"Conversion" To Islam and The Construction of A Pious - Karin Van Nieuwkerk

The Oxford Handbook of Religious Conversion
Lewis R. Rambo (ed.), Charles E. Farhadian (ed.)
https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195338522.001.0001
Published: 2014 Online ISBN: 9780199984596 Print ISBN: 9780195338522
Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34732/chapter/296518036 by University of Ottawa user on 06 July 2023

CHAPTER
28 “Conversion” to Islam and the Construction of a Pious

Self 
Karin van Nieuwkerk
https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195338522.013.028 Pages 667–686

Published: 01 May 2014
Abstract
This chapter develops a theoretical approach in which conversion is understood as a complex
contextual experience and long-term process that involves the construction of identities, discourses,
and a pious self. It is based on the growing number of studies on conversion to Islam, Internet
narratives, and eldwork among Dutch female converts. Theories developed within di erent
disciplines—history, sociology, psychology, religious studies, Islamic studies, gender studies, and
anthropology—are drawn upon to make sense of the converts’ choice to embrace Islam. Discussing the
stages of context, quest, crisis, advocates, interaction, commitments, and consequences, it is argued
that in order to comprehend conversion as a meaningful process, it is necessary to combine three
sources of theoretical inspiration: the well-established research within conversion theories on identity
and the equally important work on conversion discourse, in addition to the more recent
anthropological work on piety and embodied agency.
Keywords: conversion, Islam, identity, discourse, piety, pious self, embodiment, agency, gender,
anthropology
Subject: Religious Studies, Islam, Religion
Series: Oxford Handbooks
Collection: Oxford Handbooks Online
Introduction
CONVERSION to Islam is an intriguing phenomenon that has attracted increasing media attention.
Particularly after 9/11, the number of converts is assumed to be growing fast and to include mounting
numbers of radicalized individuals who turn against their own societies. Media attention is focused on these
few radicalized converts, who are also closely followed by security services. Within this politicized context,
it is di cult to get reliable statistics on conversion. Politicians and media fearing the phenomenon, as well
as Muslim missionaries, might overestimate the case; scholars are left without statistics to make a fair
guess. In most statistics, nationalized born Muslims are not distinguished from native converts. Besides,

not all converts register after expressing the shahadah, the declaration of faith. Some converts say the
shahadah in front of Muslim friends and feel no need to have their conversion recorded on paper.
This one-sided attention to radicalization and the politicized climate with regard to Islam and conversion
foreclose studies of “ordinary converts.” They greatly outnumber the radicalized few and are interesting to
study because they represent the “mainstream.” They are ordinary men and women—not some strange
species—making choices not immediately intelligible to most of us. In order to understand their choices, we
need an insider’s perspective. Why do individuals convert, and why do they turn to Islam? What are their
backgrounds, motives, and life stories? How does their conversion process unfold? What kind of Islam
appeals to them? Why are more women than men attracted to Islam?
I will use the growing number of studies on conversion to Islam, Internet narratives, and my own eldwork
p. 668 among Dutch converts to answer these questions. These sources consist mainly of conversion narratives.
Narratives, whether testimonies from the Internet or life-story interviews, yield an insider’s perspective.
But we should keep in mind that conversion testimonies are a speci c genre with a particular narrative
1
structure. Conversion narratives are created retrospectively, that is, they are told after the conversion. Past
events are reinterpreted in the light of current convictions. Converts also include elements of the new
religion into their narratives about conversion. This reconstructing process takes place not only at the
individual level but also at the group level. Converts come together to discuss their experiences, and they
include common narrative elements in their stories. In the process of telling and retelling their conversion
experiences, a common model is created. Particularly with regard to such delicate issues as gender, a shared
narrative is constructed. Many conversion stories also function as a form of da`wah, or calling to the faith.
This means that the narratives are an important source for studying the way conversion is understood and
expressed by converts but do not always give direct access to original motives and reasons to convert.
In this chapter I use the story of a Dutch convert to give esh and bones to the choice of many men and
women to become Muslim, without suggesting that this person is in one way or another exemplary for
conversion in general. There is no general conversion pattern; I use this story to discuss the many
variations. I draw on theories developed within di erent disciplines—history, sociology, psychology,
religious studies, Islamic studies, gender studies, and anthropology—to make sense of the life story. I use
Lewis Rambo’s stage model as a tool to structure this chapter, employing the stages of context, quest, crisis,
advocates, interaction, commitments, and consequences to frame the di erent approaches towards
2
conversion.
“Conversion,” Reversion, and Becoming Muslim
Before embarking on this project, a closer look at the term “conversion” is helpful.
Many converts seem to dislike the word “convert.” They are very careful in the way they describe their
3
experiences and the words they use for their “conversion.” Converts prefer to speak about “becoming
Muslim,” “taking shahadah” (that is, pronouncing the declaration of faith), or “embracing Islam,” and
4
some opt for the ambiguous term “reversion” to Islam. There is no word for conversion in Arabic, but the
5
verb aslama conveys the idea of becoming a Muslim and literally means to submit.
The wide variety of concepts is related to several factors. First, converts posting on the Internet indicate a
di erence in wording between Muslims and non-Muslims: “Non-Muslims always ask me, “Why did you
convert?” and Muslims always ask, “How did you come to embrace Islam?” The concept “convert” is thus
considered an outsider’s perspective, whereas embracing Islam or becoming Muslim is an insider’s view.
Second, conversion has the connotation of a radical change, a change to something new. From the
p. 669
narratives of many converts on the Internet, it becomes clear that they already feel Muslim but did not know

that their ideas were Islamic. Many of these converts who were raised Christians question central religious
ideas about the Trinity and Jesus as Son of God. These “enlightened Christians” can perhaps be considered
6
“anonymous Muslims.” When they come into contact with Muslims, they suddenly realize that these
notions are in line with Islamic theology. Several converts describe Islam as “the religion of common sense”
or describe themselves as “dormant Muslims.” An American convert comments: “So it was almost natural
to become Muslim. I guess you really couldn’t call it converting to Islam, it is what always made sense
anyway.” They thus avoid the concept of conversion because it does not capture their sense of a gradual
realization that their ideas were already Islamic. Lastly, the choice of a concept such as “reversion” is
related to a certain missionary ideology. In several testimonies, the idea of “being already Muslim” is taken
a step further. “I was a Muslim but just wasn’t aware of it” fades into the ideology of “all people are born
Muslim.” Turning to Islam is thus re-turning. Therefore, conversion is not a correct notion and should be
replaced by “reversion.”
There are several interrelated arguments given for this notion of reversion. First, the message of Islam is
argued to be the universal and original message of the oneness of God, tawheed. Muhammad, as the last
prophet, sought the reversion of all humanity to this message of tawheed. Second, Islam is considered the
natural religion. Lady Cecilia Mahmuda Canolly writes in her testimony: “It seems that I have always been a
Muslim. This is not so strange when one remembers that Islam is the natural religion that a child, left to
itself, would develop. That is, everyone is born as a Muslim and left to itself would become Muslim but many
are socialised into being Christian, Jew or atheist.” Finally, everyone is born sinless and, by becoming
Muslim, the revert returns to this original natural condition at birth. The moderators of the website The
True Religion, for instance, explain: “‘Revert’ is actually a more appropriate term than ‘convert’, since all
human beings are born pure. By embracing Islam, one returns to the original and sinless state in which God
7
created him or her”.
The conceptualization of conversion as a form of reversion is also the underlying religious logic for the lack
of ritual elaboration of the declaration of faith. Since human beings are born in state of natural purity, there
8
is no need for a divine transformation of their nature. Becoming a Muslim entails public expression in front
9
of two witnesses of the declaration of faith, the shahadah, which is the rst pillar of Islam. They declare in
Arabic that there is no God but God and that Muhammad is God’s messenger. There are discussions among
scholars about whether not only the nominal conversion but also the required changes must be made in
order to be entitled to be called a Muslim. Debates concern whether the new Muslim should also perform the
ritual prayer ve times a day, pay the annual alms tax of zakat, and fast during the month of Ramadan. As is
the case for people born and raised as Muslim, another issue in the debate about whether one can or cannot
be considered Muslim is whether one consumes alcohol and eats pork and non-halal meat. Although not
10
obligatory, most new Muslims tend to take on Islamic names. In practice, converts—as well as born
Muslims—diverge widely in the actual level of commitment.
p. 670
Context
Anneke—or Sakina, her new Muslim name—converted in 1991. She had been a convert for seven
years when I interviewed her in her home town near Amsterdam, the Netherlands. She was raised
as a Roman Catholic but was not practicing. Although there was a vague feeling of “something
being out there,” she was not much concerned with religion. After secondary school she started
working for an international company as an assistant controller. She went on holiday to Tunisia
and met a young man whom she liked. He studied mathematics in Paris, and she decided to visit
him there. He was a Muslim, and she was astonished that “such an intelligent person” could be a

believer. One of her Dutch friends was spiritual and triggered her curiosity toward religion as well.
Her friend turned to reincarnation and New Age. She decided to look into Islam and Christianity.
Historically, Islam spread as a result of both militant and peaceful activities. Muslim traders paved the way
for men of religion, such as Su scholars, and once Muslim institutions were organized, an Islamic
ambience was created that became conducive to conversion. This model of conversion from “top to bottom”
is not common in the West. In the West, conversion to Islam usually has the character of “bottom to top,”
which means that witnessing through word and lifestyle induces people to convert, after which an Islamic
11
ambiance is created.
12
The role of Su sm in spreading Islam to the West is large. A considerable number of Westerners are rst
attracted to Su sm and then to Islam. While during the 1960s Su sm was part of the “hippie” movement
13
and divorced from its Islamic roots, in the 1990s it became increasingly known as Islamic mysticism.
Several da`wah or missionary organizations are active in diverse countries and on the Internet. Missionary
activism, including the da`wah movement of the Tablighi Jamaàt, is an important factor in the conversion
14
process. As do most da`wah movements, the Tablighi Jamaàt calls Muslims to become or remain good
Muslims as well as calling non-Muslims to the faith.
Despite the importance of organizational da`wah, meeting Muslims in daily life is probably more important
for present-day conversions. At present, most conversions take place in relation to the immigrant
community in the West. Living in a multicultural environment, meeting Muslims, and particularly nding a
Muslim partner trigger interest in Islam that eventually can lead to conversion. This was also the case with
Anneke.
It is not only the context of globalization, mobility, and migration that in uences the phenomenon of
conversion but also historical developments noted by sociologists of religion such as pluralism,
15
secularization, and privatization of religion. As is true for most converts in Europe, but less so in the
United States, Anneke was secularized and intended to talk her friend out of religion. Many American
converts mention in their testimonies that they intended to talk their friends or fellow students out of Islam.
In order to do so, they had to study Islam. They intended to replace Islam by Christianity, but in the course
of their missionary activism the reverse happened.
p. 671 In addition, the general process of modernization and individualization, which makes the individual agent
16
the center of his or her biography, has a direct bearing on conversion. The changed place of religion and
the process of individualization have transformed religion and religious goods into matters of individual
choice. Actors choose from among several religious options the worldview that suits them best. Ideas of
religion as a commodity in the expanding market of religious goods, picked and chosen by religious agents,
17
are particularly applied to New Religious Movements. These theories of the religious market and rational
18
choice can also be applied to Islam. Islam has become one of the players in the religious market in the
19
West, and its messages can make sense to individual converts, as is elaborated below. Whereas Anneke’s
friend chose New Age, Anneke decided to compare Islam and Christianity.
Quest and Process
The Muslim guy from Tunisia whom she visited in Paris did not push religion on Anneke. She
started reading and searching and decided to convert. She was convinced by the logic and scienti c
nature of Islam. Anneke describes her conversion as the outcome of an intellectual search and a
rational decision. She married the mathematics student. He was unemployed, refused to help her
in household chores, and was not that much of a practicing Muslim either. Anneke was eager to
study Islam but had no time for reading. They eventually divorced.

Her parents expected her to leave Islam, but she told her father that you cannot convert just for the
sake of a husband. If she would remarry, it should be to a Muslim again. Two years later she
considered remarrying her former husband. She decided to consult an imam on the matter, who
advised her to do istikhara (prayer), a prayer in which she asks God to show her the right way. She
had a dream about going to Tunisia, but her ex was not there in her dream. She woke up and
thought everything would be all right. She phoned him but he became angry and insulted the
imam. She decided it was over. The imam, however, phoned her two weeks later about the results
and asked her to come over again. The imam then asked her to marry him. She felt attracted to him
but wanted to know him rst. She planned regular meetings with the imam and asked him about
her rights as a woman, could she work, would he help with the household, what about veiling.
Every day, she prepared another list of questions. Finally, she married the imam.
It is clear that in Anneke’s case friendship, love, and marriage are important facilitating factors in the
conversion process. Yet there are also so-called “cold” conversions. Stefano Allievi distinguishes two main
20
forms of conversion: relational conversions and rational conversions. The rational conversion is not
induced by people but by an intellectual search. It can be subdivided into an intellectual, a political, and a
mystically oriented route. The relational conversion can be either instrumental or non-instrumental. Non-
instrumental relational conversion is induced by relationships with Muslims. Instrumental conversion is
p. 672 usually related to marriage of a man to a Muslim woman—who is not allowed to marry a non-Muslim—
and does not necessarily entail a religious transformation. The relational type of conversion seems to be
more common among women and the intellectual type among men. Yet, many female converts stress the
intellectual character of their search and deny the importance of marriage as a crucial factor. So, usually it is
a combination of both intellectual search and meeting Muslims that triggers the desire for conversion.
It is also interesting to note that most converts stress the intellectual route and do not often report mystical
21 22
or spiritual experiences. Whereas born-again Christians or born-again Muslims detail visions and
dreams, Western converts more often detail their intellectual search. This is partly due to the discourse to
which they are attracted that emphasizes the logical and scienti c character of Islam (see below). This
discourse is appealing in light of the rationalized and secularized perspectives with which they are familiar.
Yet for some converts, dreams and visions do play a part, mostly for those attracted to mystical forms of
Islam. Anneke also had a dream and did istikhara prayer after being Muslim for some years. So even if
reading and rationality were initially the dominant narrative, visions and dreams might become more
prominent later on. We should thus understand conversion as a long-term process.
23
Conversion may develop through the following stages: “love,” “disappointment,” and “maturity.” At
rst, many converts are emotionally obsessed with the new religion and want to practice every detail of the
Islamic precepts. The second stage is strongly linked to a disappointment with the behaviors and ideas of
persons who have been Muslims from birth; some converts tend to turn away from Islam during this stage.
During the third stage, many converts search for new understandings of Islamic ideas and attitudes
according to the particular cultural context they live in. This can lead to European, Western, or Scandinavian
24
forms of Islam. In Anneke’s case, her disappointment was more with her husband, and her husband’s lack
of commitment to Islam, than with Islam itself. She fell in love again with a devoted Muslim man.
Biography and Crisis
Anneke did not have any crises before her conversion but only after becoming acquainted with
Islam. After being convinced of “the truth” she decided to become Muslim. But she became very
confused and unhappy. She said, “I was just a normal Dutch girl, believing there was something

but not knowing what. By reading I realized it was true but I did not like it…because what about the
headscarf, what about my family! I did not see the beauty of Islam yet. My brains accepted Islam
through reading but I did not like it.”
After taking shahadah, Anneke was in crisis for some time, not knowing how to give this new
conviction a practical place in her life: in her work, in her family, and in her choice of clothing. She
was overwhelmed by doubt and did the shahadah twice to con rm her sincere wish to continue on
the road of Islam.
p. 673 In many conversion theories, psychological factors and biographical crises make up a major part of the
explanation for conversion. Ali Köse studied native British Muslims and applied several psychological and
25
religious theories to his sample of seventy converts. He critically assessed crisis theories with regard to the
pre-conversion life histories. In his view, common ideas on conversion as being induced by the moral and
religious crises of adolescents or by failed socialization do not hold for Islam.
The most important crisis theory with regard to conversion to Islam is the one developed by Monika
26
Wohlrab-Sahr. She connects conversion to biographical experiences. She de nes conversion as the
symbolic transformation of experiences of crises. In her research, she found three di erent realms of
problems that were transformed by conversion to Islam. The rst type of conversion is related to issues of
sexuality and gender relations. Converts experience feelings of personal devaluation with regard to
sexuality and gender norms. Female converts mention such problems as broken marriages, promiscuity,
and sexual relationships with men from marginal groups. Male converts experience problems with regard to
transgression of the male gender identity, like loss of the dominant position in the family and shame
in icted by the sexual conduct of female members of the family. Converts seek new boundaries, rules, and
interpretations. Islam o ers a clear model that articulates and solves the problem of transgressed sexual
norms and uncertain relationships between the sexes. The second scope of problems Wohlrab-Sahr
distinguishes is related to social mobility. In the case of a failed attempt at upward social mobility, for
example, due to drug addiction and criminal behavior, conversion to Islam can provide an alternative and a
new career. Third, she mentions problems related to nationality and ethnicity or problems of “belonging.”
By converting to Islam, a new kind of belonging and community comes into existence. Islam thus o ers
converts the possibility to transform experiences of devaluation, degradation, and disintegration.
In Anneke’s case, I did not come across such a crisis per se, although in many cases of other Dutch converts I
recognize forms of crisis as outlined by Wohlrab-Sahr. We should keep in mind that converts are a
heterogeneous group with various trajectories and life experiences. Crisis was important to Anneke but as a
stage after conversion, and it led her toward more extensive commitment. Generally, the convert’s
biography is an important factor not only for understanding the motives for conversion but also for
grasping the themes and style of the conversion narrative. In my study of Dutch female converts, it became
clear that converts’ biographies and their Islamic discourse were intimately connected. Whereas for some
women a psychological crisis and medicine addiction made them receptive to the message that Islam is a
natural and healthy belief system, for others sexual harassment or divorced parents made them realize the
importance of a certain distance between the sexes. What Islam meant to them, and the discourse they
constructed, was directly connected to their life stories.
p. 674
Advocates and Islamic Discourse
Anneke brie y looked into Christianity, but when she compared the way Jesus is perceived in
Christianity with Islam she quickly realized Christianity is not logical. Her rst husband
occasionally mentioned certain verses of Qu’ran in which scienti c discoveries of recent times

were already mentioned, such as the development of the embryo. She was very much intrigued by
this. He told her that he could not discuss Islam with her because she lacked knowledge. So she
started reading and studying and was intellectually convinced. “There is so much wisdom in the
Qur’an, its scienti c character and they also say that the Qur’an is such a masterpiece of poetry
that it cannot be imitated. It must be from God.” Despite his initial importance in her conversion
process, Anneke’s rst husband did not become her intellectual and religious guide. Her desire for
a teacher was fully realized with her imam husband.
The “push factors” of conversion have been reasonably well studied, but the “pull factors” have received
less attention. In regard to the question of why people turn to Islam, that is, what is the speci c appeal of
Islam, less material is available. This immediately raises the question of “which Islam?” Su sm, which
stresses spirituality, has di erent “religious goods” to o er than modernist Islam, with its emphasis on
rationality. Also, the large di erences within the group of converts with regard to gender and ethnicity
make it di cult to assume that there is a single appeal of Islam.
Like many converts, Anneke is attracted to the discourse on Islam as a scienti c and logical system of
27
beliefs. This modernist interpretation of Islam as a rational religion is prevalent on the Internet. This
discourse shows recurrent patterns. First, Islam is perceived as the ideal social and moral religion, providing
a stable family life and regulating the relationships between the sexes. Second, Islam is perceived as a
pervasive, practical religion that is embedded in daily life. Third, Islam is perceived as a rational, scienti c,
and logical religion. This last discourse contrasts Islam and Christianity, using such examples as the
concept of the Trinity versus unity of God; Jesus as the son of God versus Jesus as a prophet; the Bible as
written and changed by human hand versus the unchanged perfect state of the Quràn; and the presence
versus absence of the idea of original sin. Last but not least, the Bible is in contradiction with modern
science whereas the Quràn is held to be in correspondence with science. Also, the direct accessibility of God
without mediators makes Islam a rational and undeniable truth, for instance, for some former Roman
28
Catholics who disagreed with Catholic tenets about the need for a priest to mediate.
A considerable number of people are attracted to Su sm. For example, some “hippies” of the 1960s and
29
1970s, disillusioned with the Western material way of life, decided to convert. Su sm can ll a spiritual
vacuum created by such ideologies as secularism, socialism, and modernism. Also, a signi cant number of
Western intellectuals converted to Su sm, including the late French philosopher Rene Guenon. His
p. 675 teachings on Su sm have become a model for Europeans who are interested in the spiritual dimension of
30
Islam. Currently there are many Su groups in Europe and America that attract converts to Islam.
Robert Dannin investigated the appeal of Islam for a speci c group of converts, incarcerated African
31
Americans in a New York prison. Islam o ers the prisoners an activity structure such as prayers and
lessons and an alternative social space within the con nement of the prison walls. The new Islamic identity
also means a fresh start. The Islamic counterculture is attractive because, according to Dannin, it has the
32
power to transcend the material and often brutally inhuman conditions of the prison. Aminah McCloud
33
understands the conversion of African Americans to Islam as a response to American racism. Islam
promises a new identity, a feeling of “somebodiness,” denied by the dominant culture. Conversion brings
liberation from Christian domination, perceived as the root of their oppression because of its glori cation of
su ering and promise of redemption in the hereafter.
34
Allievi distinguishes di erent “attractions” for the various conversion itineraries. Whereas “relational
converts” are attracted to general aspects such as belonging to a di erent culture and having a sense of
community, “rational converts” have a more speci c Islamic discourse. Islam is perceived as clear, simple,
and rational. For politically inclined converts, Islam provides a “spiritualization” of politics. For the
mystically inclined, Islam has a wide appeal as well. It is precisely Islam’s broad spectrum of o erings,
religiously, ideologically, and in terms of orthopraxis, that constitutes its appeal to many converts. This is a

good reminder that scholars should not essentialize Islam; they should systematically analyze what Islam
has to o er diverse groups of converts at di erent times.
Despite the various Islamic “o erings,” a common observation is that Islam appeals because it gives
35
converts the greatest possible contrast with the culture they come from. In particular, converts who are
critical of Western society are fascinated by and attracted to the otherness of Islam. It becomes an
ideological and political framework from which they criticize Western society. According to Wohlrab-Sahr,
conversion becomes “a means of articulating within one’s own social context—one’s distance from this
36
context and one’s con ictive relationship towards it.” This con ictive relationship can be the result of a
(politically) critical stance or the result of a sense of marginalization. Gabrielle Hofmann also relates
37 38
Islam’s attraction to the convert’s possibility to provoke society at large. On the other hand, Hofmann as
39
well as Allievi observes that many of Islam’s o erings, particularly relating to gender issues, are close to
what former generations in the West found self-evident. Islam can also appeal because it restores familiar
notions of gender and the family.
Gender
Anneke was much disappointed by her rst husband’s refusal to do any household chores and
admires her present husband for his cooking abilities. Most questions she asked her second
p. 676 husband before marriage were related to gender issues: Was she allowed to work? Did she have
to veil? Would he help in the household? He convinced her of his idea that women are crucial in
Islam. They are not considered less than men. Her husband explained that women are equal but
di erent. She had always felt that way. She hesitated to answer my question about the
compatibility of Islam and emancipation. Knowing the common feminist interpretation of
emancipation, she eventually answered that women’s rst task is to stay at home with the
children. “Maybe this is against feminist ideas, but I think it is better.”
Many female converts eventually nd Islamic ideas related to sexuality, the construction of gender, and
motherhood appealing. Many female converts feel that the freedom in the West is exaggerated, particularly
regarding sexual freedom. Islamic rules, if applied properly, contribute to clarity and stability in familial
and marital life. Besides, several converts feel that in Islam they are less perceived as sex objects than in the
West. Second, with regard to the construction of gender, converts are convinced of the equality of men and
women in Islam. Whereas they hold that the sexes are of equal value, most converts do not consider them of
40
equal nature. They adhere to the concepts of “equal but di erent” or of “gender equity.”
Hofmann focuses on female converts and issues of gender in Germany. She understands female conversion
41
against the background of the process of individualization. Hofmann argues that the process of female
individualization shows ruptures and contradictions. Women are strongly connected to the family, which is
associated with such values as belonging and connectedness. These values contrast with dominant
“modern” values such as rationality, individual performance, and personal perseverance. Women in the
West are confronted with con icting expectations at di erent stages of their lives. They are brought up with
ideals of individual autonomy but are expected to put these ideals aside once they begin raising a family. If
they decide to stay at home when they have small children, they experience the lack of esteem for this
decision in society at large and as a result of their own socialization. According to Hofmann, the German-
Islamic discourse, which is the hybrid discourse of German Muslims, particularly of converts, o ers a
solution to these con icting demands. It not only o ers clear concepts of marriage and motherhood but also
greatly values these states.
Gender equity is not only part of the Islamic discourse but is also plausible in light of German “cultural

knowledge.” This cultural knowledge about essential manhood and womanhood, however, is no longer
uncontested. German-Islamic discourse restores these ideas back to their original position of “truth.”
Women regain the possibility to live according to their “feminine nature.” German-Islamic discourse has a
critical stance toward German society. It partly uses a feminist discourse and criticizes the prevalence of
“male” norms and the devaluation of “female” qualities. It also attacks the “Western exploitation of female
sexuality and the marketing of the female body.” These critiques are close to radical feminist ideas. Yet,
whereas radical feminism tries to change patriarchal relationships, the German-Islamic discourse tries to
restore the original “natural” order. These critical yet familiar views of gender and sexuality make the
Islamic discourse attractive and plausible to German female converts.
p. 677 Hofmann’s ideas are valuable for understanding Anneke’s ambivalence toward feminist ideas that she
partly embraces. Whereas she assertively questions her rights as a woman and insists on being assisted by
her husband and having the right to work outside the home, she embraces the concept of equity and feels
women’s primary tasks are at home. The ideas of women being complementary but of equal value are
42
strongly held by many Dutch, German, and Scandinavian converts. Yet an Islamic feminist discourses is
also gaining ground among converts that di ers from this essentialist gender discourse in which men and
women are regarded as having innate qualities. Feminist interpretations of the Qur’an by Asma Barlas and
43
Amina Wadud have inspired other converted intellectuals to reformulate gender issues. Some converts
44
move over time from an equity approach to a feminist understanding and critical reading of the Quràn.
For example, one of the Dutch converts I interviewed started as an “equal rights” feminist. After becoming a
Muslim, she was inspired by ideas about the innate complementary nature of the sexes. Presently she is
scrutinizing the Qur’an and formulating Islamic notions of gender that are close to her initial concept of
equality.
Commitment and Consequences
Anneke initially found it di cult to pray ve times a day, but now it has become an important
habit and she cannot imagine her life without this daily ritual. She tries to overcome the biggest
obstacle of all: veiling. “I used to wear very short clothes, leather trousers….Even my mother used
to be ashamed of my miniskirts. Now she is ashamed again by my appearance.” She is intellectually
convinced that veiling is a commandment of God. She exchanged her very short skirts for a wide
and long out t, but it took her a long time to adapt to an appearance that she herself considers
Islamically correct. It has been one of her main struggles in embodying Islam. Because she herself

found veiling the most terrible consequence of becoming Muslim, she understands her relatives’
disgust. She tries to work out fashionable ways of veiling and dressing. Her imam husband did not
push veiling, although he heard comments from his community. They went to Mecca, and Anneke
slowly got used to veiling during her stay of almost a month. She decided not to uncover anymore.
Her parents were scared to death during the rst marriage but even more with this bearded imam
and her veiling. Her parents were ashamed to walk beside their veiled daughter. At work she
eventually managed by careful maneuvering to get the veil accepted. She also had to face the
Christmas holidays, parties, drinking or serving alcohol, and all the other familiar problems with
non-Muslim relatives and colleagues.
Conversion to Islam is a process of embodying religious practices and rituals. It involves taking up new
45
bodily and ritual practices pertaining to praying, fasting, and food. In addition, important markers of
identity are often changed such as one’s name and appearance, including hijaab, the veil, or occasionally
p. 678 niqaab, the veil fully covering the body and the face. Moreover, converting frequently leads to changing
social and cultural practices, for example, in relation to celebrations or contact with the opposite sex.
Whereas for some new Muslims conversion is radical, others slowly transform aspects of their identity and
practice. Converts often say they are like newborns who slowly get used to learning to practice Islamic
rituals and behavior. It takes time to adapt and develop a Muslim habitus. Yet many converts do not give
themselves much time to embody Muslim lifestyles and are eager to practice all at once. Anneke quickly
picked up the habits of fasting and praying, but it took her many years to adapt to veiling. She is still not
happy with the way she dresses and feels it should be “more conservative.”
Veiling is a condensed symbol of embodying Islam. It means taking on a visible marker of Islam and publicly
declaring the new identity. Male converts often trim their beard, but this is a less visible marker of Islam.
For female converts, donning the veil often marks a stage of “coming out.” Not all converts decide to veil;
not all are convinced it is necessary to do so. If converts are convinced they should veil, it can be a di cult
struggle, as Anneke’s story makes clear. Veiling can be a sacri ce and an enormous source of con ict with
people in one’s environment. Relatives often indicate their acceptance of conversion and veiling by saying,
“I don’t mind walking beside her.” For most relatives, it takes a while before they dare to walk beside a
veiled person. Anneke’s relatives were not yet in this stage of acceptance. After starting to wear the veil,
converts relate two major changes in the way they are treated: they are considered less intelligent, and they
are perceived as foreigners. People react to them as if the veil “is squeezing our brains so that they no longer
receive oxygen,” as a Dutch convert expressed. Female converts also relate several incidents in which they
are treated as foreigners because, by de nition, “Islam is the belief of foreigners.” Particularly in the labor
46
market, several Dutch women have faced discrimination as a result of wearing the veil.
This strong reaction is related to several factors. First, the veil is perceived as the most visible symbol of
female degradation, a condition that marks the “World of Islam” but is alien to the West. Second, the veil is
a symbol of foreignness. Parents are rightly concerned that their daughters might face discrimination.
Third, the veil is considered “so ugly.” Here, ideas on showing and hiding beauty strongly diverge: Muslim
converts’ concepts of concealment radically oppose Western notions of marketing female beauty. Western
male relatives, in particular, express a feeling of a ront. Veiling by female relatives is interpreted by male
relatives as an accusation of their being sexually aggressive. An uncle had assumed a large part of the
upbringing of his niece after her father’s death. He no longer visits his niece since she started veiling in
front of him. From the role of caretaker, he felt he was put at the level of a sexually aggressive outsider, and
he stated, “I am not going to assault her!” The interaction between the sexes generally constitutes a crucial
di erence between Western and Muslim cultural practice. The introduction of Muslim forms of segregation,
whether in space or in veiling, are not only considered conservative but also forms by which male‒female
relationships are “sexualized.”
For most converts, becoming Muslim eventually entails changing many aspects of daily comportment and

cultural practices that might con ict with their social environment. Many converts take on new Muslim
p. 679 names. Some use the new name along with their old name, while others reject their original name and
only use their Muslim name. Changing this important marker of identity shocks the family, which feels like
they are losing their daughter or son. Practices related to food may become sensitive issues, depending on
the strictness of the converts and the acceptance of the parents. Refusing to eat pork is not a problem in
most families. Insisting on ritually slaughtered halal meat is more disturbing. Refusing all products
containing animal fat is troublesome. A related issue concerns alcohol. Converts di er in their attitude
toward alcohol. Some simply abstain but do not mind others drinking alcohol. Others do not buy and o er
alcohol at their parties but allow guests to bring their own drinks. Some refuse to be present at any party
where alcohol is consumed. Celebrations such as Christmas, Easter, and birthday parties can be sensitive
matters as well. Converts also have to develop their own style of celebrating Muslim festive occasions such
as the Feast of Sacri ce (Id al-Adha) or Id al-Fitr.
Discourses, Identities and Embodied Piety
Anneke stressed that the longer she is Muslim, the more relaxation and peace of mind she has
found. With regard to veiling, she says, “You have to ask and search but on the other hand you
should also be able to accept. I can tell you many reasons why the veil is obligatory but all the
reasons I will give you I could counter with arguments. In the end you simply have to accept, ‘this
is the way God wants it to be.’ Islam is the most important thing in my life. I am engaged with it the
whole day. As a Muslim you are never bored.” After years of struggle Anneke is calm and at ease
with her new lifestyle and identity. This feeling of rest, which is expressed in her Muslim name,
Sakina, was the most important experience gained from becoming Muslim.
To most non-Muslim observers, Anneke’s choice and long-term struggle to veil, her eventual peace of
mind, and her “submission” might be unintelligible. They might interpret these acts as contrary to her own
interests as a well-educated modern woman. In order not to fall prey to arguments such as “false
consciousness,” “lack of intelligence,” and “curbed agency,” however, Anneke’s own views and discourse
on “active engagement,” as well as her sense of “feeling at rest,” need to be taken seriously.
In order to comprehend conversion as a meaningful process—combining the insider’s and outsider’s

perspectives—I propose combining three sources of inspiration: the well-established research within
conversion theories on identity and the equally important work on conversion discourse, in addition to the
47
more recent anthropological work on piety and embodied agency. Several conversion theories concentrate
on functions of conversion in solving biographical problems. Others focus on the plausibility of Islamic
discourse for individual converts and the important functions of da’wah in the conversion process. Both
p. 680 approaches are important and need to be combined. In addition, a more experience-near focus on piety
and embodying Islam is necessary. For many converts, the pious construction of self is the most rewarding
aspect of conversion. Yet, the gratifying nature of the pursuit of pious perfection is not well theorized within
conversion studies, particularly in the case of women and Islam. Anthropological approaches toward piety
and agency can be helpful in understanding the enduring importance of converting.
The rst approach (that of religious scholars, psychologists, and sociologists) deals with conversion as
creating or gaining a new identity. It analyzes biographies, the factors that can explain people’s propensities
to convert and the crisis experiences they have had. It focuses on the problems converts have encountered
and on how conversion has given them a new sense of self and helped them to create a new identity or a new
form of belonging. It analyzes motives, routes, and themes in converts’ life stories that make them
susceptible to conversion. Although this approach does highlight the fact that conversion can become
meaningful in a person’s life, the reason why individuals have opted for this particular solution, conversion

to Islam, is not always clear. What is meaningful in the message of Islam? Why Islam and which Islam?
Which discourses are the individuals themselves creating? This approach thus leaves aside the di erent
kinds of Islamic discourses that converts are attracted to.
The second approach of scholars of Islamic studies, historians, and anthropologists deals with the diverse
discourses and narratives produced in the communities of converts. This approach urges a strategy to
critically deconstruct the discourse and not to confuse conversion narratives with conversion motives. The
approach focuses on how discourses and stories are created and recreated in converts’ communities and
how they become meaningful in communicating conversion experiences. It analyzes the message of Islam
and how this can be meaningful for individuals or groups. Although this approach does analyze how Islamic
discourses are created, spread, and become meaningful, the biographical aspects of the receivers are not
clearly included in the perspective. How an individual comes to be attracted to these discourses, how it
makes sense in their unfolding life stories, and how the discourses are turned into lived experiences are
questions beyond the scope of this approach.
Both approaches are important and valid in themselves. Yet, the combination of insights from both identity
studies and discourse analyses generates a more complex understanding. We need to understand both the
receivers and the messages. Conversion is a multilayered, continuous process in which new identities and
discourses are produced and reproduced. Some individuals may become receptive to conversion through
personal trajectories and biographical experiences. Yet, the new message must be plausible. Islam and
Islamic discourse may be plausible to individuals for di erent reasons. Individuals can be addressed by
Islamic discourse in manifold aspects of their identities. People convert to Islam as persons with speci c
professional, religious, gender, racial, and ethnic identities. Various aspects of a person’s identity inform
48
discourse, and discourse appeals to di erent aspects of their identity.
49
Theories on Muslim piety can help to bridge and enrich the approaches to identity and discourses.
p. 681 Theories on piety can enlighten the process by which receivers make sense of the messages and turn
them into lived experiences and practices. First, these theories on piety analyze the continuous e ort to
embody Islam in everyday life. Second, Saba Mahmood’s work provides a framework to deconstruct binary
opposition between agency and submission. And third, the work on piety provides an insider’s
understanding of the rewarding nature of religious devotion.
As Bryan Turner argues, piety is about the construction of distinctive lifestyles of new religious tastes and
50
preferences. The “pietization” of everyday life is a continuous e ort on the part of believers. Piety is not a
matter of fact or end result of practicing and being committed but a learned practice or training that needs
to be regenerated daily. Fasting, praying, and veiling are not only outwards signs of piety but become
important means to cultivate devotion. By praying and veiling, devotees not only express their new
conviction but by doing so they become pious Muslims. Piety is a technology of the self designed to produce
51
religious excellence. Anneke’s struggle to veil is thus a striving toward greater religious perfection. It is
not solely a symbol of her new religious identity or an act corresponding to a certain discourse but also a
way to create a pious self. She does not merely veil because she has become a Muslim, but veiling, praying,
and other religious rituals constitute her daily engagements and techniques to embody Islam.
52
By looking into the pious “techniques of the body” and modes of self-fashioning, the dichotomy between
agency and submission can be mediated, if not removed. Particularly within the study of women and Islam
or conversion by women to Islam, agency is narrowed down to forms of resistance. Yet, as Mahmood has
analyzed for the adherents of the Egyptian piety movement, agency is the capacity for action, and people’s
53
ability to craft a moral, virtuous self is such an act of agency. Piety is an active engagement in which
sacri ce, submission, and agency can come together. It entails a measure of self-control and active
commitment, and the outcome can be formulated as the wish to submit to God’s will. The struggle to veil or

to submit can be an act of self-ful llment.
The constitution of a pious self is an important and rewarding practice for many devout Muslims. It is a
self-controlled form of sacri ce and a spiritual remaking. The religious devotion and spiritual reward of
being committed is often expressed as “peace of mind,” “calmness,” or “ nally feeling at ease.” For many
converts, this is what conversion is all about. The active construction of a pious self yields enormous
satisfaction and peace of mind. It is not passive obedience or submission but an active struggle to form a
pious disposition, a fuller development of self by devotional practices.
Conversion does not stop at the moment of embracing Islam and is not solely a mental activity of accepting
a new belief. It requires the embodiment of new social and religious practices. Within this process of
embodiment and learning or ingraining new practices, a new habitus—ideas, insights, tastes, and
preferences—is developing. The budding preferences can generate receptivity toward new voices within
Islamic discourse or invite the converts to formulate new insights themselves. In di erent periods of
converts’ lives, diverse discourses and practices may make sense. The approach to conversion as an active
process of embodying pious practices brings to the fore the idea that identities and discourses are
p. 682 implicated in each other. Converts engage in religious practices related to discourses that are meaningful
to them. Embodying the new practices can lead to renewed experiences, interpretations, and negotiations of
existing discourses. It is a continuous interplay. In their unfolding biographies, converts remake and
negotiate discourses which in turn inform the process of identity construction and pious remaking.
This approach understands conversion as a complex contextual experience and long-term process that
involves the construction of identities, discourses, and pious embodiment. The approach sensitizes us to the
di erent ways in which converts make sensible choices—choices that can change over time. In addition, the
combined insights of identity constructions, discourse formations, and pious subjectivities help us to escape
essentializing approaches toward Islam and gender. Moreover, the proposed approach gives a more
experience-near understanding of the rewards of active submission to God, the literal meaning of becoming
Muslim.
Notes
1. James A. Beckford, “Accounting for Conversion,” British Journal of Sociology 29, no. 2 (1978): 249–262; Peter Stromberg,
Language and Self-Transformation: A Study of the Christian Conversion Narrative (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1993).
2. Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).
3. The word “conversion” should be read as “conversion” throughout the text. In order to be in line with the terminology of
the other authors of this Handbook, I choose to use the concept of conversion. Yet, with an eye to the discussion outlined
in this paragraph, the term is problematic and preferably should be placed between quotation marks.
4. Karin van Nieuwkerk, “ʻIslam is your birthrightʼ: Conversion, Reversion and Alternation: The Case of New Muslims in the
West,” in Conversion in Antiquity and Middle Ages, ed. W. J. van Bekkum, J. N. Bremmer, and A. L. Molendijk (Leuven:
Peeters, 2006), 151–165.
5. Yasin Dutton, “Conversion to Islam: Quranic Paradigm,” in Religious Conversion, Contemporary Practices and Controversies,
ed. C. Lamb and M. Bryant (London: Cassell, 1999), 151–153.
6. Bernard Uhde, “Enlightened Christians or Anonymous Muslims: Some Remarks on Unnoticed Conversion,” a paper
presented at the Comparing Religious Conversion and Crypto-Religion in Christian and Muslim Societies Conference,
Freiburg, June 28, 2008.
7. See also Van Nieuwkerk, “Islam is your birthright,” 151–165. The website The True Religion no longer exists.

8. Dudley J. Woodberry, “Conversion in Islam,” in Handbook of Religious Conversion, ed. H. Newton Malony and S. Southard
(Birmingham AL: Religious Education Press, 1992), 23, 35.
9. The other pillars are prayer, almsgiving, fasting, and pilgrimage to Mecca.
10. Dutton, “Conversion to Islam,” 153–156.
11. Woodberry, “Conversion in Islam.”
12. Dutton, “Conversion to Islam.”
p. 683 13. Haifaa Jawad, “Female Conversion to Islam: The Sufi Paradigm,” in Women Embracing Islam: Gender and Conversion in the
West, ed. Karin van Nieuwkerk (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006).
14. Larry Poston, Islamic Da`wah in the West: Muslim Missionary Activity and the Dynamics of Conversion to Islam (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1992); Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad, “The Quest for Peace in Submission: Reflections on the Journey
of American Women Converts to Islam,” in Women Embracing Islam: Gender and Conversion in the West, ed. Karin van
Nieuwkerk (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006).
15. Thomas Luckmann, “The Religious Situation in Europe: The Background to Contemporary Conversions,” Social Compass
46, no. 3 (1999): 251–258; Stefano Allievi, Les Convertis à lʼIslam: Les nouveaux musulmans dʼEurope (Paris: LʼHarmattan,
1998).
16. Gabrielle Hofmann, Muslimin werden: Frauen in Deutschland konvertieren zum Islam (Frankfurt: Universität Frankfurt,
1997).
17. Steve Bruce, Choice and Religion: A Critique of Rational Choice Theory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Steve Bruce,
God is Dead: Secularization in the West (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002); Rodney Stark and R. Finke, Acts of Faith:
Explaining the Human Side of Religion (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2000).
18. Allievi, Les Convertis à lʼIslam; Monika Wohlrab-Sahr, “Symbolizing Distance: Conversion to Islam in Germany and the
United States,” in Gender and Conversion to Islam in the West, ed. Karin van Nieuwkerk (Austin: University of Texas Press,
2006).
19. Karin van Nieuwkerk, “Biography and Choice: Female Converts to Islam in the Netherlands,” Islam and Christian-Muslim
Relations 19, no. 4 (2008): 429–445.
20. Allievi, Les Convertis à lʼIslam.
21. Stromberg, Language and Self-Transformation; Susan F. Harding, “Convicted by the Holy Spirit: The Rhetoric of
Fundamental Baptist Conversion,” American Ethnologist 14, no. 1 (1987): 167–181.
22. Karin van Nieuwkerk, “Piety, Penitence and Gender: The Case of Repentant Artists in Egypt,” Journal for Islamic Studies 28
(2008): 37–65.
23. Anne Sofie Roald, “The Shaping of a Scandinavian ʻIslamʼ: Converts and Gender Equal Opportunity,” in Women Embracing
Islam: Gender and Conversion in the West, ed. Karin van Nieuwkerk (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006).
24. Stefano Allievi, “Converts and the Making of European Islam,” ISIM Newsletter 11 (2002): 1, 26; Anne Sofie Roald, New
Muslims in the European Context: The Experiences of Scandinavian Converts (Leiden: Brill, 2004).
25. Ali Köse, Conversion to Islam: A Study of Native British Converts (London: Kegan Paul International, 1996).
26. Monika Wohlrab-Sahr, Konversion zum Islam in Deutschland und den USA (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1998).
27. Karin van Nieuwkerk, “Gender, Conversion and Islam: A Comparison of Online and O -line Conversion Narratives,” in
Women Embracing Islam: Gender and Conversion in the West, ed. Karin van Nieuwkerk (Austin: University of Texas Press,
2006).
28. Allievi, Les Convertis à lʼIslam; Hofmann, Muslimin werden. Van Nieuwkerk, “Gender, Conversion and Islam”; Haddad, “The
Quest for Peace in Submission”; Köse, Conversion to Islam.

29. Jawad, “Female Conversion to Islam.”
30. Köse, Conversion to Islam.
p. 684 31. Robert Dannin, “Island in a Sea of Ignorance: Dimensions of the Prison Mosque,” in Making Muslim Space in North America
and Europe, ed. B. Daly Metcalf (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1996).
32. Ibid., 144.
33. Aminah Beverley McCloud, “African-American Muslim Women,” in The Muslims of America, ed. Y. Yazbeck Haddad (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1991).
35. Ibid.; Hofmann, Muslimin werden.
36. Monika Wohlrab-Sahr, “Conversion to Islam: Between Syncretism and Symbolic Battle,” Social Compass 46, no. 3 (1999):
351–362, at 352.
37. Hofmann, Muslimin werden, 121.
38. Ibid.
40. Madeleine Sultán, “Choosing Islam: A Study of Swedish Converts,” Social Compass 46 no. 3 (1999): 325–337; Karin van
Nieuwkerk, “Veils and Wooden Clogs Do Not Go Together,” Ethnos 69, no. 2 (2004): 229–247; Roald, “The Shaping of a
Scandinavian ʻIslamʼ.”
41. Hofmann, Muslimin werden.
42. Van Nieuwkerk, “Veils and Wooden Clogs”; Roald, “The Shaping of a Scandinavian ʻIslamʼ.”
43. Amina Wadud, Qurʼan and Woman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).
44. Margot Badran, “Feminism and Conversion: Comparing British, Dutch and South African Life Stories,” in Women Embracing
Islam: Gender and Conversion in the West, ed. Karin van Nieuwkerk (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006).
45. Nicole Bourque, “How Deborah Became Aisha: The Conversion Process and the Creation of Female Muslim Identity,” in
Women Embracing Islam: Gender and Conversion in the West, ed. Karin van Nieuwkerk (Austin: University of Texas Press,
2006).
46. Van Nieuwkerk, “Veils and Wooden Clogs.”
47. Saba Mahmood, Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005).
48. Karin van Nieuwkerk, “Introduction: Gender and Conversion to Islam,” in Women Embracing Islam: Gender and Conversion
in the West, ed. Karin van Nieuwkerk (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006).
49. Mahmood, Politics of Piety; Saba Mahmood, “Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on
the Egyptian Islamic Revival,” Cultural Anthropology 6, no. 2 (2001): 202–236; Bryan Turner, “Introduction: The Price of
Piety,” Contemporary Islam 2, no. 1 (2008): 1–7.
50. Turner, “Introduction: The Price of Piety,” 2.
51. Ibid., 3.
52. See also Julius Bautista, “The Meta-Theory of Piety: Reflections on the Work of Saba Mahmood,” Contemporary Islam 2,
no. 1 (2008): 75–85.
53. Mahmood, Politics of Piety; Mahmood, “Feminist Theory.”

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The Oxford Handbook of Religious Conversion

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“Conversion,” Reversion, and Becoming Muslim

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Biography and Crisis

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Discourses, Identities and Embodied Piety

In order to comprehend conversion as a meaningful process—combining the insider’s and outsider’s

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10. Dutton, “Conversion to Islam,” 153–156.

11. Woodberry, “Conversion in Islam.”

12. Dutton, “Conversion to Islam.”

20. Allievi, Les Convertis à lʼIslam.

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30. Köse, Conversion to Islam.

32. Ibid., 144.

34. Allievi, Les Convertis à lʼIslam.

35. Ibid.; Hofmann, Muslimin werden.

37. Hofmann, Muslimin werden, 121.

39. Allievi, Les Convertis à lʼIslam.

41. Hofmann, Muslimin werden.

46. Van Nieuwkerk, “Veils and Wooden Clogs.”

50. Turner, “Introduction: The Price of Piety,” 2.

53. Mahmood, Politics of Piety; Mahmood, “Feminist Theory.”

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