Pearce and Berney
Pearce and Berney
Pearce and Berney
A further complication is that a group of offenders is defined by chance and variable criteria. To
qualify, an individual has to be caught, charged (without diversion from the legal process) and
convicted. The process is likely to differ for anyone seen as unusual, the standard of behaviour
expected, and therefore the threshold for engaging the Criminal Justice Service (CJS), varying
with their circumstances and so creating an (unstated) selection pressure.
Overall, ASD probably does not predispose to offending; if anything, the characteristic respect
for structure and order makes it less likely (Chaplin et al., 2013; King and Murphy, 2014; Maras
Received 17 June 2016 et al., 2015) although our perception is distorted by the publicity arising from the unusual nature
Revised 6 August 2016
Accepted 8 August 2016 of some offences. People with ASD are a very heterogeneous group (Wolff and Barlow, 1979)
PAGE 172 j ADVANCES IN AUTISM j VOL. 2 NO. 4 2016, pp. 172-178, © Emerald Group Publishing Limited, ISSN 2056-3868 DOI 10.1108/AIA-06-2016-0016
and, even though a rule-governed orthodoxy would seem protective, other characteristics bring
vulnerability:
1. Poor emotional regulation, expressed in a too ready, too intense anxiety or anger, may be a
feature of the wider neurodevelopmental disorder and its accompanying stresses. However,
sensory sensitivity and the impulsivity of coexistent ADHD are more particular to ASD and
can set off emotional arousal which, especially as it reaches the pitch of panic, may be violent.
Where this is directed only towards family or carers, it is likely to be under-reported.
2. Besides developing strategies to avoid stress and de-escalate distress, emotional regulation
can be improved with adapted dialectical behaviour therapy (Hartmann et al., 2012). As
alexithymia is associated with ASD, this may need to be preceded by a programme of
emotional literacy, teaching individuals to identify, label and communicate their feelings.
3. Difficulties with pragmatics, notably in judging the responses of others and the social rules in
a given circumstance, are central to ASD and may explain the desire for a well-ordered life.
For example, Temple Grandin (2005) identified a category of offence, such as sexual
transgression and drug offences, as apparently minor but carrying severe penalties. Calling
these “Sins of the System”, she decided to play safe, choosing total abstinence. Her fear is
well-grounded for it reflects how vague are the margins between seduction and date rape or
the point at which a dedicated suitor finds themselves a stalker; both offences depending on
an understanding of when “no” means “no”.
4. Closely related is a reduced capacity for intuitive empathy, hindering the ability to gauge the
impact of an action (Baron-Cohen, 2011) and possibly contributing to malice, a constant
theme in the accounts of Asperger syndrome (Tantam, 2005). This may be a factor in the
occasional extremes of violence which reach their zenith in senseless or multiple killings (Allely
et al., 2016; Im, 2016) in which ASD recurs as part of a varied and complex psychopathology
(Faccini, 2016).
5. The need here is to teach the basic rules of social engagement and functioning (normally
learned informally) as well as conscious empathy. These are educational tasks and the skills
should be taught routinely at school rather than waiting until an offence reveals the deficit.
6. The ability to think beyond the immediate consequences of an action is often limited (perhaps
evidence of weak central coherence). This can call into question the individual’s capacity to
form the intent to commit that offence. The result of a course of action truly may be unintended
and unforeseen, producing an inadvertent offender (Katz and Zemishlany, 2006). Here, again,
individuals can be taught to take a less impulsive, more thoughtful approach to problems.
7. A focal interest, one of ASD’s diagnostic characteristics, may be pursued so intently and
persistently as to lose sight of society’s constraints, leading the lover to stalk, the keen
collector to steal, and automated searching to accumulate an unwatched diskful of
pornography (Helverschou et al., 2015; Woodbury-Smith et al., 2010). The driving motives
may vary and include the development of a persona, an aid to friendship or an anxiolytic
distraction. Blocking the pursuit of such an interest can be followed by a reactive
intensification, destabilisation of a fragile style of life and further offending.
8. Many with ASD are attuned to computers and the internet which suit focussed, systematic
thinking and structured social relationship. They also offer an easy entrance to hacking,
trolling and online fraud but although one study suggests an association between autism
traits and cyber-deviancy (Seigfried-Spellar et al., 2015) there has been remarkably little
research, leaving the field open to anecdote and speculation (Kibbie, 2012; Ledingham and
Mills, 2015). Again, the motivation is frequently unusual and mixed, perhaps stemming from a
strong sense of social justice (a knight to the rescue) or an obsessive interest, compulsively
followed, with little thought as to the potential outcome, its impact on others, or even that it
might be an offence. Computer gaming may involve a rich fantasy life which, detached by the
use of an avatar, goes beyond the culturally acceptable. For some, a blurred boundary
between fantasy and reality lets them slip into enacting a game or video and, while its removal
may result in a substantial improvement, eventual success requires the individual to cope
with its later reintroduction.
Disposal
The court has to take into account the aims of the CJS (to deter, punish and rehabilitate the
offender and to protect the public). Besides more standard disposals (ranging from community
programmes to imprisonment) it might consider placements with other agencies, such as health
(whether in hospital or the community) and social care.
Risk assessment, central to any plan, has to be individual and, while standard instruments are not
immediately suitable to ASD (Murphy, 2013), they can be adapted to be the basis of an interview.
The past history is key to this and it should include the trajectory of the offending, identifying both
the occasional serious offence as well as the more minor infringements which might show the
individual’s life to be stuck in a repetitive rut.
Management in hospital
A placement should be determined by the individual’s needs rather than their label as, for
example, the stress of a general psychiatric ward and inexperienced staff can amplify the mental
illness of someone with ASD. A service needs the appropriate staff and setting to tease out the
significance of someone’s symptomatology, manage the ASD and implement treatments as well
as to identify what else remains at the end of this process.
Future research
This is explored in a relatively recent paper which identifies a number of the methodological
difficulties, particularly that of identifying ASD in the absence of a developmental history and in
settings which may mask the symptomatology (Woodbury-Smith and Dein, 2014).
A recent review of inpatient progress found that the presence of ASD did not of itself determine
the outcome. It concluded that attention needed to be directed towards defining predictive
subtypes (Esan et al., 2015) and two dichotomies would appear to repay exploration:
1. the extent to which the presence or absence of ADHD, in conjunction with ASD, is a
significant determinant of offending behaviour; and
2. whether there is a useful distinction to be made between those who have a history of diverse
offences (possibly associated with poorer social skills and peer group influence) from those
whose offences are more classically “autistic”.
Conclusions
ASD has such a varied presentation and is associated with so many disabilities and disorders that
it is difficult to generalise about it, a difficulty which is multiplied by the heterogeneity of offending.
At a clinical level, each individual must be seen in their own right. Usually unrecognised, ASD has a
major effect on the way the individual experiences and responds to the world and its rules. The
law, which has grasped the concept of intellectual disability, now has to accommodate other
mental concepts such as differences in thinking style, communication, memory and the way the
world is experienced and perceived. These are dimensional characteristics which clinicians have
to translate into descriptive categories for them to be accommodated by the legal process (which
involves determining the threshold for abnormality). In a field founded on concepts, this much
criticised process of translation is an important driver of their clinical and legal evolution.
Notes
1. The Edinburgh studies were of children with schizoid personality, now indistinguishable from the ASD
defined by DSM 5.
2. The Transforming Care programme followed the discovery of abuse of adults by the staff of
Winterbourne View. The subsequent report highlighted the inappropriate and prolonged placement of
people with intellectual disability and/or autism in hospital. The programme aims to ensure timely
discharge, an avoidance of unnecessary admission and the development of community provision
(NHS England, 2015).
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Corresponding author
Thomas Berney can be contacted at: [email protected]
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