Marcos Macchiavelli

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Ferdinand Marcos: A Comparative Analysis to Niccolo leadership during his term and what he has become too attested

Machiavelli’s The Prince Machiavelli’s Political Realism. In this regard, politics are to be
analyzed from the viewpoint of politics alone. To our concern,
Our inevitable quest of exploring and understanding the Marcos’ political activities classifying him as the local
human nature led us to scores of discovery, each with their own Machiavellian need to be examined purely the way it have been,
significance and application. What has become the most immensely limited by the political scope.
studied entity in the society when one deals with human nature is the Ferdinand Marcos was born on 11th day of September, 1917 in
idea of leadership. By this, one who wishes to become the leader Sarrat, Ilocos Norte. During the Second World War, he served as an
makes use of various strategies to win the position and in turn, officer in the Philippine armed forces, claiming afterwards that he
direct, organize and secure his constituents, the government and had led a guerrilla unit, the Maharlikas, against the Japanese.
everything in the realm. Case studies have notably discussed and Nevertheless, he has done a little or none at all to the anti-Japanese
demonstrated why we people through time delved into the idea of activities. He was elected as a representative for his province as a
leadership so as to secure our survival. Liberal party candidate to the Philippine Parliament, considered as
the youngest member of the House. After successive re-elections in
Political leaders from the earlier periods up to the contemporary the House, he shifted to the Senate, even achieving topmost of the
times significantly in one way or another posed and established their votes in 1959. He switched his allegiance to the Nationalista Party
own identities, positively or negatively affecting their subjects. after his nomination from the former party was not supported. Still,
Governed by their precepts in accordance to the norms accepted by he won the presidency on 1965. Giving words of improving living
the society or influenced by prominent ideologies, they lead conditions of most neglected Filipino groups and non-gentries, he
respective subordinates and the whole the social order in turn to was the first president of the Philippines to win a second term.
achieve progress. The late President Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin
Marcos, twice elected to the presidency before he declared martial Nevertheless, a number of domestic dilemma rose which included
law and seized dictatorial powers in 1972, contributed both increasing crime rates, violence, student oppositions and relative
promotional and ruinous impacts for the economy, the society, and social unrests prevailed in the country. There has been an active
the political institutions of Philippines. widespread recruitment among the urban and rural poor for the
Communist Party of the Philippines and other movements against
Batas Militar, exposing each and every detail of Marcos’ reigning the current administration. The New People’s Army, a CPP military
years, showed very profound manifestations of the political realism wing, has started massive conscriptions even among the youth.
in a society by Niccolo Machiavelli. Exercising his sovereign power Reasons for his pursuance of constitutional convention thus became
for almost twenty years, he has established the essence in practice of evident to not abolish the two-term limit for the presidency so as not
the so called prince according to Machiavelli. By all means, one can to leave the position after 1973. As Machiavelli asserted, the ruler’s
then deduce that what has governed Marcos’ authoritarian respective virtues do not lie on the ideal assets and qualities but are

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rather related to the acquisition of power and in turn preservation of he gazed in awe at the trust and loyalty that the people gave him just
it. This is basically the real world concept and practice in the so he could take advantage of them in return. When the people
political field, that emphasis are being given on what the rulers realized other side of the leader, he proclaimed the Martial Law, to
actually do and not what they should do ideally. which in accord to the constitution should be a system of rules
imposed to overcome insurgencies to some extent and resolve
Rulers, as described by Machiavelli, should be well-equipped of the national disturbances. This, however, led to injustice, in which only
intricate and irrational art of politics. Likewise, Marcos established his family, relatives and cronies were protected by the said law, who
his own force and effective deceiving skills in his struggle for were revealed to have plundered the economy. To keep them in
power. Niccolo Machiavelli, whose wirings in the statecraft have led wealth and unassailable power , arbitrary arrest, detention, salvaging
his name to association with cunning and imprudence, is known for and torture were the standard scenes in his later stay in the
being a political philosopher, statesman and historian. His work, The presidency. By force and fraud indeed, he was able to keep the
Prince, unlike any other documents of his time, deals with the position in his cruel grip.
realistic accounts for the governance’s success. While the rest in the
classical period suggested good and ideal qualities for a leader, he He, just like the prince, was able to sustain his authority by
(Machiavelli), proposed and developed concepts the other way preparing sustained armies by his side, literally holding true for his
around. A well-organized and established government according to allied forces locally and internationally (US). In this regard, the very
him should possess cunning, dishonesty and deception. His idea, aim was to uphold prosperity in the country so as to control as well
however, is inapplicable to the present setting as it would definitely political upheavals against him. Furthermore, he best personified the
subject the leader to his downfall. characteristic feature of rulers in history like “the fox and the lion”.
All endorsed policies in the platform of the contending party against
Marcos made use of several tactics to cover up his plunder of the him were uncovered and all opposing powers were unfolded in his
national wealth and resources. As political upheavals arise, he unsparing hands to signify the fox. Similar to a lion, he
utilized strategies like unprecedented violence and clever straightforwardly executed various shrewd tactics as mentioned
propaganda to weaken the oppositions. Throughout his term, legally above. Many people either died or were imprisoned for their
administered or not, Marcos practiced the necessity for corruption so opposition thus. He was definitely ruthless to his enemies, mastering
as to preserve his stay in the office. As Machiavelli have indicated in crafty skills to protect his allies, families and identity. Claiming that
his writings, the leader must do anything to keep his colleagues and the proclamation of the said law was the prelude for the
most especially, his subjects in general to remain faithful to him by establishment of “Bagong Lipunan”, his family have only practiced
imposing the need of the state for his leadership. To hasten the corruption with their undeniably lavish lifestyle. Being generous to
economic development and mostly, to establish good image to the his colleagues and supporters, the system of “crony capitalism”
country, President Marcos implemented a number of economic became evident as they controlled monopolies in industries and the
programs. This started the role of deception for from at this point on, like, breaking the real essence of democracy in the Philippines. He

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for example gave the authority in handling express ways to Rodolfo law was implemented, he intends to practice the Machiavellian
Cuenca, banana plantations to Antonio Floirendo, Toyota to Ricardo philosophy through his Bagong Lipunan (New Society). He study
Silverio, tobacco and food corps. to his mother and San Miguel briefly work of Machiavelli, how to be loved or feared, a strong man
Corp. to Eduardo Cojuangco. and military ruler of a unitary state.

Lastly, in any society one can think of, subjects would always  On this term paper it will compare the works and philosophy of the
favour leaders who by all means follow the good norms and custom both brilliant minds of Ferdinand Marcos and Niccolo Machiavelli
people prefer the most. As Machiavelli have mentioned in his in the landscape of the Philippine politics. And it will answer to the
works, a ruler must show to his subordinates the ideal or should we questions of: What is the comparison between Marcos and
say, sterling qualities even if it does not reflect the ruler in reality. Machiavelli? What are the thoughts of Marcos in principles of the
This is only to entice his subjects, make them believe of his pure or Prince? Did Marcos do principle of the Prince in his Martial Law?  
unadulterated goals for the country’s improvement. Marcos
appeared to be like this in his stay even more evident when he  Machiavellian Philosophy: The Prince
temporarily disclosed the law when the Pope has arrived.
Indeed, Marcos was the prototype of the cunning political ruler  Machiavelli shared with Renaissance humanists a passion for
portrayed in The Prince, a local Machiavellian of the Philippines. classical antiquity. To their wish for a literary and spiritual revival
This subtle analysis, therefore, provides an examination of the levers of ancient values, guided by such authors as Plato, Cicero, and St.
of power available to absolute rulers, to better understand the Augustine, he added a fierce desire for political and moral renewal
political economy of authoritarianism, especially one that had turned on the model of the roman Republic as depicted by Livy and
the country in despotism. Tacitus. Though a republican at heart, he saw as the crying need of
his day a strong political and military leader who would forge a
unitary state in northern Italy to eliminate French and Spanish
THE MACHIAVELLIAN PHILOSOPHY OF PRESIDENT Hegemony from Italian soil. At the moment that he wrote The
FERDINAND MARCOS IN HIS MARTIAL LAW AND Prince he envisioned such a possibility while the restored Medici
CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITARIANISM rules both Florence and the papacy. He had taken to heart Cesare
Borgia’s energetic creation of a new state in Romagna in the few
Introduction brief years while Borgia’s father, Alexander VI, occupied the papal
throne. The final chapter of the Prince is a ringing plea to his Medici
  Marcos was a brilliant person during his time. During his patrons to set Italy free from the “Barbarians”. It concludes with a
days in college he wrote that he admires the works of Machiavelli; quotation from Petrarch’s patriotic poem Italia mia:”Virtue will take
The Prince, he makes it as basis for his thesis “THE arms against fury, and battle will be brief; for the ancient valor in
CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITARIANISM”. When the martial Italian hearts is not yet dead.”

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 Machiavellian Philosophy was the inspiration of every strong man Macapagal, his former party-mate. He defeated Macapagal and
or dictator during the past and present time. Like other “realist” after eventually became the first president since independence to win a
Machiavelli, identifies all too readily naked politics with the whole second term. Burton describes Marcos as “a man without a moral
of political reality, and he thus fails to grasp the ideas and ideals if compass. He was brilliant tactician, who, better than any of his
properly mobilized, can became potent facts, even decisive peers, had mastered the mathematics of democracy- assembling
weapons, in the struggle for political survival. History is a vest majorities, trading and buying votes. ”a consummate
graveyard filled with self-styled “realist” like Napoleon, William II, scoundrel” (Burton, 1989)
Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin and Marcos.                          
 To be Loved, or feared
Ferdinand Marcos
 “On cruelty and clemency, and whether it is better to be loved or
The declaration of Martial law in 1972 was preceded by the feared”. Machiavelli frequently says also in other works, the innate
rise of Ferdinand Marcos. Born in Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, and without badness of men requires that the prince instil fear rather than love in
an oligarchic family background, as most post-World War II his subjects and break his pledge, when necessary, with other
politicians possess Marcos was able to develop the capacity to princes, who in case will be no more honest than he. His argument
challenge the political elites of the 1960’s and 1970’s. While still a that it is better to be feared than loved is taken at face value to
law student of the University of the Philippines, he was accused of suggest that The Prince is a handbook for dictators and tyrants. But
assassinating the political opponent of his father. He defended a closer reading reveals that Machiavelli’s argument is a logical
himself in the Supreme Court and eventually got an acquittal (but extension of his assessments of human nature and virtue. In the first
not before topping the bar examinations when he took it in 1940). It place, people will become disloyal if circumstances warrant. In the
was his performance under these extreme conditions that earned him second, the prince’s ultimate goal is to maintain the state, which
much recognition at the time. requires the obedience of the people. From these two points, it
follows that between benevolence and cruelty, the latter is the more
 At the age of thirty-two, he became a member of the house of the reliable. Machiavelli never advocates the use of cruelty for its own
representatives (1949-1959), as well as the Senate (1959-1965), sake, only in the interests of the ultimate end of statecraft.
where he eventually became Senate President from 1962-1965. In
1954, Marcos married Imelda Romualdez, a former beauty queen,  Marcos first term as president was not an unqualified success. The
who later helped him his successful campaign for the presidency. Up country was a poor country run by an oligarchy of the political
to 1965, Marcos ran under the Liberal party where he eventually leaders who had a stake in preventing major reforms. The Senate
became its president. After failing to get the party’s nomination for and House of Representatives were controlled by landowners who
the presidency in 1965, Marcos left the Liberal Party and joined the resisted land reform. Politicians had always enjoyed access of
Nacionalistas where he ran as president against Diosdado lucrative financial gain and corruption and did not want those

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benefits ended. The crime situation remained serious, with private In its place was established a “Bagong Lipunan” (New Society) that
armies of the rich engaging in gang-like execution and terror. was to eventually became the foundation for his “Constitutional
Authoritarianism” which was the essential rationalization for martial
The refusal of the government to enact agrarian reform programs law (Rosenberg.1979).
brought about a revival of the HUKs (a communist forces), who
proceeded to carry out selected acts of violence against landlords  Long Tradition and confer autonomy
and certain officials. Demonstrations against his rule and were
carried out by student and peasant groups. Nevertheless Marcos  The preceding 25 chapters of The Prince are written in a
became the first president of the Philippines to be re-elected in a terse, analytical, and frequently aphoristic style. Preceding political
campaign noted for graft, ballot box stuffing, and corruption. writers from Plato and Aristotle in ancient times and though the
Middle Ages and the 15th-centrury humanists had all concurred in
 Marcos proclaimed martial law in September 1972, thereby ending treating politics as a branch of morals. Machiavelli’s chief
the longest period of democratic rule in modern Southeast Asia. innovation was to break with long tradition and confer autonomy
Abruptly ended all forms of open party and electoral constitution at upon politics. In Chapter of The Prince he writes: “My intent being
least for the next five years. Congress was not allowed to convene to write a useful work for those who understand, it seemed to me
while scores of opposition members were arrested including several more appropriate to purse the actual truth of the matter than the
prominent senators such as Benigno Aquino Jr. Also known as imagination of it. Many have imagined republics and principalities
Ninoy, the leader, the leader of the opposition. The press was which were never seen or known really to exist; because how one
censored, and civil liberties were curtailed. live is so far removed from how one ought to live that he abandons
what one does for what one ought to do, learns rather his own ruin
 Marcos claimed that he forced to declare martial law in order to than his preservation.” Like Galileo in astronomy at the end of the
solve the difficult problems setting the nation. The country was 16th century, Machiavelli in politics chooses to describe the world
suffering from a severe law-and-order problem. Philippines society as it, rather than as people is taught that it should be. Although his
was characterized by a grossly unequal distribution of wealth and longest work, the Discourses on Livy, takes the familiar humanistic
land. In addition, the country was plagued by a bitter and intense from a comment on a classical text, his approach to political theory
civil war in the southern islands between Muslim farmers and marks a sharp break with tradition.
Christian who were setting in area.
 Under the provisions of the Presidential Decree 1081, Marcos had
The beginning of martial law rule represented an end in the effectively exceeded the already broad powers mandated to the
country’s “long experiment with Western-style democracy”. Marcos president under the 1935 constitution. One day after PD 1081 was
dismantled “the superstructure of constitutional government that had issued, Marcos promulgated General Order 1 declaring that Marcos
been transplanted to the Philippines under American colonial rule.

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is to “govern the nation and direct the operations of entire  The Usefulness or Fortresses
Government, including all its agencies and instrumentalities”.
 Same prince, in order to hold their possessions security,
 By 1972, Marcos was perceived to be (and for all intents and have disarmed their citizens some other have kept their subject land
purposes actually) a lame-duck president since the 1935 constitution divided into parts, others have fomented enmities against
limited has term up to 1973 only. However, by declaring martial themselves, others have endeavored to win over those whom they
law, Marcos had not only extended his term but also pre-empted constructed fortresses, other have cast them. And although one
both the congress and most especially, the Constitutional cannot pronounce a definite judgment as to these things without
Convention (through bribes and intimidation), which at the time was going into the particulars of the state to which such a deliberation is
still in the process of building a framework for a new constitution to be applied, still will speak in such a general way as the matter will
for the country. The 1935 constitution was, by the late 1960s, seen permit.
by many as inadequate and irrelevant to a country that had now
achieved several years of independence from colonial rule. Without doubt prince become great when they overcome difficulties
Moreover, it was also seen as one that had nurtured the oligarchic and opposition, and therefore fortune, especially great, who has
style of rule that greatly characterized the country’s politics. Marcos greater need of gaining a great reputation than a hereditary prince,
changed all that during his term as elected president and as dictator raise up enemies and compels him to undertake war against them, so
from 1972 to 1986. In days and months that followed, the regime that he may have cause to overcome them, and thus climb up higher
moved to eliminate certain of the excesses that democracy and loose by means of that ladder which his enemies have brought him. There
law enforcement had spawned. Political warlords arrested or co- are many who think therefore that a wise prince ought, when he has
opted and their private armies disarmed (Burton.1989). Abinales and the chance, to foment astutely some enmity, so that by suppressing it
Amoroso note that almost immediately after the declaration of is will augment his greatness.
martial law the opposition: had disappeared from public area.
Politicians were jailed, their patronage machines adrift and private  Opponents of Marcos claimed that real reason for his declaration of
armies demobilized. Students, academics, journalists, businessmen, Martial Law was constitutionally barred from seeking a third term as
and labor and peasant organizers had also been arrested, and may president and desired to retain his Marcos. Marcos “legitimated” his
who had escaped go underground with the CCP. Marcos declared office and Martial Law rule by numerous referenda calling for
martial law in 1972 “behind rhetoric of social reform....than formed support of his policies. During the first five years of martial rule,
a broad base of support for his “New Society” during the decade that political decisions were made largely by executive fiat sanctified by
followed. popular referendum. All were virtually unsupervised by the
Commission on Election (COMELEC) and served the purpose of
legalizing one-man rule.

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 On January 1973, Marcos called for two special referendums to a separate plebiscite on the same constitution this referendum have
ratify the 1973 Constitution through the convening of so called accomplished effectively displace the formal institution (pre-1972)
citizen assemblies. The creation of such assemblies served as two in of determining popular consent by way of secret balloting Marcos
alternatives to traditional decision making especially in the absence would not get too many dissenting votes given the manner in which
of a congress. This particular referendum was unique in that it they were cast in these citizen’s  assemblies, for example the open
allowed only for a superficial acclamation by showing of hands. raising of hands.
According to the allies of Marcos, the referendum by citizen’s
assemblies was resorted to become “the enemies of states were  Despite the quasi-plebiscite, the Supreme Court 1973, voting four
taking advantage of the debate to foment anxiety confusion, discord to six, asserted that the constitution had not been properly ratified by
and subversion” (Rosenburg.1979). the people. The justices observe that:

Initially, Marcos had planned to hold a regular plebiscite on the new  “No ballots were used in the voting, it was done mostly by
constitution as mandated in the 1935 Constitution. However, acclamation or open show of hands. Secrecy, which is one of
immediately after the president set January 15 as for a nationwide essential features of the election process, was not therefore
plebiscite, ten identical petitions were filed with the Supreme Court observed. No set of rules counting the votes or of tabulating them
to stop it, based on a variety of constitutional grounds (Barton and reporting the figures was prescribed or followed. The
1989). Commission on Election, which in the constitutional body charged
with the enforcement and administration of all laws relative to the
 This meant that, despite his access to coercive measures, Marcos conduct of elections, took no part at all, either by way of supervision
could not rely on conventional means to legitimize his regime and or in the assessment of the results”.
its constitutional substructure. Serious criticisms were raised against
the new constitution, and Marcos was forced not to hold the  In spite of these procedural objectives, however, the Supreme Court
referendum as provided by law. Instead Marcos created the citizen acceded to the president (and perhaps in order to avoid an actual
assemblies and conducted a controlled referendum in throughout the confrontation with) and announced that there were “no further
country. The president had succeeded in pre-empting serious and obstacles” to the constitution being considered in force throughout
widespread opposition to the regime by avoiding of the 1973 the country.
Constitution. Marcos had also prompted any juridical stumbling
blocks to the constitutional mandate for his regime.  A major feature of the Martial period was holding of referendums
for purposes of popular decision making. These referendums gave a
 Shortly after that first referendum, the president issued semblance of citizenship participation without endangering the
Proclamation 1102 claiming that 95 percent of the people in these regime’s leaders and in fact grating it legitimacy.
assemblies are in favor of the 1973 Constitution was no need to hold

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 On July 20, 1973, fresh from a controlled popular mandate, Marcos in the existence of the new dispensation would be considered
held another referendum intended to respond to the issues of his premature before society could be restructured and that holding
term extension. The question in the referendum was whether or not them early on would bring back the evils of the so-called Old
the people wanted Marcos to continue serving as president beyond Society before these could be completely exorcised in the New
1973 “and finish the reforms he has initiated under Martial Law.” Society. Nevertheless, opposition to Marcos increased and expanded
The obvious results of the referendum showed that 90 percent of the to include as former President Diosdado Macapagal (who voted in
votes wanted Marcos to extend his term as president beyond what favour of the constitution). His refusal to call for election for
was provided for the 1935 Constitution and effectively putting an members of the interim National Assembly is provided in the new
end to presidential term limits. In addition, the referendum results constitution was beginning to be political untenable.
indicated support for a plan by Marcos to postpone the holding of
election for members of the Batasan as provided for in 1973 A Prince’s Duty Concerning Military Matters
Constitution.
A prince, therefore, must not have any other object nor any
Notwithstanding the purported the overwhelming (albeit executive- other thought, nor must he take anything as his profession but war,
managed) support for Marcos and the New Society regime, critical its institutions, and its discipline; because that is the only profession
resistance and opposition persisted throughout much of 1970’s. Such which befits one who commands; and it is of such importance that
growing opposition against martial rule troubled Marcos, forcing not only does it maintain those who were born princes, but many
him to hold another referendum on February 27, 1975, less than times its enables men of private station to rise to that position; and,
three years into martial rule, in order to once again seek legitimacy on the other hand, it is evident that when prince have to give more
for his mandate. thought to personal luxuries than to arms, they have lost their state.
And the way to lose it is to neglect this art.
Not surprisingly, this referendum also reported overwhelming
support for the president to continue serving as chief executive For among other evils caused by being disarmed, it renders is
under martial rule and the 1973 Constitution. The intention to hold contemptible; which is one of those disgraceful things which a
the third referendum was more to provide legitimacy in the eyes of prince must guard against, as will be explained later. Because there
the regime’s international financial supporters and lenders. In is no comparison whatever between an armed and a disarmed man,
addition, the referendum that year gave the president additional it is not reasonable to suppose that one who is armed will obey
powers to appoint and replace local government officials whose willing one who is unarmed; or that any unarmed man will remain
elective terms had expired in December 1973. safe among armed servants. For one being disdainful and the other
suspicious, it is not possible for them to act well together. And
It was widely believed that, given the decades of traditional political therefore a prince who is ignorant of military matters, besides the
rule during the pre-martial law period, the holding of election early

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other misfortunes already mentioned cannot be esteemed by his defense program, and requested private firms were put under
soldiers, nor have confidence in them. managements boards where active-duty officers sat. Some defense
and military leaders engaged in logging and mining activities, ether
A wise prince should followed similar methods and never remains legally or otherwise although these were not military-owned
idle in peaceful time, but industriously makes good use of them so operations. The military’s development roles (socio-economic
that when fortune changes he may find him prepared to resist his programs and projects) institutionalized when Marcos assumed
blows, and to prevail in adversity. (The Prince) office as president in 1965 was further expanded.

The formalization of military’s role as a partner in national For these new and expanded functions, military officers were earlier
development beginning in 1965, and eventually as a partner in prepared through a revision of prescribed military career
governance during Martial Law and the “Constitutional development pattern. Advanced or postgraduate academic training
Authoritarian” rule under Marcos. from civilian educational institutions was henceforth required for
development promotion to higher ranks. The military’s role in
This condition of civil-military relations changed with Martial Law. national development is a doctrine spread by United States training
The legislature was disbanded, civil and political freedoms were of third world militaries in counterinsurgency. This doctrine, while
suspended, political parties outlawed, newspapers and media closed partial in the application of huge manpower and other military
and then strictly controlled when they reopened, the private resources for national development in the absence of an external
enterprises of Marcos’ political opponents sequestered under the threat, has also accounted in large measure for politicization of the
pretext of their outstanding loans from governments’ financial Armed Forces and their intervention in the politics of post-colonial
institutions, and the military became a partner of Martial Law and states throughout the world during the 1960’s and 1970’s. 
authoritarian rule. This regime lasted about fourteen years.
The military’s role as partner in Martial Law and authoritarian rule
The military assumed new functions, such as judicial and was enhance further by its key role in combating the twin armed
administrative sort. Its political functions included top-ranking conflicts that surged following regime change in 1972 namely
officers serving as chief executives of local government units and Maoist Communist insurgency under the newly established
regional peace and order development council. The dissolution of Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), its armed wing, New
congress and banning of political parties saw the replacement of People’s Army and its National Liberation Front (CPP-NPA-NDF)
politicians by military officers as dispensers of political patronage. and ethnic separatism led by Moro National Liberation Front
Its economic functions included managing investment corporations (MNLF). The use of coercion in governance was palpable in these
under military control, which were established by way of reward to conflicts, highlighting the military’s function as holder of the
the military’s support for Martial Law. It also operated arms monopoly of the use of legitimate force in society, and exposing it to
production and development firms as part of military’s self-reliant

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the dangers of committing human rights violations during internal
security operations (ISO).

Marcos also unified all the uniformed services under the Armed
Forces of the Philippines (AFP). Formerly under the operational and
administrative control of the local chief executives, the police was
reorganized as the National Police Force (NPF) also headed by the
Chief of the Philippine Constabulary (PC), the fourth major service
command of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). Thus the
centralized all the armed components of the governments under
Marcos control as commander in chief of the armed forces.

 The combined effects of this political and military development on


governance were seen in destruction of democratic political
institutions, decline in military professionalism and cohesion and the
personalization of civilian control and civilian authority in the
person of Marcos. When democracy was restored, these factors
contributed to the rise of the phenomenon of a “fragile democracy”
the inevitable result of dictatorship and authoritarian where the
military was critical element in governance as the ruler or it
principal support.

 It is noted worthy that the Philippine military’s entry into political
governance in 1972 was upon invitation by its civilian commander
in chief, and strictly speaking was not military intervention in
politics. Moreover, there is major difference between the military
between the military role expansion during Magsaysay’s tenure as
defence sectary and president in 1950’s and during Martial Law. In
the former, the civilian control. In the latter, civilian oversight
institutions were destroyed and civilian control was vested in the
person of Ferdinand E. Marcos.

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