Thesis

Entitled

The Impact of Rape Myths and the Media on Students’ Perceptions of Police

Response and Empathy for Survivors in Sexual Assault

By

Kathleen A. Curtiss, B.S.

Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for

The Master of Arts Degree in Psychology

Advisor, Jeanne B. Funk, Ph. D.

Gregory J. Meyer, Ph. D.

Alexander M. Czopp, Ph. D.

College of Graduate Studies

The University Of Toledo

December 2007
An Abstract of

The Impact of Rape Myths and the Media on Students’ Perceptions of Police
 Response and Empathy for Survivors in Sexual Assault

Kathleen A. Curtiss, B.S.

Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for

The Master of Arts in Psychology

The University of Toledo

December 2007

This study examined the impact of rape scenario variables on the attitudes of

college students regarding empathy for the survivor and making a recommendation that

the event be reported to police. The role of media exposure on these attitudes was also

explored. Two hundred and three undergraduate students were assigned to one of four

vignettes varying both sobriety status of the survivor and perpetrator type and were asked

to complete several surveys regarding rape myth attitudes and media exposure. Results

indicated that vignettes with an acquaintance perpetrator were more likely to elicit

survivor empathy as well as greater recommendation to report. Amount of exposure to

aggressive or sexual media content was not found to be correlated with belief in rape

myths. Gender appeared to play a significant role in participant response patterns.

Implications for sexual assault education and support for survivors are discussed.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the following people for their support and assistance in the
creation of this thesis proposal:

■ Dr. Jeanne Funk for her advice and counseling throughout the project, as well as

keeping me on task and on time.

■ Dr. Alex Czopp and Dr. Greg Meyer for dedicating time to the creation and

review of this project.

■ Jason Brouwer for his time and effort assisting me in data collection.

■ Diane Docis, coordinator of the Sexual Assault program at the University of

Toledo for her assistance in any sexual assault - related questions I’ve had.

■ My classmates who were always ready and willing to listen to any frustrations I

may have had during this project. I may not have completed it without their

support!
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract.........................................................................................................ii

Acknowledgements.......................................................................................iii

Table of Contents..........................................................................................iv

List of Tables and Figures............................................................................vii

I. Chapter One: Introduction..................................................................1

II. Chapter Two: Review of the Literature..............................................3

Rape and the Law................................................................................3

Psychological and Emotional Consequences of Sexual Assault.......5

Impact of Social Support.....................................................................6

Rape Myths.........................................................................................8

Acquaintance or Date Rape...................................................10

Alcohol-Related Myths.........................................................11

The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale............................13

Rape and the Media...........................................................................14

Effects of Exposure to Violent and Sexual Media................16

Television..............................................................................17

The News Media...................................................................18

Reality Television.................................................................19

Magazines.............................................................................19

Movies...................................................................................20

Music.....................................................................................22

The Present Study.............................................................................24

Hypotheses and Exploratory Questions for Experimental Vignette Design

...........................................................................................................26

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 Hypothesis One......................................................................26

Exploratory Question One.....................................................26

Hypotheses and Exploratory Questions for Media Survey Design.. .27

Hypothesis Two.....................................................................27

Exploratory Question Two....................................................27

III. Chapter Three: Method.....................................................................28

Participants............................................................................28

Measures - Experimental Vignette Design............................28

Perception of Police Officer Response and Empathy for

Survivors....................................................................28

History of Sexual Assault and Law Enforcement

Experience.................................................................29

Measures - Media Survey Design.........................................30

Rape Myths Acceptance ...........................................30

Exposure to Mass Media...........................................31

Procedure...............................................................................32

IV. Chapter Four: Results........................................................................ 33

Experimental Vignette Design..............................................33

Creation of Variables................................................ 33

Analyses....................................................................34

Media Survey Design............................................................37

Creation of Variables................................................ 37

Analyses.....................................................................39

Gender....................................................................................41
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V. Discussion..........................................................................................44

VI. References..........................................................................................56

VII. Appendices.........................................................................................64

6
 List of Tables and Figures

Table 1. Means and Standard Deviations for Vignette Perpetrator Type.... 36

Table 2. Means and Standard Deviations for Sexual Assault Experience by

Proxy............................................................................................................. 40

Table 3. Correlation Coefficients for Mean Total IRMA Score and Weighted

Media Types................................................................................................. 41

Table 4. Regression Model Variables for Predicting Mean IRMA Scores by

Media Scores................................................................................................ 42

Table 5. Regression Model Variables for Predicting Mean IRMA Scores by

Age and Gender............................................................................................ 43

Table 6. Correlation Matrix of Major Study Variables...............................43

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 Chapter One

Introduction

The current Ohio Revised Code defines sexual assault as being: "sexual conduct with

another...when the offender purposely compels the other person to submit by force or

threat of force or deception... or when the other person's ability to consent is substantially

impaired because of a mental or physical condition... (2907.03).” An impaired ability to

consent includes being under the influence of drugs or alcohol, a factor that becomes very

important on college campuses. Sexual assault is a broad term that refers to a variety of

sex offenses against people of all ages. The present study uses the term sexual assault to

mean rape against women over the age of eighteen. In addition, in lieu of the word victim

which implies loss of control, this study will use the word survivor, a more empowering

term.

According to the National Crime Victimization Survey, one in every six women has

been the survivor of an attempted or completed rape, making it more common than left-

handedness or alcoholism (Schwartz & Leggett, 1999; Warsaw, 1994). Despite the high

prevalence of these events, at least half go unreported, and of the few that are reported,

less than 6% result in an arrest (Bachman, 1998). Due to the extreme discrepancy between

prevalence and police response, much of the literature has focused on determining

survivors’ perceptions of police attitudes towards sexual assault. To date, however, there

1
have been no studies that focus on the general populations’ perceptions of police response

to sexual assault. Given that the tendency to file a police report is highly influenced by the

recommendations of others, the present study seeks to examine the level of social support

present in college culture for reporting these kinds of assaults. It has been well-

documented that rape myths and exposure to mass media have an effect on people’s

attitudes and beliefs, and following this, the present study intends to explore a possible

relationship between college students’ attitudes about reporting rape, adherence to rape

myths (false beliefs about what constitutes a true rape), and amount of exposure to

sources of mass media.

2
 Chapter Two

Review of the Literature

Rape and the Law

Despite significant reforms in sexual assault legislation in the 1970s there has only

been a slight increase in the reporting of sexual assaults since these laws have gone into

effect (Felson & Pare, 2005; Clay-Warner & Burt, 2005) and survivors are still dealing

with the same negative responses from the legal system, including minimization of their

rape and placing blame on the survivor (Jordan, 2001; Ullman & Filipas, 2001).

Researchers have put the percentage of unreported sexual assaults to be anywhere from

50% to 95% (Bachman, 1998; DuMont, Miller, & Myhr, 2003; Felson & Pare; Schwartz &

Leggett, 1999; U.S.Dept of Justice, 2005). Clay-Warner and Burt found that, although rape

reporting has gone up slightly overall since the reforms, the effect of rape type on reporting

has not changed: rapes involving acquaintances and minimal physical injury are still

reported much less than violent rapes by strangers (see also DuMont et al.). This stems

from an unwritten distinction between aggravated and simple rape. Aggravated rape is one

in which the offender is a stranger, there are multiple offenders, or there is significant

physical injury or use of violence, such as weapons. Simple rape occurs when none of

these circumstances are present, but the offender is known to the survivor, and there is

minimal violence or physical injury. Interestingly, there have never been any laws

explicitly differentiating these two types of rapes and, in fact, one of the goals of the

reforms was to eliminate this distinction (Estrich, 1987). This distinction clearly still exists,

3
however, both in the legal and cultural systems.

This rape-type distinction has left survivors feeling extremely uncomfortable with

reporting assaults to the police. Many survivors reporting assaults to the police experience

minimization of the crime and blame for their own behavior in the incident. In a study of

survivors receiving help at the Maryland Coalition Against Sexual Assault (MCASA),

almost 70% of survivors were not planning on reporting their assault to the police and, of

those who did report, 46% indicated being unhappy with the police interview (Jordan,

2001; Monroe et al., 2005). Sullivan and Hagan (2005), found an even higher percentage

of 98%, with 60 out of 61 participants voicing extreme dissatisfaction. Even with the

presence of an advocate, over 80% of the survivors who talked to police reported that they

felt violated after their contact with the legal system (Campbell, 2006). Overall, research

suggests that survivors of sexual assault have a negative opinion of police response to these

events, regardless if they have had actual contact with the police or not.

For survivors to feel more confident in reporting it is critical that their friends and

families support them in doing so. In a study of various assaults (sexual molestation, rape,

attack, or physical abuse) on juvenile survivors, it was found that parents who were

advised to report the assault to the police were five times more likely than other parents to

do so (Finkelhor & Wolak, 2003). The same study also found that, of sexual assault

survivors who were advised to report, 79% did. This study provides strong evidence for the

importance of support systems and their role in advising survivors of what to do after a

crime has been committed.

Psychological and Emotional Consequences of Sexual Assault

The attitudes expressed, both verbally and non-verbally, by those with

whom a rape victim has contact dramatically contribute to the process of
restoring her sense of self and safety in the world. Of critical importance is
the extent to which she feels believed by those she entrusts with her

4
 confidence, and the degree to which they are able to validate that what
happened to her was both traumatic and not her fault (Jordan, 2001, p. 700).
As a result of being sexually assaulted, a variety of both psychological and

physiological difficulties can arise which are exacerbated by blame and lack of support

from others (Rauch & Foa, 2004; Ullman, 1999) and usually last for a year or more (Popiel

& Susskind, 1985). Survivors often translate negative reactions into self-blame which has

been correlated with poorer recovery (Popiel & Susskind; Ullman, 1997). Almost 87% of

survivors had told someone about their assault, with those who had experienced a violent

rape by a stranger being more likely to seek professional help and those experiencing a

rape by an acquaintance being more likely to seek help from informal sources (Ullman &

Filipas, 2001). Overall, survivors tend to disclose to family and friends first (91%, Ullman,

1996; see also Jordan, 2001; Ullman & Filipas). This statistic is of high importance

because, not only are these family and friends essential for being able to report rapes, they

are also critical to the emotional recovery of the survivor. Emotional support from friends

has been shown to be a better predictor of recovery than emotional support from any other

source. In addition, of those women who do not immediately label their experiences as

being a rape, almost 69% eventually do after confiding in a member of their social support

system (Harned, 2005; Schwartz & Leggett, 1999).

Psychologically, within two weeks of an assault, 94% of survivors meet criteria for

Acute Stress Disorder (ASD), the precursor to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). After

twelve weeks, almost 50% met criteria for PTSD (Rothbaum et al., 1992). PTSD,

subsequently, has been shown to be a strong predictor of additional psychopathology

including eating disorders and substance abuse (Rauch & Foa, 2004). Rapes by someone

known to the survivor appear to be the most important predictor of depressive

symptomatology (Demaris & Kaukinen, 2005), which is reported to be experienced by

5
85% of survivors (Ullman & Siegel, 1993). Anxiety has been reported in 67% of survivors

(Ullman & Siegel). Physically, many survivors have injuries from the assault, may become

pregnant, or contract sexually transmitted diseases. Sexual assault survivors tend to

experience higher rates of chronic health problems throughout their lives, including

chronic headaches, menstrual irregularities, and pain in general. The psychological

ramifications of assaults appear to last the longest, and may be a mediator or moderator

between sexual assault and physical health problems (Rauch & Foa).

Impact of Social Support

As previously mentioned, negative reactions from others regarding the survivor’s

assault have been shown to contribute strongly to long-term psychological distress such as

PTSD, as well as greater physical symptoms, delaying recovery overall (Briere & Jordan,

2004; Fairbrother & Rachman, 2006; Ozer, Best, Lipsey & Weiss, 2003; Rauch & Foa,

2004; Ullman, 2000). The social support literature suggests that survivors may be better off

receiving no support whatsoever than receiving negative reactions (Rauch &

Foa; Ullman). In an evaluation of a measure of perceived social reactions to sexual assault

survivors, Ullman found that negative reactions perceived from social supports predicted

poorer psychological symptomatology, while positive reactions had little or no effect on

recovery as measured by part 3 of the Posttraumatic Stress Diagnostic Scale, Affect

Balance Scale, and the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale. This same effect was found by

Davis, Brickman and Baker (1991) as well, measured by the SCL-90, a self-report

inventory designed to measure a range of psychological symptomatology. Positive

reactions, as opposed to negative or neutral reactions, were related to higher self-esteem as

well as greater extent of disclosure to additional support systems. In a longitudinal study of

171 sexual assault survivors, Frazier, Tashiro, Berman, Steger and Long (2004) found that

6
reports of helpful social support were associated with more self-reported positive life

changes two weeks after the assault. Although initial levels of social support did not

predict change over time, increases in social support over time was shown to aid in

effective coping styles, as well as feelings of control over the recovery process. The

authors suggest that social support may be important because it allows the survivor to feel

that she has control over her situation and has resources should she need help. This idea

was consistent with findings from Popiel and Susskind (1985) who found that survivors

who fared best after a rape appeared to be those who saw themselves as having control of

the situation, as well as having relied on family and friends to help them get through the

trauma.

Perhaps the most compelling evidence for the importance of social support comes

from a meta-analysis done by Ozer and colleagues (2003) on 68 studies of PTSD. Studies

included in this review were quantitative and examined predictors of PTSD or symptoms

of PTSD in adults 18 years and older. The studies not only included sexual assaults but

also various other traumas such as car accidents, combat, domestic violence and fire

survivors. Ozer et al. examined seven possible predictors categorized into two broad

categories: characteristics of the survivor, and characteristics of the traumatic event itself

or subsequent events following the trauma. They found an effect size, which is an indicator

of how strong a finding is, or how observable it is in nature (see Cohen, 1992), of d = -.58

for the relationship between perceived social support following a trauma and PTSD

symptoms. This is a moderate to large effect, meaning that it is easily observed in nature.

The strength of this relationship did not vary by type of trauma or the assessment methods

used to diagnose PTSD symptoms. This effect was strongest among studies where more

time had passed between the traumatic event and the diagnosis of PTSD (a study with an

7
elapsed time of 3 years found an effect size of d = -.93), indicating that social support may

become even more important as time goes on (Ozer et al.). Of most importance to the

present study was a finding by Maercker and Muller (2004) that lack of perceived

acknowledgement of the seriousness of victimization by acquaintances, colleagues and

local authorities was the most important predictor of PTSD symptoms. It is possible,

therefore, that this same acknowledgement may help the survivor realize that a crime has

been committed which, in turn, would likely increase reporting these crimes to the

authorities as well.

Rape Myths

False beliefs about what constitutes a true rape, known as rape myths, affect the

behaviors and attitudes of society as a whole. Rape myths are “attitudes and beliefs that are

generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male

sexual aggression against women” (Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994, p. 134). In addition,

these myths provide a very narrow definition of what constitutes a real rape. These myths

provide a template for who is and is not likely to be a perpetrator or a survivor, where

rapes do and do not occur, that the rape should involve a high level of violence, and that

the survivor needs to have physically resisted the attack (Brinson, 1992; Peterson &

Muehlenhard, 2004). Common myths that lead to the trivialization of alleged rapes are that

the survivor did not fight back, that women who get drunk or dress promiscuously deserve

to be assaulted, that agreeing to kiss or touch someone means agreeing to intercourse, and

that women lie about rapes to get back at men (Warsaw, 1994). These rape myths provide

the basis for a definition of rape that is very similar to the definition of aggravated rape

outlined above, which is rapes committed by strangers, with significant physical injury to

the victim. Although it is impossible to imply causation, it is possible that the distinction

8
between aggravated and simple rape grew out of the acceptance of rape myths by the

general public and the legal system.

Rape myths affect the attitudes of society and individuals who have experienced a

rape. Peterson and Muehlenhard (2004) found that 62% of those who had experienced a

situation legally defined as rape did not acknowledge that they had been raped. These

unacknowledged rape victims were more likely to display high rape myth acceptance in

addition to having experiences with assault that corresponded highly to those myths. This

finding was replicated by Harned (2005) who found that almost all women who did not

consider their experience to be rape (78% of the sample) cited various rape myths such as

blaming their own behavior, the presence of drugs or alcohol, and that they had given

coerced consent, as reasons why they did not believe they were raped. It is important to

recognize that, regardless of if the survivor labels her experience as rape or not, she is still

likely to experience the same physical and psychological symptoms as those who do call

their experience a rape (Schwartz & Leggett, 1999). Peterson and Muehlenhard

conceptualized rape myths as “a series of tests or hurdles any rape would need to pass in

order to warrant the conclusion that social change was necessary” (p. 142). In other words,

rape myths allow society to maintain the status quo for this issue because of a series of

false beliefs that the survivor is somehow responsible, and that the event is not very

important (for example, the myth that women lie about being raped, indicating that social

change is unnecessary because women’s reports are likely to be false, or that women tend

to exaggerate how much rape affects them, again indicating no need for social change

since rape is not a serious trauma).

Acquaintance or Date Rape

The idea that simple assaults are not real assaults is a rape myth in itself. One

9
major component of this is the myth that real sexual assaults occur only with a stranger.

Contrary to this belief, researchers have shown that up to 90% of sexual assaults are

committed by someone known to the survivor (Fairbrother & Rachman, 2006; Jordan,

2001; Rand, 1997; Ullman, 1996, 1997, 2000; Ullman & Filipas, 2001; Ullman & Siegel,

1993). In analyzing data from the National Violence Against Women Survey (19951996),

Felson and Pare (2005) found that the most common reason for not reporting an assault

was that it was too minor; supporting the hypothesis that many survivors of acquaintance

(or simple) rape do not even realize they have been the victim of a crime (Felson & Pare).

They also found that reporting by the survivor or a third party was five times less likely if

the survivor and offender knew each other in any way. Survivors are more likely to say

that they are embarrassed to report sexual assaults by someone they know, to feel that their

assault is minor compared to stranger sexual assault, and to believe that the police could

not do anything if the offender was a partner or acquaintance (Felson & Pare; Monroe et

al., 2005). Despite the prevalence of acquaintance rapes, however, it has been found that

the closer the acquaintance level (neighbor vs. ex- boyfriend vs. life-long partner) in a

sexual assault, the more responsibility people place on the survivor, and the less severe

punishment for the perpetrator is recommended. Assaults by a stranger are almost twice as

likely to go to trial as acquaintance assaults, and scrutiny regarding the survivor’s behavior

has a much greater influence in prosecution of rapes by known persons (Kingsworth et al.,

2002). Additionally, the closer the acquaintance level, the greater the tendency of

participants to minimize the situation from one of rape to one that is less a violation of the

survivor’s rights and less psychologically damaging (Ben-David & Schneider, 2005).

Alcohol-Related Myths

A second well-established rape myth is that survivors who are intoxicated at the

10
time of their assault are more responsible and deserving of their rape (Ullman, 2000;

Ullman & Filipas, 2001; Wild, Graham & Rehm, 1998). It has been found that almost 72%

of survivors reported being intoxicated when they were assaulted (Peterson &

Muehlenhard, 2004), indicating that it is a very common variable in rape cases. Negative

reactions from social supports have been found to be more common for survivors who had

been in an alcohol-related assault (Ullman; Ullman & Filipas). The reporting of sexual

assaults has been shown to be less likely by third parties or survivors if the survivor had

been drinking alcohol or using drugs (Felson & Pare, 2005; Clay-Warner & Burt, 2005). In

a study of survivors who were raped while intoxicated, almost 80% put all or part of the

blame on themselves, and only one participant (3.3% of the sample) actually believed she

had been raped (Schwartz & Leggett, 1999). In mock-jury trials of sexual assault cases,

participants were more likely to view the case as assault, and to perceive the defendant as

less credible when he was moderately intoxicated at the time of the assault. When the

survivor was moderately intoxicated, not only were perceptions of the survivor’s

credibility lower, but the defendant was seen as having a lower degree of guilt (Schuller &

Wall, 1998). In a study of the effects of intoxication in all types of aggressive scenarios

(sexual assaults, vandalism, physical assaults), it was found that for inappropriate touching

and sexual assault/rape, male perpetrators were blamed slightly less when their female

partners were intoxicated (d = 0.12; Wild et al.). The sexual assault scenario was the only

one in which survivor intoxication shifted participants’ perceptions of blame away from

the perpetrator. (Interestingly, even in this study the authors created separate categories for

“assault and rape” and “date rape” without an explanation of why, suggesting the breadth

of influence of rape myths). The survivor who is ashamed to report a rape because of her

own intoxication is at particularly high risk for long-term psychological and physical

11
disorders because they are much less likely to seek out help from formal support systems

such as rape centers or police (Schwartz & Leggett).

There is one exception to the intoxication rape myth. A distinction has been made

between date rape drugs such as Rohypnol (“roofies”) and Gamma-hydroxybutyrate

(GHB), and legal drugs such as alcohol. In a pilot study looking at this distinction, it was

found that participants automatically assumed that any use of Rohypnol before intercourse

constituted rape, while being substantially less certain on the use of self- administered

drugs such as alcohol (Finch & Munro, 2005). The participants appeared to believe, albeit

falsely, that date rape drugs immediately render the victim unconscious, absolving her

from any responsibility for the rape, while victims using alcohol or marijuana are still

conscious and therefore responsible for what happened to them. This is not true, as both

alcohol and marijuana have the ability to induce symptoms very similar to traditional date

rape drugs (Finch & Munro). Defendants were seen as being less responsible if they were

intoxicated, while survivor intoxication was generally used to bring her behavior into

question and absolve the defendant from responsibility.

According to this, being intoxicated at the time of the assault works in favor of the

perpetrators but is used against the survivors, a very disturbing trend (Finch & Munro). In

addition, participants were shown to judge cases based on what the survivor ingested,

rather than according to the law, which requires only that the survivor be unable to consent

because of any kind of intoxicant, self-administered or not. This study clearly shows that

society has a tendency to hold sexual assault cases to standards that are not consistent with

existing legal standards.

The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale

Payne, Lonsway, and Fitzgerald (1999) have developed a measure designed to

12
assess the extent to which a person adheres to rape myths (see Appendix C). The Illinois

Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) breaks down rape myth acceptance into a hierarchy

with a substantial general factor and seven more specific factors: She asked for it; It wasn’t

really rape; He didn’t mean to; She wanted it; She lied; Rape is a trivial event; and Rape

is a deviant event. Men tended to score higher than women on these scales (d = .88),

indicating higher acceptance of rape myths. In addition, all participants with higher scores

on the IRMA were more likely to hold more traditional sex role stereotypes, endorse the

thought that the relation between the sexes is untrustworthy and explosive in nature,

express hostile attitudes towards women, and be more accepting of both interpersonal

violence and violence in general. The IRMA was able to differentiate between members of

law enforcement, who generally tend to hold more stereotypic beliefs, and rape advocate

group members (d = 1.31). Finally, a negative effect was found between the full IRMA and

empathy for survivors ratings, d = -1.18 (Payne et al.), with those more accepting of rape

myths having less empathy for survivors of sexual assaults. Acceptance of rape myths has

also been shown to correlate with juror decisions in sexual assault cases, with those

reporting higher adherence to rape myths being more likely to render “not-guilty” verdicts

(Schuller & Wall, 1998). This again indicates that rape myths may serve as a decision-

making factor in sexual assault trials that is not based on any legally relevant standards.

Rape and the Media

The “gender hierarchy” of a society, or the level of power and respect possessed by

each gender, has been shown to affect the rate of rape in that society. Sanday (1998)

conducted a study comparing 156 societies over 2,000 years. This standard cross-cultural

sample was based on the sample published by Murdock and White (1969 c.f. Sanday)

which “offered scholars a representative sample of the world’s known and well-described

13
societies” (94) from the time period of 1750 B.C. to the late 1960s. Sanday coded these

societies as either “Rape Free,” meaning that rape was reported as rare or absent, or “Rape

Prone” meaning that the society had a high incidence of rape, rape was used as a

ceremonial act, or rape was an act by which men punish or threaten women. Sanday (1998)

compared these societies on several well-known correlates of rape (e.g. sexual repression,

intergroup and interpersonal violence, child rearing, and ideology of male dominance) and

found that female power and authority were lower in rape-prone societies, as opposed to

rape-free societies which were characterized by sexual equality and the notion that the

sexes are complementary. The presence of female power and authority, female political

decision-making, and attitudes towards women as citizens all yielded moderate effect sizes

when they were associated with the incidence of rape in the societies studied (d = -.45,

-.70, -.58, respectively). In addition, the incidences of raiding other groups for wives,

degree of personal violence, ideology of male toughness, and war were all significantly

positively correlated with the incidence of rape. The media has been considered to have a

role in developing and maintaining these social ideologies. It has been postulated that the

media tends to condone violent behavior including rapes and rape myths (Sanday).

The social effects of the mass media have been well-studied, especially in the areas

of aggression and body image. Ferrell (2000) has stated that “when an act, tradition or rule

of conduct requires sanction by the culture and it, for whatever reason, remains outside the

scope of legislation, the manner in which that rule is communicated is in literary form”

(p.10), meaning that what is not governed by law is governed by rules created through

society. This can help explain how societal beliefs about violence against women,

including acceptance of rape myths, become pervasive in society. Carll (2005) stated that

“the media not only reflect what is occurring in society but also reinforce stereotypes of

14
how women are viewed...” (p. 144). Compelling evidence for media’s negative effects is

found in a study by Becker (1995) who found that within three years of the introduction of

their first television channel, girls on the island of Fiji suddenly began developing eating

disorders, something that was nonexistent before this time. Many of these girls wanted to

lose weight to be more socially or professionally successful, which they felt they could

achieve if they were thin. Of central importance in this process is that the consumer must

not only be exposed to these messages, but also must cognitively process and internalize

the messages as well (Gilbert, Keery, & Thompson, 2005).

Effects of Exposure to Violent and Sexual Media

Numerous studies have shown that the media portrays frequent images of violence

and degradation, especially directed at women, in addition to portraying women in

idealized, highly sexualized ways (Brinson, 1992; Brown, 2005; Caringella- MacDonald,

1998; Carll, 2003, 2005). Exposure to this media affects both males and females, but in

different ways (Ward & Friedman, 2006). Males’ attitudes towards women are affected in

giving them a feeling of empowerment and lack of respect for females. It allows men to

blame women victims for not following certain safety measures to protect themselves,

rather than blaming the perpetrator. It also affects women’s attitudes towards themselves.

Not only do men learn to see women as sexual objects, but women learn to see themselves

as sexual subjects (Ward & Friedman). Women begin to base their worth on their ability to

be physically desirable to men. Their self-esteem is negatively affected by messages that

they must work towards becoming the idealized, sexualized woman in order to be

accepted. It also gives women feelings of disempowerment through messages that violence

against women is unavoidable and women must fend for themselves, a belief that results in

division of the gender, with women blaming other female victims who were not able to

15
protect themselves (Dexter, Penrod, Linz & Saunders,1997; Reid & Finchilescu, 1995).

The media’s use of violence, both physically and sexually, against women, acts in

detriment to both genders. It conveys the message that this kind of violence is the norm,

and that it is acceptable in our society. This message then is internalized by consumers as a

system of beliefs and attitudes towards women (Gilbert et al., 2005). The high prevalence

of violence and sexual acts ends up desensitizing consumers to the effects of these acts. It

becomes commonplace and does not cause alarm as it may have before. Dexter et al. stated

that “.. .more exposure to arousing mass media results in fewer effects than less exposure

because of heightened or dampened physiological/emotional arousal augmenting or

attenuating responses toward a victim” (p. 2169).

Television. Prime-time television is also suspect for the perpetuation of rape myths.

In a content analysis of 26 prime-time drama storylines, Brinson (1992) found that more

than one rape myth occurred during the average storyline. In 42% of the storylines, it was

suggested that the survivor wanted to be raped. When the survivor was raped by an

acquaintance, rape myths occurred more frequently, and the survivor was more likely to be

accused of lying. In a review by Kunkel, Cope, and Biely (1999), it was noted that the odds

are 1 in 2 that any given program on television will contain some talk about sex, 1 in 4 that

contain a scene that gives primary emphasis to one or more sexual behaviors, and 1 in 8

that contain sexual intercourse depicted or strongly implied.

In a study of sexual-harrassment in prime-time shows, Grauerholz and King (1997)

found that 84% of the shows contained at least one incident of sexual harassment with an

average of 3.4 sexual harassing acts. The most frequent were sexist comments, seen in a

third of the 81 programs, followed by verbal sexual comments. These incidents were

trivialized by being presented in a humorous light, and no serious consequences were

16
presented. In addition, there were rarely any negative emotions displayed by either victims

or bystanders in response to these comments. Bystanders were more likely to take offense

when they witnessed sexual harassment against men than women. When a victim did make

a quick, snappy answer to the harassment, the incident ended and nothing further

happened, indicating to the viewer that these incidents are easy to handle and are normal,

acceptable interactions.

Finally, Ward and Friedman (2006) conducted an experiment in which they

exposed adolescent students (ages 14-18) to a media clip depicting women as sexual

objects. After viewing these short clips, the students expressed more support for depicting

women as sexual objects as well as express more gender role stereotyped attitudes.

The news media. Looking at the messages conveyed by the news media, Carll

(2005) concluded that how news stories cover social problems “play(s) a major role in

shaping public policy as well as influencing the ways in which children view the world” (p.

144). She suggests that the role of the news media in providing information is particularly

influential because people assume that the news reflects real and accurate information, as

opposed to the storylines in many other television shows or movies. In reality, however,

news reports tend to support many of the common rape myths (Bufkin & Eschholz, 2000).

Journalists often make a point to explain away sexual assaults by reporting reasons why the

violence occurred, but rarely feel the need to report a reason for why a person was robbed

(Carll, 1998). News coverage portrays stories of violence against women as isolated,

uncommon events and the fewer the number of cases covered, the more distant and

isolated the events seem (Caringella-MacDonald, 1998). Carll stated that the epidemic of

violence against women is not viewed as a major social problem because it is rarely

reported, while women committing violent crimes on men are given mass media attention,

17
even though these kinds of crimes are a much less common occurrence.

Reality television. Also thought by consumers to exemplify real life is the content

of reality TV shows such as Survivor and Fear Factor. Brown (2005) stated that, in her

experience on the set of a reality TV show, despite conscious attempts by the producers to

pick cast members who went against conventional stereotypes, the way they edited the

show fell right back into the stereotypical gender roles. Women who were originally cast

because they were strong, fearless females, were depicted in the show as being “mean or

bitchy” (p. 77). Those who attempted to outwit and outplay others were seen as two-faced

or manipulative, while men doing the same thing were seen as having a strategic plan for

winning. Women’s relationships with each other were often portrayed as being full of

catfights, spite and revenge.

Magazines. In a study of the visibility of rape cases in national popular magazines,

Caringella-MacDonald (1998) found that, over a 16-year period, only twelve cases

received dedicated magazine attention. Seventy-five percent of these involved strangers or

gangs, and prior fame of the survivor or perpetrator factored heavily into the amount of

attention given. The author also found terminology used in the magazines, such as

consensual gang rape or sexual misconduct (meaning a misdemeanor crime), both convey

the message that some instances of rape are okay or less serious. A large debate has also

occurred regarding the effect of pornography magazines on violence against women.

In a state-level analysis of the prevalence of pornography, Baron and Straus (1989)

found a high correlation (r =.64) between prevalence of sex magazine circulation and the

rape rate in a state (N = 50 states). This becomes even more interesting when compared to

the finding that the correlation of pornography with non-sexual violence is very low, the

highest being with aggravated assault (r = .17). Further, readership of the adult magazine

18
Penthouse has been shown to correlate positively with hostile-aggressive fantasizing

(Malamuth & McIlwraith, 1988).

Movies. Movie scripts are not immune to the barrage of rape myths found in

television. Bufkin and Eschholz (2000) studied the 50 top grossing films in 1996 and found

that 17% of the 30 sex scenes in these movies were rapes. All rapes were violent and three

resulted in death or severe physical injuries. Additionally, all of the rapes matched “almost

perfectly, the schema for ideal victims and ideal offenders” (p. 1332), reinforcing the

beliefs that real rapes are restricted to strangers violently attacking innocent, chaste

women. Further, the perpetrators were generally psychologically disturbed, and none of the

rape scenes involved acquaintances or partners.

In experimental studies, males who viewed movies that contained scenes of

violence against women were more accepting of interpersonal violence, rape myths, and

believed more in adversarial sex relations than those who viewed movies without such

violence. These effects were still found several days after exposure (Malamuth & Check,

1981). Similarly, in a study of men’s behavior in co-ed group interactions after viewing

either a degrading sexually-explicit video or a non-degrading sexually explicit video, the

men who viewed the degrading sexually-explicit videos displayed less anxiety around

women, interrupted more, and made more sexual references than the non-degrading group

(d = .45). Similarly, men who viewed any type of sexually explicit video displayed more

dominant behavior than those who watched non-sexually explicit videos (d = .45). This

was found to affect men differently according to their belief in stereotypical gender

behaviors. Interestingly, the men who believed less in the sterotypical male/female roles

actually exhibited greater behavioral differences according to movie type (Mulac et al.,

2002). This is an interesting finding because one would expect egalitarian males to be

19
resistant to messages inconsistent with their beliefs. In this study, however, they were most

affected by the messages in the movie. This is possibly because men who have stereotypic

views of gender roles already treat women in demeaning and disrespectful ways, regardless

of the media they consume.

In a study of desensitization to violent movies by Linz et al. (1988), males were

assigned to either watch three or five movies, one every other day. Men who were exposed

to sexually degrading R- and X-rated films reported seeing less violence with continued

exposure, and became less anxious and depressed after viewing these types of movies. The

desensitization effect of watching two of these movies was very similar to that obtained

after five movies, suggesting that this effect peaks quickly and remains. In a subsequent

evaluation of a mock-rape trial two days after movie exposure, participant evaluations of

rape survivors were negatively affected by viewing more violent films meaning that they

had less empathy and felt that the survivor would not be as affected by the event (Linz et

al.).

Women are affected by these types of movies as well. After viewing one “slasher”

movie depicting violence against women, the hostility, anxiety, and depression scores of

women from pre- to post- movie all strongly increased. In a subsequent evaluation of a

rape case, subjects who had only viewed one violent movie said that there was more

psychological injury and distress for the survivor than those who had watched four violent

movies and were desensitized to the effects of violence on its survivors (d = 1.62; Dexter et

al., 1997). In a similar study, women who were exposed to sexually violent material

showed emotional desensitization, and those exposed to graphically violent material

showed relatively lower levels of concern and empathy for a survivor of sexual assault (d =

-.77; Krafka, Linz, Donnerstein & Penrod, 1988). It is interesting to note that even viewing

20
non-sexual physical violence alone was enough for empathy ratings to decrease. This

indicates that it is not just sexually violent media that has a negative effect on consumers

but non-sexually violent media as well. This is important, as it indicates that the distinction

between sexually violent and non-sexually violent media may not be an important one, and

violent media in general should be the focus of future research.

Music. Violence and sex are heavily included in the music media as well. Jones

(1997) analyzed 203 music videos from MTV, BET, VH-1 and TNN according to their

musical genre and found that the occurrence of sex and violence could be predicted by the

genre of music video. Rap music had the highest percentage of talk about guns, drugs,

presence of alcohol, and simulated masturbation. Hip hop videos featured the most

instances of fondling, simulated intercourse, simulated oral sex, sex talk, women dancing

sexually, and the presence of short or “hot” pants. Rap was therefore classified as

containing mainly incidences of physical violence, while hip hop (dance rap) was found to

be the most sexualized. It should be noted, however, that none of the musical genres were

void of some sexual or violent references, and therefore all have potential negative

influence on their listeners. Watching MTV has shown to be a powerful predictor of

number of sexual partners and sexual attitudes for females. A similar effect was found for

males, with popular music consumption being the second best predictor of sexual attitudes,

after measures of self-esteem (Strouse & Buerkel-Rothfuss, 1987).

In a study of the effects of “gangsta” rap (GR) on male attitudes towards women,

Wester, Crown, Quatman and Heesacker (1997) found that GR with lyrics as opposed to

no lyrics, significantly increased men’s adversarial sexual beliefs such as an expectation

that sexual relationships are “fundamentally exploitive” (d = .62; p. 501). This study used a

sample of men who had little prior experience listening to GR, thus was able to test the

21
creation of attitudes in the short-term without the confounding variable of previous

experience. The fact that an effect was found only for music with lyrics indicates that the

message relayed in the song is more important than the rhythm or musical background. In a

similar study of males by St. Lawrence and Joyner (1991), it was found that participants

who were exposed to heavy-metal rock music endorsed more stereotypic, negative

attitudes towards women, then males who listened to classical music (d = 0.23). This was

found regardless of the lyrical content of the heavy metal music (i.e. sexually violent vs.

Christian). The authors explained the lyrical phenomenon by the fact that it is often hard to

understand heavy metal lyrics because of the typical screaming manner in which they are

delivered. These effects were found after only 17 minutes of exposure.

The media has particular influences on violence against women because, as already

shown, it presents a consistent message of the acceptability of violence that may become

internalized by those exposed to it. If the popular media were diverse in its depictions of

power and society, then the influence on society would be much less (Bufkin & Eschholz,

2000). Survivors of a rape may be less likely to report or talk about their rape when it does

not match the media image of the typical rape case. These images also influence potential

support systems for the survivor as well as minimizing the behaviors of potential

perpetrators (Bufkin & Eschholz).

The Present Study

Finkelhor and Wolak (2003) have classified reporting into two phases: recognition

of the crime as an actual crime, and deciding to report the crime. The authors state that

recognizing the event as a crime does not automatically lead to reporting. If survivors are

concerned about the police not believing them they are likely not to report (Finkelhor &

Wolak). Applying this theory to sexual assault cases, survivors may have trouble both

22
identifying their assaults as rapes, as well as deciding whether or not to report. Once they

have identified their assaults as a true crime, however, Finkelhor and Wolak found that

57% report the incident. Because of the important effects on the survivor’s recovery

process, and the fact that friends and family can and do influence reporting, overall

attitudes about rape in general as well as about reporting sexual assaults to the police are

important. Going a step further, because of the research that suggests exposure to media

has an effect on attitudes it is important to begin to examine how the media may be related

to attitudes about sexual assault. The implications of these effects are extremely important

when viewed in the light of a college campus. Because sexual assaults in college tend to

occur in places where alcohol is present, people are familiar with each other, and more

sexually explicit media are available, someone raped in college is most likely to encounter

major rape myths (Ullman & Filipas, 2001). It is therefore important to understand

students’ perceptions as these may prevent them from going to the police should they be

victimized, or may influence another survivor not to report, exacerbating the already

extremely low level of reporting. Low levels of reporting, in turn, lead to disempowerment

of survivors and increased survivor distress following a sexual assault.

The purpose of the present study was to examine the role of type of rape (e.g.

aggravated versus simple) on the attitudes of college students regarding the emotional

consequences for the survivor as well as on whether they would recommend that the

survivor report the assault. More specifically, the effect of perpetrator type (stranger or

acquaintance) and intoxication level (sober vs. drunk) on reporting recommendations and

empathy for survivors was examined. Because Finkelhor and Wolak (2003) have suggested

that development of societal beliefs (i.e. rape myths) occurs in two steps, exposure and

internalization, exposure to various media types was also measured. The amount of

23
exposure to media was explored to see the degree to which it was related to acceptance of

rape myths.

Two different research designs were employed while analyzing the data. The first

employed an experimental design in which all participants completed one of four potential

vignettes and all subsequent analyses were completed by comparing participants from each

vignette type. This design will be classified as the “Experimental Vignette Design.” The

second research design analyzed the data across all participants and will be notated as the

“Media Survey Design.” The following sections will therefore be organized according to

the particular research design employed.

Hypotheses and Exploratory Questions for Experimental Vignette Design

Hypothesis one. It is generally hypothesized that increasing the number of simple

assault variables in the scenario will affect participants’ subsequent answers.

a. Specifically, it is expected that students will rate scenarios with a sober

survivor and an unknown assailant as being the most worthy of

reporting, will be taken most seriously by police and be most distressing

for the survivor, while placing minimal blame on the survivor.

b. The intoxicated survivor with the known assailant will be rated the least

worthy of reporting and least distressing, while placing a significant

amount of blame on the survivor.

c. The two remaining scenarios contain one simple assault variable each

and, therefore, the means in terms of reporting recommendations and

perceived distress are expected to be similarly rated and fall in between

the means of the two groups already described

Exploratory question one. Ratings of victim empathy and recommendation to

24
 report will be explored to assess the extent that they are affected by whether the

participant has had any personal experience, or has known someone else affected

by sexual assault.

a. Because of the large body of evidence suggesting that police response

to sexual assault has not been rated favorably by survivors

(Campbell, 2006; Hagan, 2005; Jordan, 2001; Monroe et al., 2005)

it is possible that those who have had any type of

experience with rape are expected to provide fewer

recommendations to report, and have greater empathy for the

survivors, as indicated by the extent to which they feel victims

would be distressed in a vignette of sexual assault.

Hypotheses and Exploratory Questions for Media Survey Design

Hypothesis two. Based on the large body of research that suggests that sexual and

aggressive media exposure results in desensitization to, and minimization of,

sexual assaults (Caringella-MacDonald, 1998; Carll, 2005; Linz et al., 1988),

exposure to sexualized/aggressive media is expected to be correlated with

acceptance of rape myths.

a. Participants exposed more frequently to sexualized and aggressive

media are hypothesized to be more accepting of rape myths as measured

by the IRMA.

b. Based on research using the IRMA (Payne et al., 1999), males are

expected to have higher rape myth acceptance than females.

Exploratory question two. Subscales of exposure to mass media (i.e. television

consumption, movie consumption, music consumption, etc.) will be explored to

25
 assess the extent to whether certain types of mass media are more highly correlated

with the acceptance of rape myths than others.

Chapter Three

Method

Participants

A convenience sample of introductory psychology students from a medium-sized

Midwestern university served as participants in this study. A power analysis indicated that

for 80% power at an alpha of .05, the very large effect sizes within the relevant literature

(i.e. Krafka et al, 1997; Dexter et al., 1997; Payne et al., 1999) would require, depending

on the statistical analysis, a total sample size of 56 - 72 participants. Data from 196

participants were used in the Experimental Vignette Design, while the Media Survey

Design was based on data from 203 participants. The sample as a whole had slightly more

female participants (59%) than males, and a majority of the participants were European-

American (67%) followed by African American (22%). The mean age for the sample was

19.2.

Measures - Experimental Vignette Design Perceptions of Police

Officer Response and Empathy for Survivors

Four vignettes were adapted from actual sexual assault stories reported in the book

I Never Called It Rape (Warsaw, 1994). The vignettes manipulated two variables: drinking

behaviors in the survivor, and if the offender was an acquaintance or stranger (4 vignettes:

drinking/acquaintance; sober/acquaintance; drinking/stranger; sober/stranger). Participants

were randomly assigned to read one of the four vignettes and then were asked the extent to

which they think the survivor should make a police report, how seriously the police will

take the situation, how reasonable the offender was in his actions, how much distress it

26
caused the survivor, and who, if anyone, had the most responsibility for the situation. In

addition, participants were asked to indicate the extent to which four phrases best fit the

situation ranging from a fun time for both parties and a sexual assault (rape). There was

one qualitative question that explored decision-making factors. If the participant stated that

the event should not be reported, they were asked to explain why they came to that

conclusion. This measure was used to assess each participant’s perception of rape cases as

they relate to police reporting, as well as amount of empathy for the survivor. See

Appendix B for a complete description of the vignettes and corresponding questions.

History of Sexual Assault and Law Enforcement Experiences (HSALE)

Along with basic demographic information (age, gender, ethnicity, grade), each

participant’s exposure to sexual assault and law enforcement in general was assessed with

a study-designed questionnaire (Appendix A). The law enforcement questions were

designed to assess the participant’s prior experience and interactions with law enforcement.

This was used as a check to be sure that any negative ratings of police reporting were not

due to previous negative legal experiences with officers. Personal prior experience with

sexual assault was assessed using the question “Have you ever been involved in unwanted

sexual activity because you were physically forced or unable to consent (because of

intoxication or drugs)?” The wording of this particular question was borrowed from

Schwartz and Leggett (1999). Prior research has shown that, when directly asked if the

participant had been raped or sexually assaulted, the percentage of participant agreement is

significantly less than if they are asked about specific behaviors such as has anyone ever

touched you when you did not want to be touched? Because so many people hold

traditional aggravated rape as the true rape, many women do not realize that they are

survivors of sexual assault. In addition to questioning their own experience with sexual

27
assault, participants were also asked if they have ever known anyone else who engaged in

sexual intercourse when they didn’t want to because they were physically forced or unable

to consent (because of intoxication or drugs). The purpose of this questionnaire was to be

able to assess any differences between participants with sexual assault experience and

participants without experience.

Measures - Media Survey Design

Rape Myths Acceptance

Adherence to rape myths was measured using the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance

Scale (IRMA; Payne et al., 1999). The IRMA was designed to assess general rape myth

acceptance as well as seven individual subscales within this general factor (She asked for

it; It wasn’t really rape; He didn’t mean to; She wanted it; She lied; Rape is a trivial

event; and Rape is a deviant event). The IRMA expanded on previous rape myth scales by

addressing aspects of rape myths that have been thus far overlooked, such as survivor

deservedness and motivation of perpetrators. In addition the IRMA makes it possible to

determine if different groups of people (e.g. men vs. women) adhere to specific areas of

rape myths. The IRMA consists of 40 items, five items each for five of the seven

subscales, with the remaining two subscales (She asked for it and Rape is a deviant event)

containing 8 and 7 items, respectively. There are also 5 filler items to help lessen the

tendency of some participants to answer questions in a way that presents a preferred image

of themselves; however these items are not included in statistical analyses. Participants

were asked the degree to which they agreed with each of the 45 statements on a 7-point

Likert scale where 1 = not at all agree and 7 = very much agree. The overall a of the final

scale from Payne’s original sample was 0.87, and the subscales had an average a of 0.79.

Correlations of each subscale with the overall rape myth factor ranged from 0.54 to 0.74,

28
indicating high relationships between the seven subscales and the overall scale. The IRMA

was compared with seven other published measures of rape myths to demonstrate construct

validity. Correlations were good, ranging from 0.50 to 0.74 (Payne et al., see Appendix C

for a complete list of questions).

Exposure to Mass Media

The amount of media each participant is exposed to was measured with a survey

designed for this study, Survey of Mass Media Exposure (SMME). This questionnaire

asked the average amount of time in an average week that each participant spent

consuming one of four media sources: television, magazines, movies and music. For each

category of media, participants were asked to list their top three favorites. For each

favorite, the participant was asked the extent to which a list of topics were addressed with

1 = Never and 5 = Always. A majority of the topics were borrowed from a review by Ward

(2003) of common sexual themes seen in television. Ward found that verbal suggestiveness

or innuendo, sexual content presented in a humorous tone (i.e. jokes), passionate kissing

and erotic touching, extramarital sexual relations, and sexist comments were the most

common subjects present in the media, especially in television and music videos. Ward

also noted a lack of references to physical consequences of sexual relationships, such as

sexually transmitted diseases and unplanned pregnancies. Both

Ward and Kunkel et al. (1999) found that the majority of sexual content in television

consists of verbal references, especially talk about prospective sexual interests, past sexual

experiences, dating as a game or competition, and comments on physical appearance.

Content analyses for media such as magazines and movies could not be found and

therefore the same topics were inquired about as in television. The measure designed for

the present study contained topics that fell into three categories: sexual content, aggressive

29
content and neutral content. The rating of exposure to each of these content areas allowed

an estimation of exposure for each participant; specifically, the approximate amount of

their media consumption that contained sexual or violent content, with neutral content

serving solely as a distracter.

Procedure

Participants were assessed in same-sex groups with up to six participants. All

groups were conducted by a same-sex graduate student. Each participant was instructed to

read and sign an informed consent in order for them to be able to proceed with the study

(see Appendix E). They were told that the purpose of the study was to assess students’

experiences with and thoughts about sexual assault since it is a very common occurrence

on college campuses. They each were given, in order, one vignette, the HSALE, IRMA,

and the media survey. After the participants were done there was a debriefing session in

which a short talk on sexual assault myths was given, and all participants were given a list

of support centers to call if they, or anyone they know, had been sexually assaulted (see

Appendix F). Each participant was given one credit for their introductory psychology class.

Chapter Four

Results

Experimental Vignette Design

Data from the vignettes and HSALE were analyzed for this portion of the study.

The specific variables that were created for analyses are described below. The question

“Who, if anyone, is most responsible for the event?” had to be dropped due to the fact that

it used the name Pete even when Pete was not the perpetrator (i.e. the stranger vignettes).

This created confusion for the stranger vignettes as many participants noted that it was

neither person’s fault. In addition to this, the four questions in part (g) of the vignette

30
analyses (To what extent does this event seem like: A fun time for both parties; A typical

one night; A consequence of drinking; or A sexual assault/rape) were used in the survey as

ancillary variables and were not examined in this thesis.

Creation of Variables

Vignette type. This variable was coded in two different ways for use in different

statistical analyses. The first assigned a number from 1-4 for each vignette (1:

Acquaintance/Intoxicated, 2: Acquaintance/Sober, 3: Stranger, Intoxicated, 4: Stranger,

Sober), with 1 having the most rape myth variables, 2 and 3 with one rape myth variable

each and 4 having zero rape myth variables. The vignettes were also coded into two

additional variables: Perpetrator type (0 = Acquaintance; 1 = Stranger) and Alcohol Use (0

= Intoxicated; 1 = Sober).

Police composite. All questions regarding police involvement (Should Sarah

report this incident to the police; If Sarah reported this event, how likely do you think it

would result in an arrest; How seriously do you think the police will take this situation?)

were collapsed into a single composite score. After reverse-scoring the first question, the

mean score from the three questions was calculated. The mean was calculated on a 5- point

Likert scale, with higher numbers indicating beliefs that the police should be contacted

about the incident, that they would take the incident more seriously and that the event was

more likely to result in an arrest. The reliability for the resulting 3-question composite was

an alpha of .67.

Empathy for survivor composite. Similar to the previous composite score, both

questions regarding impact of the event on the survivor (How much distress do you feel

this event caused Sarah; How much do you think this event will affect Sarah’s everyday

life) were collapsed into a single score. The mean of the two questions was calculated on a

31
5-point Likert scale, with higher numbers indicating greater empathy for the survivor and

the impact the event may have had on her life. Reliability analyses for the 2-question

composite revealed an alpha of .67.

Analyses

Responses to several questions on the Perceptions of Police Officer Response and

Survivor Empathy Questionnaire survey showed minimal variability. The question

“Should Sarah report this incident to the police” resulted in an answer of “Probably Yes”

or “Definitely Yes” for 91.3% (179 people) of the participants. Seventy percent of

participants responded that police would take the situation seriously (a score of 4 or 5).

When asked how much distress the event caused Sarah, 68.6% of participants indicated

that it would cause her “a lot” of distress (a score of 5). Similarly, 78.9% of participants

responded that the event would affect Sarah’s everyday life “a lot” (a score of 5).

Hypothesis One. A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) with focused contrasts

was conducted to determine the effect of vignette type in the sexual assault vignettes on the

police composite and empathy composite variables (contrast weights were as follows: 1:

Acquaintance/Intoxicated; 0: Acquaintance/Sober; 0: Stranger, Intoxicated; -1: Stranger,

Sober). Results of the contrast tests were significant for the Empathy Composite (t (192) =

2.58, p < .05) but not for the Police Composite (t (192) = 1.53, p = .13). This indicates that

there was a significant effect for vignette type on the Empathy Composite alone. The

means, however, did not follow the hypothesized pattern. The means appeared to be

affected by perpetrator type. See Table 1 for means and standard deviations. This was

further investigated along with the effect of gender using a multivariate 2 (Vignette

Perpetrator Type) x 2 (Vignette Alcohol Use) x 2 (Gender) ANOVA. Results indicated an

effect of gender on the empathy composite which approached significance (F (1, 195) =

32
2.80, p = .10; Males M = 4.31 SD = .75; Females M = 4.46 SD = .65), and no significant

main effect for alcohol use. None of the interactions were significant either. The effect of

perpetrator type, as suggested by the one-way ANOVA, was significant for both the Police

(d = .49) and Empathy (d = .61) composites (Police F (1, 195) = 11.02, p <.01; Empathy F

(1, 195) = 17.52, p <.001).

Table 1
Means and Standard Deviations for Perpetrator Type

Dependent Variable Perpetrator Type N M SD

Pólice Composite Acquaintance 99 3.81 0.78

Stranger 97 4.15 0.61

Empathy Composite Acquaintance 99 4.20 0.75

Stranger 97 4.60 0.56

Exploratory question one. A 2 (Perpetrator Type) x 2 (Alcohol Use) x 2 (Personal

Experience) multivariate ANOVA was conducted to explore whether or not those who

have had personal experience with sexual assault responded differently to the victim

empathy and police composite variables than those with no experience. Of the participants

who responded (N = 204), 10.3% (N = 21; 4 males, 17 females) indicated that they had

personal experience. There were no significant findings for either dependent variable in

this analysis.

Two, 2 (Perpetrator Type) x 2 (Alcohol Use) x 2 (Experience by Proxy) ANOVAs,

one for the Empathy Composite and one for the Police Composite, were conducted to

examine the extent to which knowing someone else who was involved in a sexual assault

affected participants’ responses to the victim empathy and police composite variables.

Exactly 50% (N = 102; 42 males, 60 females) of the sample indicated that they knew

someone else who had been involved in a sexual assault. Results indicated a significant

33
main effect for Experience by Proxy on the Empathy composite variable, F (1, 195) = 4.05,

p < .05, but not the Police Composite. Participants who knew someone else who had

experienced a sexual assault indicated higher empathy (d = .32) than those without

experience. There were no significant interactions. See Table 2 for means and standard

deviations.

Table 2

Means and Standard Deviations for Sexual Assault Experience by Proxy

Experience by
Proxy N M SD
Empathy Composite No 96 4.29 0.78

Yes 100 4.51 0.58

Media Survey Design

Data from the IRMA and Mass Media surveys were analyzed for this portion of

the study. The specific variables that were created for analyses are described below.

Creation of Variables

Weekly media exposure. The weekly media exposure variable was computed using

the midpoint of each choice on the How much time do you spend in a typical week

question. Following this, an answer of 1 to 2 hours each week was coded as 1.5, 3 to 6

hours per week coded as 4.5 and so on. The final category, 15 or more hours per week was

coded as 15. Overall weekly exposure to media as well as exposure to each type of media

(Television, Magazines, Movies, and Music) was computed. Higher scores on this variable

indicate greater exposure to the various media sources.

Exposure to sexual and aggressive media. The mean endorsement by participants

of their exposure to sexual, violent and neutral content was calculated using the responses

34
to the content questions for each major content type. For example, the questions addressing

sexual content were the extent to which the following five categories were present in their

favorite media: Past Sexual Experiences, Potential Sexual Actions,

Suggestive Content, Sex as a Game/Competition and Casual Sexual Encounters. Any

missing responses in the content categories were coded as 1 (Never). Participants’

responses to each of these questions were averaged across all three favorite media sources.

Using television as an example, the responses to the sexual content questions for all three

favorite television shows were added together and divided by 15 (the total number of

sexual content questions under the television section) resulting in the mean amount of

sexual content in the television shows participants watched. This procedure was conducted

for each media source resulting in a total sexual content score for television, movies,

magazines and music. To calculate total exposure to sexual content in media overall, the

sexual content means for each media type (Television, Movies, Magazines, Music) were

averaged together. This procedure was conducted for each of the three major content types

(sexual, aggressive and neutral media). The total media content scores were each weighted

by multiplying the overall weekly exposure to media each participant endorsed by the

mean scores for extent to which they are exposed to aggressive and sexual content. The

reliability of each content scale was examined by including all 60 content items. For

example, the reliability of the sexual content scale was examined using participant’s

responses to all of the sexual content items in the survey. This would be 5 items per

favorite media, which is 15 for each of the four media types (5 times 3 favorite media

sources) and finally, 60 items for entire content scale (15 times the 4 media types). The

Cronbach’s alpha of the sexual, aggressive, and neutral total content scales were .93, .88

and .87, respectively.

35
Analyses

Correlation coefficients were computed among the ten major study variables: age

of participant, gender (0 = male; 1 = female), mean total IRMA score, average media time,

mean exposure to sexual media content, mean exposure to aggressive media content, mean

exposure to neutral media content, and exposure to sexual, aggressive, and neutral content

weighted by total media time. The correlation matrix, presented in Table 6, demonstrates

that twenty-seven combinations of these variables produced significant correlations. As

would be expected, all the variables assessing media exposure were positively correlated

with each other. Gender was found to be a major factor in participants’ responses, as it was

significantly negatively correlated with mean IRMA scores (r = -.26, p <.01), total average

media time per week (r = -.14, p < .05), mean exposure to aggressive content (r = -.50, p

<.01), total exposure to aggressive media content weighted by total media time (r = -.36, p

< .01), and total exposure to neutral content weighted by total media time (r = -.14, p

<.05). Males appeared to adhere more to rape myths, reported greater exposure to media in

general, and more specifically, aggressive and neutral content in media. Finally, mean total

IRMA score was negatively correlated with age (r = -.17, p < .05), indicating that the older

participants were, the less they reported believing in rape myths.

Hypothesis Two. To test the hypothesis that exposure to sexual/aggressive media

would be correlated with acceptance of rape myths, correlation coefficients were computed

between mean IRMA scores and exposure to sexual and aggressive media content. No

significant correlations were found when the overall content categories were compared

with mean IRMA scores. Correlation coefficients were also computed for each content

type (Sexual, Aggressive, and Neutral Content) split into its respective media categories

(TV, Movies, Magazines, Music). See Table 3 for correlation coefficients. Table 3

36
Correlation Coefficients for Mean Total IRMA Score and Weighted Media Types
Aggressive Content Sexual Content
TV Movies Magazines Music TV Movies Magazines Music
Mean Total
IRMA Score -0.07 0.16* -0.07 0.11 -0.15* 0.13 -0.07 0.08

Only two significant correlations were found for mean IRMA scores and media

content types. Aggressive movies were correlated with mean IRMA scores, such that

greater exposure to aggressive movies was related to higher acceptance of rape myths. In

addition, sexual content in television was negatively correlated with mean IRMA scores,

such that greater exposure to sexual content in television was related to lower acceptance

of rape myths, contrary to the hypothesized outcome. It is unclear as to why this result

occurred but it will be discussed further in the discussion.

At the outset of the study it was anticipated that a regression analysis would be

done regarding the ability of exposure to media to predict IRMA scores. As already

shown, however, the results of this study did not show a significant correlation between

these variables meaning a regression analysis would not be needed. This analysis was

completed despite the low correlations, however, because it was a major part of the

original study hypotheses. Thus, the extent to which exposure to media would predict

mean total IRMA scores was explored using a forced entry regression analysis. Initially

the intent was to use the weighted media content scores as predictors, but it became clear

that the high correlations between the weighted media types posed a concern about

multicollinearity. Therefore, because the unweighted content scores were only

moderately correlated with each other, it was decided to use these as predictors in the

model. The variables for mean exposure to total aggressive content, mean exposure to

total sexual content, and total exposure time to media were all entered into block 1 of the

regression analysis. The model was not significant, R2= .03, adjusted R2 =.02, F (3, 199)

37
 = 2.15, p = .10. See table 4 for the regression statistics. The results of the regression

indicated that a model containing mean media content scores and total exposure to media

to predict mean IRMA score is not more accurate than would be expected by chance.

Table 4

Regression Model Variables for Predicting Mean IRMA Scores

Step 1 B SE B B
(Constant) 2.59 0.21
Mean Aggressive Content 0.21 0.11 0.17
Mean Sexual Content -0.05 0.10 -0.05
TV Time Recoded -0.02 0.01 -0.12
Note. R2 = .03 for Step 1 (ps = .10). *p < .001.

Exploratory question two. Average time spent with each form of media was

correlated with mean IRMA scores in order to explore the relationship between these

variables. No significant correlations were found between any one type of media and mean

IRMA scores (TV: r = -0.10; Movies: r = 0.14; Magazines: r =-0.06; Music: r = 0.01).

Gender

Because gender appeared to be correlated with both IRMA scores (males having

higher scores) and exposure to aggressive media content (males reporting higher exposure

to aggressive content), it was questioned as to whether gender may be a good predictor of

mean IRMA scores. A forced entry regression analysis was performed to explore this

possibility. Age was also included in the regression analysis because it appeared to be

related to IRMA scores as well in the correlational analyses. The model was significant

R2= .10, adjusted R2 =.09, F (2, 198) = 10.5, p < .001. See table 5 for model statistics. The

results of the regression analysis indicate that the model accounts for 9% of the variance in

mean IRMA scores. Both the age of participants and gender had a significant negative

relationship with mean IRMA scores. Gender appears to have greater influence on mean

38
IRMA scores than age, however. The ability of the interaction of gender and exposure to

aggressive media to predict mean IRMA scores was also examined in a hierarchical

regression analysis. Results indicated that adding a participant’s exposure to aggressive

media did not add anything to the model above and beyond what gender was able to

predict.

Table 5

Regression Equation Values for Predicting Mean Total IRMA Score

Step 1 B SE B V
(Constant) 3.86 0.35
Age of Participant -0.05 0.02 -0.18*
Gender -0.34 0.09 -0.26*
Note. R2 = .10 for Step 1; *p < .001.

39
Table 6
Correlation Matrix of Major Study Variables
1Age 2Gender 3IRMA 4Media 5Agg 6Neut 7Sex 8WSex 9WAgg
**
1. Age of Participant

2.Gender -0.06 **
3. Mean Total IRMA
Score -0.17* -0.26** **
4. Ave media
Time/week -0.09 -0.14* -0.01 **
5. Mean Exposure to
Aggressive Cont
0.07 -0.50** 0.12 0.22** **
6. Mean Exposure to
Neutral Cont
0.00 -0.10 -0.03 0.30** 0.56** **
7. Mean Exposure to
Sex Cont
-0.04 -0.08 0.02 0.28** 0.56** 0.57** **
8. Total Sex Cont
Weighted -0.02 -0.13 -0.01 0.87** 0.40** 0.46** 0.67** **
9. Total Agg Con
Weighted 0.03 -0.36** 0.07 0.86** 0.64** 0.47** 0.46** 0.87** **
10. Total Neut Con
Weighted -0.03 -0.14* -0.02 0.92** 0.37** 0.60** 0.42** 0.90** 0.89**
Note. Coding for Gender: 1 = Female; 0 = Male.

43
 Chapter Five

Discussion

The purpose of the present study was to examine the effects of two common rape

myths (Women who are assaulted while drinking or who are assaulted by someone they

know are less affected than those experiencing an assault while not drinking or by a

stranger) on participants’ attitudes toward the survivor and their recommendation to

involve the police. Results of the present study indicated that the familiarity of the

perpetrator has a significant effect on the level of empathy and recommendation to report

that sexual assaults survivors receive from their support systems. Although, overall,

empathic responses were frequent in the study regardless of vignette, those surviving

sexual assaults of familiar perpetrators received less support than those with stranger

perpetrators.

A second goal of the present study was to examine the role that media exposure

may play in the development of attitudes supporting rape myths. Overall results indicated

that exposure to media was not related to participants’ rape myth attitudes, even when

splitting the media into content types (e.g. aggressive and sexual). It became apparent,

however, that gender and age were more salient variables. Both variables were able to

predict the rape myth attitudes of participants, with males being more accepting of rape

myths and having greater exposure to aggressive media content than females.

Experimental Vignette Design

A notable result from the vignettes involved the minimal variation in responses to

44
questions regarding recommendation to report and empathy for the survivor. This is

particularly interesting because it indicates that a majority of the sample was sympathetic

to the victim in the vignettes, and perceived the sexual assault scenario as serious,

regardless of the assault details. This is potentially a promising finding, as previous

research has not generally found this level of empathy for victims of sexual assault,

whether it be in real life or in vignette scenarios (Ben-David & Schneider, 2005; Clay-

Warner & Burt, 2005; DuMont, Miller, & Myhr, 2003; Jordan, 2001; Kingsworth et al.,

2002; Ullman, 2000; Ullman & Filipas, 2001; Wild et al., 1998). The finding that most

participants in the present study were supportive of sexual assault victims should be kept

in mind when interpreting other results of the vignette analyses, as it appears that few

survivors received negative support, which research suggests is the most damaging to

survivors (Rauch & Foa, 2004; Ullman, 2000).

It was predicted that increasing the number of simple assault variables in the

vignettes would affect participants’ subsequent answers. This hypothesis was not

supported, although the means from the four vignettes were significantly different from

each other for the empathy composite, they were not in the hypothesized direction. A

significant main effect for perpetrator type, but not alcohol use, was found for both

composite variables. The means for the police and empathy composites varied as a

function of perpetrator type only and not the interaction with alcohol use. More

specifically, it appears that those who responded to vignettes with strangers as

perpetrators indicated that the event was more serious, had more empathy for the victims

and more strongly recommended that the situation be reported. This finding is consistent

with a large body of research indicating that sexual assaults with a known perpetrator are

45
generally seen by both outsiders as well as victims of these crimes as less serious than

those with a stranger (Ben-David & Schneider, 2005; Felson and Pare, 2005; Kingsworth

et al., 2002; Monroe et al., 2005). Survivors report feeling less inclined to report sexual

assaults by familiar perpetrators and believe that police have less authority in such cases

(Felson & Pare; Monroe et al.). Such survivor concerns are not unfounded. Indeed,

assaults by a stranger are almost twice as likely to go to trial as acquaintance assaults, and

scrutiny regarding the survivor’s behavior has a much greater influence in prosecution of

rapes by familiar perpetrators (Kingsworth, et al.).

Although overall it was found that the participants supported survivors of sexual

assaults, this study’s results indicate that, compared to sexual assaults with strangers,

survivors of sexual assault by a familiar perpetrator may experience the lowest levels of

support. Demaris and Kaukinen (2005) found that rapes committed by someone known to

the survivor appear to be the most important predictor of depressive symptomatology,

indicating that survivors of this type of assault are particularly vulnerable to subsequent

mental illness. It is known that lack of support from others can contribute to the

consequences of a sexual assault including acute stress disorder (ASD), post-traumatic

stress disorder (PTSD), eating disorders and substance abuse (Rauch & Foa, 2004;

Rothbaum et al., 1992). In light of the evidence suggesting lower levels of support for

survivors of sexual assault by a known perpetrator, and the importance of support for

survivor recovery, it is likely that a survivor of a sexual assault by a known perpetrator

may have a greater chance of subsequently developing symptomatology.

The Impact of Personal Assault Experience

It was also hypothesized that those with sexual assault experience, either direct or

46
by proxy (i.e. knowing someone else who had experience with sexual assault), would

have an effect on the way participants responded to the vignette surveys. There was a

significant finding for those participants who indicated having known someone else who

was sexually assaulted, but not for those who had direct personal experience. This finding

was significant only for the empathy composite variable. The response pattern of the

participants with experience by proxy indicated higher empathy for the survivor than

those without experience. Half of the sample in the present study indicated that they knew

someone who had been involved in a sexual assault. This appears to be a unique statistic

in that none of the previous research reviewed for this project reported the rates of

participants knowing someone by proxy who was sexually assaulted.

The fact that a significant effect was found for the empathy responses of

experienced support systems over survivors is surprising. It seems that if those having

witnessed someone else were impacted by this experience, then those who had actually

gone through the experience would also be impacted. It is possible that the reason for the

non-significant finding for direct personal experience may be that there were very few

participants who indicated having personal experience with sexual assault (21

participants). Although it is estimated that 1 in 4 women have experienced a sexual

assault, not all of those women conceptualize what happened to them as an assault and

thus may not respond affirmatively to this question. It is not surprising that no significant

effect was found for the police composite variable for either category of experience with

sexual assault, as very few survivors actually report their assaults to law enforcement.

Therefore, a majority of the participants likely did not experience any interactions with

the police that could negatively influence their recommendation in a hypothetical

47
situation.

Unanticipated Results

The non-significant finding for the effect of sobriety status in the vignettes on

empathy for the victim and recommendation to report is very surprising given related

published literature. The belief that survivors who are intoxicated at the time of their

assault are more responsible and deserving of their rape has been a widely prevalent rape

myth (Ullman, 2000; Ullman & Filipas, 2001; Wild et al., 1998). Numerous studies

regarding alcohol-related assaults have found greater negative reactions from social

supports (Ullman; Ullman & Filipas), lower likelihood of reporting by third parties or the

survivors themselves (Clay-Warner & Burt, 2005; Felson & Pare, 2005), greater blame

placed on the self by survivors (Schwartz & Leggett, 1999), and lower ratings of survivor

credibility and degree of guilt for the perpetrator by mock juries (Schuller & Wall, 1998).

It is possible that the particular vignettes used in this study were not successful in varying

the extent that alcohol was present in the situation. In the intoxicated victim vignette,

intoxication was expressed by saying that the victim had “several glasses of wine” at

dinner. In addition, at the end of all of the vignettes it was stated that the victim “thought

she told the [perpetrator] to stop but she was not sure that she did.” This was varied in the

intoxicated victim vignette by saying that she “thought she told the [perpetrator] to stop

but she had had a lot to drink so she was not sure that she did.” Compared to the

perpetrator status, which was much more clearly varied within the vignettes, the

intoxication status was more subtle and may not have had the intended effect.

Additionally, recent public service campaigns debunking such rape myths may have been

effective in reducing these beliefs in the college population

48
 Media Survey Design

Results of the analysis of the media variables in the present study did not support

the hypothesis that exposure to aggressive or sexual media would predict acceptance of

rape myths. The fact that exposure to aggressive or sexual media content was not found to

significantly predict mean IRMA scores is inconsistent with previous results in the

literature (Dexter et al., 1997; Krafka et al., 1988; Linz et al., 1988; Malamuth & Check,

1981; Mulac et al., 2002;). It is widely known that the media has negative effects on its

consumers regarding such things such as aggressive behavior and body image problems.

It has also been found that the media generally portrays women in degrading sexualized

ways, (Becker, 1995; Brinson, 1992; Brown, 2005; Caringella-MacDonald, 1998; Carll,

2003; Carll, 2005) and that exposure to these aggressive, sexualized media sources affects

both men and women’s attitudes towards sexual assault (Bufkin & Eschholz, 2000;

Dexter et al., 1997; Krafka et al., 1988).

Regarding the nonsignificant finding for exposure to sexual media content, the

type of sexual content assessed in the present study included mainly non-violent forms

(e.g. Past Sexual Experiences, Potential Sexual Actions, Suggestive Content, Sex as a

Game/Competition and Casual Sexual Encounters). Ward (2003) has suggested that

exposure to non-violent sexual content may have more impact on casual attitudes about

sex in general and higher expectations of the prevalence of sexual activity; and less on the

beliefs about the impact of violent sexual acts. This suggests that non-aggressive sexuality

in the media may not play as important a role, at least in regards to beliefs about sexual

assault and treatment of women, as levels of aggression. In future research there should

probably be greater differentiation between the types of sexual content.

49
 A possible explanation for the nonsignificant finding in both the exposure to

sexual and aggressive content media is that participants were asked to subjectively rate

the presence of content types in their favorite media choices. This means that the results

were based on participants’ perceptions of the aggressive or sexual nature of the media

they were exposed to. As has been suggested by Dexter et al. (1998), the high prevalence

of violence and sexual acts in the media may desensitize consumers to the effects of these

acts. This means that, beyond general variations in perceptions of media content, those

participants who are exposed to greater sexual and aggressive media may actually rate

themselves as being exposed to less sexual and aggressive media because that particular

content does not stand out to them. Because the present study asked participants to give

the specific names of their favorite TV shows, magazines, movies and music, it may be

helpful to have independent raters judge the levels of various content types for further

investigation.

Finally, the hypothesis that acceptance of rape myths would be related to the

amount of media exposure in general was not supported by the data. This is not surprising

as previous studies have found that exposure to specific content of media, rather than the

total amount of media exposure, affects the rape myth acceptance of participants. Ward

(2003) reviewed 36 empirical studies and examined the impact of media exposure on

sexual outcomes such as stereotypical and casual attitudes about sex. A general finding

from this review was that it was exposure to a specific genre of media and not total media

exposure that affected the dependent variables.

Gender

The present study was able to obtain a sample large enough to include both men

50
and women in the analyses. This allowed direct comparison of the genders, which was

important given the results found in this study. In the present study gender was found to

be significantly related to amount of exposure to aggression in the media (r = -.50) as well

as acceptance of rape myths (r = -.26). Males endorsed significantly higher acceptance of

rape myths than females and also indicated that they were exposed to more aggressive

media. The effects size of both of these findings was moderate to large. Gender was also

found to be a significant predictor of rape myth attitudes, accounting for almost 10% of

the variance in rape myth attitudes.

These findings support the results of several studies examining either exposure to

aggressive content or rape myth acceptance. For instance, Linz et al. (1988) had

participants evaluate a mock-rape trial two days after exposure to violent movies. The

evaluations of the responsibility of rape survivors by the all-male participants were

negatively affected by viewing more violent films, meaning that participants placed

greater blame on the survivors. Regarding rape myth acceptance, the finding that males

are more accepting of rape myths than females is consistent with Payne et al.’s (1999)

psychometric analysis results of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. Although

women are also affected by exposure to aggressive and sexual media, previous literature

has shown that exposure to these specific content types tends to affect their attitudes

towards themselves. Women learn to see themselves as sexual subjects, (Ward &

Friedman, 2006) and their self-esteem is negatively affected. Exposure to sexual and

aggressive media also gives women feelings of disempowerment through messages that

violence against women is unavoidable and women must fend for themselves. (Dexter et

al., 1997; Reid & Finchilescu, 1995).

51
 Limitations

One major limitation of the present study, the fact that participants subjectively

rated the amount of exposure they had to sexual and aggressive media, was discussed

previously and will not be repeated here. A second major limitation is that the particular

sample used for this study may have affected present results. This sample came from a

medium-sized Midwestern university at which most freshmen attend presentations on

sexual assault and violence against women as part of their freshman orientation. Therefore

this particular sample may be more educated on and sensitized to this subject than the

general population. This is consistent with the minimal variability in several of the

questions regarding the effects of sexual assault on victims and recommendation to report.

Most participants indicated having empathy for the survivors in the vignettes, regardless

of the particular details of the assault. Given a different sample, results may be different.

The fact that there was still an effect for perpetrator type is interesting, however, as this

was still demonstrated in an educated sample.

A further limitation is that the present study did not collect exposure data

regarding video games or the use of Internet. A study by the Entertainment Software

Association (ESA) reported that, in 2006, 47.6% of 18 to 49 year olds reported playing

video games on an average of 7.5 hours per week (ESA, 2006). The United Census

Bureau reported that in 2003, 56.7% of people ages 15-24 had access to the Internet (U.S.

Dept of Commerce, 2005). Dill (2007) found a positive correlation between violent video

game playing and endorsement of rape myths, including the myths that women secretly

want to be raped and that sometimes women “deserve” to be raped. In addition Dill and

Thill (in press) reported that, among game enthusiasts, it is commonly argued that

52
negative gender stereotypes in the media do not matter because they are just harmless

entertainment. This lack of awareness of the impact of media content is a concern.

Clearly, this will be an important area for future research.

Previously it was mentioned that the vignette question “Who, if anyone, is most

responsible for the event?” had to be dropped due to the fact that it used the name Pete

even when Pete was not the perpetrator (i.e. the stranger vignettes). This is a potential

limitation as it could have created confusion for the stranger vignettes as many

participants noted that it was neither person’s fault. This could have had an impact on

participants’ responses to subsequent questions. However, this question was towards the

end of the vignette questionnaire, therefore its impact on further responses is likely

limited.

Clinical Implications and Recommendations

Aggressive beliefs and behaviors within a society have been shown to be

significantly positively correlated with the incidence of rape. It is also generally believed

that the media provides a vehicle for developing and maintaining these ideologies within

society (Becker, 1995; Carll, 2005; Ferrell, 2000; Sanday, 1998). Considerable research

has analyzed media content, with general agreement that the media frequently contains

images of violence and degradation, especially directed at women (Brinson, 1992; Brown,

2005; Caringella-MacDonald, 1998; Carll, 2003; Carll, 2005). In light of the significant

implications for aggressive beliefs in society, and the fact that the media is saturated with

these types of beliefs, it is important to analyze the effects of exposure to aggressive and

sexual media on the belief systems of our society.

The present study expands upon existing research in that it assessed the extent to

53
which participants were exposed to certain genres of media content, in addition to media

exposure in general. Ward (2003) suggested that many experimental studies to date have

focused on assessing the quantity of participant exposure to media, rather than the content

quality of the media. By asking participants to rate the extent of certain content areas in

their favorite media sources, the present study was able to tap an area of media exposure

that has not been extensively studied. In addition, the effect of gender has not been a

focus in much of the research, as many studies focused exclusively on either males or

females in their samples. The present study was able to obtain a sample size such that

responses by both males and females could be analyzed and compared. Finally this study

is one of the few that attempted to experimentally manipulate rape myth variables within

vignette scenarios.

It has now been widely agreed upon that the media has significant effects on the

attitudes and beliefs of society. It will be important to discover the mechanisms through

which this occurs. It has been suggested by several authors (e.g. Ward, 2003; Ward &

Friedman, 2006) that viewers’ reasons for media involvement and identification with

figures in the media (such as main characters or band members) may have more impact on

the effects of media beyond just pure levels of exposure. For instance, Ward and

Friedman found that participants’ viewing motives, such as watching television for

companionship rather than “for fun” may result in the media having greater impact on the

viewers’ subsequent beliefs and attitudes. It is also important to begin to assess how the

effects of the media can be mitigated. Studies have shown that pre-film debunking of rape

myths and alerting viewers to the effects of viewing violent media can mitigate the effects

of media violence (See Linz, Wilson & Donnerstein, 1992, for a review).

54
Although there are currently several rating systems that indicate the extent to which sex

and violence are present in media such as television shows and video games, the potential

effects of exposure to this content are not explained in the ratings. Based on Linz et al.’s

findings it would be reasonable to recommend that media sources not only be given

ratings but also be labeled with warnings regarding potential negative effects.

The results of the present study also indicate that survivors of sexual assault with a

known perpetrator may receive less support from support systems than survivors of

stranger sexual assaults. This was demonstrated by the fact that, although participants

indicated support for survivors overall, support was less for survivors of an assault with a

known perpetrator. The implications of this finding is that survivors of sexual assaults by

an acquaintance perpetrator are likely at higher risk for later emotional trauma, including

the feeling of being re-assaulted as a result of less supportive or ambivalent reactions

from others. It will be important to dispel this rape myth through educational programs for

students, law enforcement and the medical community.

55
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APPENDIX A
History of Sexual Assault and Law Enforcement Experiences (HSALE)1
1. Have you ever filed a police report? Yes No (skip to #2)

a. What was the crime? _____________________________________

b. How satisfied were you with how you were treated by the police?
(Not at all) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very)
c. How satisfied were you with the outcome of your report?
(Not at all) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very)

2. Have you ever received a ticket for a violation of a law? Yes No (skip to #3)

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 a. What was the crime? _____________________________________
b. How satisfied were you with how you were treated by the police?
(Not at all) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very)
c. How satisfied were you with the outcome of the incident?
(Not at all) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very)

3. Have you ever been involved in unwanted sexual activity because you were physically
forced or unable to consent (because of intoxication or drugs)?
Yes No (skip to #3)
a. If YES, were you 18 years or older at the time it happened? Yes No
b. If YES, did you report this to the police? Yes No
1. If YES, How satisfied were you with how you were treated by the
police?
(Not at all) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very)

2. How satisfied were you with the outcome of your report? (Not at all) 1
2 3 4 5 (Very)

3. If NO, why did you decide not to report this incident?

4. Have you ever known anyone who was involved in unwanted sexual activity because they
were physically forced or unable to consent (because of intoxication or drugs)?* Yes
No
a. If YES, did the person report the incident to the police?
Yes No Don’t Know
1. If YES, How satisfied were they with how they were treated by the police?
(Not at all) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very)
2. How affected were you personally by this other person’s experience with
assault?
(Not at all) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very)

Questions 3 & 4 were adapted from Schwartz & Leggett (1999)

APPENDIX B

Perceptions of Police Officer Response and Empathy for Survivors

(Intoxicated/Acquaintance Vignette)
Sarah: After having dinner and several glasses of wine with Pete, a guy who is in one of my
classes, he drove me home and walked me to the door. He stepped inside and gave me a hug good-
bye. He wouldn’t let go and began kissing my neck and face. I struggled to get away but he is
twice my size and wasn’t letting me go. He told me that he knew I wanted him as much as he
wanted me. He carried me over to the couch and began taking off my clothes. I froze, I was so
scared I didn’t know what to do and everything became a blur. I think I told him to stop but I had
had a lot to drink so I am not positive I did.

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(Sober/Acquaintance Vignette)
Sarah: After having dinner with Pete, a guy who is in one of my classes, he drove me home and
walked me to the door. He stepped inside and gave me a hug good-bye. He wouldn’t let go and
began kissing my neck and face. I struggled to get away but he is twice my size and wasn’t letting
me go. He told me that he knew I wanted him as much as he wanted me. He carried me over to the
couch and began taking off my clothes. I froze, I was so scared I didn’t know what to do and
everything became a blur. I think I told him to stop but I am not positive I did.

(Sober/Stranger Vignette)
Sarah: After having dinner with Pete, a guy who is in one of my classes, he drove me home and
left. As I was turning the key in the door lock I felt someone behind me. I turned around and saw a
man I did not know. He told me to go into the house and then he grabbed me. He wouldn’t let go
and began kissing my neck and face. I struggled to get away but he is twice my size and wasn’t
letting me go. He told me that he knew I wanted him as much as he wanted me. He carried me
over to the couch and began taking off my clothes. I froze, I was so scared I didn’t know what to
do and everything became a blur. I think I told him to stop but I am not positive I did.

(Intoxicated/Stranger Vignette)
Sarah: After having dinner and several glasses of wine with Pete, a guy who is in one of my
classes, he drove me home and left. As I was turning the key in the door lock I felt someone
behind me. I turned around and saw a man I did not know. He told me to go into the house and
then he grabbed me. He wouldn’t let go and began kissing my neck and face. I struggled to get
away but he is twice my size and wasn’t letting me go. He told me that he knew I wanted him as
much as he wanted me. He carried me over to the couch and began taking off my clothes. I froze, I
was so scared I didn’t know what to do and everything became a blur. I think I told him to stop
but I had had a lot to drink so I am not positive I did.

a) Should Sarah report this incident to the police?

Definitely Yes Probably Yes Not Sure Probably No Definitely No

Please give reasons for your answer to the previous question:

b) If Sarah reported this event, how likely do you think it would result in an arrest? (Very
Unlikely) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very Likely)

c) How seriously do you think the police will take this situation?
(Not at all) 1 2 3 4 5 (Very)

d) How much distress do you feel this event caused Sarah?

(None)1 2 3 4 5 (A Lot)

e) Who, if anyone, is most responsible for this event? 1 2 3 4 5

Sarah Equal Responsibility Pete

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f) How much do you think this event will affect Sarah’s everyday life?
(None) 1 2 3 4 5 (A Lot)

g) To what extent does this event seem like:

Definitely Not At All
A fun time for both parties 1 2 3 4 5

A typical one night stand 1 2 3 4 5

A consequence of drinking 1 2 3 4 5

A sexual assault (rape) 1 2 3 4 5

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 APPENDIX C

Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale

Label Number Item
SA-3 1. If a woman is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible
for letting things get out of control.
WI-5 2. Although most women wouldn’t admit it, they generally find being
physically forced into sex a real ‘‘turn-on.’’
MT-3 3. When men rape, it is because of their strong desire for sex.
TE-5 4. If a woman is willing to ‘‘make out’’ with a guy, then it’s no big deal if he
goes a little further and has sex.
LI-4 5. Women who are caught having an illicit affair sometimes claim that it was
rape.
FI-1 6. Newspapers should not release the name of a rape victim to the public.
LI-3 7. Many so-called rape victims are actually women who had sex and “changed
their minds” afterwards.
WI-1 8. Many women secretly desire to be raped.
DE-5 9. Rape mainly occurs on the “bad” side of town.
DE-4 10. It is only women who do things like hang out in bars and sleep around that
are raped.
FI-2 11. Most rapists are not caught by the police.
NR-1 12. If a woman doesn’t physically fight back, you can’t really say that it was
rape.
DE-2 13. Men from nice middle-class homes almost never rape.
TE-1 14. Rape isn’t as big a problem as some feminists would like people to think.
SA-2 15. When women go around wearing low-cut tops or short skirts, they’re just
asking for trouble.
LI-2 16. Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at men.
NR-5 17. A rape probably didn’t happen if the woman has no bruises or marks.
WI-4 18. Many women find being forced to have sex very arousing.
SA-4 19. If a woman goes home with a man she doesn’t know, it is her own fault if
she is raped.
MT-5 20. Rapists are usually sexually frustrated individuals.
FI-3 21. All women should have access to self-defense classes.
DE-3 22. It is usually only women who dress suggestively that are raped.
WI-2 23. Some women prefer to have sex forced on them so they don’t have to feel
guilty about it.
NR-3 24. If the rapist doesn’t have a weapon, you really can’t call it a rape.
SA-6 25.
When a woman is a sexual tease, eventually she is going to get into trouble.
TE-3 26. Being raped isn’t as bad as being mugged and beaten.
DE-7 27. Rape is unlikely to happen in the woman’s own familiar neighborhood.

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 DE-1 28. In reality, women are almost never raped by their boyfriends.
TE-2 29. Women tend to exaggerate how much rape affects them.
MT-2 30. When a man is very sexually aroused, he may not even realize that the
woman is resisting.
LI-1 31. A lot of women lead a man on and then they cry rape.
FI-4 32. It is preferable that a female police officer conduct the questioning when a
woman reports a rape.
LI-5 33. A lot of times, women who claim they were raped just have emotional
problems.
NR-2 34. If a woman doesn’t physically resist sex - even when protesting verbally - it
really can’t be considered rape.
DE-6 35. Rape almost never happens in the woman’s own home.
SA-5 36. A woman who ‘‘teases’’ men deserves anything that might happen.
SA-8 37. When women are raped, it’s often because the way they said ‘‘no’’was
ambiguous.
TE-4 38. If a woman isn’t a virgin, then it shouldn’t be a big deal if her date forces her
to have sex.
MT-1 39. Men don’t usually intend to force sex on a woman, but sometimes they get
too sexually carried away.
FI-5 40. This society should devote more effort to preventing rapes.
SA-1 41. A woman who dresses in skimpy clothes should not be surprised if a man
tries to force her to have sex.
MT-4 42. Rape happens when a man’s sex drive gets out of control.
SA-7 43. A woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man on the first date is
implying that she wants to have sex.
WI-3 44. Many women actually enjoy sex after the guy uses a little force.
NR-4 45. If a woman claims to have been raped but has no bruises or scrapes, she
probably shouldn’t be taken too seriously.

Note: Item label prefix refers to the subscale corresponding to the item: SA, She asked for it; NR,
It wasn’t really rape; MT, He didn’t mean to; WI, She wanted it; LI, She lied; TE, Rape is a
trivial event; DE, Rape is a deviant event; FI, filler item (not scored).
Answers are recorded on a seven-point Likert scale where 1 = Not at all agree and 7 = Very much
agree.
APPENDIX D

Survey of Exposure to Mass Media (SEMM)

Please answer the following questions as completely as you can. Remember, your answers
are completely prívate and no one will know how you answered.

Age: Year in School: Freshman Sophomore Junior Senior

Gender (Please circle): Male Female

Race/Ethnicity: ________ European American _______ Hispanic/Latino

67
 _______African American Asian Other (please
specify):

The following questions ask about your use of various mass media sources (television,
magazines, etc). Please answer each question as completely as you can.

Televisión

How much time do you spend in a typical week watching televisión?

_______ no time ______ 7 to 10 hours each week
_______ 1 to 2 hours each week _________ 11 to 14 hours each week
_______ 3 to 6 hours each week _________ 15 or more hours each week

Below please think of your three favorite television shows and answer the questions for each
show.
1. Name of television show: _____________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
show:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Always

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
(actions/clothing)
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

68
 2. Name of television show: ____________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
show:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
(actions/clothing)
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

3. Name of television show: ____________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
show:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
(actions/clothing)
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

Movies
How much time do you spend in a typical week watching movies?
_______ no time ______ 7 to 10 hours each week
_______ 1 to 2 hours each week _________ 11 to 14 hours each week
_______ 3 to 6 hours each week _________ 15 or more hours each week

69
Below please think of your three favorite movies and answer the questions for each movie.

1. Name of movie: _______________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
movie:
Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway
Friendship 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
(actions/clothing)
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

2. Name of movie: _______________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
movie:
Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway
Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
(actions/clothing)
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

70
 3. Name of movie: _______________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
movie:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
(actions/clothing)
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

Magazines

How much time do you spend in a typical week reading magazines?

_______ no time ______ 7 to 10 hours each week
_______ 1 to 2 hours each week _________ 11 to 14 hours each week
_______ 3 to 6 hours each week _________ 15 or more hours each week

Below please think of your three favorite magazines answer the questions for each magazine.

1. Name of magazine: ____________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
magazine:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
(actions/clothing)
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

71
 2. Name of magazine:
Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
magazine:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content
(actions/clothing) 1 2 3 4 5
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

3. Name of magazine: ____________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in this
magazine:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
(actions/clothing)
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

Music

How much time do you spend in a typical week listening to music?

_______ no time ______ 7 to 10 hours each week
_______ 1 to 2 hours each week _________ 11 to 14 hours each week
_______ 3 to 6 hours each week _________ 15 or more hours each week

72
Below please think of your three favorite music artists/bands and answer the questions for
each artist/band.

1. Name of artist/band: ____________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in the lyrics
of this artist:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

2. Name of artist/band: ____________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in the lyrics
of this artist/band:
Never Very Little A Little A Lot Alway
Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

73
 3. Name of artist/band: ____________________________________________

Please indicate the extent that each of the subjects below are commonly referred to in the lyrics
of this artist/band:

Never Very Little A Little A Lot Always

Friendships 1 2 3 4 5
Sex as a Game/Competition 1 2 3 4 5
Personal Assault 1 2 3 4 5
Past sexual experiences 1 2 3 4 5
Potential sexual actions 1 2 3 4 5
Cars/Motorcycles 1 2 3 4 5
Family Interaction 1 2 3 4 5
Suggestive Content 1 2 3 4 5
Use of Guns 1 2 3 4 5
Physical Fighting 1 2 3 4 5
Casual sexual encounters 1 2 3 4 5

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 APPENDIX E

Information and Informed Consent

Title of Project: Students’ Perceptions of Sexual Assault on Campus

Primary Investigator: Kathleen A. Curtiss

Clinical Psychology Gradúate Student 419-530-2721
Faculty Supervisor: Dr. Jeanne B. Funk
Professor of Psychology 419-530-4392

Purpose of the Study. The primary interest of this project is to explore students’ opinions about sexual
assault on campus, as well as students’ use of various media sources.

Procedures. In order to particípate in this study you must be at least 18 years of age. You will be asked to
complete some questionnaires about your previous experience with police and sexual assault, your beliefs
about sexual assault, and your use of various media sources. In addition, you will be asked to read and
respond to several short stories depicting an assault. We will conclude with a short debriefing about the
study. Approximately one hour of your time will be needed. You will receive credit for one hour of
experimental participation.

Discomforts/Risks from Participating in this Study. The risks associated with this study are minimal.
Due to the content of the present study, some of the questionnaires and/or debriefing may result in some
uncomfortable or distressing emotions. It is important to remember, however, that you do have the option
to stop participating at any time should you feel yourself becoming distressed. Additionally, the researcher
is a graduate student in clinical psychology, trained to handle distress in the event that this may occur.

Freedom to Withdraw. The decision to participate in this project is completely up to you. If you decide
that you do not want to finish, you can stop at any time without any negative consequences. Your decision
not to participate will in no way affect your relationship with your professors, the research investigators, or
The University of Toledo.

Confidentiality of Results. All information obtained will be kept strictly confidential. Experimental
identification numbers will take the place of names on any papers or records. Your name will not be used in
any way. No personally identifying information will be attached to forms or other data so no one will know
how you answered any of the questions.

Informed Consent. I have read the description of this project and have had all of my questions answered.
By signing below, I agree to take part in the project and complete the questionnaires. I understand that my
participation is voluntary and that I can stop at any time. I am aware that I can ask questions at any time
before, during, or after my participation.

Contact Information: You may contact myself or my faculty supervisor, Dr. Jeanne Funk, at the numbers
shown above for more information about the study. For information about your rights as a research
participant or in the unlikely event of a research-related injury, contact Jeff Busch at 419-530-2844.

Name (Please print) Signature Date

75
 APPENDIX
F
Debriefing Handouts

X» Be aware of language. Words ar<very powerful, espe- cially 2a Speak Up. You will probably never see a rape in
when spoken by people with power over others. We live in a society in progress, but you will see and hear altitudes and be-
haviors that degrade women and promote rape. When
which words are often used to pul women down, where calling a girl or
your best friend tells a joke about rape, say you don't fmd
woman a "bitch," "freak," "whore," "baby," or l'pog" is common. Such
it funny. When you read an article that blames a rape
language sends a message that témales are less than fully human. When we survivor for being assaulted, write a letter to the editor.
allow ourSelves to be cailedthese ñames, it becomes easier for others to When laws are proposed that limit women's rights, let
treát üs with less respéot, disregard our rights, and ignore our well-being. politicians know that you won't support them. Do
anything but remain silent.

3. Support survivors of rape.

Rape will not be taken seriously until
¡ * Talk with other women about how ¡ the
risk of being raped affects their daily lives; . about how
éveryone knows how common it is. In the they want to be supported if it has hap- ¡ pened to them;
Ü.S. alone, one in every four college about what they think women can I do to prevent sexual
women will be raped (NU Special Report, violence. If you are willing to ¡ listen, you can learn a lot
2006). By learning to Sensitively support from women about the ■ impact of rape and how to stop
survivors in their lives, women can help it.
both women and men feel safer to speak
out about being raped and let the world know
how serious a problem rape is. 6, Respect other women. We are sometimes
our own worst enemies. Stick up for each
5 • Organize. Join organiza ti ons on campus or other and avoid gossiping about other women.
in the community that are focused on stopping sexual Give each other support and appreciate the
violence and encourage other women and men to help beauty and strength of each woman you come
too. If you ha ve the time and the drive, it is a into contact with. Avoid victim blaming,
wonderful way to make a difieren ce
especially if it’s a woman, and offer your
support.
8. Be a role model. Young gifls listen to thel
wáy Women talk about themselves and each other and learn the language of
wotnahhood Young women can only learn tó love andaccept themselves if they see
women who love and accept their own. Show them that a happy and confident
7. Learn the Facts. woman may not háve the “perfecf’ body,but she doesn’t give adamn!
Myths about rape are perva-
sive in our culture. The y
function to discredit victims ¡ V • Recognize that rape ¡s not by strangers only: ¡
and make them feel person- ■You can't always avoid potential date rape situations. A seemingly ni ce I
ally responsible so they will Iperson can be a date rapist. Some men are more likely to be sexually I aggressive
than others. Watch out for: ■
not report the rape. Myths also ■ • Individuáis who try to make you feel guilty or
give women a false sense of acense yon of being ‘
security
3 and excuse the
behavior of rapists. Re- uptight if you resist their sexual overtures; |
placing myths with facts is the I * Individuáis who ignore personal space boundaries
4
first step in altering the •Individuáis who do not listen to you, ignore what you say,
conditions that lead to rape. talk ,
.o ver you, or pretend not to hear you. ■

1 0. Approach rape as a MEN’S issue. The overwhelmingly majority of rapists are men, of all ages,
socioeconomic, racial and ethnics backgronnds. View men not only as perpetrators or possible offenders, bilí as
empowered bystanders who can confront abusive peers, and enconrage them to do so by letting them know how
important it is to you.

7
6
1» Be avvare of language. Words are very powerful, 2a Speak Up. You will probably never see a rape in
progresa, but you will see and hear altitudes and be-
especial!y when spoken by people with power over others. We
haviors that degrade women and promote rape. When
live in a society in which words are often used to put women your best friend tells a joke about rape, say you don't fínd
down, where calling a girl or woman a "bitch,” "freak," or it funny. When you read an article that blames a rape
"whore" is common. Such language sends a mes- sage that survivor for being assaulted, write a letter to the editor.
females are less than fully human. When we see women as When laws are proposed that limit women's rights, let
politicians know that you won't support them. Do
inferior, it becomes easier to treat them with less respect,
anything but remain silent.
disregard their rights, and ignore their well-being.

I
3. Support survivors of rape.
■ í!• Talk with women about how the ' ¡ of
iSl
Rape will not be taken seriously until every- one
being raped affects their daily lives; about ¡ ■ how
knows how common it is. In the LIS. alone, pne
they want to be supported if it has hap- i ! pened to
in every four college women will be raped (bíIJ
them; about what they think men can | ¡ do to
Special Report, 2006). By learning to séhsitively
support survivors in their lives, men can help prevent sexual violence. If you are will- ¡ I ing to
both women and other men feel. safe to speak out listen, you can learn a lat from women ■ i about the
about being raped and let the world know how impact of rape and how to stop it. .
serious.8 problem rape is. ___________________________.1
6. Understand the ability to
í consent. Drugs and alcohol can affect
Define your own manhood. » people’g ability to decide whether they
Consider whether messages about man- íí
; want to be sexual with someone. If a ñ woman is
hood, like “don’t take no for an answer”
tipsy or really out of it, she can’t » give consent.
¡¡ and “be tough” play a role in creating un- ¡¡
Wait until yóuboth are ready ; to enthusiastically
healthy and unsafe relationships. Choose ¡I
0) what kind of man you want to be.
say yes.

ct Talk with men about how it feels to be seen as a po-

tential rapist; about the fact that 10-21® of all males will be
7. Learn the Faets. sexually abused in their lifetimes; about whether they khów
Myths about rape are perva- someone who has be en raped. Learn about how sexual violence
sive in our culture. They touches the lives of men and what we can do to stop it.
function to discredit victims and
make them feel person- ally
responsible so they will not
report the rape. Myths also give ^ecognize that rape is not by strangers only: .
women a false sense of security■ You can't always avoid potential date rape situations. A seemingly ni ce ‘
and excuse the behavior of Iperson can be a date rapist. Some men are more likely to be sexually |
rapists. Re- placing myths with aggressive than others. Watch out for: *
• Individuáis who try to make others feel guilty or accuse others of .
faets is the first step in altering
being uptight if they resist his sexual overtures. i
the | conditions that lead to rape. • Individuáis who ignore personal space boandarles. í
. • Individuáis who do not listen to others, ignore what others say, ,
talk over others, or pretend not to hear others. ■

1 0. Approach rape as a MEN’S issue. ThaSverwheláütíglymájoiigjbfrapists áré men, of

all ages, socioeconomic, racial and ethnics backgrounds. View yourself and other men not only as
perpetrators or possible offenders, but as empowered bystanders who can confront abusive peers.

77
 Resources for Support & How to Get Involved The following
contacts are great resources for seeking help and getting involved.

For More Information

UT Sexual Assault & Education National Online Resource Center on
Prevention Program 419.530.3431 Violence Against Women
http://www.vawnet.org/
YWCA Rape Crisis Center Hotline
419.530.2721 National Center for Victims of Crime
http://www.ncvc.org/ncvc/Main.aspx
YWCA Battered Women’s Shelter
419.241.7386 Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network
www.rainn.org
Kathleen Curtiss - Researcher
[email protected] Get Involved!
Men Can Stop Rape
UT Student Medical Center http://www.mencanstoprape.org/index.htm
419.530.3451
American Association of University Women
Lucas County Victim-Witness Program http://www.aauw.org/laf/library/assault.cfm
419.245.4591 or 419.245.4994

78