A Cross-National Examination of Innovation Resistance
A Cross-National Examination of Innovation Resistance
A Cross-National Examination of Innovation Resistance
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L. Lee Manzer
Oklahoma State University, USA
Bong Jin Cho
Keimyung University, Korea
Perceived Risk
Sheth and Ram (1987) list risk as a major barrier to innovation, as risk arises
because "all innovations, to some extent, represent uncertainty and pose
potential side-effects that cannot be anticipated completely" (p. 78). Sheth (1981)
noted perceived risk as being one of the two psychological constructs (the other
being habit) which seem most useful in understanding the psychology of
innovation resistance. Therefore resistance to innovation increases as the risk
perceived to be associated with the new product increases. However, as noted
by other researchers (McAlister and Pessemier, 1982; Venkatesan 1973), there
are instances where individuals do not avoid risk but rather seek to increase
risk as they try to approach their optimum level of stimulation (Raju, 1980;
Zuckerman, 1979). Thus the relationship between innovation resistance and
perceived risk is likely to be somewhat complex, and certainly not a Innovation
straightforward one-to-one relationship. Resistance
A perceived risk measure similar to that used by Hoover et al. (1978) was
adopted for this study. This measure asked how much risk (a great deal, some,
little, no risk) is associated with the use of a product. The risk questions were
asked for the same variety of products covered by the "willingness-to-try-new-
products" questions.
9
Cultural Independent Variables: Fate, Religious Commitment and
Tradition
New products are adopted in a society as one of several possible paths of the
modernisation process but at different rates across societies. Resistance to,
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Fatalism
Fatalism or fate-orientation is tied conceptually to one's relationship with nature.
It may be defined as the belief that all events are predetermined by fate and,
therefore, unalterable by humans (Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck, 1961). Wright
et al. (1978) suggested that cross-cultural differences in probabilistic thinking
(i.e. British students being better calibrated probability assessors than Asian
students) may be explained by fatalism: Asian students were found to have a
much lower level of rational understanding of uncertain environments.
Consequently, it might be that individuals who are fatalistic are likely to avoid
uncertain situations.
Conceptually, fatalism has been studied as one dimension within the locus
of control construct (Schneider and Parsons, 1970). Individuals in cultures that
have a fatalistic orientation exhibit external locus of control. McGinnies et al.
(1974) suggested that individuals raised in a culture that values politeness,
obedience, and conformity might exhibit more external than internal locus of
control. Thus oriental cultures are more likely to have an external locus of control
than western cultures. For example, Hsu (1961) stated that the Chinese believe
in luck, chance, and fate to a greater extent than Americans, and Tse et al.
(1988) found Chinese executives less willing to adopt strategies to control the
decision environment.
There have been a few studies that related fatalism to innovativeness and
perceived risk. Rogers (1983) found earlier adopters to be less fatalistic than
later adopters. Of the studies he reviewed which involved fatalism, 82 per cent
supported this generalisation. Additionally, 73 per cent of the studies concluded
that the ability to cope with uncertainty is positively related to the likelihood
of new product adoption. Risk was reported as a less important determinant
of purchase behaviour in Mexico than in the United States because Mexicans
tend to be more fatalistic (Green and Langeard, 1975). There is some evidence
International in the literature that fatalism influences consumers' perception of risk and how
Marketing they would handle risk, which in turn affects their willingness to adopt new
Review products. Given the findings from the aforementioned studies, the first hypothesis
8,3 may be stated as:
H1. Consumers who are more fatalistic:
a: are less willing to try new products, but
10 b: associate less perceived risk with trying new products.
Hypothesis la reflects that those who are fatalistic are less likely to want to
improve (alter) their life style by trying new products. Hypothesis lb reflects
that those who are fatalistic are less likely to perceive that risks are due to
new products, since they believe that forces which are under less control will
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Religious Commitment
Cornwall and Albrecht (1986) distinguished three dimensions of religiosity:
religious belief (knowing or cognition), religious commitment (feeling or affect),
and religious behaviour. The term religiosity or religious commitment is often
used loosely, focusing on the behavioural aspect at the expense of understanding
the affective dimension. This study emphasises the affective component.
Religious beliefs were found in recent studies (e.g. Hirschman, 1981; 1982;
1983a; 1983b) to play an important role in the formation of the consumer's values,
attitudes, and behaviour. Empirical evidence indicated that religious affiliation
may be a causal element underlying consumption-related phenomena, such as
consumers' information-processing abilities, reasons for engaging in leisure
activities, and novelty-seeking and information-transfer behaviours (Hirschman,
1982). John et al. (1986) found a (weak) relationship between religiosity and
willingness to try new products and perceived risk. In a study on geographic
subcultures in the US, Gentry et al. (1987) report that residents in areas with
higher levels of religiosity perceive higher levels of risk with new products.
Accordingly, we state our second hypothesis as follows:
H2. Consumers' religious commitment is:
a: inversely related to willingness to try new products, and
b: directly related to the amount of perceived risk associated with new
products.
The scale for the religiosity construct was adapted from Putney and Middleton
(1961). In addition, we added one item which deals with the role that religion
had in the upbringing.
Traditionalism Innovation
Traditionalism is defined here as "the degree of one's adherence to his or her Resistance
cultural values, tradition, and norms". Traditionalism is linked conceptually with
Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck's (1961) cultural theme of Time Orientation. Past-
oriented societies, such as those found in much of South-east Asia, place great
value on tradition and, thus, are less likely to adopt changes. On the other
hand, societies like the US have a strong future orientation. Traditionalists are
expected to be less willing to try new products and to perceive greater risk 11
with new products.
H3. Traditionalism is:
a: inversely related to consumers' willingness to try new products, and
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Country Selection
India, Thailand, Senegal, the United States, and South Korea were selected
for the study in order to represent varying degrees of societal and economic
development. Based on the information in the 1984 World Development Report
and the 1983 World Handbook of Political and Social Indicator, the United States
was rated the most developed (with a better rank on Gross National Product
(GNP) per capita, literacy rate, etc.) with South Korea second, Thailand third,
India fourth, and Senegal the least developed. Furthermore, the dominant
religion underlying the culture of each country also differs: Hinduism for India
(83 per cent), Hinayana Buddhism for Thailand (90 per cent), Islam for Senegal
(80 per cent), and Christianity for the US (92 per cent). In South Korea,
Confucianism has a strong influence on the values of the people; however, 49
per cent were officially classified as Christian and 47 per cent as Mahayana
Buddhists.
International Method
Marketing Samples
Review Data were collected from university students from a prominent university in
8,3 a large urban area in each foreign country: New Delhi (India), Dakar (Senegal),
Daegu and Pusan (South Korea), and Bangkok (Thailand). In the US the data
were collected in four separate regions (Oklahoma; Washington; Massachusetts;
and Wisconsin). The urban/rural dichotomy is far greater in less developed
12 countries than in the US. Use of students limits the generalisability of the study,
but homogeneity of the samples allows for a stricter testing of the relationships
among the constructs. Jones (1982) found strong differences in traditional values
across community sizes; the use of urban samples in the four countries controlled
for this source of variation. Furthermore, the cultural values studied here can
be expected to affect older adults more than younger adults. If cross-cultural
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Country
Sample size Korea US Thailand India Senegal
Variable 481 488 313 234 106
% % % % %
Sex
Males 58 45 40 24 75
Females 42 55 60 76 25
Religion
None 41 17 7 5 —
Catholic 11 38 — — 15
Protestant 18 38 — 17 —
Buddhist 25 — 93 — —
Hindu — — — 71 —
Muslim — — — 1 85
Age
<19 1 2 9 38 6
19-20 35 34 38 42 5
21-22 45 36 41 17 12
23-25 13 17 8 2 45
over 25 1 10 4 1 31
Father's education level
No formal education 2 — 6 — 57
Grade school 18 2 38 1 24
High school 22 25 27 9 15
College (there) 41 67 17 76 1
College (abroad) 16 4 6 11 4
Mother's education level
No formal education 5 1 10 6 83
Grade school 35 2 51 8 7
High school 33 41 22 24 10
College (there) 22 54 14 59 —
Table I. College (abroad) 5 2 2 3 —
Sample Profiles
The use of college students as respondents tends to make the total sample Innovation
more homogeneous in terms of education and age. Table I summarises the Resistance
profiles of the respondents from each country.
Survey Instrument
The original English questionnaire was used in India and in the United States.
A translation was made for the Thai sample (in Thai), for the Senegalese sample
(in French), and for the Korean sample (in Korean). Each translated questionnaire 13
was back-translated for consistency in meaning by a minimum of two persons
with high proficiency in each language. In addition, the research team is
represented by nationals included in the study (except for Senegal).
To measure the willingness to try new products and risk measures, some
of the 15 consumption areas included in the Hirschman (1983a) study were used;
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Results
The analysis was carried out in four stages: (1) an investigation of the measures
themselves; (2) an investigation of whether the countries studied differed in
terms of the cultural variables (fatalism, religious commitment, and
traditionalism); (3) an investigation of cross-national variations in innovation
resistance; and (4) an investigation of the canonical relationships between the
cultural values and innovation resistance.
Willingness to try**
Technical products 2.7a 2.6b 2.6ab 2.6ab 2.8a 4.4 0.002
Media products 2.8d 3.0c 3.1bc 3.3a 3.3ab 24.1 0.001
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New products bought 2.2cd 3.1a 2.4c 2.6b 2.1d 101.0 0.001
Senegalese purchased the fewest. The US and the Indian respondents were
more likely to seek and give advice on new products.
were related to willingness to innovate and to perceived risk, fatalism was found
to explain significant variation in innovation resistance for entertainment and
media innovations as opposed to technical or fashion-oriented innovations.
This study has a few measurement limitations. First, although innovation
resistance was measured using a traditional scale of "willingness-to-try", it
is a weak dependent variable that does not fully measure resistance to innovation.
Secondly, none of the scales included in the study have been subjected to
rigorous cross-national reliability and validity tests.
Another limitation of the study is that the sample dealt with students from
relatively large cities. The results are not generalisable across the population
of each country. However, international marketers are more likely to target
consumers in the middle and upper classes in major cities as their primary
market. Another weakness of the study is that religion and nationality were
confounded in this study, as the samples in each country were predominantly
one religion (although that religion differed across all five countries). Future
research would be richer if religious differences within a country could also
be investigated.Yetthis study investigated religious commitment and not religion,
making the results presented in the previous section much less susceptible
to the confound.
Despite the aforementioned limitations, there is some indication that
understanding the fundamental cultural values of a country can help explain
differences in innovation (especially those related to media and to entertainment)
in the global marketplace. This understanding has several marketing mix strategy
implications. Once the marketer has assessed that a market is associated with
high perceived risk and low innovativeness, a strategy to reduce risk and increase
new product adoption rates can be developed if the cultural variables related
to the resistance are known. For instance, if fatalism is linked to the unwillingness
to try new products, it is likely that the provision of external information about
the products will be ineffective. It might be more effective to induce the consumer
in such a culture to try the product through free sampling or some other means
of providing the consumer with a "hands-on" experience. An experience-based
hierarchy of affects where behaviour precedes cognitive evaluation may be more
successful than an approach which assumes that consumers actively process
International information about the product prior to purchase. On the other hand, if
Marketing traditionalism is linked with the reluctance to try new products, the marketer
Review should attempt to position the new product as a continuous innovation that fits
8,3 well with past experience. Thus it is crucial to understand why there is resistance
to new product adoption, so that proper risk reduction strategies can be made
feasible.
18 Most new products have both instrumental and expressive aspects (Venkatesh
and Vitalari, 1984). If consumers in a country are fatalistic, the active participation
required by the instrumental functions may be especially hard to encourage
effectively. On the other hand, it may be that the expressive functions can be
enjoyed with much less active participation. For example, the adoption of a
personal computer may be nurtured more successfully in a fatalistic society,
if those functions requiring relatively high start-up costs (word-processing,
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analytical software, financial planning, etc.) are not stressed so much as those
requiring low start-up costs (games and other entertaining software). If the
country is also traditional in nature, it may be necessary to position the
expressive aspects of the new product so that they fit within the context of
past experience. In the personal computer example, it may be beneficial to
develop new games which are representations of games familiar to the culture
in which the computer is being introduced. Such a tactic would not be required
in a low fatalism, low tradition country where external information search would
be expected to be more common.
It appears that fatalism is likely to be directly related to innovation resistance
for new products such as entertainment and media products than it is in the
case of technical and symbolic products. Our results generally show that fatalism
is not a serious deterrent to new product introductions in technical product
categories. With new product introductions in the non-technical category,
marketers may be well advised to concentrate on reducing consumer risk in
as many ways as possible. Marketers of non-technical products in international
markets need to become cognisant of the cultural orientation of the society
in terms of fatalism and traditionalism and then the effectiveness of several risk
reduction strategy options should be tested.
The diffusion of products across products also involves public policy issues.
Western businesses are frequently stymied by foreign governmental policies
that seem to present barriers to entry. To the extent that those government
policies reflect accurately reluctance on the part of the culture to adopt new
products, efforts to put pressure on foreign governments to change their policies
are probably not going to generate much volume, even if they are successful.
A Muslim country is not going to become a major market for pork regardless
of its government's policies with regard to importing. However, such efforts
might be far more effective when directed towards those cultures, of which
the people are less fatalistic and less traditional. Study of the innovation resistance
tendencies of various cultures not only will shed light on the proper design
and implementation of marketing mix strategies, but may also point out those
countries for which efforts to reduce trade barriers might be most beneficial.
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