Lin 331 Optimality Theory
Lin 331 Optimality Theory
1. CONSTRAINTS: The central idea of optimality theory is that language structures are
governed by a set of universal and violable constraints. Constraints are rules or
principles that represent linguistic well-formedness. They can be ranked, with higher
ranked constraints taking precedence over lower ranked ones.
2. CANDIDATE SET: In optimality theory, a linguistic analysis which consists of generating a
set of possible candidates (linguistic forms) for a given input. These candidates are
potential surface forms that could be produced by a language speaker in a given
context.
3. EVALUATION AND RANKING: Each candidate in the set is evaluated with respect to the
constraints. The candidate that best satisfies the highest ranked constraints is
considered the optimal candidate, representing the grammatical output.
4. CONSTRAINT VIOLATION: Constraints may be violated in order to satisfy higher ranked
constraints. A constraint that violates a higher ranked constraint would not be
considered optimal but rather sub-optimal.
5. MARKEDNESS AND FAITHFULNESS: Two main types of constraints in Optimality Theory
are Markedness and Faithfulness constraints. Markedness constraints prefer certain
linguistic structure promoting simplicity or regularity. Faithfulness constraints on the
other hand, favour maintaining a one-to-one relationship between input and output
forms.
Although Optimality theory has been proven to be a powerful framework for linguistic
analysis, it has not been without criticisms. Some linguists argue that the high degree of
abstraction in Optimality theory allows for multiple analyses of the same data, potentially
leading to over-generation of possible candidates.
Additionally, the theory has been criticized for lacking predictive power in certain
linguistics domain. Overtime, various modifications and extensions of Optimality theory has
been proposed to address some of these limitations. These include Stochastic Optimality
Theory, Harmonic Grammar, and Gradients in OT, which introduce probabilistic or gradient
elements to constraints evaluation, these developments aims to better capture the probabilistic
nature of language and allow for a more fine-grained analysis of linguistic data.
According to Emenanjo (1978), the Igbo syllabic structure can be summarized as follows;
T
(C) . (Where C = consonant, “()” = Optimality; this is to say that the onset is an optional
S
element, S = syllabic! The syllabic elements are vowels and the syllabic nasals. They are the tone
bearing units (BTUS) of the language. T = Tone, it is attached to the TBUS only. Core
syllabifications in Igbo are as follows:
N=> M “me”.
In order to determine how the Optimality theory can be applied to the Igbo syllabic
structure, many Igbo words were collected and analyzed, but for want of space, we exemplify
with the following nouns:
Constraints:
Ranking – NO CODA>>ONS
Reason – NO CODA is ranked highest, because in Igbo, closed syllables are not allowed
and Igbo syllables may have an ONS.
ITEM 2: nnékwú
Constraints:
The optimal candidate here is “n.né.kwú” while the minimal candidate is “n.né.kwú”.
the optimal candidate is recognized by the pointing finger that is placed before it. Due to the
violation of the highest ranked constraint (NO CODA) by the minimal candidates at the first and
second syllables, it is therefore ruled out mercilessly. This is indicated by the exclamation marks
that accompany the asterisks. The shaded areas represent the irrelevance of the remaining
constraints of the fate of the candidates.
Constraints:
Reason: In Igbo language, closed syllables are not allowed and no one syllable should
contain two or more outstanding vowel sounds, that is why NO CODA and VOW REC are ranked
higher while ONST which an Igbo word may not have is ranked lower than NO CODA and VOW
REC respectively.
ITEM 4: ányàsị̀
Constraints:
Reason: Igbo language forbids coda and demands that each produced vowel sound must
be recognized in a syllable. Since an Igbo syllable may not have ONS, hence it is ranked lower
than NO CODA and NO REC.