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The use of electronic voting and counting devices complicates matters

even further. As stated in this topic, the effective adoption of electronic voting and

counting technologies is dependent on a wide range of variables operating in

concert. In the long run, expenses are also anticipated to reduce. Results could

be published and publicized sooner. Adoption of modern election technology may

create opportunities for election officials to reach out to and urge young voters to

vote. Voter education programs aimed at young voters ought to make full use of

social media as an alternative to traditional media voter education campaigns.

The purpose of developing e-voting systems is to improve many facets of

the electoral procedure. E-voting is frequently seen as a method for promoting

democracy, increasing trust in electoral administration, legitimizing election

results, and boosting overall electoral efficiency. As technology improves,

election managers, observers, international organizations, vendors, and

standards bodies are continuously updating their methods and approaches.

When properly implemented, e-voting technology can eliminate some common

forms of fraud, accelerate the evaluation of results, and increase voter turnout.

Accessible along with making voting more accessible for citizens may, in certain

circumstances, possibly reduce the long-term expenses of elections or

referendums when used across a series of electoral events.

Poll workers should be well-prepared to answer any questions concerning

the voting machines, such as how to operate them, how votes are counted and

communicated, and how the vote's security and confidentiality are safeguarded.
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This type of information will serve to boost voter confidence and trust in

electronic voting and counting. Domestic election observation organizations have

a special obligation, as citizens' representatives, to ensure that the public is

sufficiently informed about the elections.

According to Ben Goldsmith and Holly Ruthrauff (2013) Election

observers should evaluate election officials' supply of voter education throughout

the election process and decide if appropriate information was supplied. Long-

term observers can gather this information, and data from public opinion polls

may also be available. If there are any gaps in knowledge or among specific

target groups or regions, election observers’ groups should make suggestions to

election administrators regarding how such gaps can be filled to ensure that

voters have the information they need to vote and can be assured that their votes

will be accurately reflected in the election results. The interpretation of disparities

between the human recount of the audit trail and electronically generated data is

increasingly complex with electronic counting systems (Pat Merloe, 2207).

Furthermore, the use of new voting technology may allow election

officials to reach out and encourage the involvement among young voters. Voter

education programs aimed at young voters ought to make full use of social media

as an alternative to traditional media voter education campaigns.

Different voters mark their paper votes in various ways, and Electoral authorities

may interpret these voter markings differently at times. The benefit of electronic

voting technologies is that they consistently interpret ballot marking in

accordance with the instructions supplied to them. A disparity in vote totals after
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a human ballot count might be due to the counting machine reading voter

markings differently than the election official. Linda Patterson (2007).

Since we are in the middle of a pandemic, researchers chose a topic that

is pertinent at this time of crisis; as future voters, we must be more realistic and

sensitive to what is going on. As a result, we believe that our study might assist

voters reduce their risk of infection while simultaneously making voting simpler in

the middle of a pandemic. When the pandemic began, everyone became more

active on social media and in the use of technology. Because we prefer to stay at

home rather than go out, researchers believe that E-voting or online voting can

reduce the number of infected people while also making it much easier to access

and connect from one to another. Furthermore, we believe using E-voting system

will aid in the speeding up of ballot counting, the cost of employing staff to

manually count ballots, and the accessibility of voters with impairments.

Theoretical Framework

This study was founded on many ideas that support the Political Views on

E-voting adaptation in the Philippines among Universidad de Zamboanga Senior

High School students. Theoretical viewpoints serve as the foundation for

research and encourage researchers to pursue additional studies in the social

sciences. This is also applicable in the field of Political Views on E-voting. This

section defines three primary hypotheses about political perspectives on e-

voting: (1) Sociological Theory, (2) Democratic Theory, (3) Condorcet’s Theory
 5

Sociological Theory. A voter choice hypothesis that is mostly focused

on social and party identification variables. Originally developed by political

scientists at the University of Michigan's Survey Research Centre, beginning with

an investigation of the 1952 Presidential election. These scientists created and

improved an approach to voting behavior based on a voter's psychological

commitment to a political party, recognizing group cleavages, which would be

carried on over the next two decades.

According to the preliminary research, three primary elements influence

voting behavior: a personal connection with one of the political groups, concern

with national government policy issues, and personal attraction to presidential

candidates. Their investigation further revealed that the most common factor was

party affiliation and attachment. Further, according to the paradigm, this party

connection is generally stable, having been formed by outside social forces such

as parents, family members, and others on one's sociological spectrum. The

Michigan model and the spatial model are on opposing ends of the spectrum in

certain aspects, with the Michigan model stating that voting is solely partisan and

the spatial model arguing that voting is based on ideological proximity to the

candidates.

Partisanship plays no influence in voting according to spatial voting

theories. Furthermore, detractors contend that the Michigan model exaggerates

its presumption that party identification is solidified by circumstances, rather than

the premise that party identification can alter in response to a party's

performance or other conditions. Peele, Gillian (2004).

Democratic Theory. Citizens' engagement in elections and - where

allowed - direct votes is vital to a well-functioning democracy, according to

democratic philosophy. Individuals can express their political views and influence

their political choices through electing candidates and parties and voting on

measures of policy. According to the democratic participatory paradigm, it is

preferable to gain maximum citizen participation in political choices impacting

their lives. Some authors disagree, claiming that the level of attendance is not the

most important aspect. What is more important is equal involvement (Teorell

2006; Teorell et al., 2007). As for instance, if abstinence is evenly spread across

the population, a low participation rate is not necessarily a concern (Schäfer

2013). If political engagement is unequal, meaning, if certain social groups are

consistently underrepresented, a legitimacy problem occurs. In this debate, the

essential issue is not whether electronic voting boosts overall turnout, but

whether it promotes involvement among voters who often abstain or vote seldom.

Certain scholars believe that e-voting will lower obstacles to civic

engagement and lessen inequities in participation by recruiting underrepresented

groups, such as young people or infrequent voters, while others are more

skeptical. They say that e-voting has no influence on one's reasons for political

participation, and they are even concerned that it could result in the opposite

effect, namely, that it will deepen the socioeconomic stratification that results

from the vote. According to the argument, electronic voting will advantage those

who are comfortable with internet access and already vote on a regular basis,
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notably the well-educated and wealthy, while leaving behind those with less

education, elderly people, and women.

Condorcet’s Theory. A voting technique that elects the candidate who

receives the most votes in each head-to-head elections against each of the

remaining candidates, i.e., the candidate chosen by the most voters above all

others, whenever such a candidate exists. The Condorcet winner is a candidate

who has this property and is the pairwise winner or beats-all winner. The head-

to-head elections aren't required to be held separately; the ranking can be used

to establish a voter's preference within any given pair. Machines may be used to

speed the process of counting, but some voters are concerned that computers

will be hacked and utilized for ballot counting fraud. Valognes, Fabrice (2001).

Certain elections may not produce a Condorcet winner as voter

preferences are cyclical—that is, every candidate might have an opponent who

defeats them in a two-candidate battle. (This is analogous to the game Rock

paper scissors, where each hand form wins against a single opponent and loses

against the other one). James Green-Armytage (2011). The Condorcet paradox

refers to the potential of such circular preferences. However, there is always a

smallest group of candidates who beat all candidates who aren't in the group,

known as the Smith, set. If a Condorcet winner exists, it will be included in the

Smith set. In the absence of a Condorcet winner, several Condorcet procedures

elect a candidate from the Smith set. And is thus said to be "Smith-efficient”.

The Condorcet winner is typically, but not always, the practical winner (the

one who maximizes societal benefit). Assume the voters' preferences are as
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follows: 75% prefer B over C, 65% prefer A over B, while 60 percent prefer C

over A. (The three majorities form a rock-paper-scissors cycle.) Ranking pairings

start with the largest majority, which ranks B ahead of C and positions B ahead of

C in the order of finish. Then it takes into account the next largest majority, who

prefer A to B, and positions A ahead of B in the sequence of completion. It has

already been shown that A finishes ahead of B and B finishes ahead of C,

implying that A likewise finishes ahead of C.

As a result, when ranked couples consider the third greatest majority, who put C

ahead of A, the lower-ranked opponent A is currently positioned ahead of the

higher-ranked candidate C, and C cannot be placed ahead of A. "A, B, C" is the

finish order, and A is the winner. Finding the sequence of finish that minimize the

size of the largest reversed majorities is an equivalent definition. The above

definition can be used to simplify parts in the proofs of Ranked Pairs' qualities,

although the "constructive" version runs significantly quicker (in small polynomial

time).

The sociological theory developed and improved a voting behavior method

based on a the voter's psychological attachment to a party of choice, as well as

identifying group cleavages, that would continue to be carried on over the next

two decades. According to democratic theory, citizens' participation in elections

and - when available - direct voting are critical to a well-functioning democracy.

Citizens can express their political opinions and influence political choice-making

by voting on policy ideas and electing parties and individuals. Condorcet's

Theorem. When such a candidate exists, an election process that elects the

candidate who gets the highest number of votes for each head-to-head election

against each of the other candidates, i.e., the candidate picked by the most

voters above all others.

The Philippine General Elections in May 2022 provide the public with

another opportunity to select leaders who will help define the direction of the

country's destiny. Senators have been debating a "mail-in" voting method, with

varying degrees of enthusiasm, due to the ongoing coronavirus disease 2019

(COVID-19) pandemic. The Senate President has publicly opposed the proposal,

while two other members have backed it for reasons of diversity and safety. As a

registered voter who is interested in exercising the ability to vote and a cyber-

security professional, I believe that whether we use a mail-in voting system or an

online voting system in the upcoming elections, the use of electronic information

technology systems will entail the use of cyber security risks.

Conceptual Framework

The conceptual framework investigated the connections of the different

variables used in the study. The schematic diagram of the study is presented

below:
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Independent Variable Dependent Variable

E-voting System Political Views of

Figure 1 Conceptual Paradigm of the study

Figure 1 explains the relationship of the two variables in the study.

Independent variable is the E-voting System, and the dependent variable is the

Political Views of the UZ SHS. This research finds to establish and explain the

relationship of the two variables and its connection.

This study aimed to distinguish, examine, and explain the relationship

between the independent and dependent variables, as well as its conclusion.

Statement of the Problem

In this analysis, the goal of the researcher aims to provide crucial

information and identify the Political Views on E-voting System in the Philippine

among Universidad de Zamboanga Senior High School Students. Specifically,

this sought to answer the following questions.

1. What is the demographic profile of the respondents?

1.1 Age
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1.2 Sex

1.3 Ethnicity

1.4 Strand

1.5 Socio-economic status

2. What are the political views on E-voting System in the Philippine of the

Universidad de Zamboanga Senior High School Students?

3. Is there a significant difference on the political views on E-voting System in

the Philippines and the respondents they are grouped according to their profile?

Hypothesis

The study was guided by a null hypothesis.

HO. There is no significant difference between the political views on E-

voting System in the Philippines and the respondents when they are grouped

according to their profile.

Significance of the Study

This study aimed to provide crucial knowledge and details regarding the

political perspectives on E-voting from respondents, current studies, and linked

sites required for the anticipated significance to individuals as follows:

Commission on Elections. It will be less expensive to implement and maintain

for the COMELEC during the election. Speed ballot counting, lower the expense

of employing employees to manually count votes, and remove the expenses of

renting a polling venue and printing all materials utilized.

Community. The community will be able to know the effectiveness of E-voting in

the Philippines. It will help increase voters’ turnout in every community and give

election more legitimacy and are more assured that their votes will be counted

accurately especially during this time of pandemic, and they can vote using

technology devices without hassle.

Registered Voter. They can vote from anywhere without barriers. This allows

everybody the chance to participate in elections very easily and conveniently and

can make it easier for disabled registered voters to vote. They will also save both

money and time that would otherwise be spent on manually the printing process,

distributing, and counting paper votes.

School. The school will be able to minimize and avoid the face-to-face contact

as a polling station during the election process and manage the election easily

online and reduce organizational stress. Learn how to benefit from a simplified
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election management process and boost voter turnout and to further democratize

the school.

Students. To have more understanding about the E-voting System in the

Philippines and to increase and encourage participation of students in voting.

They can vote from any internet-connected computer, at any time, without having

to go to a polling station and encourage fellow members to participate as well

and have a better voting experience and are more sure that their vote will be

counted correctly.

Future Researchers. They will be able to determine the advantage and

disadvantage of E-voting in the Philippines. They can refer to this study when

conducting similar studies with a different variable.

Scope and Delimitation of the Study

This study was delimited on the Political Views on E-voting system in the

Philippines among Senior High School students. The research was conducted on

the 80 Senior High school students of Universidad de Zamboanga enrolled in

STEM, GAS, HUMMS and ABM across 3 units, enrolled during the school year

2021-2020.
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Operational Definition of Terms

The following terminology are defined in the context of this research for a

better understanding and clarification of this study.

Condorcet Theory – This term refers to one of the study's related theories the

election method that chooses the winner candidate through vote majority rule.

Democratic theory- This term refers to one of the study's related theories.

E-voting System- This term refers to as one of the factors that could be

influenced by the political views on E-voting System of the UZ SHS.

Political views- This term refers to the specific perception of the respondents or

the UZ SHS on E-voting System.

Registered Voters- This term refers to the people who can officially vote for the

elections.

Sociological theory- This term refers to as one of the underlying theories that

may be able to explain how E-voting System affects election results.

Students- This term refers to the study’s respondents who were chosen from the

general population.