Fei - Chapter 5
Fei - Chapter 5
The Morality of
Personal Relationships
The basic structure of Chinese rural society is what I have called " a
differential mode of association" (chaxugeju). This pattern is com-
posed of distinctive networks spreading out from each individual's
personal connections. It is quite different from the modern West-
ern organizational mode of association (tuantigeju). In such a pat-
tern, personal relationships depend on a common structure. Peo-
J)le attach themselves to a preexisting structure and then, through
that structure, form personal relationships. The concept of the cit-
izen, for example, necessarily follows the development of the state.
It seems likely that this type of organizational pattern grew out of
primitive tribal formations. In primitive nomadic economies, these
patterns were quite prominent. Depending on each other in daily
life, tribal peoples could not survive if they spread out among the
mountains, with each person living alone. To them, a cohesive or-
ganization was a precondition of life. But it is different for those
people living in a settled agricultural society, where everyone earns
his or her own living from the land and feels the need of compan-
ions only under fortuitous, temporary, or special circumstances.
To these people, starting relationships with others is a matter of
secondary importance. Moreover, they need connections to differ-
ent degrees on different occasions. They do not seem to need large,
continuous organizations. Therefore, their society has adopted a
differential mode of association.
These two patterns of social organization give rise to different
types of morality. Morality is the belief that people in a society
should abide by certain norms of social behavior. Morality always
includes regulations, beliefs, and sanctions, all of which are shaped
by the constraints imposed by a social structure. According to a
sociological perspective, morality is society's sanction on individ-
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72 Morality of Personal Relationships
possessing ren is cautious and slow in speaking.' Niu asked, lIs this
what is meant by ren?' The Master. said, Acting in a benevolent
I
Tao Ying asked, "When Shun was emperor and Gaoyao was the
judge, if Shun's father had killed a man, what should have hap-
pened?"
Mencius said, "Gaoyao would have arrested him."
"In that case, would Shun not have tried to stop it?"
"How could Shun have stopped it? Gaoyao would have had the
authority to deal with the matter."
"Then what would Shun have done?"
"Shun would have regarded abandoning the empire as throwing
away a worn-out shoe. He would have secretly carried the old man
on his back and fled to the edge of the sea. He would have lived
there all his life happily and forgotten all about the empire." 12
All this is to say that, although Shun was the emperor, he was still
unable to treat his father as he would any other subject. Mencius's
answer is an ideal solution to the conflict between the public and
the private. Shun tried to serve two goals, but could not. Mencius
thought of a way to escape the law by Shun's living in a remote
place by the sea.
Mencius was able to give this answer because this example was
fictitious. However, in another place, Mencius dealt with a prob-
lem in a way that demonstrates even more clearly the absence of
universalism in Chinese moral standards.