gary Glitter is filled
with excitement and bigger, more exaggerated moves, like pelvic thrusts and pun-
ches. His dancing is interrupted by two detectives who had been looking for him.
Following a chase by the police, which leads to a riot on the subway by pro-
testors, Arthur arrives at the television station. While in the dressing room, Arthur
is visited by Murray and an executive on the show to let him know what to expect
while he is on stage. After a brief discussion, Arthur asks Murray if he can be in-
troduced as Joker, rather than as Arthur Fleck. When asked why, Arthur responds,
“It’s what you called me when you played my clip.” At this moment, it becomes
evident that Arthur has fully adopted his master status as Joker. He is no longer the
timid Arthur Fleck; he is now a symbol of chaos and the rejection of societal norms.
As Arthur is introduced on stage and the curtain is drawn, we see him dance for
one of the final times in the movie. This dance is slow and choreographed. Now
that he has become Joker, he is calm and in control. While on stage, Arthur tells a
distasteful joke and is ridiculed by Murray. The audience laughs at Arthur’s ex-
pense. Discouraged, he admits that he killed the three men on the subway and that
he is the true cause of the chaos in the city. Arthur then proceeds to tell a joke that
starts, “What do you get when you cross a mentally-ill loner with a society that
abandons him and treats him like trash?” He turns, shooting Murray multiple times
on national television. Arthur is arrested and while in the back of the police car, he
sees the chaos of the riots on the streets. He smiles in excitement as all of the chaos
stemmed from his actions.
Following a car accident caused by one of the protestors, Arthur is taken un-
conscious out of the back of the police car and placed on the car’s hood. Upon
awakening, Arthur sees the protestors, all in clown attire, celebrating his actions.
He stands on top of the police car and we see him use his fingers to create a bloody
smile on his face and he begins to dance, again in a calm and calculated manner.
Arthur has found his outcast subculture: a subculture of followers who embrace
Arthur for who he is. He is now a member of a group accepts and reveres, unlike
the rest of general society.
The film closes showing Arthur incarcerated in Arkham Asylum. He begins to
laugh during a session with a therapist. When she asks why he is laughing, he tells
her that he is thinking of a joke that she “wouldn’t understand.” This is a sign that
Arthur sees himself as an outsider and that she represents general society. The final
shots of the film show Arthur walking down the hallway of the asylum, leaving
bloody footprints as he goes, inferring that he killed or at least severely injured his
therapist. These footprints signify that Arthur is now comfortable in killing or hur-
ting others. He is no longer bound to societal norms. Now, Arthur is freely able to
lead a deviant career, as he knows his followers accept him for who he is.
Discussion
There is much to unpack in the Joker film. Multiple criminological theories could
be used to explain the evolution of Arthur Fleck to the Joker, including life course
theory (Sampson & Laub, 2003; i.e., trauma and mental health leading to his vio-
lent crime later in life) or strain/anomie theory (Merton, 1938; i.e., the societal
pressure and inability to achieve success leads to criminality). However, we chose
to apply Becker’s labeling theory as the theory best captures Arthur’s full transfor-
mation.
Arthur starts the film as a man who is down on his luck and engages in primary
deviance through the killing of the three men on the subway. Following this, Arthur
is labeled as a “clown,” “freak,” and “outcast” by society. Arthur begins to interna-
lize these labels as he is repeatedly mistreated by society and begins to view him-
self as a social “other.” He later kills his mother and former coworker, two people
who labeled and rejected him throughout the film. These occurrences function as
his acts of secondary deviance. While Arthur may not be outright labeled prior to
his adoption of “Joker” as his master status, it is clear that the societal uprising was
representative of his actions, and that he was continually labeled as “deviant.”
Finally, the full theoretical framework comes to fruition at the end of the film when
Arthur requests to be called Joker, revels in his prior violent acts, and commits a
murder on live television which incites a riot among his followers. He is then able
to pursue his deviant career, as evidenced by him killing, or at least injuring, his
therapist in Arkham.
Hence, Joker provides an effective medium for the application of Becker’s the-
ory. The film provides multiple glimpses into Arthur’s internal processing toward
accepting his master status. More subtly, we see this through shifts in Arthur’s
dancing and laughter throughout the film. His dancing begins very slow and som-
ber, but after murdering his mother and former coworker, his dances become more
chaotic, joyful, and sporadic, a sign that he is becoming more comfortable with this
transition toward his new master status and his excitement toward this new identity.
The final two dances are more rhythmic and calmer, insinuating that he is now in
control of who he is and accepts his new deviant identity.
Throughout multiple scenes at the beginning of the movie, we see that Arthur
suffers from fits of uncontrollable laughter. Oftentimes, his laugh leads to further
social stigma. As the film progresses, we see that Arthur has laughing fits more
infrequently as he has more control over them. These laughing fits may be a reac-
tion to social stigma and his nervousness about interacting with others. Once Arthur
stops caring about how society views him, the condition lessens.
Arthur’s journey through his acceptance of master status as the Joker is extre-
mely telling. Under Becker’s labeling theory, individuals internalize and attach
self-identity to the words, terms, and stereotypes used by others to define them. We
see the harms of Arthur’s labels throughout the movie in relation to stigma. Labels
serve to dehumanize, vilify, and reduce a person’s holistic identity to their criminal
acts or defects (Boppre & Hart-Johnson, 2019). Criminal and mental health-related
labels have very real consequences for system-impacted persons, including nega-
tive self-perception, decreased social capital, and barriers to socioeconomic oppor-
tunities (Decker et al., 2015; Hadjimatheou, 2016; Middlemass, 2017).
Given the potential harms related to the stigma of labels, person-centered lan-
guage has gained popularity in recent years (Denver et al., 2017). Person-centered
language seeks to dismantle the stigma associated with crime-focused labels that
fixate on past behaviors or deficits (Boppre & Hart-Johnson, 2019). From a clinical
perspective, focusing on one’s past behavior does little to support or promote ch-
ange in future behaviors (Willis, 2018). Instead, person-centered language helps
foster desistance through empathy and respect.
Perhaps if Arthur were treated with decency instead of harmful labels and
stigma, his journey may not have involved serious crime. As seen at the beginning
of the film, Arthur initially did not desire to cause harm. He did not even fight back
against the group of teens who assaulted him in the opening scenes of the movie.
He was simply an individual who had struggled thus far in his life and was making
the best out of a bad situation. While it was ultimately Arthur’s decision to commit
violent acts, society’s labeling of Arthur and lack of social support fueled his devi-
ance and led to major riots within the streets of Gotham. By labeling Arthur as a
“clown,” “freak,” and an “outcast,” society unintentionally cultivated an outcast
subculture among the lower-class who were empathetic to Arthur’s plight.
Another major outcome of Arthur’s transformation was the subsequent murder
of Thomas and Martha Wayne in Crime Alley by a protestor during the riot at the
end of the film. As known by many comic fans, these murders lead to the develop-
ment of the Batman, as Bruce Wayne watches his parents’ death in Crime Alley.
Unwittingly, society’s attachment of social stigma to Arthur led to the creation of
the Dark Knight (Batman). Throughout the comic books, there is a debate as to
whether Gotham City is actually safer under the presence of Batman. Many comic
book characters speculate that Batman may actually increase the number of super-
villains within Gotham, leading to a never-ending cycle of crime in the city. If this
is indeed the case, then Gotham’s mistreatment of those who struggle in society,
like Arthur, leads to a future of hardship, death, and crime in the city for decades to
come.
Conclusion
This chapter presented an application of Becker’s labeling theory to the controver-

sial and award-winning film Joker. The film reflects a cautionary tale that echoes
issues our own society must confront. Throughout the film, we see a lack of com-
munity services and support available to Arthur Fleck. Joker forces audiences to
consider a larger question of whether the poor treatment and stigmatization of in-
dividuals in society labeled as “outcasts” contributes to crime. Ultimately, Joker is
a call for empathy given the impact on individuals when society lacks it.
The U.S. and other nations have a long history of disenfranchising, labeling,
and stigmatizing individuals who do not fit societal expectations of the political
elite (e.g., the indigent, racial/sexual minorities). At some points in history, social
movements have influenced and improved the treatment and social standings
among those marginalized (e.g., the Civil Rights movement in the U.S.). Yet, the
process of labeling largely pushes members of society further to the margins th-
rough criminalization and incarceration (e.g., Foucault, 1977; Liska, 1992;
Quinney, 1974; Rusche & Kirchheimer, 1939). Arthur’s story portrays how each of
us should think more critically about how we treat and interact with others in soci-
ety.
1. Summarize Becker’s labeling theory. What are primary and secondary devi-
ance? How does one adopt a deviant career and criminality as a master status?
Use Joker to provide examples.
2. Thinking back to Arthur’s journey, what are some potential points in his life
where increased social support could have changed his journey?
3. Arthur’s journey inadvertently led to a social movement among the lower-class
in Gotham. Are there other examples in which labeling and societal responses
to outcasts have led to social movements?
4. Scholars often debate whether nature (i.e., being born with inherent criminality)
or nurture (i.e., being raised in a certain manner/environment) leads to criminal
behavior. Do you believe that it was nature or nurture that led to Arthur’s crimi-
nality? Explain your position.
References
Becker, H. S. (1963). Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance. New York, NY: Free
Press.
Boppre, B., & Hart-Johnson, A. (2019). Using Person-Centered Language to Humanize
Those Impacted by the Legal System. Retrieved from https://prisonersfamilyconference.
org/advocacy-in-action-coalition
Decker, S. H., Ortiz, N., Spohn, C., & Hedberg, E. (2015). Criminal Stigma, Race, and
Ethnicity: The Consequences of Imprisonment for Employment. Journal of Criminal
Justice, 43(2), 108–121.
Denver, M., Pickett, J. T., & Bushway, S. D. (2017). The Language of Stigmatization and
the Mark of Violence: Experimental Evidence on the Social Construction and Use of
Criminal Record Stigma. Criminology, 55(3), 664–690.
Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punishment: The Birth of the Prison. New York, NY:
Pantheon Books.
Hadjimatheou, K. (2016). Criminal Labelling, Publicity, and Punishment. Law and
Philosophy, 35(6), 567–593.
Liska, A. E. (1992). Social Threat and Social Control. New York, NY: State University of
New York Press.
Malinowski, B. (1926). Crime and Custom in Savage Society. New York, NY: Humanities
Press.
Merton, R. K. (1938). Social Structure and Anomie. American Sociological Review, 3(5),
672–682.
Middlemass, K. (2017). Convicted and Condemned: The Politics and Policies of Prisoner
Reentry. NYU Press.
Quinney, R. (1974). Critique of the Legal Order: Crime Control in Capitalistic Society.
New York, NY: Transaction Publishers.
Rusche, G., & Kirchheimer, O. (1939). Punishment and Social Structure. New York, NY:
Columbia University Press.
Sampson, R. J., & Laub, J. H. (2003). Life-Course Desisters? Trajectories of Crime Among
Delinquent Boys Followed to Age 70. Criminology, 41(3), 555–592.
Thomas, W. I., & Swaine Thomas, D. (1928). The Child in America: Behavior Problems and
Programs. New York, NY: Knopf.
Willis, G. M. (2018). Why Call Someone by What We Don’t Want Them To Be? The Ethics
of Labeling in Forensic/Correctional Psychology. Psychology, Crime & Law, 24, 727–
743.
Hegemonic Masculinity and Game
of Thrones 14
“Never Forget Who You Are”: Game of Thrones’s
Ramsay Bolton, Hegemonic Masculinity, and
Structured Action Theory
Jill A. Kehoe
Game of Thrones (2011–2019) is a television fantasy drama based on George R. R.

Martin’s book series A Song of Ice and Fire (1996–Present). Over eight seasons on
HBO, Game of Thrones depicts the lives and struggles of the people of the ancient
continent of Westeros, otherwise known as the Seven Kingdoms. With interwoven
stories including those of dangerously freezing winters, zombie-like White Walkers
attacking the living, and supernatural prophetic visions, much of the story focuses
on the fight for the Iron Throne, the ultimate seat of power ruling over all the citi-
zens of the Seven Kingdoms. A thorough examination of Game of Thrones in its
entirety, even through the lens of a single criminological theory, would take a book,
if not several volumes. As such, this chapter attempts to provide an analysis of one
particularly dynamic character, Ramsay Snow/Bolton, using the updated frame-
work of Connell’s theory of hegemonic masculinity, and its application to the field
of criminology, Messerschmidt’s theory of structured action (Connell &
Messerschmidt, 2005).
J. A. Kehoe (*)
CUNY LaGuardia Community College, Long Island City, NY, USA

186 J. A. Kehoe
Theory: Hegemonic Masculinity and Structured Action
Hegemonic masculinity is a systematic sociological theory of gender based on the

notion that the beliefs, practices, and norms of a society dictate the culture’s no-
tions of maleness and the criteria by which all men are defined. Each society pos-
sesses multiple forms of masculinity, with categorization based upon how an indi-
vidual portrays himself according to the society’s standards of gender and sexuality.
Connell (1995) outlines four types of masculinities, specifying how each relates to
one another in regards to social standing and power relations. One who personifies
the honored characteristics of the hegemonic male places himself at the apex of the
gender hierarchy and in a position of social dominance, yielding power over both
females and subordinate males. Goffman (1963) describes the American culture’s
version of the hegemonic male as “a young, married, white, urban northern, hetero-
sexual Protestant father, of college education, fully employed, of good complexion,
weight, and height, and a recent record in sports” (p. 128). Qualities associated
with the archetypal male include heterosexism, sexual prowess, strength, authori-
tativeness, control, endurance, competitiveness, aggressiveness, individualism, and
independence (Connell, 1995; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Messerschmidt,
1993).
Those who are unable to achieve hegemonic masculinity fall into one of the
remaining three categories. Connell’s second type of masculinity, complicit mas-
culinity, includes most of the men in a given society. Complicit males do not em-
body the characteristics of the ideal male but consent to and participate in the sys-
temic structure of hegemonic masculinity. Male complicity affords such benefits as
the domination of women and avoidance of subordination (Connell, 1995). Men
who, despite seeming physically able to aspire to hegemonic masculinity, do not
present their male gender in accordance with the society’s ideology fall into the
third category. The subordinate type of masculinity include men who present with
non-hegemonic masculinity in social settings, including in the realm of physicality,
speech, dress, social roles, economics, and/or sexuality. These men are viewed by
society as deviant in terms of their masculine identity and are thus relegated to in-
ferior status, putting themselves at risk for criticism and loss of legitimacy (Connell,
1995). Lastly, marginalized men are those who are unable to participate in hegemo-
nic masculinity due to a disqualifying factor such as being of a minority race/eth-
nicity and/or having a disability (Connell, 1995).
Reflecting the constructionist notion of “doing gender,” it is not sufficient for an
individual to rely on one’s gender as a predetermined or static attribute nor is it
sufficient for an individual to assert one’s gender at one particular time or in one
14 Hegemonic Masculinity and Game of Thrones 187
particular way (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; West & Zimmerman, 1987).
Instead, it must be accomplished systematically through a lifetime of self-regulated
conduct. In social situations, one must construct their own identity through their
actions and interactions with others and their environment. Dimensions of one’s
identity must be accomplished and interpreted by others in accordance with socie-
ty’s approved standards of hegemonic gender. One’s gender identity must be esta-
blished and reestablished in the public sphere in order for an individual to be
perceived as adhering to the norms of the social context. Those that perform gender
successfully, in accordance with society’s hegemonic masculinity, acquire mem-
bership in the highest echelon of the sociocultural hierarchy and are able to hold
the most authority in the society’s current power structure (Connell &
Messerschmidt, 2005).
Messerschmidt’s (1986, 1993, 2014) application of the concept of hegemonic
masculinity to the study of criminology allows for an improved analysis of male
perpetrated crime. Viewing male perpetrated crime within the framework of the
sociology of masculinity provides a better understanding of why men commit a
disproportionate amount of crime as well as why men, by and large, commit diffe-
rent types of crimes than women. Furthermore, crimes must not just be analyzed
based on the gender of the perpetrator, but in regards to the structural conditions of
the society in which they occur. According to structured action theory, individuals
have varying avenues and capital for acting out and accomplishing masculinity
based on membership to various interacting social categories. Decisions to engage
in legal and/or illegal behaviors are influenced by the availability of socially appro-
priate opportunities. As described in Chambliss’s (1973) renowned study of adole-
scent boys, white middle-class boys focused on constructing a form of masculinity
based on academic success and athleticism, while white working-class boys opted
to pursue masculine identities based on achieving occupations heavy in manual
labor and engaging in adolescent rule-breaking such as vandalism, truancy, drin-
king, and physical aggression. Racial minority lower-working class boys, denied
opportunities to achieve masculinity through social, academic, and occupational
routes, resorted to violent behavior, street crime, and gang activity to assert mascu-
line identities. Those in power have more opportunities to receive a quality educa-
tion, obtain a high paying job, and attain elevated levels of social status through
legitimate means. Without these pathways toward success, criminality becomes an
alternative avenue toward achieving power.
188 J. A. Kehoe
Ramsay: The Worst Person on Television
Ramsay Bolton, nee Snow, serves as one of the most memorable villains in the
Game of Thrones television series. In fact, more than 145,000 readers of The
Atlantic (2015) voted and crowned Ramsay “the worst person on television” with
the hashtag “#actualworst,” beating out such infamous evildoers as Hannibal Lecter
of Hannibal and Walter White of Breaking Bad. In its analysis of violations of in-
ternational humanitarian law in Game of Thrones, the Australian Red Cross (2019)
found Ramsay to be the most egregious offender of the first seven seasons.
Ramsay’s rap sheet memorably includes taking hostages, torture, sexual violence,
and murder by a variety of methods including flaying his victims alive, feeding
them to his pack of dogs, and hunting them for sport.
We are officially introduced to Ramsay in Season Three as the son of Lord
Roose Bolton. While all of the citizens of Westeros must swear allegiance to the
King or Queen who sits on the Iron Throne, each region of Westeros is governed by
a Great House, a noble family in charge of both the land and its occupants. House
Bolton is a moderately powerful house in the North of Westeros that controls a re-
gion of land east of its capital of Winterfell. Given Ramsay’s status as the ultimate
Game of Thrones villain, his tortured back-story should come as no surprise. (Note:
While this analysis is strictly focused on the television series and not its literary
inspiration, some additional details about Ramsay’s birth are derived from the
books as they coincide with the minimal information provided in the television
series.) Upon hearing that a man had married without his permission, his father
Lord Bolton murdered the man and raped and impregnated his wife. The unnamed
woman brought the child to Lord Bolton shortly after his birth in order for him to
acknowledge his son. Despite initially wanting to murder the child and whip the
woman, he ultimately chose to raise the child as his bastard after realizing he was
indeed biologically his. After the death of Lord Bolton’s wife and older trueborn
son Domeric, he is left with Ramsay as his only immediate blood relation. Raised
in House Bolton, the second most powerful house in the North, Ramsay grows up
with many of the advantages of the highborn. Noble houses control the land sur-
rounding their castle, field moderately sized armies, collect taxes and tithes from
the common folk, and retain a household of servicemen and women for domestic
tasks such as childcare, cooking, and labor. Brought up with amongst the power,
protection, and resources of House Bolton, Ramsey’s upbringing is by no means
deprived.
Despite his upbringing amidst the nobility of the North, Ramsay commits some
of the most sadistic acts of brutality in a show already ripe with violence and
s uffering. His plotline is virtually bereft of anything other than acts of cruelty and
carnage. Often with a smile across his face and a witty quip, Ramsay relishes in-
flicting pain upon both those who he deems his enemy and those who have done
him no wrong. His exploits include the following noteworthy acts of violence.
The Torture of Theon Greyjoy
Ramsay takes Theon Greyjoy hostage at castle Dreadfort, meting out a series of
psychological and physical torments including orchestrating fake attempts to libe-
rate him and give him false hope of rescue, flaying and amputating his extremities,
castrating him and pretending to eat his penis (it was actually a pork sausage), and
mailing a box containing his severed genitals to his family. Ramsay relishes the
power he has over Theon, perpetrating acts of intense cruelty with a smile on his
face and delivering such memorable lines as “Let’s play a game: which body part
do you need the least?” and “If you think this has a happy ending, you haven’t been
paying attention” (“The Climb”). Ramsay’s abuse is so intense that he is able to
make his victim abandon his old identity as Theon Greyjoy, the youngest son of
Lord Balon Greyjoy leader of the Iron Islands, and transform himself into Reek, a
loyal servant to House Bolton unable to commit the slightest act of rebellion against
his master.
Military Betrayals
In Season Two, Ramsay and his men siege castle Winterfell in an attempt to take it
back from Greyjoy control and return it to their Stark allies. After his military vic-
tory, despite promising mercy upon surrender, Ramsay flays all of the soldiers alive
and burns the city of Winterfell. In Season Four, Roose orders Ramsay to take Moat
Cailin, an important base in the North, from the Greyjoys. Ramsay captures Moat
Cailin, and again flays his surrendering enemies alive, violating the rules of
Westerosi warfare.
Myrcella, Tansy, and the Girls of Dreadfort
Ramsay enjoys releasing women into the Bolton forests and hunting them down. In
Season Four, Ramsay hunts down his lover Tansy for making his girlfriend
Myranda feel jealous. Tracking her through the forest, he taunts her “If you make
190 J. A. Kehoe
it out of the woods, you win” (“The Lion and the Rose”). After wounding her with
an arrow he finishes her off by ordering his bloodthirsty hounds to attack her and
eat her flesh.
The Rape of Sansa Stark
In an arrangement designed to placate the citizens of the North, Roose Bolton or-
chestrates the marriage of his son Ramsay to Lady Sansa Stark. After their mar-
riage ceremony, Ramsay rapes Sansa and forces Theon, a brother-like figure to
Sansa, to watch. Ramsay tells Theon, “You’ve known Sansa since she was a girl,
now watch her become a woman” (“Unbowed, Unbent, Unbroken”). Suffering a
series of rapes over the next few days, Sansa plans an escape. Upon learning of the
escape plan, Ramsay flays Sansa’s elderly handmaid and forces her to look at the
dead body.
he Murder of Lord Roose Bolton, Lady Walda Bolton,

T
and Baby Boy Bolton
Roose is upset with his son for allowing the escape of Sansa and Theon from
Bolton custody. Shaming Ramsay for “playing his games” with them, Roose is
disappointed at the loss of political leverage. Giving him the ultimate threat, Roose
reminds Ramsay that without Sansa he will be unable to produce a legitimate male
heir and Roose will have to rely on his new wife Walda to produce a male heir.
Ramsay knows his position has sole male heir is fragile, telling his father “My
position is quite clear. I’m your son until a better alternative comes along” (“Kill
the Boy”). After being chastised by his father for his failed attempts at capturing
Sansa, and hearing the news that Walda has delivered a healthy baby boy, Ramsay
plunges a knife into his father’s chest. Ramsay immediately calls for Walda and the
baby to be brought to him, declaring “I am Lord Bolton” and sharing his preference
for being an only child before siccing his pack of hungry hounds on them. Upon
their deaths Ramsay assumes his father’s titles and becomes Lord of Dreadfort,
Lord of Winterfell, and Warden of the North.
Battle of the Bastards
In Season Six, Jon Snow and Ramsay Bolton go to battle against each other for
domain over the North. With his father appointed Warden of the North by the Iron
Throne, Ramsay claims to be the rightful ruler of the North, but Jon Snow looks to
retake control in the name of the Starks. Ramsay writes Jon Snow a letter, insisting
up the return of his bride Sansa or else face a series of terrifying threats.
I will ride North to slaughter every wildling—man, woman, and babe—living under
your protection. You will watch as I skin them living. You will watch as my soldiers
take turns raping your sister. You will watch as my dogs devour your wild little bro-
ther. Then I will spoon your eyes from their sockets and let my dogs do the rest. Come
and see. (“Book of the Stranger”)
While a battle between thousands of soldiers is bound to be bloody, Ramsay once

again manages to engage in despicable behavior beyond that of common warfare.
Meeting across the battlefield, Ramsay presents his enemy Jon Snow with a captive
Rickon, Jon’s half-brother. Despite having the chance to kill him quite easily as
Rickon is bound with ropes, he decides he would rather play a game. He instructs
Rickon that if he is to successfully run across the battlefield to his awaiting family,
he will be free. A desperate Rickon takes off running with Ramsay shooting arrows
behind him. Ramsay, a skilled archer, strikes Rickon with an arrow just before he
reaches his family, leaving him to die in the outstretched arms of Jon Snow.
Theoretical Analysis
Hegemonic Masculinity in Westeros
While it may be easy to pass off Ramsay’s appalling acts of violence as a product
of psychopathy, sociopathy, or some other form of severe mental illness, to do so
would be to ignore the context in and the conditions under which Ramsay commits
these actions. While Ramsay may indeed have a diagnosable psychiatric condition,
his exploits are incontrovertibly rooted in his pursuit of hegemonic masculinity.
Therefore, it is key to understand the notion of masculinity as it exists in Westerosi
society, and how Ramsay fits into this concept, both as others see him and as he
sees himself.
The role of the hegemonic male is largely influenced by two major factors of
Westerosi life. First, the presence of a hierarchical and patriarchal structure dictates
192 J. A. Kehoe
power relations within the Seven Kingdoms. The king sits atop the social hierarchy
with wardens of provincial regions and lords of noble houses next in line. The
common folk occupy the lowest rung of the ladder holding little to no power. In
regards to gender, Westeros is a patriarchal society where men possess power over
women, limiting the role of women in fulfilling sexual and reproductive needs.
Secondly, as implied by the title of the series, Game of Thrones very much focuses
on the political-military power struggles amongst the influential men and women
of the Seven Kingdoms. The eight seasons of Game of Thrones take place soon
after the Targaryen conquest and Robert Baratheon’s rebellion, depicting the next
sequence of contests including the Greyjoy rebellion and the War of the Five Kings.
As Varys observes, “blood has never been in short supply here, ever since the First
men carried a crown into Westeros” (“The Death of Kings”). In a civilization ripe
with combat, hegemonic masculinity is irrefutably intertwined with prowess on the
battlefield. Knights and sellswords with successful military records, noblemen
with robust armies, and individuals capable of inflicting serious physical violence
are glorified as power comes to those who can take it by force.
The hegemonic men of Westeros hold high social rankings, have a considerable
amount of money, land, and resources associated with their family lineage and tit-
les, secure marriages to respectable women, and offer a strong physical presenta-
tion capable of aggression. Some examples of hegemonic men include King Robert
Baratheon, 17th ruler of the Seven Kingdoms, Ned Stark, Warden of the North and
King Robert’s trusted advisor, Stannis Baratheon, King Robert’s brother and clai-
mant to the Iron Throne, and Lord Tywin Lannister, one of the richest men in all of
Westeros. Ramsay is not a hegemonic male in the same vein as these powerful
men, existing much lower in social rank. Ramsay is also not a subordinate or a
marginalized male. He does not present his gender incorrectly (like homosexual
characters Renly Baratheon and Sir Loras Tyrell), nor is he part of a marginalized
social group (like Varys the eunuch or the Dothraki men of color). Instead, he is
complicit, observing, and participating in Westerosi gender norms with the ulti-
mate goal of being hegemonic. What prevents Ramsay from achieving hegemony
is his illegitimacy.
Bastardy: Baseborn Children
Vitally important to understanding Ramsay’s masculinity, and ultimately his offen-

ses and motivations for committing them, is his status as a Westerosi bastard.
Children born out of wedlock, referred to as “baseborn” or “bastards” in the Seven
Kingdoms, are subject to discrimination. Frequently, fathers do not acknowledge
their bastard children, leaving them to be raised and supported by their mothers
alone. Some fathers may send financial support while others will send the child to
be raised away from his legitimate children. In extremely rare circumstances, as
was the case of Ned Stark and his bastard son Jon Snow, bastard children will be
raised alongside legitimate children, but with the lingering stigma and lowered
social status of an illegitimate child. Despite choosing to raise Jon Snow with his
legitimate children, even he yielded to the social norms of treating bastard children
differently. As was evident during the visit of King Robert Baratheon and Queen
Cersei Lannister to Winterfell, Jon Snow was banned from attending the celebra-
tory banquet with the elite as to not offend them while dining.
Prohibited from using their father’s last name, noble bastards must instead have
a region-specific surname indicating their status as an illegitimate child. As Ellaria
Sand explains, “A child born to a wife is a gift from the gods. A child born to a
mistress or an obedient servant girl is a bastard, unworthy of its father’s name”
(“The Bastards of Westeros”). As a bastard child of the North, Ramsay’s given
surname is Snow (other bastard surnames include Flowers in the Reach, Hill in the
Westerlands, Pyke in the Iron Island, Rivers in the Riverlands, Sand in Dorne,
Stone in the Vale of Arryn, Storm in the Stormlands, and Waters in the Crownlands).
The absence of an ancestral surname allows for society to properly identify bas-
tards and treat them with the stigma dictated by their society. Furthermore, the use
of an ecological surname suggests that bastards exist outside of the civilized world
of familial bonds, and instead exist in the wild, uncivilized realm of nature. Tagging
bastard children with nature-derived surnames is a reflection of the society’s belief
that illegitimate children are substantively inferior to legitimate children, born
from impure relations and embodying the primitive ways of the elements. In a hie-
rarchical society where one’s place in the pecking order is determined by nomen-
clature, the bestowal of a bastard’s surname is damning. In a heartfelt conversation
with Jon Snow, Tyrion Lannister says, “Let me give you some advice, bastard.
Never forget what you are. The rest of the world will not. Wear it like armor, and it
can never be used to hurt you” (“Winter Is Coming”). Tyrion later states, “I have a
tender spot in my heart for cripples, bastards and broken things,” (“Cripples,
Bastards, and Broken Things”) further clarifying Westeros’s position on illegiti-
mate children by grouping them with other types of social outcasts.
From a legal perspective, following primogeniture, bastards are banned from
inheriting their father’s land, title, or house. Furthermore, bastards are officially
prohibited from carrying the heraldry of their noble parent’s house, a great honor
and mark of class distinction in the Seven Kingdoms. Limited to noble members of
the family and those bestowed with the privilege of knighthood, heraldic symbols
may not be displayed by common folk or bastards as representations of themselves,
194 J. A. Kehoe
but only to identify their side in battle. To claim some visual representation of no-
ble status, bastards in Westeros may use the heraldry of their highborn parents with
the colors inverted. In a conversation with his father, Ramsay declares, “The flayed
man is on our banners,” to which his father replies, “My banners, not yours. You’re
not a Bolton, you’re a Snow” (“The Lion and the Rose”).
Marriage proposals are also constrained by one’s bastard status. Marriages ba-
sed on love are far less common in Westeros than marriages arranged for political
and financial purposes. As with the marriages of Khal Drogo and Daenerys
Targaryen, Joffrey Baratheon and Margaery Tyrell, and Tyrion Lannister and Sansa
Stark, alliances between houses are created and fortified through marital contracts.
As a bastard, Ramsay is not particularly desirable as a marriage prospect. In Season
One, Ramsay is in a relationship with a servant named Myranda. As the daughter
of Bolton’s kennel keeper, she does not have noble status and does not offer Ramsay
wealth, political power, military strength, or the promise of highborn children.
Without the benefit of noble filiation, bastards are deprived of most of the
Westerosi avenues of acquiring honor and status. Illegitimacy precludes a bastard
from achieving social status, amassing material wealth, establishing alliances ba-
sed on familial allegiances, and creating a family lineage of legitimate noble chil-
dren. As multiple forms of masculinity are present in any society, Ramsay does
have other options for establishing masculinity more open to men of illegitimate
birth. Jon Snow, raised the bastard son of Ned Stark, chooses to join the Night’s
Watch as an alternative path. A military command in which the men do not marry,
father children, possess land, or wear markers of class distinction, the Night’s
Watch defends the Seven Kingdoms from those that threaten from beyond its bor-
ders. Here, in its more egalitarian social structure, Jon Snow can escape the stigma
of his bastard status and achieve the prestige bestowed on the men who protect the
realm from foreign aggressors. As Ramsay optimistically reflects on Jon Snow’s
success in the Night’s Watch, “Bastards can rise high in the world, like your
half-brother, Jon Snow. Born the Bastard of Winterfell, now the Lord Commander
of the Night’s Watch. You didn’t know? Yes, he’s done very well for himself” (“The
Gift”). Other avenues for bastards to pursue status are by knighthood, in which a
man is able to gain land, titles, and a place in his liege lord’s house, religious ser-
vice as septons or septas in the Faith of the Seven, or training at the Citadel to join
the intellectual order of the Maesters.
Ramsay is restricted in his efforts to achieve and maintain his masculine identity
in Westerosi society due to his status as a bastard. Conventional avenues of doing
gender, such as presenting oneself as a Lord of a titled house, securing marriage to
an upper class, respectable woman, passing on one’s noble surname to one’s child-
ren, displaying traditional family heraldry, and inheriting family land, are not
v iable in his current circumstance. While avenues for pursuing alternative forms of
masculinity were open to him, Ramsay makes a conscious choice to ignore those
more conventional options in favor of cruelty and brutality. Ramsay chooses phy-
sical violence, sexual aggression, and psychological manipulation to compensate
for his illegitimate status and attempt to seek a traditional embodiment of hegemo-
nic masculinity.
Legitimization
An analysis of Ramsay would be incomplete without addressing the principle

transformative moment in his life. In Season Four, satisfied with his son’s military
success, Roose presents Ramsay with a document legitimizing his son, changing
his name from Ramsay Snow to Ramsay Bolton, and formally giving him all of the
benefits afforded to a trueborn son. Kneeling before his father he says, “You honor
me. I swear I will uphold your name and your tradition. I will be worthy of you,
Father” (“The Mountain and the Viper”). Before his legitimization he is Ramsay
Snow, the bastard son of Roose Bolton, burdened by stigma and unable to achieve
the same successes and status of a legitimate son. After his legitimization he is
Ramsay Bolton, the son of Roose and heir to House Bolton and all it rules over.
As Ramsay’s illegitimacy is the chief impediment to his quest for hegemony,
one may assume that his use of violence as an instrument for doing gender and
asserting masculinity might wane in favor of more noble endeavors on his journey
to hegemony. Prior to his legitimization, Ramsay is well aware that his identity as
a bastard compromises his chances of acquiring honor. He resents the fact that he
is not afforded the respect of a trueborn son. Disadvantaged in life by his illegiti-
mate status and looked down upon by others, Ramsay seeks alternate ways of wiel-
ding power over people. However, after his legitimization, Ramsay is still insecure
in his masculinity. His status as Roose’s primary heir is tenuous for, as Sansa points
out, “But you’re a bastard, a trueborn will always have the stronger claim” (“The
Gift”). Despite the legal decree and new surname, Ramsay’s bastardy is not washed
away overnight. His blood is not pure Bolton and the people of Westeros will fore-
ver view him as the former bastard.
Both before and after his legitimization, Ramsay’s most useful tool in his
arsenal is his ability to inflict brutal violence upon others with no remorse. He ins-
trumentalizes violence to prove himself to his father and to himself as a man ca-
pable of attaining power and dominance. Ramsay is comfortable with the use of his
sadism and violence as his primary method of achieving power over others. While
other complicit males may opt to join the Night’s Watch, religious service, or the
196 J. A. Kehoe
Maester’s to portray their masculine identities, these enterprises do not afford

Ramsay the same opportunity for acting out his resentment and bitterness nor ap-
peal to the bloodthirsty nature of Westeros, his father, and himself.
In Westerosi society, it is crucial for men to present themselves as capable of
violence. Similar to Messerschmidt’s (1986) depiction of modern-day macho street
culture, in Westeros, “most are forced to think only of fulfilling heir own needs the
best way possible. A form of ruthless, egotistic, exploitative individualism beco-
mes the norm” (p. 67). While becoming a Maester, septon, or member of the
Night’s Watch might allow him to escape the daily confirmations of his bastardy
and its inherent inferiority, it would not grant him the access to the power that he,
like most men of Westeros, desire.
Ramsay is constantly seeking approval and respect from his father. Roose regu-
larly dispatches Ramsay into combat, with his son seeking victory to satisfy both
the needs of House Bolton and his own need for validation. Ramsay admits that his
father trained him to be aggressive, telling Theon, “My mother taught me not to
throw stones at cripples…but my father taught me ‘aim for their head” (“Mhysa”).
Ramsay’s excessive use of violence, even beyond what his father is accustomed to,
is treated with surprising banality. Roose flippantly reflects, “But Ramsay…well,
Ramsay has his own way of doing things” (“Mhysa”). Moreover, it is not a coinci-
dence that Ramsay’s preferred method of execution is flaying, the infamous centu-
ries-old practice which House Bolton depicts in its heraldry. Roose Bolton retains
his respect for the practice despite the North outlawing it, proudly stating, “Unlike
some other houses, my ancestors earned the Bolton words: ‘Our Blades Are Sharp’”
(“House Bolton”). With his father basing his feelings toward his son on his military
conquests and his fondness for his house’s time-honored tradition of flaying, it is
not surprising that Ramsay’s acts of violence serve as a way to cultivate their rela-
tionship.
Identification as a second-rate citizen and a lifetime of inferior treatment leave
Ramsay with a chip on his well-armored shoulder that a profession of scholarship,
religious service, or protection could not resolve. Instead, perpetrating acts of vio-
lence allows Ramsay to lash out at the society that shamed him. It is through vio-
lence that Ramsay is capable of experiencing power, a feeling he truly takes plea-
sure in. Ramsay admits to this feeling as he flays the finger of a captive Theon,
stating, “This isn’t happening to you for a reason. Well, one reason. I enjoy it”
(“The Climb”). He feels omnipotent when he exercises his decision to kill, experi-
encing, albeit temporarily, the ultimate power that he seeks. In addition to the po-
wer over life and death, Ramsay strategically utilizes his violence to deprive his
victims of their other prized assets. He rapes women, both noble and common, ta-
king advantage of their powerlessness and lack of autonomy to control their bodies
and their sexuality. And with his most exhaustive act of torture, in transforming
Theon into Reek, he deprives Theon of his physical strength, his sexuality, his
ability to produce heirs to rule his Iron Islands homeland, his noble identity, and his
humanity. “You don’t look like Theon Greyjoy anymore. That’s a name for a lord,
but you’re not a lord, are you? You’re just meat. Stinking meat. You reek…Reek!
That’s a good name for you” (“Mhysa”). In a cruel twist of fate, Ramsay is bastar-
dizing Theon.
Conclusion
Game of Thrones, with its seemingly endless list of characters, provides numerous
examples of Connell’s (1995) hegemonic, complicit, subordinate, and marginali-
zed masculine identities. Situated in the medieval period’s hierarchal and patriar-
chal social structure, Game of Thrones offers an uncensored look at the modalities
of masculinity amidst the struggle for power in the Seven Kingdoms. Ramsay’s
physical and sexual violence against his military opponents, prisoners, common
folk, lovers, and family members is a form of extreme exploitation. As a complicit
male, he uses the bodies of those around him as disposable instruments in his non-
traditional quest for hegemony and power.
While Ramsay may stand out for his unusually shocking acts of brutality, he is
by no means the only person engaging in violence. Many male and female charac-
ters regularly engage in sexual and physical violence, highlighting its role in
Westerosi life. Worthy of note is not the frequency at which Game of Thrones de-
picts of use the violence, but the fate of those who employ it. King Robert
Baratheon, Ned Stark, Stannis Baratheon, Tywin Lannister, and many of the other
men who embody hegemonic masculinity through the use of violence and aggres-
sion are short-lived. The women of Westeros who adopt hypermasculine characte-
ristics, such as Daenerys Targaryen and Cersei Lannister, find themselves similarly
condemned. With characters often destroyed by the wars and turmoil brought about
by their quests for power, Game of Thrones depicts hegemonic masculinity as a
destructive force for both those who embrace it and for those around them. In the
final episode of the series, the remaining elite of Westeros meet to discuss the fu-
ture of the Seven Kingdoms. Sitting in a circle are Robin Arryn, Gendry Baratheon,
Yara Greyjoy, Tyrion Lannister, Prince Martell of Dorne, Yohn Royce, Davos
Seaworth, Arya Stark, Brandon Stark, Sansa Stark, Samwell Tarly, Brienne of
Tarth, Edmure Tully, and Grey Worm, all characters without a history of hegemo-
nic masculinity. Some were more complicit in their masculinity than others; some
were subordinated for their nontraditional presentation of gender, and others were
198 J. A. Kehoe
marginalized for being disabled or men of color. Those who succeed at the “game
of thrones” are not those who embody hegemonic masculinity, as those men and
women effectively cause their own demise. George R. R. Martin admits it himself,
“And if you look at the books, my heroes and viewpoint characters are all misfits.
They’re outliers. They don’t fit the roles society has for them. They’re ‘cripples,
bastards, and broken things’—a dwarf, a fat guy who can’t fight, a bastard, and
women who don’t fit comfortably into the roles society has for them” (Hibberd,
2015, para. 4). A statement from the council reinforces the show’s perspective on
the harmful nature of masculinity. Davos Seaworth, reflecting upon the annihila-
tion caused by previous leaders, demands, “We’ve had enough war. Thousands of
you, thousands of them. You know how it ends. We need to find a better way” (“The
Iron Throne”). The message is clear: The men and women of the Dragonpit
Council, the surviving few and future of Westeros, did not and should not conform
to the toxic notion of hegemonic masculinity.
1. Which characters from Game of Thrones embody hegemonic masculinity, com-

plicit masculinity, subordinate masculinity, and marginalized masculinity?
What characteristics do they present to merit classification at this level of the
gender hierarchy?
2. Other than the actions of Ramsay, what crimes and acts of aggression do you
think were influenced by notions of hegemonic masculinity? How?
3. How would Westerosi society need to change in order to eliminate the toxic
consequences of hegemonic masculinity? Would you the society you live in
need to change?
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Episodes and DVD Extras
Winter Is Coming (Season 1, Episode 1)

Benioff, D., & Weiss, D. B. (Writers), & Van Patten, T. (Director). (2011). Winter Is
Coming [Television Series Episode]. In D. Benioff, B. Caulfield, B. Cogman, F. Doelger,
D. Nutter, M. Sapochnik, C. Strauss, & D. B. Weiss (Executive Producers), Game of
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Cripples, Bastards, and Broken Things (Season 1, Episode 4)

Cogman, B. (Writer), & Kirk, B. (Director). (2011). Cripples, Bastards, and Broken Things
[Television Series Episode]. In D. Benioff, B. Caulfield, B. Cogman, F. Doelger,
The Climb (Season 3, Episode 6)

Benioff, D., & Weiss, D. B. (Writers), & Sakharov, A. (Director). (2013). The Climb
Mhysa (Season 3, Episode 10)

Benioff, D., & Weiss, D. B. (Writers), & Nutter, D. (Director). (2013). Mhysa [Television
Series Episode]. In D. Benioff, B. Caulfield, B. Cogman, F. Doelger, D. Nutter,
M. Sapochnik, C. Strauss, & D. B. Weiss (Executive Producers), Game of Thrones.
New York, NY: Home Box Office.
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The Lion and The Rose (Season 4, Episode 2)

Martin, G. R. R. (Writer), & Graves, A. (Director). (2014). The Lion and the Rose [Television
Series Episode]. In D. Benioff, B. Caulfield, B. Cogman, F. Doelger, D. Nutter,
M. Sapochnik, C. Strauss, & D. B. Weiss (Executive Producers), Game of Thrones.
New York, NY: Home Box Office.
The Mountain and the Viper (Season 4, Episode 8)

Benioff, D., & Weiss, D. B. (Writers), & Graves, A. (Director). (2014). The Mountain and the
Viper [Television Series Episode]. In D. Benioff, B. Caulfield, B. Cogman, F. Doelger,
Kill the Boy (Season 5, Episode 5)

Cogman, B. (Writer), & Podeswa, J. (Director). (2015). Kill the Boy [Television Series
Episode]. In D. Benioff, B. Caulfield, B. Cogman, F. Doelger, D. Nutter, M. Sapochnik,
C. Strauss, & D. B. Weiss (Executive Producers), Game of Thrones. New York, NY:
Home Box Office.
Unbowed, Unbent, Unbroken (Season 5, Episode 6)

Cogman, B. (Writers), & Podeswa, J. (Director). (2015). Unbowed, Unbent, Unbroken
The Gift (Season 5, Episode 7)

Benioff, D., & Weiss, D. B. (Writers), & Sapochnik, M. (Director). (2015). The Gift
Book of the Stranger (Season 6, Episode 4)

Benioff, D., & Weiss, D. B. (Writers), & Sackheim, D. (Director). (2016). Book of the
Stranger [Television Series Episode]. In D. Benioff, B. Caulfield, B. Cogman, F. Doelger,
The Iron Throne (Season 8, Episode 6)

Benioff, D., & Weiss, D. B. (Writers), & Benioff, D., & Weiss, D. B. (Director). (2019).
The Iron Throne. [Television Series Episode]. In D. Benioff, B. Caulfield, B. Cogman,
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Critical Criminology and Hunger
Games 15
Critical Criminology and State Crime in The Hunger
Games
Jared M. Hanneman
Introduction
This chapter discusses the use of The Hunger Games to illustrate many of the con-
cepts and categories that comprise critical criminology and state crime. Critical
criminology is quite dissimilar from most of the other dominant theoretical para-
digms that are used to explain the existence and persistence of criminality in soci-
ety. A fundamental divide in criminological theory is between micro-level and
macro-level theories. Many of the earliest criminological theories developed were
at the micro-level, that is, those theories that use the characteristics, experiences,
and interactions of individuals and small groups as their levels of analysis.
The classical criminological theories, which emphasize the importance of rati-
onal choice and deterrence, are micro-level theories that are generally approacha-
ble and make good common sense. Choices are made daily, and, intuitively, some
individuals will make criminal choices. This certainty in explaining criminality
will often last until students begin to explore the positivist biological, biosocial,
and psychological theories that posit an empirical difference between the criminal
and the noncriminal. Students (and social science) may not yet know exactly what
such differences may be, but many are confident that such differences exist, sepa-
rating the noncriminal from the criminal.
J. M. Hanneman (*)
Thiel College, Greenville, PA, USA

204 J. M. Hanneman
This transitions seamlessly into the idea that criminals and noncriminals often
interact with one another. This explanation is exemplified in theories grouped to-
gether as social process theories. Such theories explain human behavior as a result
of the interaction between individuals and other individuals and social groups. The
most empirically supported of the social process theories is the social learning
theory. It stands to reason that just as a beginning piano student can be taught by an
experienced player, so too can an inexperienced potential delinquent be taught by
a career criminal. According to differential association theory, individuals with re-
lationships with other actors who have pro-criminal attitudes, values, and beliefs
are more likely to engage in criminality than individuals having relationships with
law-abiding actors. Sutherland specified certain characteristics of an individual’s
relationships with pro-criminal actors, such as frequency, intensity, duration, and
priority, will be more influential in contributing to criminal careers when observed
in greater degrees in the associations. As an example of the importance of intensity,
an actor is much more likely to be socialized into pro-criminal beliefs through in-
teraction with members of a primary peer group, which is characterized by close,
intimate relationships, than by interaction with larger and more superficial se-
condary peer groups. It is not just the quantity of an individual’s relationships that
is criminogenic, but the qualities of those relationships are also important
(Sutherland, 1947).
Students also grapple with one of the dominant contradictions in the social pro-
cess paradigm. Rather than the differential association of criminal influences pul-
ling naturally conforming actors into a life of crime and deviance, control theory
asserts that individuals are naturally inclined to deviant and criminal behaviors and
that it is only the bonds that they have with conforming social institutions that
prevent this lawlessness. Hirschi (1969, p. 16) identified four constitutive elements
of these social bonds: attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief. When
individuals have formed strong social bonds with the most significant social insti-
tutions—family, education, religion, and peer groups—then they are less likely to
engage in serious criminal behavior. While both theoretical explanations empha-
size the importance of social interactions, they differ in their fundamental assump-
tions about human nature. Social learning theory assumes actors must be socialized
into deviance and criminality, while social control theory assumes the actors must
be socialized into conformity.
In continuing to examine the effects of social interactions and relationships on
criminality, Becker (1963) argued that, rather than individual relationships and
associations of delinquents/criminals with other actors or social groups causing
criminality, it was the weight of social judgment—through the institutional act of
15 Critical Criminology and Hunger Games 205
formal or official labeling—that led to a self-fulfilling prophecy of individuals la-

beled as criminal internalizing the label and engaging in acts of criminality.
This labeling theory and the theories discussed above are all fundamentally
micro-level theories—that is, they are used to explain the criminality of individual
actors. Some of the proposed variables affecting these actors may be their ratio-
nally calculated choices, fears of committing a crime, biological and psychological
influences, or the effects of their interactions with other individuals and social
groups. These theories may posit different explanations for individual criminality,
but they all focus fundamentally on the micro-level of analysis, that is, on individu-
als or small groups.
Many criminology students gravitate preferentially toward these micro-level
theories, particularly because they exhibit many attractive features. Micro-level
theories’ units of analysis are at the same level as the theories’ audiences. Given the
multitude of decisions that individuals make on a daily basis—many with great
deliberation, many almost unconsciously, and still others somewhere along this
continuum—it is understandable that students give credence to micro-level theo-
ries. When people experience the world at the micro-level, it may seem to be com-
mon sense that theories framed at the individual level of analysis seem more useful
in explaining crime. While individuals may innately recognize the existence of the
forest, they live amongst the trees.
It is this deviation from everyday perceptions of cause and effect that frequently
challenge students’ understanding of macro-level criminological theories. The so-
cial structural paradigm examines criminality in and across societies from a bird’s
eye perspective. Social disorganization theory (Shaw & McKay, 1942) describes
enduring poverty and crime in geographic areas over long periods of time—pat-
terns that persist even when individual criminal actors are aging out of crime, be-
coming incarcerated, or otherwise leaving the area. The crime rate remains stable
while the experiences of individual criminals are anything but.
Other macro-level social structural theoretical explanations include Merton’s
(1938) theory of social structure and anomie, Cohen’s (1955) theory of status de-
privation and the delinquent subculture, Cloward and Ohlin’s (1960) theory of dif-
ferential opportunity and delinquent subcultures, and Miller’s (1958) theory of
focal concerns of lower-class culture. Each of these classic works examines the
effects of social institutions and structures on aggregate measures of crime and
deviance. The studies address the effects of, for example, strain and frustration in
so far as some actors will adapt through conformity, innovation, ritualism, retrea-
tism, or rebellion (Merton, 1938), but the greater explanatory power of these social
structural theories is that they explain the stability of crime rates across geographic
areas or social classes.
206 J. M. Hanneman
This shift from the micro to the macro can be a difficult change in perspective
for many students. This difficulty is often brought into even sharper relief when
examining critical criminology and state crime. It is for this reason that popular
cultural artifacts often make effective pedagogical tools to illustrate more complex
concepts to students in a format with which they already have some familiarity.
The Hunger Games
The Hunger Games is a trilogy of dystopian young adult novels written by Suzanne
Collins: The Hunger Games, Catching Fire, and Mockingjay. These novels were
adapted to feature films of the same name. The most notable difference is that
events in the Mockingjay novel were portrayed over the course of two films.
The story is set in the fictional nation of Panem, which is comprised of the cen-
tral Capitol and 12 (spoiler alert: actually 13) outlying districts. Each district is
known for a particular exploited resource required by the Capitol. For example,
District 4 specializes in fishing while District 12 specializes in coal. About 74 years
prior to the events of The Hunger Games, the districts rebelled against the political
domination of the Capitol in a conflict referred to as the “Dark Days.” The Capitol
put down this revolution and forced the districts back under its control, ending the
Dark Days through the signing of the Treaty of the Treason, which marked, among
other elements of political domination, the beginning of the Hunger Games.
The Hunger Games are an annual event in which 24 “Tributes”—a male and
female from each of the twelve districts are selected at an annual “Reaping” and
brought to the Capitol to compete in a televised battle royal to the death until only
one remains as “Victor.” Children aged 12–18 are eligible to be chosen as tributes.
Most districts hold a lottery to determine who will be selected, though the protocol
of the Reaping allows for the possibility for someone to volunteer as a tribute. This
is the case for 16-year-old Katniss Everdeen who volunteers to take the place of her
12-year-old sister Primrose whose name was drawn in the lottery. The male tribute
selected in the lottery is Peeta Mellark, a 16-year-old whose family owns a bakery
in the district. The current year’s tributes are mentored through the process by a
previous victor from the tributes’ home district. The only surviving victor from
District 12 is Haymitch Abernathy, an alcoholic who is still suffering from the ef-
fects of post-traumatic stress disorder from his Hunger Games experience 14 years
earlier.
Although Panem is ostensibly a single nation, there is very much an imperial
quality to the relationships between the Capitol and the outlying districts. The po-
litical and economic relationships have much more in common with colonizing and
colonized states. The colonizing nation typically acquires the resources that are
needed to support their higher standard of living while the colonized people are left
to utilize few of their own natural resources, all in return for the “civilizing” influ-
ence and “protection” of the colonizer, which is typically little more than the ideo-
logical justification for the occupation of the colony in the first place. The residents
of the Capitol are depicted as wealthy and overly indulgent—some going as far as
to induce vomiting in order to be able to continue eating at lavish parties. This
wasteful opulence is visibly off-putting to Katniss and Peeta, as many of their fri-
ends and family struggle to keep from starving to death in District 12, much less
gorge themselves on culinary excesses. There is a pronounced emphasis and im-
portance placed on appearance and dress in the Capitol, where one’s worth and
status may be quite literally worn on one’s sleeve.
In an additional literary allusion to decadence and excess, most of the Capitol
residents have Roman names, for example, Caesar, Plutarch, Octavia, Flavius,
Cinna, Claudius, and Coriolanus. The residents of the Capitol tend to look down on
the people from the districts as a type of curiosity and as a second-class citizen.
Collins drew much from ancient Roman history to provide a detailed foundation
for the Capitol. The name of the nation itself—Panem—is the Latin word for bread
and is derived from the late Roman empire practice of plying the masses with “pa-
nem et circenses,” that is, bread and circuses, to keep them placated and compliant,
which was derided by Juvenal (1992) in his Satires in which he vilified the abroga-
tion of political responsibilities of the Roman citizens in favor of wheat doles and
costly games and entertainment.
Already long ago, from when we sold our vote to no man, the People have abdicated
our duties; for the People who once upon a time handed out military command, high
civil office, legions—everything, now restrains itself and anxiously hopes for just two
things: bread and circuses. (10.77–10.81)
Even though the vast majority of the Panem population lives in the outlying
districts, the events of the film are concentrated in either the Capitol, where the
Hunger Games are annually held, or District 12, the home of the protagonists
Katniss and Peeta. District 12 is depicted using imagery from both 1930s
Depression era America and rural Appalachia. Because the district’s main resource
is coal, the majority of residents work in the mining industry, and the district has
the feel of an early twentieth-century mining company town. At the beginning of
the second film, Katniss and Peeta, having survived the 74th Hunger Game in the
first film, are living in the upper-class area of the district, a gated community, of
sorts, named “Victor’s Village” where victors of the Hunger Games are permitted
208 J. M. Hanneman
to live for the remainder of their lives. This is also reminiscent of the higher quality
housing available to the executives and managers in a company town, separating
them from the workers.
Katniss and her friend Gale (spoiler alert: who along with Peeta comprise the
films’ love triangle with Katniss) are accomplished hunters who frequently poach
squirrel and other game on prohibited grounds to sell or barter at an illegal black
market that is passively tolerated by the Capitol’s “Peacekeeper” enforcement sol-
diers stationed in every district. Katniss hunts with a bow, which is symbolic of the
early American conflicts between the indigenous Indian population and the British
colonists and, eventually, the U.S. government. Katniss’s skill with a bow becomes
one of her trademarks during the Hunger Games competitions. This is in addition
to a gold mockingjay pin that she received from her sister. The mockingjay is a bird
that is indigenous to Panem that is known for its ability to mimic short melodies.
This symbolization of Katniss as Mockingjay eventually comes to be representa-
tive of the rebellion itself.
I draw mainly from the film series for several reasons: (1) due to the significant
popularity of the films, readers of this volume are more likely to have seen the films
than to have read the books; (2) it is less time-consuming with respect to student
workloads to devote one or two class sessions to showing a film—or requiring the
film to be viewed as “homework”, if class-time is at a premium—than to assign one
or more books; and (3) specific film clips can be more easily introduced during
class lecture or discussion to highlight a concept or issue. All quotations cited in
this chapter are taken from the films rather than the novels.
Critical Criminology
Critical criminology is a relatively recent theoretical addition in the field of crimi-

nology. The origins of critical criminology are found in the writings of Marx and
Engels, who analyzed the industrial revolution and capitalist expansion, particu-
larly with respect to the degree to which both depended upon the exploitation of the
proletariat working class for the benefit of the bourgeois, capitalist, upper class.
Marx (1887, 1964, pp. 158–160) and Engels wrote very little about crime specifi-
cally, but they generally asserted crime was best understood as the result of law
enforcement and criminal justice policies, that is, that the upper classes, by virtue
of controlling the criminal justice institutions, labeled certain acts, particularly
those of the lower classes, as criminal. They also highlighted the connections bet-
ween criminality and the inherent inequality and exploitation in the capitalist mode
of production. Engels (1958, pp. 242–243), in particular, identified crime as a sort
of unconscious, pre-critical expression of rebellion against the exploitative nature

of capitalism.
The mid-twentieth century was marked by the emergence of a number of break-
downs in social stability. World War II and the accompanying deaths of millions of
people, including soldiers as well as even greater numbers of civilians, led into the
Korean Conflict, the Vietnam War, and the Cold War. This same time period also
included the antiwar protests, protests against nuclear proliferation, Civil Rights
movements, women’s rights movements, and various other reactions against religi-
ous or political conservativism. Much in the way that the early twentieth-century
Structural-Functionalist domination of sociological theory ceded academic legiti-
macy to conflict theory, symbolic interactionism, and late modern perspectives,
such as the positions advanced by Foucault, Bourdieu, and others, the criminologi-
cal theory that had been dominated by the classical, positivist, social process, and
social structure theories ceded a measure of explanatory authority to conflict the-
ory, feminist theory, critical race theory, and critical criminology.
Critical criminology most successfully advanced as a subfield of criminology
after the publication of Taylor, Walton, and Young’s The New Criminology in 1973.
Siegel (2012) writes that in the wake of The New Criminology, “there has been a
tradition for critical criminologists to turn their attention to the field itself, questio-
ning the role criminology plays in supporting the status quo, and aiding in the op-
pression of the poor and the powerless” (p. 270). Critical criminologists also exa-
mined the contemporary operations of the American political system and American
influence in other nations. The role of corporate power, especially at the expense of
a decreased role of government in the provision of social services, is an additional
area of inquiry. Critical criminology also analyzes the misuse of power by state
and/or corporate institutions and actors. It is this examination into state power that
I focus on in this chapter.
State Crime
William Chambliss (1989) made specific mention of “state-organized crime” in his

1988 presidential address to the American Society of Criminology in which he
identified acts by representatives or office-holders in state governments as potential
objects of criminological inquiry. State or political crime can be understood as
criminal acts by individuals or groups who oppose a government or its practices,
for example, terrorists, or as criminal acts committed by elected or appointed offi-
cials in the government, law enforcement, or criminal justice system. Ross (2003)
identified four categories of state crime: (1) illegal domestic surveillance, (2) hu-
210 J. M. Hanneman
man rights violations, (3) state-corporate crime, and (4) state violence. In this sec-
tion, I introduce and illustrate each of these categories with examples from The
Hunger Games. Many of the examples from the films will be clear and obvious il-
lustrations of the four categories. Some of the examples, due to the incomplete
depiction of every aspect of Panem governance and its various legal codes, may
require some inductive reasoning or inference in order to connect the dots between
the events of the film and the elements of state crime.
Illegal Domestic Surveillance
This type of government surveillance occurs when officials read mailed letters and
other correspondence, search shipped packages and parcels, listen in on and/or re-
cord telephone conversations, or read/copy or intercept emails and text messages.
This surveillance can also include the ubiquitous presence of surveillance cameras,
global positioning system (GPS) monitoring of mobile communication devices or
vehicles, and the specific electronic tracking of individuals, whether knowingly or
not. Other surveillance technologies include facial recognition software to track the
locations or movements of specific individuals and license plate readers that can
scan all vehicles near an operating officer or passing through a toll stop, an exit
ramp, or geographic border. With increased technological advancement there is
increased potential for electronic surveillance.
During the Hunger Games competitions, the tributes are required to have a GPS
tracking device implanted into their arms. In addition to constant tracking of their
position and movements, nearly the entire area of the Hunger Games arena is being
surveilled and recorded by hidden cameras. Ostensibly this is to ensure that the
audiences viewing the Games are not going to miss any of the “action,” but these
cameras also allow the Gamemakers to introduce new dangers or obstacles, direct
tributes toward or away from other areas, or otherwise direct or influence the out-
come of the Games.
Outside the context of the Games themselves, there is a significant implicit use
of surveillance in the Capitol and the outer districts. Often the cameras or drones
are not conspicuously placed, so the viewing audience does not necessarily observe
constant use of surveillance, but when riots and other forms of domestic unrest
begin to break out in the districts, Katniss is able to surreptitiously observe the
Capitol’s video footage of the events. Additionally, at the beginning of the first
film, when Katniss and Gale discuss running off and leaving District 12, Katniss
dismisses the suggestion, saying that they [the Peacekeepers] would catch them.
This degree of certainty presupposes the extensive use of state surveillance.
In the 74th Hunger Games contest shown in the first film, Katniss and Peeta are
able to manipulate Seneca Crane—the head Gamemaker—into permitting two vic-
tors (if both are from the same district) by pretending to be in love with one ano-
ther, though Peeta is not pretending. Katniss thinks that this deception will eventu-
ally pass, and they can just return to their previous lives, but this proves impossible.
Victors of the Hunger Games are something akin to reality television stars in
Panem. They are also obliged to serve as mentors to the tributes from their home
districts, as Haymitch did for them, in all future Hunger Games. While Katniss
believes that their deception will be eventually be forgotten, she is wrong in that the
narrative of “star-crossed love” between Katniss and Peeta will be broadcast and
discussed anew with every future Hunger Game. By surviving the Hunger Games,
Katniss and Peeta’s social roles have been irrevocably changed. This is true for all
of the victors of the Games, but even more so for them, because there had never
before been two victors, in addition to the compelling story of their doomed love.
Compounding this wrinkle in their plan, their strategy to portray themselves as
star-crossed lovers in order to survive is also perceived by some dissident groups
and districts as a statement against the totality of the authority of the Capitol.
President Snow threatens Katniss with the wholesale destruction of District 12 if,
while on their required public relations victory tour through the twelve districts,
they fail to convince the masses, and thus President Snow, of the sincerity of their
love. When President Snow confronts Katniss at her home to impress upon her the
importance of a convincing portrayal of love, he also shows her surveillance foo-
tage of her and Gale sharing a kiss. This allows a fair conclusion that at least
Katniss, if not the whole of District 12, is under extensive surveillance.
A final example of illegal domestic surveillance, coupled with the abrogation of
civil liberties, is the actions of the Capitol’s Peacekeepers, who are deployed in the
outlying districts. They are seen searching district residents’ homes for contraband
without presenting a warrant or other form of authorization for their actions. The
Peacekeepers are also depicted seizing property and destroying it in public con-
flagrations. In the course of the Peacekeepers’ crackdowns on black market gathe-
rings and other forms of political dissidence, they also detain and take into custody
numerous district residents, again without offering any official authorization to do
so. Many of these detainees are never heard from again. This dovetails with the
second category of state crime.
212 J. M. Hanneman
Human Rights Violations
There are a variety of state actions that fall under the umbrella of human rights vi-
olations. Siegel (2012) lists the extreme use of corporal punishment, torture in in-
terrogation, the denial of civil rights, detention without trial or due process, the use
of hard labor or torture to punish dissidents or others accused of political crimes,
the utilization of prisons run by authoritarian regimes in order to circumvent dome-
stic laws mandating the humane treatment of prisoners, the exploitation of forced
or captive labor, the “disappearing” of arrested activists, dissidents, or political
opponents, and summary executions.
The most extreme example of human rights violations comes at the end of
Catching Fire. After the rebels, who infiltrate the Capitol and plant an infiltrator as
the head of the Gamemakers’ staff, free Katniss and facilitate her escape from the
Capitol, President Snow follows through on his earlier threat to see “thousands
upon thousands…dead. This town reduced to ashes…buried under radioactive dirt
as if it never existed.” As President Snow warns, District 12 is bombed into no-
thingness, killing hundreds of thousands as punishment for the rebels’ actions. This
is not the first time that the Capitol took such action, as it was the destruction of
District 13 that brought an end to the Dark Days, beginning the Hunger Games era.
As another example, in the confusion surrounding the rescue of Katniss from
the 75th Hunger Games contest in Catching Fire, Peeta is left behind in the custody
of the Capitol. During the months of his detention, he is tortured and subjected to
a brainwashing technique that causes him to become enraged when he is in the
presence of Katniss. There are a few instances in which he violently attacks her,
trying to kill her. Peeta is only one of many individuals who have been tortured in
one manner or another by the Capitol.
The Hunger Games in and of themselves are an egregious example of human
rights violations. The Capitol mandates a lottery, overseen by Peacekeeper sol-
diers, in which 24 teenagers are to be selected to compete in a contest in which
there is only supposed to be a single survivor. The winner will be hailed as the
Victor for that year, but the cost of victory is almost always extraordinarily high.
Haymitch, the District 12 Victor from the 50th Hunger Game, states in Catching
Fire that “nobody ever wins the games—period. There are survivors, but there’s no
winners.” The use of human sacrifice in any sort of state ritual has been long outla-
wed as a violation of the inherent worth and dignity of all individuals. Of course, a
number of states still retain sufficient monopoly over the use of violence to make
some crimes punishable by execution, but this practice declined notably over the
twentieth century—the United States being a prominent exception.
The Hunger Games are not just a danger to the tributes but, indeed, to their fa-
milies, friends, and coworkers. None of the characters are more aware of this than
Haymitch, who was the Victor in the 50th Hunger Games contest by utilizing the
force-field surrounding the gaming arena in an unexpected manner, causing a we-
apon thrown at him to bounce back and hit the last remaining tribute. As punish-
ment for his tactic, the Capitol murdered his mother, younger brother, and girlfri-
end a few weeks after the Games concluded. Not even Capitol citizens or
Gamemakers themselves were safe from state retribution. Following the conclu-
sion of the 74th Hunger Game from the first film, in which Katniss and Peeta are
both declared Victors, as punishment for that outcome, President Snow had Seneca
Crane—the Head Gamemaker—confined to a room with only a bowl of the poiso-
nous berries. In some respects, this parallels the sentence of execution given to
Socrates in which he was forced to ingest hemlock as punishment for his defiance
of (city-)state authority. The second film makes reference to Crane having been
hanged, so there is some discrepancy as to his actual cause of death. There is no
confusion that he is executed by the Capitol as punishment for his failure.
State-Corporate Crime
There are fewer examples of state-corporate crime as a category of state crime,

though such instances frequently have extremely significant costs. A first example
is the use of some or all media outlets as an extension of the state. This phenome-
non is extensively observed in The Hunger Games. The second dimension of state-
corporate crime encompasses the granting of special privileges to specific private
corporations and not to others, often based on some degree of conflict of interest or
outright bribery. There are many methods by which this can occur. The state might
grant exclusive leases or rights of access to resources such as minerals, oil, or na-
tural gas located in public land to some corporations and not others. Another ex-
ample may be differential enforcement by the state of environmental protection
regulations; antitrust, securities, and exchange violations; and/or occupational saf-
ety or other labor violations against some companies and not others.
In The Hunger Games series, the media plays a vital role in promoting the inte-
rests of the Capitol and downplaying or ignoring entirely any reports of political
dissidence or uprising. The Games themselves are elaborately crafted as a glorious
contest in which the tributes are fighting for their personal honor as well as the
honor of their district. Always implicit is that such beneficence is granted by the
generosity of the Capitol. Caesar Flickman is the most prominent media persona-
lity in the series. He presides over a number of televised programs in which the
214 J. M. Hanneman
tributes are paraded into the Capitol and then interviewed about their lives and ex-
pectations for the Games. All of these presentations are designed to portray the
Capitol in the most flattering light while simultaneously generating as much exci-
tement as possible in the audiences, particularly the Capitol audience. Collins and
the filmmakers clearly draw on many U.S. reality television programs in their por-
trayal of both Flickman and his Hunger Games television productions.
Plutarch Heavensbee—the Head Gamemaker in Catching Fire (spoiler alert:
and secret rebel agent)—is certain that the media would be a powerful weapon in
the state’s efforts to put down the rebellions that begin to spring up in the aftermath
of Katniss and Peeta’s joint victory. Many of these uprisings are influenced by
Katniss and her portrayal as the Mockingjay. In the exchange between President
Snow and Heavensbee, the president is quite telling about the Capitol’s intended
role for the media and explains that because she is a symbol of hope, she needs to
be eliminated.
Heavensbee is intuitively cognizant of the Thomas theorem, proffered by
William I. and Dorothy S. Thomas (1928), which states, “If men define situations
as real, they are real in their consequences.” The state plans to sow discord and
rancor among the districts and against Katniss as the symbol for the rebellion.
Whether the programming is true or not, Heavensbee asserts that the repetition of
the message will eventually be effective in marginalizing Katniss’s symbolic influ-
ence and popularity with the masses.
State Violence
The final category of state crime that is illustrated by The Hunger Games series is
state violence. There is some overlap in categories, particularly between human
rights violation and state violence, but there are enough notable distinctions to
make the use of different terms appropriate. Examples of state violence include
death squads, that is, armed unofficial groups, though frequently acting on the be-
half, if not at the behest, of the state, that kills suspected political dissidents or
opponents or other undesirable or marginalized social, racial, or ethnic groups.
Death squads have historically been responsible for assassinations, kidnappings,
disappearances, and other violent methods of public intimidation.
The Hunger Games series of films demonstrate numerous examples of state vi-
olence. The Peacekeepers used by the Capitol share much in common with death
squads, although there are some notable differences. During the public relations
tour that Katniss and Peeta are obliged to perform at the beginning of Catching
Fire, an older man in District 11 interrupts their prepared speeches and performs
the three-fingered salute that has been a symbol of discontent toward the Capitol
from the beginning of the first film. This prompts the entire crowd to perform the
salute. The Peacekeepers break up the gathering immediately. They then drag the
old man up on the raised platform and summarily execute him by shooting him in
the head.
Later in Catching Fire, the Peacekeepers are breaking up the black markets in
District 12 and confiscating people’s belongings to be destroyed. Gale attempts to
prevent a man from being beaten by a Peacekeeper. As a result, he is detained by
the Commander of the Peacekeepers, tied up to a pole in a town square, and whip-
ped repeatedly until Katniss and Haymitch intercede on his behalf. The Commander
relents but threatens that the next time it will be a firing squad. This harkens back
to a scene from the first film, referenced above, when Katniss and Gale discuss
running away. Katniss says that they would catch them and “cut out our tongues…
or worse.” As another example of corporal punishment, in retribution for Cinna—
Katniss and Peeta’s stylist—giving her a dress that is contrary to the design inten-
ded by President Snow, in the moments before Katniss was to begin the Hunger
Game in Catching Fire, her entry to the game arena is delayed while she is forced
to watch Cinna being brutally beaten in front of her. The use of state violence is a
universally acknowledged phenomenon in The Hunger Games series.
Conclusion
For many criminology or criminal justice students, critical criminology theory can
be one of the harder theories to grasp. The majority of the classical, positivist, and
social learning criminological theories assert the factors—varied though they may
be—that contribute to crime and deviance within the individual actors. Labeling
theory and the social structural theories recognize the importance of institutional
and organizational factors in contributing to delinquency. Critical criminology,
with its Marxist influence—particularly its emphasis on the role of inequality and
state actions—often proves challenging for undergraduate students to easily grasp.
The Hunger Games films make a very useful illustration of the four most common
categories of critical criminology and state crime. The film series was extremely
popular when it was released, so there should be a low entry barrier to encourage
students to engage with the films. Many students will have already seen them pre-
viously, and a number of events in the film already exist as cultural touchstones.
The books and films certainly were popular with young adult audiences at the times
of their release from 2008 through 2015, but they also had significant reading and
viewing audiences with older generations as well. The trilogy of novels sold more
216 J. M. Hanneman
than 65 million copies and the films earned nearly $4 billion at the box office, ma-
king them a worldwide phenomenon. Due to their significant presence in contem-
porary popular culture, the films are an excellent vehicle to present examples to
students of critical criminology and state crime.
The constant monitoring and tracking of tributes during the Games, as well as
the near omnipresence of video surveillance and Peacekeeper troop patrols, are
examples of illegal domestic surveillance. The wholesale destruction of District 12
at the end of Catching Fire and the holding of the Hunger Games themselves,
where Panem citizens are sacrificed in satisfaction of the Treaty of the Treason, are
examples of human rights violations. The use of the media to serve as the mouth-
piece for the Capitol as well as to function as the source of the dissemination of
propaganda are examples of state-corporate crime. Finally, the whippings, bea-
tings, kidnappings, and summary executions of Panem residents by the Capitol’s
Peacekeeper soldiers are examples of the frequent incidents of state violence that
occur regularly throughout The Hunger Games series of films. The nation of Panem
exists in a violent world, and the Hunger Games contests serve well to depict the
critical criminological explanations for these numerous instances of state crime.
1. The Hunger Games are generally classified as “dystopian fiction,” which are
works typically set in worlds marked by significant amounts of social strife and
problems. Can you think of examples of state crime from other fictional works
that take place in less extreme settings?
2. What are some examples of current events of state-corporate crime? Are you
able to find more or fewer examples compared to instances of state violence or
human rights violations?
3. What are some parallels between Heavensbee’s plans to pillory Katniss in the
media and the use of propaganda by political campaigns or administrations in
order to sway public opinion on candidates or issues?
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Shaw, C., & McKay, H. D. (1942). Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas. Chicago:
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Radical Criminology and Star Wars
“I’ve Got a Bad Feeling About This”: Star Wars and
16
Radical Criminology
Andrew Wilczak
With its film premiere in 1977, Star Wars launched what would become, possibly,
the largest and most recognizable science-fiction franchises in the world. Over
40 years later, the Star Wars universe has produced 11 feature-length movies, 4
animated television series, 2 popular web series, and innumerable adult and young
adult novels, graphic novels, and video games, most of which are accepted as cano-
nical lore in the larger Star Wars universe. While, on the surface, all of this might
seem like it amounts to nothing more than a cyclical story of good versus evil with
lots of exciting space battles and laser sword fights, nothing in this galaxy can exist
without a foundation of violent oppression—the exact sort of thing that the larger
field of critical criminology and its various offshoots focuses on in the real world.
Star Wars is a story about good versus evil, to be sure. However, it is a conflict
based in a fascist dictatorship that is ruthlessly capitalistic, overtly racist, and co-
vertly theocratic, where genocide is perfectly acceptable, the military-industrial
complex is highly organized and extremely powerful, criminal syndicates are per-
mitted to engage in a variety of illicit activities, and political dissent is punishable
by death or enslavement, much of which is done purposefully by a single sociopa-
thic tyrant.
Sound familiar?
A. Wilczak (*)
Wilkes University, Wilkes-Barre, PA, USA

220 A. Wilczak
In this chapter, we’re going to examine the Star Wars film franchise as we exa-
mine the field of critical criminology. Critical criminology, also referred to as con-
flict criminology or radical criminology, is a theoretical discipline that challenges
us to think about crime and justice in terms of power dynamics in society.
Specifically, critical criminology draws heavily on Marxist thought and the idea
that society is structured in such a way as for the upper-class to perpetuate their
power and privilege through the unending exploitation and oppression of the clas-
ses beneath them. For our purposes, the criminal justice system and the rule of law
are two ways that this power and control have been perpetuated over time.
Historically, critical criminology tends to focus solely on the role of social class
structure and the ways the wealthy upper-class benefits from the criminal justice
system. In this chapter, we’re also going to include elements of critical race theory
and feminist theory in the discussion. Marxist thought is exclusively focused on
social class stratification; we’re going to open the radical umbrella and include race
and gender as well because, as we’ll see, these core elements of social structure
matter and are just as relevant in today’s world.
A Primer in Radical Criminology
The first thing we need to consider when talking about radical criminology—and I
want to be clear that we are talking about this branch of criminological theory in
very broad strokes—is that it differs from other types of theory in terms of applica-
tion. No doubt, other theories that you have read about in this book so far focus on
the explanatory power and the different variables employed to demonstrate the
theory’s ability to tell us how and why criminal behavior occurs. Many of these
theories are used quantitatively, and there are mountains of research in support of
these arguments.
This is not typically the case with much of radical criminology.
Instead of thinking about why crime happens in terms of patterns that emerge in
the data, radical criminology wants us to think about the relationship between the
powerful and the powerless in society and how this dynamic is related to the crea-
tion and application of checks on deviant behavior via the use of different norms
(informal checks) and laws (formal checks). Radical criminology also wants us to
think about why this power is used and the abuse that power creates; it challenges
us to look for social problems that exist but do not receive attention from those in
power, question why the people suffering in these situations do not receive any at-
tention or assistance and what that means for their place in the world, and what
benefits those in power might receive by failing to attend to their needs.
16 Radical Criminology and Star Wars 221
Critical criminology has its roots in the work of Karl Marx (1818–1883). Marx
comes to criminology through its connection to sociology; in his original works,
Marx had very little use for the criminal underclass, which he termed the lumpen-
proletariat. Marx viewed the lumpenproletariat as being nothing more than a drag
on the inevitable socialist revolution; these were people who were incapable of
developing any sort of class consciousness, people who were unable to develop any
kind of positive bond to their community or their neighbors and so these were peo-
ple who were not capable of making meaningful contributions to the good of the
people. Since his death, Marxist thinkers have modified this theory and have a
different view of the criminal underclass today—rather than viewing them as a
group with nothing to offer, some began to see them as the vanguard of the revolu-
tion and as members of the working class pushed to the brink by an unfathomably
powerful system.
A major turning point in Marxist sociology broadly, and perhaps the creation of
Marxist criminology specifically, was in the work of Richard Quinney. Quinney
argued that the purpose of the criminal justice system was not to create an actual
just society, but rather to enforce the will of the powerful (Quinney 1977). In this
way, the criminal justice system is a cudgel used by oppressive forces within soci-
ety to beat back the revolution. This requires us to think about crime, not in terms
of good or bad behavior or good or bad people, but in terms of the presence or ab-
sence of power in a given moment. In other words, if there was a robbery—was the
victim someone with privileged status? If they were, then the system might move
Heaven and Earth to try to find justice. Was the robber someone with privileged
status? If not, we will gladly throw them into the meat grinder of the criminal ju-
stice system because the system has to be fed.
Today, radical criminology challenges us to think about crimes committed by
the powerful and how powerful people use their positions of authority to construct
and enforce narratives around the “true” problem of crime in society as a means of
deflecting from their own wrongdoing. In practice, this means focusing on white-
collar crime and state and political crime, human rights violations, and general
ways in which the system is constructed to oppress those not in power. Currently,
we can think about critical theories of crime as encompassing not only social class,
but race, ethnicity, and gender as well.
Let’s talk about race and ethnicity first. Thinking about crime critically from
this perspective, we’re focusing on how the system is set up to create and perpetu-
ate a system of white supremacy. We see this manifest throughout the American
criminal justice system. Michelle Alexander’s book The New Jim Crow (2010) ar-
gues that the War on Drugs transformed the American criminal justice system into
a form of social control inflicted almost entirely on the Black community. Alexander
222 A. Wilczak
(2010) argues that the War on Drugs was the logical step in a system in a series of
policies that originated with chattel slavery and turned into Jim Crow style laws
following the end of Reconstruction until the end of Jim Crow in 1965 with the
passage of the Voting Rights Act. Essentially, Alexander is arguing that though
these two massive forms of social control—chattel slavery and Jim Crow—were
overthrown, neither the racist ideals behind them nor the racist legislators respon-
sible for implementing them, were removed from American life. The victories of
the Civil Rights movement may have secured a new form of equality for Black
Americans, but the system was able to adapt to this, creating a new language of
colorblind racism. This allowed those who would seek to control and destroy Black
Americans to construct a new system of justice that didn’t explicitly target Black
people in its mission but, by designating Black communities as high crime areas,
brought nothing but pain and misery to much of Black America. Further, Alexander
(2010) argues that similar to past systems of social control, American politics and
American media have consistently jumped to the defense of this new form of op-
pression; happily, gleefully parroting stereotypes about Black people, poor people,
and drug use. This created, for example, the stereotype of the “crack whore” and
“crack baby” who were allegedly commonplace in Black neighborhoods—women
whose morality had been sacrificed by drugs, children born addicted to crack who
needed white America to step in and save them. It is a language almost identical to
the language used to perpetuate slavery and to encourage the genocide of Indigenous
people. This level of control, and the mythology justifying it became so entrenched
in the criminal justice system that the U.S. Supreme Court created new precedents
for the system to further abuse their power in the quest to rid the streets of these
foul drugs; and if a few Black people got sent to prison indefinitely, all the better.
With regard to gender and critical theory, we want to think about how the sys-
tem treats men and women. This is not necessarily just an issue of how the system
creates and perpetuates sexism, though that certainly has been a problem, it’s also
a case of thinking about equity in terms of the types of crimes that rise to the atten-
tion of the system. In other words, if the criminal justice system is truly fair, then
anyone, regardless of class, race, or gender, will receive identical treatment. This is
the idea that justice is blind and, therefore, fair. In practice, we know this couldn’t
be further from the truth. Early feminist criminologists approached the issue of
gender and crime from a couple of different angles. On one hand, theorists like
Freda Adler (1975) argued that crime was related to masculinity, and perceived
increases in the number of women committing crimes were tied to the women’s
liberation movement—that it had become socially acceptable for women to assume
roles that had traditionally solely belonged to men, and it was thought that this was
causing women to adopt other masculinity traits, including a greater propensity to
commit a crime. Classic interpretations of this theory suggest that women are com-
mitting crimes because they’re behaving in more masculine ways, but Hunnicut
and Broidy (2004) argue that what we’re really seeing here is a connection between
independence and economic marginalization and that increases in women’s crime
were, therefore, connected to a need to survive more than a desire to adopt mascu-
line behavior.
A more useful paradigm for feminist criminology, and one that I think pairs well
with the other theories presented in this book, is the work done by Daly and
Chesney-Lind (1988). In their work, they argue that we should not treat sex and
gender as the same thing, rather, to make distinctions between the biological (sex)
and the social (gender). For our purposes, we will be thinking about how gender is
socially constructed and how those in power might try to reduce social issues into
a single biological one. When I say that gender is socially constructed, I want you
to think about the ways in which you perform your gender identity: the ways in
which you show to the world that you are masculine or feminine or something in
between. How do you dress? How do you wear your hair? Do you wear makeup?
Do you shave? Beyond personal appearance, what types of jobs have traditionally
been associated with masculinity or femininity? Why? What about college majors?
Why? If you hear yourself saying that it’s just the way it is, or that this is because
of some biological difference, you’re playing into the hands of oppressive systems
because you’re taking a social process (gender) and reducing it to biological expla-
nations. Gender, like race and social class, is socially constructed by our interac-
tions with each other and the values we project onto others’ behavior.
Taking this idea a step further, we can argue that the powerful in society have
the ability to influence the social construction of reality in some pretty major ways.
We’ve already talked about the role of the media in the spread of mass incarcera-
tion and the War on Drugs—this is how powerful media and government entities
worked together to influence the social construction of race and drug use, accor-
ding to this perspective. If the same thing is happening regarding women and femi-
ninity and crime, where do you think we see examples of it?
Daly and Chesney-Lind also argue that knowledge itself is gendered in that so
much knowledge has been produced by men, who create it from a distinctly mas-
culine viewpoint, and therefore have centered masculine ideals while pushing fe-
mininity to the sidelines (1988). Indeed, this is why the idea of objectivity in rese-
arch itself is problematic: the critical perspective would argue that when we say
research should be objective, what we really mean is that it should conform to
masculine values. In an applied sense, this means that we’ve got programs and
policies in place that focus on extreme forms of masculinity and male behaviors,
disregarding everyone else who fits into that box. Why do we assume that the po-
224 A. Wilczak
lice, prisons, and courts are absolutely objective? Why are we so hellbent on fin-
ding a one-size-fits-all system that might not actually exist? Why not explore me-
thods of policing or punishment or legal systems that actually benefit the
communities they exist in, rather than forcing the same broken, violent system on
everyone? Because “objective” and “fairness” really equals masculinity.
In sum, the critical approach to crime overall challenges us to think about the
ways in which social class, gender, and race and ethnicity are weaponized by the
system as a way of oppressing powerless groups within society. In an American
context, this means we need to think about how the criminal justice system is weig-
hed against people living in poverty, people who are nonwhite, and ways in which
it reinforces toxic masculinity. We need to look for the multitude of ways that the
system isn’t concerned with justice but with upholding the status quo. And, having
identified the inadequacies of the system as an institution meant to serve the peo-
ple, we need to work toward either reform or abolition, to create true systems of
justice that heal individuals and communities.
A Long Time Ago, in a Galaxy Far, Far Away
Before we get into the ways in which radical criminology is demonstrated in the
Star Wars franchise, I suppose it is necessary to take a moment to run through what
this story is all about; for those of you who are uninitiated and don’t have the time
to watch all of these movies right now (though you totally should. Go ahead. You
deserve a break). Not only is there a lot to watch, but the movies also weren’t re-
leased in chronological order, meaning that if you watch the movies in the order
they were released, the story will jump back and forth in time, and there’s a lot of
fan debate about what order they should be viewed in. So, let’s try to make things
as simple as possible and proceed through the story chronologically. As the opening
crawl goes, this is a story set a long time ago in a galaxy far, far away…
The first chronological series of movies come in what is typically referred to as
the prequel trilogy. Here, we are introduced to the Galactic Republic: a bloated,
toothless bureaucracy that has existed for over 1000 years spanning much of the
known galaxy. Peace is kept by the Jedi Order, an organization of people capable
of wielding The Force: the unseen and infinite power that binds the universe to-
gether. The Jedi represent the Light Side of the Force (they’re the good guys). In
the first trilogy, we see the death of the Republic at the hands of a man named
Sheev Palpatine. Palpatine single-handedly manipulates the Republic and those
who disagreed with the Republic, as well as the Jedi Order, into collapsing into an
all-consuming Civil War. Palpatine himself is the leader of both the Republic and
the Separatists, though few (if any) know the extent of his duplicity. Palpatine uses
this war to create a massive military infrastructure and erode any and all democratic
institutions, as well as completely eradicating the Jedi Order in the process. His
coup-de-grace is convincing one of the most powerful Jedi, a man named Anakin
Skywalker, to betray the Order and join him. Anakin gives in to the rage we have
seen building in him, attacking his pregnant wife, Padme, and his best friend and
mentor, Obi-Wan Kenobi, after obliterating everything and everyone in his path.
Anakin is defeated by Kenobi and left for dead. He is revived by Palpatine, now
Emperor, and transformed into the iconic black-armored warrior Darth Vader.
Without their knowledge, Kenobi and others put his newborn children into hiding
as Padme has died in childbirth. There are two new Skywalkers in the galaxy, hid-
den away from their father and his puppet-master.
The second chronological trilogy, commonly known as the original trilogy,
picks up roughly 30 years after the conclusion of the prequels. Palpatine and Vader
have transformed the Republic into something wholly unrecognizable: the Empire.
The films begin as Palpatine prepares to gain complete control over the galaxy via
the threat of his world-destroying space station despite the continued annoyance of
a growing rebellion, led by who we find out are Vader’s children: Princess Leia
Organa, political wunderkind and thorn in the Emperor’s side, and Luke Skywalker,
hot-tempered doofus farm boy. Luke has been watched over by the exiled Obi-Wan
Kenobi, who becomes his mentor after Luke is orphaned a second time at the hands
of the Empire. Through this trilogy, we see Luke grow in power considerably, and
despite the best machinations of the Empire and all their world-destroying power,
Palpatine is defeated when Luke’s persistent unconditional love for his father des-
troys Vader and Anakin is redeemed, at least metaphysically. We are left hoping for
a future controlled by the Second Republic.
The third trilogy again jumps ahead in time roughly 30 years and shows how
history repeats itself. We find out that the Second Republic struggled to eradicate
the last remnants of the Empire, and a new version of Palpatine’s dream has mani-
fested in the form of an organization called the First Order. The First Order is able
to amass a sizable military and its planet-destroying arsenal, crushing the Second
Republic and shattering these new institutions easily during the first two films of
the sequel trilogy. Most of our old heroes are dead or lost, and there is little hope
for freedom in the galaxy. As of this writing, the final movie in this trilogy has not
yet been released, so I am unable to provide you with any sort of definitive
conclusion to this iteration of the franchise but suffice it to say that I have no reason
to expect it to deviate from the themes of the previous films.
Two standalone films have also been released designed to fill in some of the
gaps between the prequel and original trilogy. For brevity’s sake, I’m not going to
226 A. Wilczak
go into much detail about them here, though the larger issues of imperialism and
crime are central to both movies. In Rogue One: A Star Wars Story, we see the
Empire’s destruction of a sacred Jedi temple in the name of rooting out rebellious
forces and the first major action by the rebels to coalesce into a more organized
revolutionary group. In Solo: A Star Wars Story, we learn more about the backstory
of Han Solo, a central figure in the original trilogy and the beginning of the new
trilogy, whose attempt to live the life of a roguish outlaw brings him up close to the
oppression of the Empire and the toxicity it has created, hinting at his future as a
key figure in the rebellion.
The Star Wars films are about the ongoing battle of good versus evil and right
versus wrong, but they’re also movies about political corruption and the crimes of
imperialism. We see the rise and fall (and potential rise again) of the Emperor, and
the total devastation caused by his quest for power. Palpatine is emblematic of
everything critical criminology and similar radical perspectives teach. Through
these films, we see connections between imperialism and genocide, the ways go-
vernment uses and abuses its ability to control narratives of crime, its relationship
with and ability to destroy dissidence, and, more broadly, its ability to divide and
conquer.
Government Controlled Narrative
Another important aspect of critical criminology is the idea that the state is respon-
sible for creating narratives around crime, using their power and authority to dist-
ract the public from the crimes they themselves are committing. The War on Drugs
is again an excellent example of this: when President Nixon announced new fe-
deral policies targeting street drugs in the United States, there was no real street
drug problem. Certainly not the scourge of the streets like he wanted people to
believe—and if there was ever a President who wanted to distract the public from
his own criminal misconduct, it was Nixon.
We see this idea of the government manipulating the public through its control
of the narrative throughout the Star Wars prequel trilogy, especially Episode II:
Attack of the Clones and Episode III: Revenge of the Sith. These movies cover the
period in the story known as the Clone Wars, the Civil War between the Republic
and the Separatists created entirely by Palpatine to create an enormous military
apparatus and install himself as Emperor. To accomplish this, Palpatine has to over-
come both the Galactic Senate and the Jedi Order, institutions which have existed
since time immemorial. Palpatine is the head of both the Republic and the
Separatists because he is also secretly a Sith Lord, with the Sith representing dar-
kness, the enemies of the Jedi, protectors of the light. No one knows that he is a
Sith Lord, or that a Sith is responsible for the Separatist movement—this is hidden
from the public.
To accomplish this, Palpatine begins a campaign to cast both the Jedi and those
Senators who disapprove of his totalitarianism as treasonous enemies of Democracy
which no right-minded person would agree with. We see his whisper campaign
against both the Jedi and the Senate operate through his relationship with Anakin
Skywalker, himself a Jedi. Though we know that Palpatine is evil, Anakin doesn’t,
and our knowledge that Anakin is also being manipulated by Palpatine somehow
makes his venom that much more toxic. We see him telling Anakin how the Jedi
Counsel does not trust him [Palpatine] and how they’re seeking power for themsel-
ves—that they want to overthrow him and take control of the government for them-
selves. The Senate votes to give Palpatine increasing power and those Senators
who push back against this are also branded as traitors.
On the other side of things, as shadow leader of the Separatist rebellion,
Palpatine’s minions brand the Republic as hopelessly corrupt and the enemy of
freedom. We’re not able to spend a lot of time on this idea in the prequel trilogy
itself, but this is a major theme of some of the Star Wars content outside of the
movies: the Separatists claim that the Republic is antidemocratic while being ext-
raordinarily antidemocratic itself. By occupying these two positions of power
(whether or not we can really think of them as two separate jobs), Palpatine is able
to make everyone paranoid about security and democracy while simultaneously
eroding public trust in the two major institutions designed to provide democracy
and security in the galaxy.
Once he successfully destroyed that trust, it’s time to destroy those institutions
themselves. By the end of Revenge of the Sith, the Jedi Order has been almost
completely destroyed and its surviving leadership forced into exile. The Senate has
been transformed into nothing more than an extension of Palpatine’s power, and we
know that in the next 30 years the Senate is dissolved completely as Palpatine
further consolidates his power.
Palpatine is, in many ways, a representative of the worst fears of radical crimi-
nology. Indeed, it is not hard to believe that this fictional character might represent
the worst of what men like Karl Marx would have feared in governmental autho-
rity. Palpatine creates divisions where there are none, he backs his opponents into
one winless situation after another, and does both in the short- and long-term (as of
this writing, Episode IX: Rise of Skywalker has not yet premiered, but we do know
that Palpatine is featured in this film, which means that his manipulations might
extend for another 30 years after his supposed death).
228 A. Wilczak
So, let’s look at the social problems coming out of the Separatist movement and
Palpatine’s government: the war, the corruption, and the lack of democracy. Though
these are most certainly problems to be taken seriously, their sources are comple-
tely fictional—in other words, these were intentionally designed to create tacit sup-
port for an authoritarian government. Further, the government that results from
Palpatine’s maneuvering is itself corrupt and antidemocratic, using an enormous
military to enforce his every whim. From a critical perspective, there are very ob-
vious parallels here to the American government post-9/11: terrorism perpetrated
by people we’re responsible for creating is happening because they hate our free-
dom, our government, and our way of life, and so in response, we are going to
eliminate freedoms and change our way of life and our philosophy of government
that makes it inherently less-democratic. Where Palpatine said anyone challenging
his authority was an enemy of democracy, major government figures up to, and
including, the President have alluded to the fact that resistance to them or the secu-
rity apparatus in their control is to be un-American. As of this writing, the President
has been engaged in a very public feud with four Congresswomen whom he has
accused of hating America while doing everything he can to threaten war with
multiple countries and consolidate his own power through strengthening the execu-
tive branch of the government while simultaneously diminishing the power of the
other branches of government through the installation of his own cronies, toads,
and yes-men.
Using the Law to Root Out Political Dissidence
Let’s continue with this idea that freedom-is-slavery, slavery-is-freedom that a cri-
tical perspective would argue is inherent to both the government central to the story
told in Star Wars and to the modern American government and justice system.
While many fans have been attracted to the franchise because of the more spiritual
battle of good versus evil, at its heart, Star Wars is a franchise about political and
social upheaval and the ways fascist, totalitarian governments attempt to perpetuate
their power. In Star Wars, this is the conflict between the Empire and the Rebel
Alliance in the original trilogy and the First Order and the Resistance in the new
trilogy. For purposes of discussing political dissidence, let’s focus on the original
and most recent trilogies, progressing through the story chronologically.
In Star Wars Episode IV, we are told that there is an ongoing rebellion against
the authority of the Emperor, that the totalitarian government he created at the end
of the prequel trilogy is facing some resistance. We’re told about it in pieces—
Darth Vader accuses Princess Leia of being part of the Rebellion very early in
Episode IV. During her arrest and subsequent torture, Leia reveals the location of
the rebel base, and when Imperial scouts find that she has lied and sent to them a
recently abandoned site, the Empire responds by destroying her adopted home pla-
net of Alderaan in front of her. The message couldn’t be clearer: this government
does not, and will not, tolerate any resistance to its authority.
Because this is a story where we know the good guys will win (distinguishing it
from real life), the existence of this super-weapon ends up being the thing that
galvanizes the rebellion. Knowing that their actual literal destruction is imminent,
they organize an attack on the Empire designed to destroy this new weapon (appro-
priately called the Death Star) and cripple the Empire’s authority. They are success-
ful, of course, and for the first time in the chronology of the story, we see Palpatine
defeated. He is not going to take this defeat lightly. In the following film, we see
the Empire push back against the rebellion in a major way—first by the attempt to
murder Luke Skywalker (this includes one of the most famous scenes in American
cinematic history when Anakin as Darth Vader reveals to Luke that he is his father
and then Luke begins screaming about how that’s impossible) and then by the cap-
ture and imprisonment of Han Solo, General in the Rebel Army (Vader assists in
the capture of Solo and sees that he is frozen and given to a crime lord whom Solo
was indebted to). Following this film, we see how the rebels are able to recover and
rally their forces against the creation of a second Death Star. Here, Palpatine has
laid a trap for Luke Skywalker, hoping he will kill Anakin and become his new
apprentice (similar to how Anakin killed and replaced his former apprentice. It’s a
thing with this man). Luke, remarkably, does not fall for this trap and instead is
able to free Anakin through his faith in him. Anakin then kills Palpatine, throwing
him into the Death Star’s reactor. The newly reunited Skywalkers are able to escape
the Death Star before the rebel fleet destroys it, though their reunion is short-lived,
as Anakin died shortly after the battle. Though their reunion is short-lived, as
Anakin dies shortly after the battle. The original trilogy ends with the Empire pre-
sumably destroyed, and a new day dawning on the galaxy.
The conflict between the Empire and the Rebel Alliance is laid out in relatively
simple terms for the sake of the story, but there are parallels to events in recent
American history. In fact, I would argue that the FBI’s Counter Intelligence
Program (COINTELPRO) operations targeting various civil rights groups across
the United States is a perfect example of this. COINTELPRO was designed to en-
force the status quo in the United States at all costs. If there was an organization of
people threatening to disrupt any aspect of business-as-usual in the United States,
they were infiltrated with the express purpose of dividing and destroying them.
COINTELPRO began as an intelligence program focused on the Communist Party
in the United States, at least in part due to ongoing fears of communism resulting
230 A. Wilczak
from the cold war (but likely also connected to the larger history in the United
States between socialism and anarchism and the government). This fear of commu-
nism soon resulted in COINTELPRO being focused on any and every sizable orga-
nization or charismatic leader within the United States who might be disruptive in
some way.
It’s hard not to overstate how terrified the federal government was of communist
infiltration of the United States. Anything that threatened the status quo was viewed
suspiciously as if it were part of a larger communist plot. Every person involved in
the civil rights movement was viewed with suspicion, up to and including Rev. Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr. While the FBI insists COINTELPRO was ultimately one
small part of their work (according to their website, it amounted to 0.2% of their
total workload over the 15-year period the program was in operation (https://vault.
fbi.gov/cointel-pro, accessed September 12, 2019)), the damage COINTELPRO
caused to organizations around the country is almost immeasurable. Arguably, the
reason civil rights in the United States are so far from where they should be is the
direct result of COINTELPRO disrupting and destroying these organizations.
“ You Know About the Rebellion Against the Empire?”

Rebellion as Radicalism
Because Star Wars is fiction, we know that despite the Empire’s best efforts, the
Emperor is going to lose because the good guys have to win in the end. And lose he
does, being murdered by Anakin Skywalker at the conclusion of Episode VI:
Return of the Jedi. But how does this franchise compare to actual radical revolu-
tions that’ve happened during the course of human history?
Theda Skocpol, in her case studies of revolutions from a Marxist perspective,
writes:
Revolution itself is accomplished through class action led by the self-conscious, ri-
sing revolutionary class (i.e., the bourgeoisie in the bourgeois revolutions and the
proletariat in socialist revolutions). Perhaps the revolutionary class is supported by
other class allies such as the peasantry, but these allies are neither fully class-conscious
nor politically organized on a national scale. Once successful, a revolution marks the
transition from the previous mode of production and form of class dominance to a
new mode of production in which new social relations of production, new political
and ideological forms, and, in general, the hegemony of the newly triumphant
revolutionary class, create appropriate conditions for the further development of soci-
ety. In short, Marx sees revolutions as emerging out of class-divided modes of pro-
duction, and transforming one mode of production into another through class conflict.
(2018 [1979], p. 8)
How well does Star Wars depict a Marxist interpretation of the ways revolutions
occur? The application of Marxist historical theory to the film franchise is tenuous
at best. First, it’s difficult to see the Rebel Alliance as possessing anything resem-
bling class consciousness at the macro level. There is an allusion to entire planetary
systems pushing back against the Imperial structure, but we’re never given any
more information on that. The piece of the rebellion we are exposed to is a fractu-
red and thrown together band of soldiers led by a vanguard whose political stance
is defined only as their opposition to the tyranny of the Empire (because the lea-
dership of the Rebellion is Senators from the Party in Opposition, we may be able
to infer that this is a more bourgeois liberal revolution, which would be consistent
with the culture of the late 1970s and early 1980s when the original trilogy was
released). Supposing we can frame the economy of the Empire as centered entirely
on the production and sustainability of the military-industrial complex and the
Rebels attack the Death Star(s) as symbols of rejection of that economic structure,
then maybe there’s something here we can work with.
As the war with the Empire intensifies, we see the leadership of the rebel van-
guard take on military titles—specifically General—to reflect their own status wit-
hin the Alliance military. None of these characters have significant military training
that we know of, but they are given this command position regardless. We might
think of this as a parody of the existing military structure in the film, as the charac-
ters build their own organizational structure in defiance of the Empire. This inclu-
des one of the main characters—Leia Organa, herself a Senator when we first meet
her—adopting the title of General. This parallel military command structure makes
me question whether or not the rebellion in Star Wars is a rejection of the Imperial
military-industrial complex, and not an attempt to overthrow Imperial authority
and replace it with a liberal one (and, obvious to fans of the films, the government
that replaces the Empire is referred to as the Second Galactic Republic, so there’s
that).
In reality, the revolution depicted in Star Wars is not in line with the ideas pre-
sented by Marxist historians. There is no well-defined class gaining consciousness
and rising up to overthrow the existing regime. There is no shift in economic struc-
ture and possibility spurring the revolution on; the Empire is not a barrier to the
beginning of a new age in the galaxy. But there may still be some Marxism here to
be found yet.
Contemporary critical criminology has reimagined Marx’s idea that revolution
will be brought on by the working class. This philosophy views revolution as so-
mething perpetrated by the truly undesirable in society: its criminals. Viewing
crime as an act of rebellion allows us to reframe and reconsider what revolution
might look like. Crime is, by definition, a challenge to and disruption of state au-
232 A. Wilczak
thority; if the state is now working against the best interest of its people, then its
authority shouldn’t be considered legitimate, and therefore, people breaking the
law and challenging the system are actually actively rebelling against that autho-
rity. There’s even language worked into the system—charges like “resisting ar-
rest”—that lend credence to this viewpoint. In this way, then, the political dissi-
dence discussed in the previous section are themselves acts of revolution according
to a Marxist criminological standpoint. The authority of the Empire is eternal and
unlimited: challenging that authority, or even testing the boundaries of that autho-
rity, is an act of revolution.
he Power of the Dark Side: Internalized Oppression

T
and Self-Negation
The last idea I want to talk about in this chapter has to do with the ways that op-
pressive systems are able to perpetuate themselves over time. As we talked about
earlier in this chapter, in her book The New Jim Crow, Alexander (2010) argues that
the system of mass incarceration created by the War on Drugs was able to sustain
itself through the use of stereotypes surrounding race and drug use, creating so
much animosity in the community that voters were happy to continue electing po-
liticians who would continue this oppression.
The question that comes from this, though, is how was the system able to pre-
vent any meaningful resistance from the communities affected by it, and how indi-
viduals who may have much in common with those victimized by the system be-
come either passive or active supporters of it. In other words, how does the system
convince people it’s likely to harm that this is the best for everyone? There are a
couple of things happening here. On the individual level, we have the ideas of in-
ternalized oppression and self-negation. When someone who is a part of a minority
group begins to internalize stereotypes about themselves and act as if they are true,
turning society’s hatred for them into hatred of themselves, they’re engaging in
self-negation. If what they say about us is true, then certainly we deserve the punis-
hments and abuses hurled at us, because that’s what happens to bad people. This is
how pervasive and persuasive systems of oppression often are—taking otherwise
intelligent people and turning them against not only the communities they live in
but their own families and their own selves.
It is difficult to point to instances of self-negation and internalized oppression in
the Star Wars films. Other than those background characters we see who have si-
gned onto work for the Empire’s war machine, there aren’t really instances of peo-
ple whose lives have been ruined by the machine openly advocating for it (we
could say that by definition, the machine has made most people’s lives worse, and
anyone not openly fighting back against it is engaged in some form of internalized
oppression). Instead, I want to focus on one of the main characters: Anakin
Skywalker.
Anakin Skywalker might be the most fascinating character in these movies, and
I would be remiss if I did not take time in this chapter to talk about him. In the
prequel trilogy, we meet Anakin when he is a child, a slave on the desert planet that
would one day be the home of his son and best friend in exile. Anakin’s potential is
recognized almost immediately, and he is selected for Jedi training—because there
is a prophecy stating that he is going to bring balance to the Force. As Anakin
grows up during the prequel trilogy, we see both his ability as a leader and a warrior
and his rage grow exponentially. By the beginning of the third movie in the prequel
trilogy, Episode III: Revenge of the Sith, Anakin Skywalker is the most powerful
Jedi in existence. Anakin’s betrayal of everyone and everything he stands for co-
mes about as a result of his volcanic rage being manipulated by Palpatine. Palpatine
has convinced him that the world—the galaxy—is out for him, that Palpatine is the
only one he can really trust. When Anakin realizes what’s going on, it’s too late.
He’s gone too far. He can’t turn back. He is Palpatine’s weapon, now. When Anakin
is almost killed at the end of Episode III and transforms into the monster Darth
Vader, a literal shell of his former self, is when we see a form of self-negation at
play: he has lost everything, he is irredeemable, he is a plaything for the Emperor.
Everything he was taught about himself and his role in the world was turned upsi-
de-down because of the oppressive force around him; he became a part of that force
rather than fighting back against it, as he was taught to. It’s not until he finds out
that his children are alive that he finds the strength of purpose to finally do the right
thing and fight back, killing himself in the process.
Beyond that, there is another idea that Alexander (2010) talks about regarding
the ways communities do, or do not, respond to mass incarceration: pluralistic ig-
norance. To Alexander, one of the barriers against toppling this system of mass
incarceration is directly related to the shame families feel about shouldering the
burden of a loved one—or ones—incarcerated. She argues that there are communi-
ties where people don’t know the true extent of harm that mass incarceration has
inflicted on them because they’re not willing to talk openly about their private
struggles. This way of keeping everything private, be it because of self-negation or
shame or both or something else, plays directly into the hands of the ruling class,
according to critical criminology. By not talking openly about one’s problems with
the system, knowledge isn’t spread through the community, and if that knowledge
isn’t spread, then there is nothing to counteract the messaging of the system and the
status quo remains in place.
234 A. Wilczak
In the Star Wars franchise, there is nothing as specifically oppressive as the War
on Drugs and mass incarceration. The films tend to dole out oppressive circumstan-
ces in much broader strokes: genocide, slavery, planetary destruction. But, as there
is a growing rebellion against the Empire, we know that there are pockets of re-
sistance throughout the galaxy. In Episode IV, we are introduced to the rebellion
via Luke Skywalker, a clueless farm boy who has dreams of escaping the tedium of
his life and joining this larger movement. His sister, Princess Leia, threatens Vader
that the tighter the Empire’s grip, “the more systems will slip through your fingers,”
which can be interpreted as a growing awareness of, and frustration with, the ty-
ranny of this government. In Rogue One, we learn that this rebellion is fractured,
but by the time Luke has joined, and we meet him and Leia as adults, the movement
has crossed the point of no return and he has no choice but to make a strike against
the Imperial forces.
Genocide and the Erasure of Unwanted Peoples
A constant thread throughout the Star Wars films, especially the first two trilogies,
are questions of personhood and genocide. In the prequel trilogy, we see a galactic
Civil War that is fought almost entirely by intermediaries: A Droid army deployed
by the Separatists, and a Clone army by the Republic. Throughout the films (and
supplemental material), it is made abundantly clear that the beings in both armies,
though sentient and intelligent, are completely disposable. Because we’re seeing
much of the narrative through the heroes, this means that we’re hearing from them
that these beings are less than they are. At the beginning of Episode III: Revenge of
the Sith, Obi-Wan Kenobi chides Anakin Skywalker for wanting to save some of
the clones fighting alongside them, who will surely die so that they can continue
the mission. It’s a moment meant to echo other war movies—that these are soldiers
who knew what they signed up for and are willing to give their lives to the greater
cause—except in Star Wars, virtually no one fighting this war actually had a choice
in the matter.
Following the end of the Civil War and moving into life in this new Empire, as
depicted in the original trilogy, these beings who had been an integral part of three
movies are now no longer visible: the clones are gone, replaced by authentic hum-
ans, the droids used for military service have disappeared completely (though
droids remain an important part of this world, and are still treated as objects and not
lifeforms well after the Civil War). The Geonosians, a race of sentient insects that
was also a major part of the Separatist cause, are also erased from existence, never
to be seen or heard from again (and in case it wasn’t clear, or to fill in a plot hole,
this erasure is explained in supplemental material as another genocide that follo-

wed their enslavement).
One of the more overt themes in the Star Wars films is their depiction of geno-
cide. Because we’re in a science-fiction setting, writers have been able to approach
genocide from a variety of different angles. Thinking of one’s planet of origin as a
form of ethnicity, we see genocide in the destruction of Alderaan by the Death Star
(Episode IV: A New Hope) and the multiple planets destroyed by Starkiller Base
(Episode VII: The Force Awakens). We also see the Death Star used to eradicate a
city that had once been a Jedi holy place (Rogue One: A Star Wars Story). These are
military actions done with the explicit purpose of terrorizing the population at
large, forcing them to submit to the will of the Empire lest they meet a similar fate.
The genocide of the clones, the droids, the Genosians, and other races in the Star
Wars universe is much more subtle, happening off-camera and with indicators to
the audience that these people don’t matter. In this way, the fictional depiction of
genocides here mirrors genocides that have happened historically: we are told
these people do not matter, their very existence impedes the progress of civiliza-
tion, they and their culture must be dealt with immediately, and we will spare you
the details.
Focusing again on policies and practices in the United States, we’ve seen geno-
cide play out in different forms, dating back to the colonization of these lands.
Clearly, the almost total obliteration of Indigenous Nations, their peoples, and their
culture that existed here before colonization is an example of genocide. That this
eradication happens gradually doesn’t make it any worse; if anything, it shows how
nefarious politicians can be and the lengths they—and their constituents—will go
to demonize an entire group of people to justify their near-total elimination. The
end result of federal policies toward First Nations can be seen in just how little we
know about them, their language, and their religion, and their cultural practices
have been wiped from existence, and now few people in mainstream American
culture care that this ever happened.
In addition to the Native American genocide, chattel slavery in the United States
was also certainly bordering on genocidal. Though the economic structure of the
American South was dependent on the dehumanization and forced labor of Blacks
to survive, and therefore the total eradication of Blacks was never the ultimate goal,
it should be obvious that slavery destroyed everything about the lives of the ensla-
ved up to, and including, their bodily autonomy. Countless stories of the enslaved
being separated from their children, banned from learning to read or write, and
being hunted down and captured for daring to escape to freedom.
More contemporarily, we see practices that are at best genocide-adjacent hap-
pening in places throughout the country. School districts that restrict the language
236 A. Wilczak
of their students, faculty, and staff to American English are practicing a form of
genocide because they are actively and intentionally erasing the culture of the com-
munity. We’ve seen schools attempt to do this in California, Arizona, Texas, and
Nebraska, to name a few (https://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2003/10/29/09spa-
nish.h23.html, https://www.foxnews.com/world/texas-principal-put-on-leave-for-
banning-spanish-in-school, https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-propositi-
on-58-bilingual-education-20161012-snap-story.html, accessed September 17,
2019). Returning to the work of Michelle Alexander (2010), the era of mass incar-
ceration could also be viewed as genocidal, because while federal drug policy isn’t
specifically calling for the execution of people involved in the drug trade, the my-
riad ways these policies exclude people from society is tantamount to genocide.
Presently, the policies of the Trump administration including but not limited to
forced family separation of immigrants applying for asylum and then putting their
children up for adoption is most certainly something consistent with genocidal re-
gimes.
Conclusion
The Star Wars film franchise is more than a story about the ongoing battle of good
versus evil and the unknowable forces that may (or may not) guide human beha-
vior. These are movies about oppression and revolution, injustice, and survival. We
see the gradual, unimpeded rise of an authoritarian hyper-militarized dictatorship
and the very sudden collapse of that dictatorship. We see the vanguard of revoluti-
onaries responsible for the collapse of the Empire scattered to the wind and the
gradual re-emergence of the same authoritarianism, a counter-revolution that shat-
ters everything that generation accomplished.
Critical criminology asks us to think about how the state is responsible for the
crime happening within its borders and challenges us to think of all of the ways the
state either perpetrates crime itself or influences the popular narrative surrounding
the crime, or both. We’ve seen countless historical examples of this in the United
States, ranging from the genocide of Native Americans and the near-total d estruction
of Indigenous culture to the ongoing War on Drugs and the ways it has destroyed
communities throughout the country.
Viewing these films—themselves released over a period of more than 40 ye-
ars—through the lens of critical criminology is illuminating. This is a story about
trying to find peace in one’s life in times of tremendous social and political turmoil.
It is a textbook example of the many, many ways a government can intentionally
work against the people, as powerful political actors manipulate their surroundings
to maximize their own political strength and longevity. It is a blueprint for the ways
an authoritarian government can use the military to control as much of society as
possible. Additionally, it is a template for political and social resistance, as a ran-
dom collection of heroes and martyrs as diverse as real-world revolutionaries rise
up against this authority and smash it, making incredible personal sacrifices in the
process.
That said, critical theory would also want us to think about the ways in which
the Star Wars films present a message that itself is in line with contemporary poli-
tical ideology. Though critical theory argues that crime itself can be thought of th-
rough a revolutionary lens, crime in Star Wars is more in line with how Marx
himself viewed this aspect of society—as the lumpenproletariat, a drag on the mo-
mentum of the actual revolution, nothing to be valued. The Star Wars films are rife
with portrayals of criminal gangs, crime lords, gambling, slavery, and so on, all of
which are tied to a more conservative rational choice, low self-control perspective
on crime. The rebellion depicted in the films is not one that rises out of a unified
working-class consciousness but rather one led by a vanguard of liberal thinkers
and their allies whose primary aim is to overthrow Imperial tyranny and restore
“freedom” in the vaguest sense. In other words, the Rebel Alliance couldn’t have
risen up and installed a socialist or even democratic socialist government, because
that was something too antithetical to the existing U.S. government: Reagan’s
America isn’t going to allow the rebels to create their own Commune or Politburo.
Still, the good far outweighs the bad with this franchise. There’s redemption in
this story, which is something desperately lacking in the criminal justice system.
The story of Anakin Skywalker is a heartbreaking tragedy, and if we can accept that
if even the greatest hero of his generation can be nearly completely ruined by an
oppressive, villainous system, then so too are the everyday people who have to live
in it.
1. What are times in your life when you’ve had authority figures in your life (pa-
rents, teachers, etc.) tell you that certain behavior was bad? Why did they tell
you that?
2. A major theme of Star Wars is that the things that matter most—independence,
freedom, happiness, love (familial, sororal, fraternal, romantic, platonic)—are
no match for the combined forces of capitalism and the military-industrial com-
plex. How can this theme be applied to your own life?
3. How are the decisions of the characters in Star Wars the result of what they
think they have to do, instead of what they want to do? What constraints are put
238 A. Wilczak
on them in how they make their decisions, and why? How does this mirror the
major decisions you’ve made in your own life?
4. What is the status quo in your society? How does the law help enforce it? Can
there truly be justice?
5. One lesson Star Wars teaches us is that oppression has a cascading effect in our
lives and the ways our ancestors were harmed by the system end up harming us,
too. Think of how Anakin Skywalker had his life destroyed by the Emperor,
how that destruction ended up defining the lives of his children and grandchild.
Apply this to your own life: can you see ways your family was affected by the
current power structure that has changed your own life?
References
Adler, F. (1975). Sisters in Crime: The Rise of the New Female Criminals. McGraw Hill.
Alexander, M. (2010). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness.
The New Press.
Daly, K., & Chesney-Lind, M. (1988). Feminism and Criminology. Justice Quarterly, 5,
497–538.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (n.d.). COINTELPRO. Retrieved September 12, 2019, from
https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro
Fox News. (2013/2016). Texas Principal Put on Leave for Banning Spanish in School.
Retrieved September 17, 2019, from https://www.foxnews.com/world/texas-principal-
put-on-leave-for-banning-spanish-in-school
Hunnicut, G., & Broidy, L. M. (2004). Liberation and Economic Marginalization: A
Reformulation and Test of (Formerly?) Competing Models. Journal of Research in Crime
& Delinquency, 41, 130–155.
Quinney, R. (1977). Class State and Crime: On the Theory and Practice of Criminal Justice.
New York: McKay.
Skocpol, T. (2018 [1979]). States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France,
Russia, and China. New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ulloa, J. (2016). Bilingual Education Has Been Absent from California Public Schools
for Almost 20 Years. But That May Change Soon. Retrieved September 17, 2019,
from https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-proposition-58-bilingual-educati-
on-20161012-snap-story.html
Zehr, M. A. (2003). Classroom Ban on Spanish Protested. Retrieved September 17, 2019,
from https://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2003/10/29/09spanish.h23.html
Index
A D
Anomie, 43–57, 180, 205 Deterrence theory, 7–15, 71, 83, 92
B E
Bandura, Albert, 20, 146, 147, 149, 151, Environmental criminology, 71, 96
153, 164 See also Deterrence theory
Beccaria, Cesare, 8, 10–14, 59, 67, 71, 92
Bentham, Jeremy, 59, 67, 71, 92
F
Felson, Marcus, 69, 71, 77–80, 91,
C 94–96, 108
Capitalism, 209
Clarke, Ronald, 59, 71, 72, 74, 75, 77, 81,
82, 92–95 G
Classical theory, 8 Gottfredson, Michael, 60, 71, 91,
Cohen, Lawrence E., 59, 69, 77–80, 94, 124, 125, 127, 129, 131,
108, 205 133, 135, 137
Collective efficacy, 146–156 Grasmick scale, 125
Communal action, 156
Community attachment, 147–149, 151, 153
Cornish, Derek, 59, 72, 74, 75, 77, 82, 92, 93 H
Crime pattern theory, 71, 78, 92, 96–97, Hirschi, Travis, 60, 71, 80, 91,
99, 101 124, 125, 127, 129,
Critical criminology, 203–216, 219–221, 131, 133, 135, 137,
226, 231, 233, 236 162, 204

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54434-8
240 Index
I P
Informal social control, 80, 83, 95, Popular criminology, 2, 4–5
146–153, 155, 156, 162
R
K Radical criminology, 219–238
Kinship, 146–149, 153, 155, 156 Rational choice theory, 59–68, 83, 92, 93,
96, 98, 108
Routine activities theory, 94–96,
L 98–101, 120
Labeling theory, 173–183, 205, 215
Life course theory, 159–167, 180
S
Self-control theory (SCT), 91, 123–139
M Situational crime prevention, 81, 83,
Marx, Karl, 208, 221, 227, 230, 231, 237 93, 95
Marxism, 231 Social control, 35, 53, 55–56, 80, 83,
Masculinity 95, 146–156, 162, 204,
hegemonic, 185–198 221, 222
toxic, 198, 224 Social learning theory (SLT), 17–32, 204
Merton, Robert K., 43–44, 46–53, 56, State crime, 203–216
180, 205 Strain theory, 5, 33–41, 44
Structured action theory, 185–198
O
Opportunity theory, 69–84, 87–102 T
See also Classical theory Thoughtfully reflective decision making, 60

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ISBN 978-3-030-54433-1 ISBN 978-3-030-54434-8 (eBook)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021

Cover illustration: Syed Shabab / EyeEm

Latrobe, PA Sarah E. Daly

1  Introduction to Criminological Theory and Popular Culture������� 1

11 Collective Efficacy Theory and Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood�������������145

Breanna Boppre, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the School of Criminal Ju-

Andrea R. Borrego, Ph.D. is Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice and Crimi-

Jared M. Hanneman, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the Department of Socio-

Kayla G. Jachimowski, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the Criminology, Law,

Jill A. Kehoe, Ph.D. is an assistant professor of criminal justice at City University

Kristopher Kell is a master’s student in criminology at Saint Vincent College. He

Eric J. Kocian, Ph.D. is an associate professor in the Criminology, Law, and

Ryan J. Lemmon, M.S. is a criminology graduate student at Saint Vincent Col-

Morgan P. Murphy, M.S. is a doctoral student at University of Central Florida

Chad Painter, M.S. is a graduate of the criminology master’s program at Saint

Paige L. Parsley, M.S. is a doctoral student at Indiana University of Pennsylva-

Shon M. Reed is a doctoral student in the Department of Criminology and Crimi-

Colton D. Robinson, M.S. holds a master’s degree in criminology from Saint

David Safin is Assistant Professor of Communication at Saint Vincent College in

Cory Schnell, Ph.D. is an assistant professor at University of South Carolina. He

Victoria A. Sytsma, Ph.D. is an assistant professor in the Department of Socio-

Rachel E. Vanetta is a master’s student in criminology at Saint Vincent College.

Andrew Wilczak, Ph.D. is Associate Professor of Criminology and Sociology at

Fig. 3.1 Nine propositions of differential association theory.

An Overview of Criminology

© The Author(s) 2021 1

Theories as Essential Curriculum

Theory serves as the foundation of criminology. Simply put, a theory acts as a

Applying and Observing Theories at Work

Popular Criminology and This Book

Popular criminology is a conceptual approach used to interrogate popular under-

© The Author(s) 2021 7

Two Facets, Same Subject

 oly Ingredients, Batman (The Swiftness, Certainty,

find themselves in a battle throwing punches at evildoers, words insinuating the

Batman’s and Beccaria’s Boundaries

1. Deterrence theory focuses more on punishment than it does on rehabilitation.

System focuses more on rehabilitation and education than it does on punish-

Kayla G. Jachimowski, Ryan J. Lemmon

A Brief Introduction to Social Learning Theory

K. G. Jachimowski (*) · R. J. Lemmon · R. E. Vanetta

© The Author(s) 2021 17

Edwin Sutherland’s (1939) differential association is the first complete look at

1. Criminal behavior is learned

Differential Reinforcement (Burgess & Akers, 1966)

Initially, three theorists attempted to address the limitations of Sutherland’s diffe-

1. Criminal behavior is learned according to the principles of operant conditioning

Social Learning Theory: Learned Behavior

Social learning theory is a criminological theory used to explain deviant behavior.

Means Girls Summary

Social Learning Theory in Mean Girls

Differential reinforcement is the third element of SLT. Differential reinforcement

Sequence and Feedback Effects

Differential Social Social

© The Author(s) 2021 33

General Strain Theory: An Introduction

Detachment from Conventional Others

Latrobe, PA Sarah E. Daly

1 Introduction to Criminological Theory and Popular Culture�� 1

11 Collective Efficacy Theory and Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood��145

An Overview of Criminology

Theories as Essential Curriculum

Applying and Observing Theories at Work

Popular Criminology and This Book

Two Facets, Same Subject

oly Ingredients, Batman (The Swiftness, Certainty,

Batman’s and Beccaria’s Boundaries

A Brief Introduction to Social Learning Theory

Differential Reinforcement (Burgess & Akers, 1966)

Social Learning Theory: Learned Behavior

Means Girls Summary

Social Learning Theory in Mean Girls

Sequence and Feedback Effects

General Strain Theory: An Introduction

Detachment from Conventional Others

The Cost of Criminal Coping

Basketball as a Conventional Coping Resource

The Purge Universe

Society, Anomie, and Strain

The American Dream in a New Society

Universalism and Inequality

Merton’s Five Modes of Adaptation

The Purge as a Market Economy

Joey’s Bankruptcy and Stubbornness

Monica’s Decision to Leave Richard

Ross and Rachel’s Annulment

Chandler and Rachel: Cheesecake Thieves

The Mugging of Science Boy

Chandler the Doctor and Monica the Minister

Rational Choice Perspective

One Player Game: Readiness

World 1-1: Choice-Structuring Properties

Thank You, Mario! Your Quest Is Over: Desistance

Routine Activity Approach

ctivity Spaces and the Routine Activities of the Mushroom

Mario’s Friends as Handlers and the Rest of the “Two Triplets”

Policy Implications and Empirical Evidence

The Bachelor: An Overview

Criminal Opportunity Theories

Crime Pattern Theory

Applying Criminal Opportunity to The Bachelor

Routine Activity Theory

Self-Control Theory: An Overview

Applying Self-Control Theory to Michael Scott