Boys in Butte - The Ku Klux Klan Confronts The Catholics 1923-1929

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1991
Boys in Butte: The Ku Klux Klan confronts the Catholics

1923-1929
Christine K. Erickson
The University of Montana
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THE BOYS IN BUTTE:
THE KU KLUX KLAN CONFRONTS THE CATHOLICS, 1923-1929.
By
Christine K. Erickson
B. A., University of Montana, 1988
Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Master of Arts
University of Montana
1991
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789 E ast E isenhow er Parkw ay
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Erickson, Christine K., M. A., June 1991 History
The Boys in Butte: The Ku Klux Klan

Confronts the Catholics, 1923-1929 (126 pp.)
Director: Michael S. Mayer
This thesis examines the Ku Klux Klan in Butte, Montana

from its founding in 1923 to its demise in 1929. A city
renown for its Irish Catholic heritage, Butte seemed an
unlikely choice of residence for the fiercely white
supremacist and militantly Protestant order. However,
approximately 181 men did consider it worth their while to
join Kontinental Klan No. 30 over the course of its six year
existence.
Who joined, why they joined, and what they did as members
of the Kontinental Klan are the main focal points of the
thesis. As minutes from meetings, personal letters, and
official documents revealed, much of the Klan's character in
Butte focused on secret fraternalism. This emphasis was in
part by design and in part by necessity. Secret fraternalism
was inherent in the Klan's program and provided the
foundation on which the Klan built its program of 100 per
cent Americanism, white supremacy, and militant
Protestantism. The Klan recognized and capitalized on the
appeal of secret fraternalism during the 1920's, when secret
fraternities still enjoyed great popularity.
However, the Klan depended on activism, both political and
social, to indoctrinate society with its standards of
morality. In Butte, Klansmen experienced difficulties in
pursuing such an activist program in the midst of an
overwhelmingly Catholic and immigrant population which did
not look kindly upon an organization that vowed to dismantle
Catholic influence in politics and eduction. Thus,
Kontinental Klansmen turned more to the fraternal aspects of
the order, such as giving gifts to and collecting funds for
sick members, attending (and giving) festive banquets, and
participating in ritualistic work.
The Kontinental Klan's focus on fraternalism was not enough
of an incentive to keep members interested. Its inability to
bring about changes in the community played a vital role in
Klansmen's commitment to the order. In addition, the Klan's
fall from power on the national level, the deterioration of
the economy, the public's weariness of correcting society's
ills, and the availability of mass media entertainment
contributed to the Kontinental Klan's decline.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT.....................................ii
INTRODUCTION..................................1
"THE KLAN IS COMING"......................... 6
"COME JOIN THE K.K.K.

IN THE OLD TOWN TONIGHT".................... 24
"THE MYSTIC CITY"........................... 44
"THE KLAN IS HERE TO STAY"..................80
"KLUXER BLUES"............................. 107
BIBLIOGRAPHY........................... 122
INTRODUCTION
TO THE GRAND DRAGON, HYDRAS, GREAT TITANS, FURIES,

GIANT KLEAGLES, KING KLEAGLES, EXALTED CYCLOPS AND
TERRORS, AND CITIZENS OF THE INVISIBLE EMPIRE OF
THE REALM OF MONTANA, IN THE NAME OF OUR VALIANT
AND VENERATED DEAD, I AFFECTIONATELY GREET YOU BY
VIRTUE OF GOD'S UNCHANGING GRACE:i
With this greeting, Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans
ushered the Realm of Montana into the Invisible Empire on
September 16, 1923. The Montana Ku Klux Klan had expanded
sufficiently to warrant official Realm status and joined the
swelling Klan network that had not yet reached its peak of 3
to 5 million members. Complete with appropriate "herewiths"
and "hereby otdereds," this official document briskly divided
Montana into four Provinces, appointed Hydras and Great
Titans to assist in governing, and sternly laid out the
financial responsibilities of the Montana Klan to the
Imperial Palace. Although these financial obligations would
plague the Realm, such problems, and others, would surface
only later. In 1923 the future appeared promising, at least
to the irrepressible Grand Dragon of Montana, Lewis
Terwilliger. In his first official document, Terwilliger
pronounced optimistically that the Ku Klux Klan embodied "the
very soul of America, and is growing by leaps and bounds from
coast to coast...." Montana Klansmen were "now ready to get
1
2
into the harness and operate as a real Realm o r g a n i z a t i o n ."2
Hoping to become a part of Terwilliger's vision, the
Klan in Butte received its charter on December 26, 1923.
From its official recognition to its demise in late 1929,
Kontinental Klan No. 30 encountered experiences like no other
Klan in the state. Surrounded by a large Catholic immigrant
community, Klansmen in Butte soon discovered their
limitations while looking on enviously at the growth of "real
100% towns" such as Livingston.3 In many ways, it is amazing
that the Kontinental Klan even existed, let alone survived
for six years. This thesis will discuss and analyze the Ku
Klux Klan in Butte during the 1920's.
No examination of a local Klan is complete without first
understanding how the national organization worked. A brief
overview of the Klan's history, its centralized structure,
message and mechanics, will suffice— its notorious dealings
from beginning to end have been documented thoroughly.4 a
look at Montana's experience, drawn primarily from
Terwilliger's official circulars, will provide a general
background on the Klan's plans, successes and failures in the
state.
After sketching the preliminaries of Klankraft at the
national and state levels, an analysis of the Klan in Butte
can begin. Recently uncovered documents, mostly letters,
circulars, pamphlets, and minutes from meetings, present a
unique opportunity to explore the development of a fiercely

3
white supremacist and anti-Catholic organization in a
strongly Catholic and immigrant city. The city's character
helps to explain why over 180 white, native-born, Protestant
men "journey[ed] through the mystic cave in quest of
citizenship in the Invisible Empire."5 The attraction of
secret fraternalism compelled many to join; indeed, David
Chalmers called the Ku Klux Klan "the great fraternal lodge
of America."5 With all its prerequisites of fraternalism in
place, an appropriate costume, elaborate rituals and a blend
of well-known patriotic and uniquely Klanish symbols, the
hooded order could compete with the other brotherhoods —
some 800 of them in the 192 O' s. ? However, no other secret
fraternal organization, even those that restricted membership
to whites and Protestants, offered its members as full a menu
of adamant white supremacy and vehement anti-Catholicism as
the Ku Klux Klan.8
These attitudes were part and parcel of the Klan's
secret fraternalism, but, at the same time, they hindered its
development. For the Klan to exercise influence beyond its
own membership, it depended on acceptance by the larger
community. Irish Catholics had dominated Butte's social
structure and economy for years; consequently, flexing the
Klan's muscle in politics and education proved impossible.
Thus, Klansmen in Butte channeled their energies more toward
fraternal involvement, such as sending cigars to sick members
and flowers to their wives, collecting donations for brothers

in need, attending (and giving) festive banquets, and
participating in the daily operations of a small, secret
fraternal order.
As it turned out however, secret fraternalism was not a
strong enough glue to hold the Kontinental Klan together.
Its inability to enact changes in the community, or at least
to make a small difference, contributed to the K l a n ’s decline
in Butte. As a consequence of the Klan's impotence, apathy
gelled quite early among Kontinental Klansmen. The downswing
of the economy and the effects of modernization also played
roles in the Klan's collapse. The Klan survived in Butte —
literally — as a social club, participating in secret
fraternal rituals, listening to pep talks from Terwilliger,
and discussing the "evils" that existed in the community. It
quietly folded in 1929.

5
NOTES
1. Hiram W. Evans, official document, September 16, 1923.

Ku Klux Klan files, Small Collections 236, Eastern Washington
Historical Society. Hereafter known as KKK, EWHS.
2. Lewis Terwilliger, official document No. 1, 1923, Box 4

File 31, KKK, EWHS.
3. Letter from Floyd S. Cofer to J.A. Bray, March 30, 1925,

Box 1, KKK, EWHS. Bray replied that he was "gratified to
know there is a community where one can feel free and not as
we are here...." Bray to Cofer, April 14, 1925, Box 1, KKK,
EWHS.
4. The standard works are David M. Chalmers, Hooded

Americanism: The First Century of the Ku Klux K l a n . (New
York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1965); Kenneth T. Jackson,
The Ku Klux Klan in the City. 1915-1930. (Oxford University
Press, 1967); Arnold S. Rice, The Ku Klux Klan in American
Politics. (Washington D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1962).
5. William Joseph Simmons, The Kloran, 1916, Box 4, KKK,

EWHS, 27.
6. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism. 118.
7. Alvin J. Schmidt, fraternal Organizations, The Greenwood

Encyclopedia of American Institutions, (Westport, Conn.:
Greenwood Press, 1980), 3.
8. See Noel P. Gist, "Secret Societies: A Cultural Study of

Fraternalism in the United States," University of Missouri
Studies XV (October 1940): 129 and 131.
CHAPTER ONE
"THE KLAN IS COMING"!
"Those Ku Kluxers ain't going to get

me and I'm staying right here in
town...[they] a i n 't scaring
nobody."2
The Ku Klux Klan marched into Montana in late 1922 and
moved quickly across the state's expansive territory in
search of new recruits. Kleagles, or agents, discovered
hundreds of white, native-born, Protestant Montanans willing
to part with a ten dollar initiation fee for the privilege of
wearing the hood and robe. It was not altogether surprising
that many Montanans welcomed an organization that preached
patriotism and 100 per cent Americanism. Native born
citizens may have felt uneasy over the influx of immigrants
into the state to work in the mines of Butte and eastern
Montana, or perhaps the mood of super-patriotism and
intolerance championed by the notorious Montana Council of
Defense during World War I still lingered during the early
1920' s .3
Whatever Montanans may have thought, Imperial officials
surely viewed the Big Sky country as a potential source of
revenue and as an opportunity to increase their political
clout. It has been well established that the Klan operated
6
7
as a money making business and that it aspired to politics.4
Larger membership numbers translated into bigger profits, and
those members could be organized into a powerful voting bloc.
Dreams of expanding his order's influence must have
crossed the mind of Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans during
his first of two trips to Montana. He claimed optimistically
to a reporter from the Billinas Gazette, that "the Klan is
the largest organization of its kind in the country...
[membership] can be expressed in millions, somewhere between
two and 20, with 20 perhaps, nearer the mark." Actually,
between 3 and 5 million Klansmen paid dues during the order's
peak in 1923-24.5
A tiny percentage of those millions, just over 5,100
members in 1924, hailed from Montana. Evans' one-stop tour
of the sparsely populated state allowed him to assure
isolated Klansmen that they were indeed an important and
welcome component of the national organization. Although the
long distance to eastern Montana prevented many Klansmen from
attending the lectures, approximately 1300 enthusiastic
Klansmen greeted the Imperial Wizard in Billings on November
14, 1924.
Evans first expressed his "satisfaction" with the
election of Calvin Coolidge and then proceeded to reiterate a
few of the main principles of the Klan, themes with which the
audience was undoubtedly quite familiar.« Evans asserted that
the Ku Klux Klan represented all white, gentile, native-born

8
Americans. These Americans needed awakening to the threat
immigration posed to the purity of native blood and to the
sanctity of America's democratic institutions. Restriction,
and restriction soon, Evans warned, was of primary importance
before America degenerated any further. He reminded
attentive Klansmen that educating children in the principles
of 100 per cent Americanism was just as important as
restriction. Only public schools— not Catholic parochial
schools— could properly meet this vital need. Evans chose
not to elaborate on the Catholic issue in Billings, a
surprising omission considering that the hooded order never
hid their hatred and distrust of Catholics, particularly
those in political office.
Super-patriotism and anti-Catholicism were two of the Ku
Klux Klan's main themes during its brief but powerful surge
during the 1920's. However, when the Klan's founder William
Joseph Simmons decided to resurrect the order from the
graveyard of southern reconstruction in 1915, he was not yet
aware of the potential power of religious bigotry that the
Klan would exploit at a later time.7 Instead, Simmons
emphasized a fierce white supremacy and fraternalism, or
"Klanishness."
While blatantly advocating racist sentiment ("Keep
Caucasian blood, society, politics and civilization PUREi"),
Simmons laced his argument with fraternal appeal.8 The self
proclaimed joiner evidently thought the Ku Klux Klan would

9
provide the ideal setting for lasting fraternal benevolence.
With the faithful practice of Klanishness, a Knight of the
Invisible Empire could float in "the lofty heights where the
genial breezes of reciprocal fraternal fellowship forever
wafts their inestimable blessings and the sun of Divine
approbation is always bright."9 Although Simmons enjoyed
composing fanciful fraternal verses, he concentrated more on
building the foundation of his order.
The K l a n 's constitution outlined in excruciating detail
the rules and regulations governing the new order. From the
Imperial government in Atlanta on down to the local Klans,
Simmons explained the order's functions and Klansmen's
obligations, in keeping with fraternal tradition, Simmons
designed strange and mysterious titles for his officers.
Klaliffs (vice-presidents), Kligrapps (secretaries), Klabees
(treasurers) and a host of similarly named officials assisted
their superior officers, "Grand Dragons," "Great Titans" and
"Exalted Cyclopes." These presidents ruled over their
respective territories: Realms (states), Provinces
(territories within states) and Klans (local organizations).
Kleagles, appointed by the Imperial Wizard or Grand Dragon,
took charge of field work and propagandizing ("kluxing").
The Imperial Wizard also fabricated all fraternal
rituals, regalia, paraphernalia, uniforms and honors. The
Klan's sacred book, the Kloran, provided detailed diagrams
and carefully worded dialogue for opening, closing and

10
naturalization ceremonies, ceremonies that "all Klansmen are
required to study and imbibe [their] wholesome teachings and
morally profit thereby."10 Simmons warned that the Kloran's
spiritual contents were top secret; no Klansman could ever
discuss its teachings to "aliens." Separate rituals for
funeral services, installation and reception ceremonies
complimented the Kloran, and if nothing else, made new
Klansmen exercise their memorization skills.
An expert at creating secret fraternal rituals, laws and
titles, Simmons employed them with great enthusiasm, but
failed miserably when it came to skillful organizing and
marketing. By 1920, the Ku Klux Klan could claim only a few
thousand members restricted to the deep south. The hooded
order's fortunes changed when Simmons collaborated with
publicity and fundraising experts Edward Y. Clark and Mrs.
Elizabeth Taylor, who transformed the obscure southern
fraternal order into a thriving, money-making business.11 The
new leaders tapped the undercurrents of racism and nativism
already present among the American population; it required
only some skillful prodding and promotion to spread the word
of Klankraft. Linking together racial hatred, religious
bigotry, and avid patriotism, Clark, Young and Simmons
launched a successful recruitment campaign and signed up over
100,000 new members within 18 months. 12 soon, Kleagles
ventured from their southern homes to establish Realms in the
Southwest, West and Midwest.

11
As the Ku Klux Klan expanded its empire, internal
tensions erupted in Imperial headquarters. Content with
designing fraternal rituals and unwilling to participate
aggressively in politics, Simmons found himself on the losing
end of a battle with Hiram Wesley Evans, an ambitious dentist
from Dallas, Texas. By November 1922, Evans wore the purple
Imperial hood and robe.13 The new Imperial Wizard later
remarked with disdain that the Klan in its inception was a
simple and weak fraternal society that incorporated rather
vague notions of patriotism and Protestantism,
Evans dreamed of larger conquests. Political control,
Evans believed, was the next logical step for the Klan to
take. Sympathetic officeholders could implement the Klan's
program for American society more effectively than a simple
appeal from the outskirts. The Klan's political successes
and failures have been well documented; David Chalmers,
Arnold Rice, Charles Alexander and others have examined its
influence in politics at the national, state and local
levels.
The Klan enjoyed varying degrees of success.
Politicians who wore the white robe, or, at least supported
the Klan's principles, gained seats in local and state
governments. However, the Klan's victories at the polls did
not necessarily indicate political success once in office.
Arnold Rice has suggested that the K l a n 's lack of political
experience and its attempts to influence local, state, and

12
national governments hastened its eventual demise. Further,
the American public opposed the intervention of a secret
fraternity into the political arena.15
The Klan's political aspirations constituted only one of
many factors contributing to its dissolution after 1924.
Violence was always associated with the Klan. Klansmen
engaged in whippings, tarring and featherings, and lynchings
in the Midwest and South which destroyed whatever veneer of
patriotic and fraternal benevolence the order professed to
claim. Although violence instigated by the Klan captured the
attention of newspapers, so too, did anti-Klan riots.16 As
the true nature of the Klan surfaced, most citizens exposed
to Klan activities became less likely to be persuaded by the
Klan's professions of patriotism and fraternalism. Further,
scandles involving Klan officials at the state and national
levels did little to boost the Kla n ’s self-proclaimed
commitment to law and order.17 In addition, both Chalmers and
Jackson suggest that the Klan's failure to establish a
positive program and to secure results contributed to the
Klan's disintegration.16 For example, the Klan's inability to
follow through on its promises to eliminate Catholic
influence in education and politics and to instigate a return
to traditional values discouraged klansmen from retaining
their memberships. Finally, enactment of the immigration
bill of 1924, (for which the Klan claimed more credit than it
deserved) eliminated the "threat" of "undesirable" people

13
flooding America and, along with it, one of the Klan's
substantial arguments.
Woven in with these detrimental factors of political
involvement, violence and broken promises, was the Klan's
overall failure to adjust to a changing society. While the
secret order continued their crusade against the "enemies" of
America, Americans discovered more interesting outlets on
which to devote their energies during the 1920's. Latching
on to accessible recreational activities such as cars, movies
and radios, Americans tended to consider their own interests
first, rather than worrying about saving society. After 30
years of concentrating on society's ills, the reformist
tradition had worn thin.19
As Klan enrollment slipped across the country, imperial
headquarters struggled to recapture Americans' interest.
They found the perfect scapegoat in the Democratic
presidential candidate for 1928. Al Smith, the wet, Catholic
urbanite from New York, epitomized the very image against
which the Klan had been fighting, and he incurred the
fiercest and vilest of Klan wrath. Even when Herbert Hoover
decisively defeated Smith, the Klan continued to rage against
"Romanist Propaganda" and the "Pope-King."20 However, the
hooded order's energetic efforts to vilify Smith, and
Catholics in general, failed to convince Klansmen to pay
their d u e s . Volumes of pamphlets and papers published by the
Kluxer press declared that the Klan's battle against foreign

14
entanglements, anti-Americanism and the "negro crisis" was
not finished, but membership numbers continued to plummet .21
Approximately 200,000 Knights remained on Klan rosters in
1928, and that dropped to around 50,000 members by 1930, down
from the 3 to 5 million in earlier years .22
As the Ku Klux Klan shrunk to its original confines in
the deep South, Klansmen in Montana had already begun to turn
in their robes. Never a strong organization in terms of
political achievements and numbers of members, the Realm of
Montana had wielded little impact as a state-wide force by
1930. But when Montana officially entered the Invisible
Empire back in 1922, few considered the possibility of defeat
and obscurity. Montana "citizens" considered themselves as
an integral part of a permanent and growing organization, a
secret fraternal society that would promote 100 per cent
Americanism and Protestantism.
The determined Lewis Terwilliger ruled from the Grand
Dragon's throne throughout the Klan's existence in Montana.
The former mayor and high school principal of Livingston
conducted Klan business in a no-nonsense style, abiding by
Imperial laws and asking Montana Klansmen to do the same.
Partly because of his efforts, the Realm issued membership
cards to approximately 4,030 white, Protestant, native-born
Montanan men during 1923-1924. By the end of 1924, the
number swelled to just over 5,160, probably the Klan's peak
in Montana .23 over fifty local Klans were granted charters in

15
Montana during the 1920's, although when membership numbers
declined in later years, many local orders either dissolved
or combined with others. 24
During his nearly ten year reign in office, Lewis
Terwilliger attempted to shape Montana into a "real 100%”
Realm of which the Imperial Palace would be proud. Several
general themes emerged in Terwilliger's official circulars
that reflected the national program, including the need for
political control and anti-Catholicism, two issues that came
to a climax during the presidential campaign of Al Smith.
These circulars provided most of the information concerning
his efforts. Further, the circulars revealed the more
mundane aspects of the Klan's business, the endless quarterly
reports, frequent changes in constitutional policies, and
pleas for subscriptions to the Kourier (the official
mouthpiece of the Klan). Not surprisingly, a ceaseless cry
to expand membership permeated the circulars. Certainly this
demand represented an inherent part of Terwilliger's personal
desire to register support for the Klan's program, but
pressure from Imperial headquarters undoubtedly also played a
role.
The relationship between political aspirations and
membership drives was clearly an important one for the Klan,
which measured success at the polls. Terwilliger warned that
Klansmen who did not support the order with "their whole
heart and soul and vote, should be asked to withdraw, and let
16
us know that they are with our enemies."25 Terwilliger
followed the Imperial headquarter's position and emphasized
the importance of voting as a unit. He requested that
Klansmen put aside their personal preferences and vote
according to the political committee's recommendations.2e
Terwilliger's political committee distributed handouts
that listed candidates' names and parties to all local Klans.
A series of mysterious letters followed each name, specifying
religion, fraternal affiliations, stance on prohibition, plus
special secret indicators signalling a record of hostility or
favoritism toward the Klan. A key for cracking the code
would arrive in the mail a few days later. Such efforts
naturally hoped to produce political victories, but just as
important, secret codes served to create a sort of fraternal
conspiracy— allowing members to believe that they were part
of a larger scheme.
Membership numbers though, never rose high enough to
satisfy Terwilliger. Echoing pleas from Imperial
headquarters, Terwilliger stressed that local Klans needed to
"make a special effort" to seek out and naturalize "faithful
and dependable" men.27 Indeed, recruiting members, and, more
important, retaining current members, proved a continual
problem with the Montana Klan.
In an attempt to boost their membership, Terwilliger
urged local Klans to hire — at their own expense —
professional lecturers, often ministers, to speak before

17
lodges in order to renew enthusiasm and to initiate recruits.
After engaging such speakers, noted Terwilliger, "local Klans
have had in them a revival of the spirit of Klancraft."28
Terwilliger had reason to be concerned with the level of
enthusiasm in local Klans. The difficulties of large scale
organizing in the state presented a constant problem and
prompted the Realm office to stress the importance of
faithful attendance at meetings to keep up-to-date with Klan
activities. Terwilliger admitted that "distances are too
great to allow us to visit each other and gain the
inspiration and new ideas that we all need."29 The Grand
Dragon hoped that the huge number of publications the
Imperial office churned from the Kluxer Press would revive
waning interest. Subscription (for a dollar a year) to the
Kourier kept Klansmen informed of current events. Other
papers such as The Fellowship Forum, a fraternal weekly that
gave "the unvarnished truth about all current matters"
according to Terwilliger, assured Klansmen of a proper
viewpoint on issues of national interest.20
Providing local news proved a more difficult task. The
Montana Klansman folded in early 1925 from lack of funds
after a lifespan of only a few months. Terwilliger expressed
his sorrow over the paper's failure, stating that although
the Klansmen in Belgrade "published one of the best little
Klan papers in the United States. . . [its failure] proved
that the time was not yet ripe for a Klan paper in Montana."3i
18
Declining membership meant that The Montana Klansman never
received a second chance. Not quite 1,500 Klansmen submitted
dues in 1927.32
Themes of membership renewal, political obligations, and
pep talks continued to dominate the official circulars in
late 1927.33 During the presidential campaign of Al Smith,
Terwilliger pleaded with departing members that the awesome
task of preserving America for Americans laid on Klansmen's
shoulders.3* Even the declaration that Klan work was "high and
holy work— a work in which angels and archangels might
delight to engage" failed to motivate Montana Klansmen.3^ The
defeat of Al Smith hastened the end of the Ku Klux Klan
nationally, although Terwilliger made a gallant effort to
revive whatever scattered remains were left in Montana.
Only $3.13 remained in the Realm treasury in October
1929.36 By January 1931, Terwilliger was still pleading for
prompt quarterly reports from the few Klans remaining and
still asking that Klansmen subscribe to the Kourier.37 As the
effects of the depression deepened in Montana, the Grand
Dragon made a last desperate, and almost pitiful call for
Knights to remain active in August 1931. He soothed loyal
Klansmen that they need not worry if their local chapters had
dissolved. A loyal Klansman could submit $6.00 for dues and
become a member of the Grand Klan of Montana; in return for
his interest and money, he would receive the Realm's official

19
bulletins "together with pertinent literature from time to
t i m e ." Terwilliger reminded Klansmen that the Realm needed
them and that Klansmen needed "the close touch that
membership in the Grand Klan will give."38
Perhaps a few faithful Klansmen across the state heeded
Terwilliger's plea to remain, if, indeed they heard it at
all. Most of the Klans in the state had already collapsed,
including the Kontinental Klan. One or two loyalists in
Butte continued correspondence with Terwilliger after Butte's
official charter had long dissolved, but only four Klansmen
bothered to attend the local Klan's last meeting in May 1929;
even most of the officers had stayed home.
Back in December 1923, however, the members of the newly
formed Kontinental Klan were not thinking about possible
failure. Instead, they busied themselves with the immediate
future. How would they recruit trustworthy and faithful
Klansmen from the predominately Catholic city of Butte?
Could they dare risk burning a cross on the nearby bluffs?
Could they hammer a dent in the Catholic controlled political
machinery? These concerns, and others that developed later,
would occupy the Klansmen in Butte throughout the 1920's.

20
NOTES
1. Chapter title is from a song in American Hvmns. (Buffalo,

New York: International Music Co., n.d.), Box 5 File 16,
KKK, EWHS.
2. "Slim" answering to police officers after he received a

threatening message signed by the Klan. Anaconda Standard.
March 23, 1923, 6.
3. See Nancy Rice Fritz, "The Montana Council of Defense,"

unpub. Master's Thesis, University of Montana, 1966, and
Arnon Gutfeld, "Years of Hysteria, Montana 1917-1921," unpub.
PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles,
1971, for background information on Montana during WWI.
4. See Charles C. Alexander, "Kleagles and Cash: The Ku

Klux Klan as a Business Organization, 1925-1930," Bus. Hist.
R e v . . 39(3), 1965, and Arnold S. Rice, The Ku Klux Klan in
American Politics. (Washington D.C.: Public Affairs Press,
1962).
5. Estimates of Klan membership were numerous, but all fell

within the same general range. David M. Chalmers, Hooded
Americanism: The First Century of the Ku Klux Klan 1865-
1965. (New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1965). Chalmers
estimated over 3 million, p. 291. Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku
Klux Klan in the City. 1915-1930. (Oxford University Press,
1967). Jackson estimated over 2 million, p. 23. Arnold S.
Rice estimated over 4 million, p. 12. Former Kleagle Edgar
I. Fuller writing under the pseudonymn Marion Monteval,
estimated 5 million members. Marion Monteval [Edgar I.
Fuller], The Klan inside Out. (Claremore, Okla., 1928; Negro
Universities Press, 1970), 45. The New Republic stated in
1923 that 2.5 to 4.5 million people had joined. The New
Republic. Vol XXXVI, (November 21, 1923): 32.
6. Billinas Gazette. November 15, 1924, 1.
7. William G. Shepherd, "How I Put Over The Klan,"

Collier's. July 14, 1928., 6.
8. William Joseph Simmons, The Practice of Klanishness,

(Atlanta, 1918), 5.
9. Simmons, The Practice of Klanishness. 4.
10. William Joseph Simmons, The Kloran. (1916), Box 4

File 10, KKK,' EWHS, 5.
21
11. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism. 31.
12. Rice, The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics. 7; Jackson,

The Ku Klux Klan in the Citv. 10.
13. Internal bickering continued to smolder within Klan

ranks, as Klansmen loyal to Simmons refused to acknowledge
Evans' rule. Evans prevailed after a lengthy and messy
courtroom battle that resulted in Simmons retaining all
copyrights and receiving a monthly salary. For all practical
purposes, Simmons faded into obscurity, although legal
haggling continued for another one and one half years. See
Chalmers, Hooded Americanism. 105-107.
14. Hiram Wesley Evans, "The Klan's Fight for Americanism,"

North American Review. 223 (Summer, 1926): 35.
15. Rice, The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics, 36-37.
16. See Stanley Coben, Rebellion Against Victorianism: The

Impetus for Cultural Change in 1920s America. (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1991), 153-155, for examples.
17. Coben, Rebellion Against Victorianism. 151.
18. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism. 295; Jackson, The Ku Klux

Klan in the C i t v . 254.
19. See Frederick Lewis Allen, Only Yesterday. (Harper and

Row, 1931), especially pp. 155-187, for an informal account
of Americans' interests during the 1920's. The Kalispell
Times noted sarcastically'that children were no longer
staying home "because their parents are out in the car or
seeing the movies." Kalispell Times. July 19, 1923, 4.
20. Hiram Wesley Evans, "The Klan Answers," pamphlet, 1929,

Box 4 File 28, KKK, EWHS, 5.
21. Ibid., 6.
22. Rice. The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics. 12.
23. Membership numbers were derived from the yearly Realm

taxes. Each member was taxed 25 cents per quarter equalling
$1.00 per year. In 1924, the Realm reported $4,036 in Realm
taxes, thus, approximately 4,036 people were members of the
Klan. This number is approximate, and is on the low side
because of the nature of the tax system and the fluctuating
membership rolls. An exaggerated count of over 6,000 was
given to the Billings Gazette, probably by a Klansman, in
1923. September 25, 1923, 5.
22
24. Lewis Terwilliger always included an "honor roll" on his

official circulars for prompt submission of quarterly
reports. Minutes from Kloreros also printed names of local
Klans. An example of Klans joining was the Ravalli County
Klan, number 47 on the list (and therefore formed late in the
decade). Most likely it was a combination of the
Stevensville and Hamilton Klans, both established earlier.
25. Terwilliger, Official Circular, November 11, 1924, Box 5

File 1, KKK, EWHS.
26. Terwilliger, Official Circular, June 2, 1924, Box 5 File

1, KKK, EWHS.
27. Ibid. It seems that Montana experienced a problem with

securing men of these qualities. After an informal
investigation of the state's Klans, a Knight recommended to
members at the Klorero in 1924 that "the house of many klans
should be cleaned of undesirable members."(Minutes from the
Klorero, August 24, 1924, Box 4 File 29) The Resolutions
committee concurred, and asserted that the "Realm needed
cleansing from the deplorable condition in which some of the
Klans have been left by their organizers, in particular to
the type of men naturalized...." Any pleas stressing the
necessity of "cleansing" the Montana organization all but
disappeared in later years as Terwilliger grew more and more
concerned with decreasing membership.
28. Terwilliger, Official Circular, August 30, 1924, Box 5

File 1, KKK, EWHS.
29. Terwilliger, Official Circular, January 1925, Box 5 File

2, KKK, EWHS. Poor conditions of roads also halted Klansmen
from traveling long distances to conventions or other
gatherings. A small attendance at the 1927 Klorero was
blamed on the heavy rains throughout Montana, making it
difficult to drive on dirt roads, which the Billings Gazette
described as "20 years behind the times." Billinas Gazette.
August 11, 1924, 4. Further comments on Montana roads are
contained in the Billings Gazette on October 1, 1923, 4, and
in the Kalispell Times September 6, 1923, 8.
30. Terwilliger, Official Circular, July 15, 1927, Box 5

File 3, KKK, EWHS.
31. Terwilliger, Official Circular, approx. March 1, 1925,

Box 5 File 2, KKK, EWHS.
32. Financial Report of the Grand Dragon of the Realm of

Montana, August 1, 1927 to June 1, 1928, Box 5 File 5,
23
KKK, EWHS.
33. Unfortunately, Terwilliger's messages to Montana

Klansmen are missing for most of 1926 and half of 1927, as
too are the minutes from the Klorero of 1926. However,
extrapolation from the circulars of late 1927 indicate that,
more than likely, Terwilliger's message did not change during
that time.
34. Terwilliger, Official Circular, October 10, 1927, Box 5

File 3, KKK, EWHS. Terwilliger asserted that "this great
question [of who will be President] must be decided by the
Klan."
35. Terwilliger, Official Circular, December 12, 1927, Box 5

File 3, KKK, EWHS. Terwilliger constantly reminded Klansmen
to "check [their] work in Americanism and Protestantism."
36. "Financial Report of the Grand Dragon of the Realm of

Montana," June 1, 1928 to October 1, 1929, Box 5 File 6, KKK,
EWHS.
37. Terwilliger, Official Circular, January 8, 1931, Box 5

File 7, KKK, EWHS.
38. Ibid.
CHAPTER TWO
"COME JOIN THE K.K.K. IN THE OLD TOWN TONIGHT"!
"...I am warning you that you

cannot afford to run any risk
in getting some men [in the
Kontinental Klan] who will
betray y o u ."2
Grand Dragon Lewis Terwilliger
At first glance, Butte hardly seemed conducive to the
emergence of a white supremacist and militant Protestant
order,indeed, "Butte, America" harbored thousands of
immigrant Catholics and was marked by the indelible stamp of
Irish Catholic presence, politically, economically, and
socially.3 However, closer examination of this mining city
(and Butte was a city, not an obscure western mining camp)
indicates that strains of anti-Catholicism existed well
before the Ku Klux Klan arrived.
The much publicized and explosive feud from 1888-1900
between two shrewd financiers and mine owners, Marcus Daly
and William Andrews Clark, contributed to the religious
tensions of later years. While the political origins of the
"War of the Copper Kings" are beyond the scope of this study,
its religious foundation — and ramifications — are not.
Recent research suggests there was more to the Daly-Clark
24
25
feud than Daly's "betrayal" of Clark and the Democratic party
in 1888 for strictly political reasons. Clark's failed bid
for territorial delegate was due to the overwhelming support
Daly and the Irish gave to Clark's Republican opponent,
Thomas H. Carter. The assumption that Daly hoped to wield
greater influence over a Republican delegate during a
presumed Republican administration still has some validity,
but in fact, the primary answer to the conflict rested with
both m e n ’s different, and conflicting religions.4 While both
Clark and Daly were Democrats and Irish-born, Clark was a
Protestant, an Orangeman who, by association, supported the
British policy on Ireland — a slap in the face to any Irish
Catholic. Daly, on the other hand, "wore his Irish
Catholicism like a badge" and belonged to several Irish
nationalist sects.5 These differences came to the fore during
Clark's campaign for territorial delegate and resulted in
Daly and the Irish Catholics voting overwhelmingly for the
Republican candidate, a rarity in Irish voting behavior.
Clark never forgave Daly for his loss, and the battle for
domination of the mining industry started in earnest and
continued until Daly's death in 1900. However, the divisive
religious lines laid down in 1888 would last longer.
Certainly religion and national loyalties played a part
in Daly's and Clark's hiring practices. Irish Catholics
arriving in town could count on finding employment in one of
Daly's mines, a fact that spurred even more immigrants to

26
Butte.6 Daly hired an enormous number of his fellow countrymen
for all positions in his industry, which undoubtedly
contributed to Irish loyalty to Daly. On the other hand,
Clark preferred to hire Cornishmen to work in his mines.
These loyalties and practices continued even through the
1920's, after Daly was dead and Clark had effectively retired
from the mining business.
While Clark and Daly locked horns over the control of
mining interests in Montana, the 1890's witnessed a new era
of intolerance nationwide. Increasing political and
educational gains made.by Catholics instigated a wave of anti-
Catholicism that soon resounded across the country in its
most organized form, the American Protective Association.
Economic downswing as well as industrial and political
tensions also contributed to the rise of this fierce anti-
Catholic order that claimed two million members at its peak.7
It certainly appealed to the Protestants in Butte, including,
as rumor had it, Clark.6 By 1894, 2,000 had joined to oust
the "dupes of Rome" from American political and educational
institutions.9
That even 2,000 people thought it crucial enough to join
spoke volumes of the influential propaganda that the APA
circulated throughout the country. Members in Butte even
published a weekly, the Examiner, for two years to keep
fellow "APAer's" informed of local events and to warn of the
Catholic "threat." The virulent anti-Catholic rhetoric spewed

27
out by the APA publication rivaled that of its successor, the
Ku Klux press. It targeted all who "wore the chains of
Romanism" but it saved its most potent venom for priests and
the "Dago at Rome."i° The APA launched tirades against "the
complete control of our great cities by Romanism," the
Catholic "attack on our public school system," and the
Catholic "control of the heads of government at Washington
[sic]."11 The similarity between the Klan's and the APA's
arguments was striking.
More specifically, the Examiner wondered when Butte
APAer's would realize that "deeds, not words, are what win." 12
Likely, sore memories still lingered from a tremendous riot
on the 4th of July of the previous year that pitted Irish
Catholics against APA supporters and left one person dead and
hundreds injured. APA banners loudly displayed in two
saloons sparked the riot. The militia finally dispersed the
rioters after hours of fierce fighting, but not before Irish
firemen gleefully turned their nozzles towards the offending
saloons and completely demolished the interiors, utterly
soaking the inhabitants.12
The riot did not quell the A P A 's bid for control in
Butte. In fact, the organization successfully backed APA
sympathizer William Thompson for mayor in 1895, but their
success was short-lived. Two years later, Thompson lost his
bid for re-election when Marcus Daly "turned his thousands of
miners loose" to vote for the opposition, an Irish Catholic

28
candidate.14 By that time, the APA had already passed its peak
in numbers and influence and had tumbled from any position of
authority across the country including Butte.15 However, the
intense Catholic and anti-Catholic loyalties did not simply
fade into oblivion. The religious division would emerge once
again, though on a much smaller scale, in Kontinental Klan
#30.
II
The Klan must have entered Butte with some apprehension,
for there was no guarantee that they could effectively tap
that reservoir of nativism. After all, immigrants and
Catholics still dominated Butte, and, as the APA discovered,
this majority thought little of an organization that referred
to the Pope as "an impatient, meddling individual controlled
by a Jesuitical lot of assassainous villains."15 Moreover,
this majority" would use violence to counter anti-Catholicism.
In other words, the Klan could not just saunter into town and
expect to receive a warm welcome. Kleagles, or field
workers, often from another city, had to know whom to
contact.
Kleagles arriving in Butte most likely followed the time
tested approach of hunting for recruits in the business
community.17 A list of charter members of the Butte Klan

29
reveals that this may have very well been the case. Among
the first members of the Kontinental Klan #30 were a lawyer,
two managers for large department stores, the president of
Montana Motors, a certified public accountant, a broker, and
the manager of Western Fuel (who later became mayor of Butte),
is For obvious reasons, the Klan wished to attract stable men
in positions of respect arid power. Men in high positions
often knew people in city government, and any extra leverage
the Klan could wield in the community would be to their
ultimate advantage. In addition, such men had access to
large numbers of people, such as business associates and
brothers in fraternal orders, and therefore were in a
favorable position to solicit for other members.
After a Kleagle established the framework of the new
order and supplied members with the proper materials, the
burden of recruitment fell upon the local organization.
Besides the obvious method of asking personal friends and
business associates, Klansmen looked to fraternal orders,
particularly the Masons, to serve as a recruitment ground.19
The Klan targeted Masonic support for several reasons. As
with most other secret fraternal orders, patriotism and
belief in a supreme being were part and parcel of the Masonic
creed. Only whites were allowed to join. While certainly
not all Masons subscribed wholeheartedly to the Klan's tenet
of absolute white supremacy, race consciousness was a
contemporary concern in society.20 The Masonic order also had

30
anti-Catholic roots stretching back into the 18th century.
Not incidentally, the APA found willing recruits from Masonic
lodges during the 1890's.21 Moreover, more people belonged to
the Masons than any other secret fraternal order in the
country, and its membership included politicians, bankers and
businessmen. American Masons had been participating in
solemn and ritualistic ceremonies since the mid-1700's;
indeed, the Masonic ritual and structure later served as the
model for the hundreds of orders that materialized during the
late 19th century.22
The Masonic lodge was not just a men's club, whose
doings newspapers relegated to the back page. Newspapers
devoted a great deal of space to Masonic activities,
including the latest meetings, installation ceremonies, and
picnics.23 Thus, a Klansman who was also a Mason, had access
to a large number of possible candidates. He might also
already have friends within the order who would be more apt
to sample a new fraternity on a friend's recommendation.
Certainly, the Klan depended more upon this loose
association with the Masons than the other way around. This
was not to say that the Masonic lodges officially sanctioned
this association. Indeed, when the Knights of Columbus
uncovered partially filled Klan membership lists and forms in
the local Masonic lodge in Roundup, Montana, the Masons
considered it an "embarrassment."24 In response to a claim
stating that Masons constituted a large portion of the Klan

31
and that the Klan enjoyed Masonic approval, the grand master
of the Massachusetts grand lodges declared that the "klan has
no connection with and neither does it have the support of
any masonic jurisdiction."25 However, the Butte Bulletin
reported that a "prominent New York Mason" alleged the close
connection between the Klan and the Masons.26
Whatever the official position of the Masonic order,
there was no doubt that the Masonic lodge served as a
pipeline for the Kontinental Klan. Judging from the
obituaries, of the 68 Klansmen who died in Butte, 58 were
Masons.27 These numbers may have been even higher since it is
quite probable that some of the 113 remaining Klansmen who
left Butte after the late 1920's also enjoyed dual
membership.
The Klan's reliance on Masonic membership continued
throughout the 1920's, especially when anti-Catholics geared
up to oppose Al Smith's presidential campaign of 1928. By
this time, Klan numbers had dropped drastically across the
country; the Klan in Butte had less than fifty members in
good standing. Albert Jones, the last Kligrapp for Butte and
a Scottish Rite Mason, mentioned to a fellow Klansman that he
had already sent in "our directory Masonic Roster" to the
Rail Splitter, a hostile anti-Catholic magazine, and that his
friend should do the same.28 That same year, Lewis
Terwilliger, who was also a Scottish Rite Mason, wrote to
Jones and discussed his recent address to the Masons in Big

32
Timber. Terwilliger informed them that "any Mason who would
vote for Al Smith was a traitor to his organization and
should turn in his card." Terwilliger noted to Jones that
all but one Mason agreed with him, since "you find
occasionally a Mason who is not true to the best interests of
Masonry...I imagine you would have quite a few of them in
Butte."29 Though these exchanges indicate that the Klan hoped
to include Masons in their propaganda drive against Al Smith,
the point remains that in fact it could count on support from
some Masons.3°
The Klan's relationship with the Masons touched just a
part of the order's desire to expand their influence and
membership numbers. The Imperial Palace and Terwilliger
never stopped pushing the local Klans to enlist new support.3i
Recruitment was an extremely important component of the Klan;
it was, after all, what generated money for the Imperial and
Realm coffers. Further, a larger membership meant more
political clout at the polls.
Searching for recruits often involved more than just
individuals recruiting friends or lodge mates. Detailed and
ambitious membership drives planned by the Imperial and Realm
staffs supplemented local efforts. One such drive covered
two weeks in October 1924, undoubtedly timed to coincide with
the upcoming election. Terwilliger issued to each Exalted
Cyclops and Kligrapp in the state explicit instructions for
the program. After local Klans had devised a list of all

33
"eligible aliens" living in their jurisdiction, they would
then send the potential candidates invitations and admission
cards for a special meeting.33 At the meeting, a national
lecturer on the Imperial payroll would deliver a rousing
patriotic speech to Klansmen and candidates alike, in hopes
of securing more members.33
All proceedings took place under a cloak of secrecy,
which lent a certain appeal to the whole process. Candidates
received invitations no sooner than two days before the
scheduled meeting in order to prevent news of the event
leaking to unfriendly residents. All admission cards were
cleverly numbered, odd numbers for newcomers and even numbers
for Klansmen, ostensibly so that Klansmen could tell who the
aliens were without risking their identities. Likely, it did
not make any difference at all, particularly in the smaller
Klans, where everyone knew each other anyway. If Klans
followed the rules carefully however, Terwilliger affirmed
that this program procured "wonderful results" and "a revival
of the spirit of Klankraft" wherever it was implemented. The
Kontinental Klan must have produced a convincing program,
twelve residents of Butte paid their ten dollar klectokens
that quarter, the second highest batch of recruits in its
history.3*
Between 1923 and 1929, approximately 181 residents of
Butte decided to become Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.3^ This
membership number represents the most solid figure and

provides the base for an analysis of who the Klansmen were
and what they did for a living.36 The data indicate that
members came from a wide socio-economic spectrum. They
ranged from professionals to laborers, with most settling
somewhere in between. Studies of Klansmen throughout the
country reveal similar findings. In Butte, however, Klansmen
did not represent the local breakdown in occupations,
particularly in one area, mining.
Percentage of Percentage of
Occupation Klansmen Working Butte Hen Working
Clerical 15. 4 6. 0
Trade 17.0 13. 2
Mechanics 29.1 20. 5
Mining 14. 3 41. 0
Transp/Comm 15. 9 6. 3
Domestic 1. 6 5. 0
Public Service 1. 6 2. 4
Agriculture 2. 2 0. 9
Professional 2. 2 4. 7
Numbers are from the 14th census, 1920.
Considering that the mining industry dominated Butte,
miners in the Klan were under represented by one third, a
significant percentage. Two factors could account for this
discrepancy. The primary explanation rested with the
employment practices of the mines. Even though Marcus Daly
had long since died, his mines still employed immigrants and
35
the sons of immigrants. The Irish still constituted a large
portion of the working force, along with others of European
descent. Further, it is safe to assume that most of these
miners were Catholics. Certainly this was true of the Irish.
The census of 1926 strengthens this assumption with its claim
that 70 percent of Silver Bow county, which was essentially
Butte, considered themselves Catholics.37 Thus, by sheer
numerical odds, the majority of miners, particularly in the
Anaconda mines, were foreign and Catholic— unlikely places
for budding Klansmen.
Another possibility, though not easily substantiated as
the previous supposition, was that Klansmen simply chose not
to work underground because they preferred not to work
alongside of immigrant-Catholies. More to the point, a
Klansman would find himself in an unenviable position if
Irish Catholic miners discovered his affiliation thousands of
feet underground. In the hazardous and dangerous depths, it
would take only one "accident" to send a miner to the
hospital with a serious injury, or to the morgue. Realizing
that membership in the Klan begged for trouble, sympathetic
miners may have chosen not to join, or sympathizers might
have chosen not to become miners.
Of the miners who were Klansmen, less than half worked
in one of the Anaconda Mining Company's 25 mines in the Butte
area. In addition, the majority of men employed at ACM did
not just shovel rock. They were engineers, shop foremen, and
36
electrians, which indicates that Klansmen who worked for ACM
enjoyed a more elevated job status and in so doing, would not
run as great a personal risk if their identity were exposed
as if they had worked as ordinary miners. Conversely, well
over half of the miners in the Klan worked for Elm Orlu, a
Clark Mine. Most of these men did work in lesser skilled
jobs. Approximately 65 per cent of the Klansmen employed at
Elm Orlu joined in 1927, which suggests a massive recruitment
effort on the part of the Klan. The Klan likely fueled their
argument with anti-Smith and therefore, anti-Catholic
propaganda to draw in the workers. Evidently, the Protestant-
Catholic lines drawn during the Clark-Daly feud still
lingered.
Another trend emerges from the data that made up the
difference for Klansmen's paucity in the mines. The
percentage of Klansmen in clerical positions more than
doubled that of the norm in Butte. Jobs in transportation
and communication revealed similar results. This could
indicate only that these occupations filled the gap left open
by the mines, but it could also mean that people working in
jobs with little opportunity of advancement would be more
attracted to the Klan's offer of Knighthood which included a
chance for promotion and recognition in the secret fraternal
world. In any case, the data does reemphasize that most
Klansmen did not work in the city's largest industry.
Instead, they chose positions as conductors, clerks, and

37
salesmen. Twenty-four per cent of the men who worked in
transportation and communication jobs drove for the Butte
Electric Railway, another one of Clark's businesses.
Although this percentage is not as strong an indicator of the
Protestant-Catholic split as with the Elm Orlu Mine, it does
suggest some consistency.
The question now remains as to whether or not Klansmen's
occupations mirror those of other Klansmen across Montana.
The information for Montana is scarce, Kloreros and a few
personal letters provided most of the names. Any Klansman
listed in the minutes of the Klorero usually served on
various committees or were elected as Realm officers. Thus,
this sample of Klansmen in Montana represented a much more
select group than the Kontinental Klan. Montana Klansmen who
served as one of Terwilliger's Hydras or on one of the
committees in the 1920's included five lawyers, three
doctors, an assistant high school principle, a pharmacist, a
state superintendent of the Montana Children's Home Society,
and at least ten reverends.38 Terwilliger was the former mayor
of Livingston and "among the leading educators of Montana."39
Only one Klansman from Butte acted as an officer, a master
mechanic at Elm Orlu, which suggests that either the
conventions looked more to white collar workers to make
decisions and to assist in Realm activities or that the Butte
Klan did not participate extensively in Realm conventions.
This may have well been the case. Doctors and lawyers
could undoubtedly afford to take the time off to journey to
the yearly two-day conventions held in various Montana
cities. Sales clerks, machinists, and conductors would
experience greater difficulty in coming up with the funds.
In addition, taking time off work in order to attend a Klan
convention likely would not sit well with the employee's
supervisor. In this same vein, any outside activity
sponsored by the Klan, be it conventions or outdoor meetings,
would present that much of a greater chance of being
discovered. Klansmen from the immigrant Catholic city of
Butte chose not to risk it.
Even by joining, however, Klansmen in Butte ran a real
risk. Thus, the Klan held some kind of appeal to these men
that overpowered the hazards of belonging. Certainly the
anti-Catholic remnants of the APA lingered, but there was
more to the association than bigotry. A large part of the
K l a n ’s intrigue involved the secret and mysterious world of
fraternalism.
39
NOTES
1. Chapter title is from a song in American Hvmns, (Buffalo,

KKK, EWHS.
2. Lewis Terwilliger to Albert W. Jones, January 29, 1929,

BOX 5 File 6, KKK, EWHS.
3. According to an old story, the Irish first characterized

Butte as a city of America, and not of Montana. Butte
certainly was like an island unto itself as it had little in
common with other Montana cities. See David M. Emmons, The
Butte Irish. (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1989),
62.
4. See David M. Emmons, "The Orange and the Green in

Montana: A Reconsideration of the Origins of the Clark-Daly
Feud," Arizona and the West 28 (1986): 225-245.
5. Ibid., 234.
6. Ibid., 236-237.
7. Interestingly enough, the order originated in Clinton,

Iowa, a city with a large number of immigrant Catholics.
Donald Kinzer mentioned in his study of the APA that
membership figures soared in states where the population of
Catholics was strong. Further, the growth of the APA was due
to increased participation by Catholics in society and
government. See Donald Kinzer, An Episode in Anti-
Catholicism: The American Protective Association (Seattle:
The University of Washington Press, 1964), 180.
Membership in the APA, like the Klan, was difficult to
ascertain owing to the secret nature of the order; thus the
dearth of membership rosters. Desmond believed that
membership hovered around one million during its peak.
Humphrey J. Desmond, The A.P.A. Movement. (Washington: The
New Century Press 1912; repr., New York: Arno Press and the
New York Times, 1964), 12, 70, 71. The Examiner (Butte)
claimed that 2 million joined by the beginning of 1895 and
had grown to 3.5 million at the beginning of the next year.
The Examiner (Butte), March 26, 1896, 4. W.H. Trynor,
president of the North American Review claimed in June 1896
that the APA had a membership of 2,500,000.
Charles Ferguson affirmed that the APA suggested in
their literature that "the Catholics had planned and
instigated the Civil War." Charles Ferguson, Fifty Million
Brothers. (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1937), 325.
40
8. Emmons, "The Orange and the Green in Montana," 233.
9. Ibid., 115; Michael P. Malone, The Battle for Butte.

(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1981), 66. For
APA membership claims, in Butte, see the Examiner (Butte),
August 3, 1895, 4. The Examiner (Butte) affirmed that 3,952
Butte citizens had registered in the APA in Butte by 1896.
March 26, 1896, 4. The quote is from the Examiner (Butte),
June 29, 1895, 1. Using a bit of fraternal mysticism,
APA'ers usually ended correspondence by signing F. P. and P.,
Yours in Friendship, Purity and Protestantism. Montana
A P A ’ers were more enthusiastic and signed off with F. P. and
P. T. W. T. P., Yours in Friendship, Purity and
Protestantism, and to Hell with the Pope. Kinzer, An Episode
in Anti-Catholicism. 51.
10. Examiner (Butte), June 15, 1895, 1.
11. In addition to Kinzer's An Episode in Anti-Catholicism,

see John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American
Nativism 1860-1925. (New Brunswick: Rutgers University
Press, 2nd ed. 1988), 80-87, about the APA. For information
on the APA riot in Butte, see Copper Camp, WPA, Montana State
Department of Agriculture, Labor and Industry, (New York:
Hastings House, 1943), 55-59.
12. Examiner (Butte), June 29, 1895, 5.
13. Copper Camp. 55-59. The Daily Intermountain (Butte),

July 5, 1894, tartly reported that "the occupants of the
saloon resented the liquid refreshments offered and returned
the complement by firing bullets filled with gunpowder and
lead back at the firemen."
14. Copper Camp. 47. Also, see Emmons, The Butte Irish.
98-99.
15. The APA's decline was due mostly to the stress of the
presidential election in 1896. Kinzer, An Episode in Anti-
Catholicism. 176.
16. Examiner (Butte), August 3, 1895, 4.
17. The Roundup Tribune reported that in Great Falls, "an

official of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan— a 'cyclops' or
something like that— " met with businessmen for the purpose
of establishing a local Klan. Roundup Tribune.
June 1, 1922, 7.
41
18. Charter membership list, Box 1 File 24, KKK, EWHS.

Forty-two Klansmen were listed, occupational information was
found for 26.
19. Fraternal agents were very helpful in facilitating

membership drives particularly in the late 19th century.
Mary Ann Clawson discusses this in Constructing Brotherhood;
Class. Gender and Fraternalism. (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1989), 217. Former Kleagle Edgar I.
Fuller, writing under the pseudonym Marion Monteval, claimed
that Klan membership "was directed from the beginning to a
conquest of the Masonic fraternity." "Nearly all" Kleagles
were Masons. Letters from Imperial headquarters concerning
Masons support his claim. Further, Fuller believed that it
was the Klan's intent to engulf all Protestant fraternities
under its cloak. See Marion Monteval, [Edgar I. Fuller], The
Klan Inside Out (Claremore, Oklahoma, 1928; Negro
Universities Press, 1970) 53-61.
20. In fact, the American Masons still call Black Masonic

lodges, titled "Prince. Hall Masonry," illegitimate. These
lodges were well entrenched by the 1920’s. See Alvin J.
Schmidt, Fraternal Organizations, The Greenwood Encyclopedia
of American Institutions. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press,
1980), 124-125. For the resurgence of racism in the 1920’s,
see Higham, Strangers in the Land. 270-277.
21. Higham, Strangers in the Lan d . 80. Higham states that

the A P A ’s founder, Henry F. Bower, was "a devoted Mason."
Further, Protestants made up the bulk of Masonic membership,
though some Catholics did join in defiance of the Roman
Catholic Church's position. The Church finally allowed
Catholics to become Masons if they wished in 1976.
22. Schmidt, Fraternal Organizationsf 122. According to

Schmidt, 155 new fraternities emerged between 1877 and 1903,
with an additional 98 new orders between 1904 and 1925. See
appendix 2.
23. For upcoming statewide meetings, The Billings Gazette

would include special inserts complete with photographs of
solemn looking Shriners in the main paper.
24. Louise G. Rasmussen, interview by Laurie Mercier, Oral

History 812, Tape 1, Montana Historical Society, Helena, MT,
October 11, 1984. Rasmussen stated that her father, the
editor of the Roundup Tribune and an opponent of the Klan,
was a Mason. After the incident however, he stopped
participating in the local lodge. Also in Roundup, C. Oliver
remembers two women discussing the Klan and that one woman
declared that "all Masons were Klansmen." c. Oliver,
42
interview by author, notes in possession of author, August 2,

1990.
25. Grand Master Arthur D. Prince, Butte Miner. June 17,

1922, 2.
26. Butte Bulletin. January 5, 1923.
27. Cemetery records are located in the Silver Bow Archives,

Butte, Montana. Obituaries for 58 Klansmen were discovered
in the Butte Miner, the Butte Daily Post, and the Montana
Standard. Robert Alan Goldberg in "Hooded Empire: The Ku
Klux Klan in Colorado, 1921-1932," PhD. diss., The University
of Wisconsin-Madison, 1977, stated that of the leaders of the
Denver Klan, 88 per cent were Masons. Many also belonged to
Knight Templars, Odd Fellows and other fraternal orders. See
p. 62.
28. Albert W. Jones to H. A. Johnson, October 16, 1928,

29. Lewis Terwilliger to Albert W. Jones, October 20, 1928,

30. Jones asked the Fellowship Forum, a rabid Protestant

fraternal weekly how many Masons there were in the U.S..
Jones was probably calculating the potential voters who would
vote against Smith, undoubtedly he was pleased with the
Forum's reply of approximately 3,250,000 Masons. Albert W.
Jones to the Fellowship Forum. August 16, 1928. Reply,
September 17, 1928, Box 1 File 27, KKK, EWHS.
31. Almost all of Terwilliger's official circulars discussed

some aspect of soliciting membership or retaining enthusiasm
of current members. Reinstating lapsed members was also
important. Terwilliger often received instructions from
Imperial headquarters on methods for recruitment.
32. Lewis Terwilliger, Official Circular, August 30, 1924,

33. Ibid.
34. Kontinental Klan Quarterly Report, 4th quarter, 1924,

35. In most cases, it is difficult to tell exactly when they

became members, and for how long, especially since no
concrete and inclusive membership lists exist.
36. City directories, Klectoken receipts, and obituaries

43
provided occupational information for Kontinental Klansmen in

Butte.
37. Bureau of the Census, Religious Bodies; 1926, Vol. 1,

639.
38. Names are from Kloreros and personal letters, KKK,

EWHS. Occupations are from city directories. The list
includes 68 out of 125 known Klansmen in the state (not
including Butte).
39. Progressive Men of the State Of Montana, (Chicago: A.

W. Bowen and Co. 1902), 883-883. Montana: Its Storv and
Biography, ed. Tom Stout, Vol. II (Chicago: The American
Historical Society, 1921), 234. Lewis Terwilliger was also
characterized as a man of "strong mentality" and "one of the
best known Masons and Knights of Pythias in Montana."
CHAPTER THREE
"THE MYSTIC CITY"1
Klansman, Klansman, Of the Ku Klux Klan,

Protestant, gentile, native born man,
Hooded, knighted, robed and true,
Royal sons of the Red, White and Blue,
Owing no allegiance we are born free,
To God and Old Glory we bend our knee,
Sublime lineage written in history stands,
Wierd, mysterious Ku Klux Klan.2
America needed an army, explained Imperial Wizard Hiram
Wesley Evans, an army to defend and uphold the three "great
racial instincts" of Americans, "loyalty to the white race,
to the traditions of America, and to the spirit of
Protestantism."3 The Ku Klux Klan was that army, and its
brand of Americanism attracted millions of eager candidates.
It was also a secret fraternity imbued with all of the drama
and mystery that characterized secret fraternalism — that
magic carpet ride into never-never land. In particular, this
appeal may have been a primary attraction for joiners in
Butte. Certainly the Klan recognized the economic potential
of combining secret fraternalism with its program; indeed,
the Klan believed that "a secret, militant, ritualistic
order" provided the best vehicle to promote and to accomplish
its goals.4
44
45
These goals included revitalizing America's religious
heritage, i.e., Protestantism, or "true Christianity."
According to Evans, the very character of America was created
by and based on individualism, independence, and freedom —
virtues promulgated only by Protestantism. This imagery of
pure white virtuous Protestantism as the religion of
America’s forefathers appealed to the patriotic side of
candidates. By including Christ as "the Klansman's Criterion
of Character" and the Bible as the "source of all true
wisdom" in its rituals and propaganda, the Klan also appealed
to fundamentalists.
According to former Kleagle Edgar I. Fuller, the Klan
"recruited its strength" from Catholic urban centers by
igniting traditional Protestant fears of Catholic influence
and power in society and government.5 This line of attack
proved to be one of the Klan's most potent arguments. Again,
Evans stretched his case back to the country's founders to
justify his position. The Klan claimed that the original
colonies "were settled for the purpose of wresting America
from the control of Rome..." yet the Catholic Church
persisted in its battle for final domination — and its
strength was growing.6 The Klan's message then, was to expel
Catholics from positions of influence and return to the
founders' original intent. In Montana, Klansmen at the
Klorero of 1927 determined that "the pioneers who built the
foundation of Montana's greatness" sought to keep Montana

46
free from un-American values. Klansmen further expressed
distrust of immigrants who subjected the state to their
"foreign and anti-American ideals."7 Likely, they were
thinking grimly about the sizable number of Catholics in
Silver Bow County.8
In rejecting a pluralistic culture and emphasizing a
return to traditional moral values, the Klan fulfilled a
common function of fraternal societies. Noel P. Gist's study
of secret fraternalism aruged that secret fraternities
operated as "conservers of traditional morality."9 Indeed, the
Klan provided a sanctuary for those who honored the home as
"the Birthplace of the Nation."i° within the home, children
could learn American traditions and women could remain in
their rightful place, protected against modern influences.
If fundamental Protestantism and traditional morality
provided a new twist on the first Ku Klux Klan's program, the
tenet of white supremacy remained intact. The Klan of the
1920's laced its argument with current racial theories that
portrayed the Nordic race as supreme. Conversely, all other
groups of people, mainly immigrants from southeastern Europe
and blacks, were inferior stock and unworthy to wear the
badge of American citizenship.u The Klan's prejudices
towards ethnic groups appealed to some native-born in Butte,
particularly since most of Butte's immigrants embraced
Catholicism.
While white supremacy was synonymous with the Klan, it
was probably not the main issue that attracted candidates
from Butte. Native-born Protestants in Butte were likely
intrigued with the Ku Klux Klan's local propaganda claiming
that it was the expanded version of the Klan of
Reconstruction, now revised and molded into "a fraternal,
patriotic, ritualistic society of national scope"12 Its
"ABC's" were "America first," "Benevolence...based on
justice," and "Clanishness...real fraternity practicing to
each other in all things honorable [including] a devoted,
unfailing loyalty to the principles...of the order in
promoting the highest and best interest of the community,
state and nation."12 Such a patriotic description would perk
up the ears of any fraternal joiner. Not only was this an
appeal to fellowship, the Klan sold itself as a defender of
Americanism and patriotism — ideals that seemed worthy of
upholding.i*
This was not a new notion. The Ku Klux Klan of the
1920's captured the tail end of a string of nativist orders
dating from the nineteenth century. One dominant theme
prevailed in these orders, to keep America free and for
Americans. Secret societies such as the Order of United
Americans, the Patriotic Order Sons of America and the Order
of United American Mechanics stressed patriotism and sought
to prevent the influx of Irish Catholics and other immigrants
into the country.i5 The Guards of Liberty, the Order of Free

and Accepted Americans and the Order of the Little Red School
House, among others, carried on the nativist cause.16 Indeed,"
at least some expression of nationalism, racial purity, and
morality prevailed in most societies.17 Even the larger
fraternal orders that commanded a staunch following such as
the International Order of Odd Fellows and the Masons "often
appeared to be strongholds of nativist sentiment...."16 The
Ku Klux Klan, "the great fraternal lodge" of the 1 9 2 0 's
neatly wrapped up those traditional nativist elements
(including patriotism, anti-Catholicism, anti-Semitism, and
Anglo Saxonism) in a secret fraternal package and offered it
to the public.19
Americans were "the world's great joiners" stated
Charles Merz in 1927; he estimated that 30 million Americans
belonged to around 800 secret fraternal orders.20 Included
among the 31 secret societies in Butte, besides five local
chapters of several Catholic societies, were six lodges of
the Odd Fellows, three lodges of the Knights of Pythias and
twelve lodges of the Masons.21 Evidently, secret fraternities
met some sort of need to warrant that degree of support.
Joining enabled members to expand business contacts, a common
tactic of fraternalists. Doctors and lawyers could pass out
business cards; politicians could hustle votes.22 Charter
members of the Kontinental Klan, among whom were several
businessmen, might have considered the Klan as another

49
potential source of revenue. First however, they had to be
eligible to join.
Most secret fraternities insisted on rigid membership
qualifications. By limiting membership to those who held
beliefs and values conducive to the fraternity's creed, an
organization could sustain its integrity and operate more
efficiently.23 Religion, race and nationality were the three
main criteria used to judge the suitability of a potential
candidate. The Klan followed suit and erected strict
barriers to membership. Only white, Gentile, native-born men
who owed "no allegiance to any foreign government, nation,
political institution, sect, people or person” could join.24
Other fraternities went beyond the general requirement
of Protestantism and attached additional qualifications. The
Junior Order of United American Mechanics, the Patriotic
Order Sons of America, the Loyal Orange Institution, and
others, stipulated that members must not only be Protestant,
but that they believe in the separation of church and state
and favor public education over private.23 Candidates also had
to pledge their unswerving loyalty to the U.S. government
above all other governments. These provisions were a blatant
reference to the Catholic Church, which they perceived as the
primary antagonist of America's well-being. Thus, the Klan
continued an anti-Catholic tradition set in place by other
secret societies including the American Protective
Association.
50
Race constituted the most common barrier to membership.
A sociologist of fraternal organizations, Mary Anne Clawson,
asserted that "racial exclusion was a hallmark of mainstream
American fraternalism."26 Many fraternities such as the
Masons, the Odd Fellows, the Knights of Pythias, and the
Woodmen of the World, typically included a "whites only"
clause in their constitutions. This exclusion pertained to
those whose family genealogy included any degree of Black,
Asian, or Native American blood, no matter how far removed.
In response to questions "regarding quarter breed Indians"
for membership, Grand Dragon Lewis Terwilliger reiterated the
Klan's position and stated that any amount of Indian blood
would void the candidate's application. However, one Montana
Kligrapp admitted that "the character of the man would decide
me" in a similar situation.27
Nationality was a third main barrier to membership.
Many of the same societies that required Protestantism as a
prerequisite also limited membership to native-born
Americans. Among them were the Junior Order of United
American Mechanics, the Patriotic Order Sons of America and
the Fraternal Patriotic Americans. The Improved Order of
Red Men, Foresters of America, and the Modern Woodmen of
America required American citizenship for admittance.28
Though the Klan's constitution clearly prohibited foreign-
born from joining, strict adherence lapsed in some cases. A
few Klans in Montana naturalized foreign-born, especially

, 51
Canadians, much to the dismay of Terwilliger, who warned that
any Klan guilty of doing so in the future would lose its
charter. He reminded members that the Klan provided an
alternate "fraternal home," the Royal Riders of the Red Robe,
for the foreign-born who believed in the Klan's basic
principles ,29
The native-born clause did not stop the Kontinental Klan
from naturalizing at least two Englishmen, one of them from
Cornwall.30 Perhaps the two candidates had lied about their
birthplace, or perhaps the Kontinental Klan simply brushed
aside the issue. This also suggests that the Klan was aware
of the traditional tension between the English, especially
the Cornish, and the Irish Catholics.
The Klan in Butte demonstrated more concern about a
candidate's religion than with his place of birth.
Certainly, Kontinental Klansmen grew suspicious of any hint
of Catholicism in their organization. In one meeting,
Klansmen reported that a fellow Knight was once a Catholic,
and the Exalted Cyclops quickly formed a committee of three
to investigate the matter.3* The committee concluded by the
next meeting that the "evidence [was] insufficient to warrant
action" against the supposed offender.33 Terwilliger
commented further on membership qualifications during one his
appearances in Butte. "There is such a thing as being too
careful" while recruiting, he admonished. A man whose wife
was Catholic was not a good bet, but an ex-Catholic who "has
52
repudiated the Church sometimes makes the best of Klansmen."33
Keeping Klan ranks from becoming tainted with even
remotely "un-American" qualities was a major concern as the
Kontinental Klan narrowed the field of acceptable candidates
further in 1929. Members proposed an amendment to their By
laws that would banish any Kontinental Klansman who married a
Catholic, Jew or Black. When submitted to the Realm office
for approval, Terwilliger stated he was "in hearty accord"
with the idea, in case any Klansman should "forget his
American ideals" and enter an unacceptable marriage. 34 He
suggested that the Kontinental Klan pass the amendment as a
resolution instead, and to add Asians to the list.
This exclusionary policy practiced by the Ku Klux Klan
had its benefits, -it reminded members that they were the
select few, an elite group specifically chosen to uphold and
defend "American values." In this sense, the Klan was what
Herbert Blumer described as the "in-group," an organization
whose members believed that their values, ideals and goals,
and only theirs, satisfied the needs of society.35 By its
very nature,- an in-group inspired loyalty and further
commitment to the order.
Conversely, the "out-group" represented every aspect
that opposed or negated those "worthy" v a l u e s . 36 This kind of
"us versus them" mentality further strengthened members’ bond
with the order and with each other. By aligning themselves
against "un-American" people, the Klan had a reason for their

53
existence and a destiny to fulfill.
The Klan capitalized on its exclusiveness to the
fullest, which made the appeal of belonging that much
stronger. Just by meeting the eligibility requirements and
paying the ten dollar Klecktoken, a worthy candidate could
become a "citizen" of the Invisible Empire, a vast empire, he
was led to believe, that stretched across the nation, and was
growing daily.37 Not only could Klansmen feel satisfied that
other Americans held similar beliefs, but also that a
powerful and influential order chose them to carry out a
larger plan to reinstill traditional values in a society gone
astray. The real power and appeal of a secret organization,
however, rested with the local lodge. Indeed, maintaining
the local lodge was considered paramount in order to address
local issues and to maintain the Klan's influence.38
The local lodge provided an opportunity for Klansmen to
get acquainted, particularly in Butte, where the Klan was not
widely accepted. In addition, the potential for creating
lasting fraternal bonds was much greater in Butte and in
those Klans with a small number of members.3^ Participation
in "Klankraft," or ritualistic work, created an atmosphere of
purpose. This development of esprit de corps, which Herbert
Blumer defined as "the sense which people have of belonging
together and of being identified with one another in a common
undertaking" constituted the essence of the Klan's secret
fraternalism and provided an important tool for Realm and

54
Imperial headquarters.4o After all, members who felt
comfortable enough together, could work together, and above
all, the Klan wanted its members to concentrate on playing an
activist role in their community. By convincing Klansmen
that what they were doing and what they believed in was
correct and necessary, officials could count on continued
support.
Esprit de corps had the effect of giving Klansmen a
greater sense of power and comfort when working as a group.
It tended to diffuse responsibility for actions members would
normally have been reluctant to do on their own.4* Thus, the
Ku Klux Klan established numerous committees for all sorts of
purposes, including education committees (to check out the
"deplorable" conditions of Butte's education system),
political committees (to establish the worthiness or
unworthiness, as was usually the case in Butte, of political
candidates) and community-oriented committees, such as the
committee to sniff out suspected "moonshine joints." Although
the Kontinental Klan never came close to the level of
physical attacks and abuses that other Klans across the
country launched on Blacks, bootleggers and others of
perceived immoral standards, simply belonging imparted a
spirit of unity and of doing "good work."
Belonging also meant shedding the outer skin of everyday
life and metamorphosizing into a new self, an alter ego,
complete with an appropriate costume. Part of the attraction

55
of any secret fraternity opened up the possibility of
becoming someone different and much more grand. Twice a
month, an ordinary shopkeeper or salesclerk transformed into
a Knight of the Ku Klux Klan, a title reminiscent of chivalry
and the myths of Knighthood from years past. The quarterly
elections of officers, or "Terrors," presented further
opportunities for honor and responsibilities. If elected, a
Knight could wear the exotic mantle of an Exalted Cyclops, a
Kligrapp, a Kladd, or a Nighthawk, enjoy an elevated status
within the group and play a dramatic role in the rituals.42
The privileges of membership also extended to
activities outside the Klavern, or meeting hall. Imperial
and Realm headquarters urged local Klans to mix business and
pleasure by conducting parades and outdoor meetings. In a
study of the Klan in Texas, Charles Alexander stated that for
some members, the Klan "became the center of their social
life."43 Grand Dragon Lewis Terwilliger kept Montana Klans
posted on formal as well as informal get-togethers, such as
the hearty invitation extended to all Klansmen to attend a
naturalization ceremony in Columbus. Klansmen could not only
reaffirm the spirit of Klanishness, but also sample "600
miles of the best fishing streams in Montana."44 Encouraging
fraternal brotherhood and comraderie among Klansmen was not
implemented only for the members' benefit; it suited the
purpose of the Klan too, and was therefore encouraged.
Outdoor meetings and demonstrations served another

56
purpose. More than any other secret society, the Klan wanted
exposure, yet it also wanted to retain just enough secrecy to
elicit comment and to entice possible candidates. As Klan
membership slipped by the mid to late 1920's, Evans and
Terwilliger accelerated their pleas for parades,
demonstrations and outdoor meetings in order to give "the
public the visible proof" that the Klan "was here to stay."45
Giving visible proof of their existence was not the top
priority, or a feasible one, of the Kontinental Klan, for
obvious reasons. It was a quiet organization in Butte;
still, Klansmen held joint meetings with the Whitehall Klan
from time to time to fraternize with other members.
In all secret fraternities, rituals expressed the
order's commitment to its principles and further reinforced
members' commitment to the order. Of the ceremonies secret
fraternities enacted, including opening, closing,
installation, reception and funeral ceremonies, the
initiation rites proved the most important and the most
elaborate. The Klan's "naturalization" ceremony was no
exception. Not only did it mark the magical transformation
of an outsider from an alien world to a trusted brother, but
this ceremony was also the candidate's first impression of
the order — and favorable impressions could lead to
continued financial support and recruitment of new members.
In order to gain admittance into this Empire, a
candidate had first to prove his worthiness to the Klokann,

57
an investigatory committee of three. Other secret fraternal
orders typically employed similar kinds of inspection for
examining recruits. After scrutinizing the applicant for
appropriate qualifications and hints of any suspicious
activities, the Klokann presented his application to the
Klavern for approval three separate t i m e s . 46
After the candidate gained the approval of the Klavern
and paid the Klecktoken, he was initiated into K-Uno, or the
Order of Citizenship, the first degree of Klankraft. This
rite of passage was designed to impress upon the candidate
the great secrecy, seriousness, and exclusiveness of the
Invisible Empire. First, however, the nervous applicant
waited in the "outer den" for further instructions while
Klansmen began the evening with the opening ceremony. As
with all ceremonies, Klansmen followed precise instructions
complete with dialogue from the Kloran.47 indeed, the ritual
required practice and memorization in order to conduct a
snappy showing. After the designated Terror prepared the
altar and lit the fiery cross, Klansmen sung the opening
Klode, and the Kludd (or Chaplain) delivered the leading
prayer to attentive Klansmen who stood "steady with heads
reverently bowed. "48 The Exalted Cyclops then officially
opened the Klonklave and proceeded with the naturalization
ceremony.
Thus began the candidate's long and involved quest for
citizenship. He had "made the honorable decision to forsake

58
the world of selfishness and fraternal alienation and
emigrate to the delectable bounds of the Invisible Empire and
become [a] loyal citizen(s) of the same."49 After the Exalted
Cyclops and his Terrors considered the candidate's "manly
petition" for membership, they asked the candidate a series
of binding questions to make sure that the candidate was
fully committed to the principles of the Klan. After
receiving the first part of the oath, the candidate moved to
the inner den, where the Klan sternly reminded him that if he
betrayed the trust of the order, he would face banishment
while his "conscience would tenaciously torment him, remorse
would repeatedly revile him, and direful things would befall
him."50 Secret fraternities typically included similar self
threats in their oath, some even more graphic than the
Klan's.si
The candidate continued his journey into the Invisible
Empire as he stepped cautiously into the darkened Klavern.
Hidden in the shadows, the Klokard or instructor, chanted a
prayer that hailed praise to the candidate's choice of
fraternities: "God give us men! The Invisible Empire
demands strong Minds, great hearts, true faith and ready
h a n d s . . . . "S2 After further dialogue and questions, the
candidate visited each fully cloaked and masked officer and
listened to solemn addresses on Klanishness, patriotism and
good citizenship. The Kladd, "who should study well his
part...for his is a very important and impressive part," then

59
led the candidate to the sacred altar for the final sections
of the oath. The Exalted Cyclops continued with the
dedication ceremony that included more grave speeches and
reminders of the seriousness of the candidate's commitment
("Mortal man cannot assume a more binding oath.")53 Klansmen
then sang a short stanza asking God to give "grace" to remain
true to the Oath. The Kloran suggested that this last prayer
be sung "in a low, soft, but distinct tone, preferably by a
quartette. "54
The Kludd led members in a dedicatory prayer; then the
Kladd and the Exalted Cyclops gave the candidate instructions
in "the way of the Klavern" and the "Klonversation." Finally,
the Exalted Cyclops recited the lecture on K-uno, a ludicrous
memorial to the Klan of Reconstruction. He reminded
Klansmen of the "valiant, chivalric Ku Klux" who "dissipated
the cruel storm of the American reconstruction" and rescued
wives and daughters from "the licentious longings of lust-
crazed beasts in human form." The Klan also saved the South
from the carpetbaggers, "the vultures of gluttonous greed"
and scalawags, "the conscienceless cadaverous wolves of
treason."55 Clearly, if the candidate had not already formed
an opinion of the Klan's origins, this lecture set him
straight.
With the end of the lecture, the new Klansman's symbolic
journey into the invisible Empire ended. He had probably
listened to similar lectures in other secret fraternities;

60
such romantic tales of the order's origins were common among
secret fraternities. These tales served as one tactic of
attracting and retaining members and reaffirming Klansmen's
status who were already members.56
If a new Klansman was already a member of another secret
fraternity, he realized the importance of keeping the rituals
a closely guarded secret.57 Retaining secrecy was considered
essential, as the fraternal oaths and the self-threats
testified. During the naturalization ceremony, the Exalted
Cyclops ordered Klansmen to keep "a klansman’s eye of
scrutiny" upon the new applicants, in case one of them turned
out to be "a cowardly weakling or a treacherous scalawag."56
The initiation for K-Duo, or the second degree, warned the
newly initiated to stay clear of wicked Klansmen who sought
to destroy the order "through the lure of gold, the lust of
flesh, the passion of hatred, or the whisperings of personal
ambition."ss This system of in-house spying insured loyalty
to the order and impressed upon members the burden of
secrecy.
But guarding secrets was not just restricted to the
Klavern. The emphasis on secrecy strengthened the barriers
between the in-group and out-group. The third degree, or K-
Trio, declared that secrecy must "remain one of the cardinal
principles of the Klan...[since] the alien world must never
know our strength."60 Terwilliger sternly informed the Klans

61
of Montana that "the alien world is eager to learn everything
it can of the inner secrets and working plans of the order."6*
The fact that probably most "aliens" cared little about the
Klan's fraternal secrets was beside the point. Stressing
that the Klan's secrets were valuable commodities assured
Klansmen of the exclusiveness of their order. It also
heightened the sense of their own self-importance, for if
enemies desired to uncover the Klan's secrets, surely that
indicated that the Klan was still needed to flush them out.
Klansmen could also look to ritualistic work for
inspiration and guidance. Typically, secret fraternities
incorporated into its rituals symbols that represented its
beliefs, such as flags and Bibles. Members could identify
with these objects, recognize them as part of a culture they
were trying to defend, and in so doing, became more unified.
During the opening ceremony of the Klan, the American flag
was draped over the altar, upon which the designated Terrors
placed a sword (which represented Klansmen's willingness to
defend Christianity), a bottle of dedication fluid (water)
and a Bible. Typical of Protestant orders, the Klokard
flipped open the King James Bible to a specific passage, in
this case, to Romans XII, which depicted a good Christian
life.62 In K-Trio, the Klan added the U.S. Constitution. Most
secret fraternities did not include the cross in their
rituals, but the Klan made the fiery cross their calling
card. It symbolized the "sincere, unselfish devotedness of

62
all Klansmen to the sacred purpose and principles." It also
symbolized the Klan's presence in the community.63
As individuals, Klansmen wore badges and regalia,
indicating their status within the order. For example,
special symbols accompanied the attainment of degrees.
Knights Kamelia, or Klansmen who attained the second degree
purchased a baldric manufactured by the Klan in its
profitable Robe Plant in Atlanta for $1.50. Made of "red
satin, lined with white, with gold trimmings and the white
Camelia flower embroidered in the center," the baldric and
the K-Duo membership card were the "distinguishing badges" of
Knights Kamelia.64
No secret fraternity was complete without passwords,
codes, countersigns, and secret handshakes. Such signals
identified fellow members during rituals and confirmed their
inclusion in the order. To maintain the veil of secrecy,
fraternities changed passwords and countersigns regularly;
the Klan changed its every quarter. The K l a n ’s
"Klonversation" added to the intrigue of this fraternal
conspiracy: "Ayak" (Are you a Klansman), "Akia" (A Klansman
I am) and "Sanbog" (Strangers are near, be on guard).66 The
Klan even referred to their own Ku Klux Kalender, complete
with days, weeks, months, and years. Starting at the bottom
of the list and working up, the Kalender offered a menu of
awesome sounding titles.

63
DAYS WEEKS MONTHS
7. Desperate 5. Weird 12. Appalling

6. Dreadful 4. Wonderful 11. Frightful
5. Desolate 3. Wailing 10. Sorrowful
4. Doleful 2. Weeping 9. Mournful
3. Dismal 1. Woeful 8. Horrible
2. Deadly 7. Terrible
1. Dark 6. Alarming
5. Furious
4. Fearful
3. Hideous
2. Gloomy
1. Bloody
The year of the Klan began with the month of May
(Bloody) and dated back to 1866, or the origins of the first
Klan.66 Thus, the Imperial Palace granted a charter to the
Realm of Montana "on the Dark Day of the Wonderful Week of
the Furious Month of the Year of the Klan, LVII," or, on
September 16, 1923.67 Though Klansmen used these kalenders
only for official documents, the order's symbolism carried
over to personal letters. Members usually signed off "Yours,
ITSUB," or, "In the Sacred and Unfailing Bond," referring no
doubt, to the oath that bound Klansmen to the principles of
their order. To members who enjoyed keeping secrets, these
fraternal codes were truly a conspiracy of infinite
possibilities.
Secret fraternities often established military
auxiliaries to boost their appeal. For example, the Masons
and the Odd Fellows offered "Knighthood" in the Knights
Templar and the Patriarchs Militant of Odd Fellowship. The
Woodmen of the World, the Maccabees, and the Knights of

64
Pythias also created military orders. The Klan extended its
military character to the Klavaliers, a select group of
Klansmen who participated in K-Duo initiations, guarded
public meetings and marched in parades.68 While Edgar I.
Fuller claimed that every large Klan organized a company of
Klavaliers, Terwilliger just hoped that the Realm could
finance one team.6* There is no evidence to suggest the
formation of a group of Klavaliers in Butte. If the
Klavaliers had appeared in Butte, its functions would almost
certainly have been relegated to the ritualistic work.
Public displays by robed and masked Klansmen, let alone a
"company of uniformed Klavaliers under military drill and
discipline," would not have set well with Butte's Irish
Catholic contingent.70
Mary Ann Clawson has stated that the attraction of a
military order gave members an opportunity to parade in front
of people and to wear elaborate costumes, but that the
military display also represented warfare against those
people or ideals that did not meet with the order's approval.
7i The latter definition certainly applied to the Klan,
whether they established a company of Klavaliers or not. The
Klan sought to train its men "into a disciplined...army,"
poised and ready to "remove the invader" from American soil.72
Naturally, the Klan felt itself well qualified for the job
and it stressed the importance of this mission to new

65
recruits and seasoned members.
Competition for members' interest did not stop with the
offering of side attractions such as military adjuncts. Much
of secret fraternalism's appeal rested with the attainment of
degrees. According to fraternal tradition, this social
stratification developed esprit de corps and propelled
members into earning even higher degrees.73 A gradual
process, it also assured stability and attempted to allow
only the most diligent members to advance. The Klan claimed
that attaining higher degrees was "of the utmost value in
building morale and increasing interest."74 Theoretically,
only those Klansmen who proved themselves "worthy" could
advance their knowledge of the "philosophy" of Klankraft.
Attainment of higher degrees was supposed to be a goal for
those most dedicated and inspired, goals originally designed
to elicit greater honor and prestige.
Degrees also presented a great opportunity to introduce
new dramatic elements into the ritual to retain members'
interest.7s Indeed, secret fraternities recognized the
entertainment value of the rituals, which often provided a
competitive edge in soliciting members.7e Grand Dragon
Terwilliger believed that if the ritualistic work were
conducted properly, new members would remain intrigued and
former members would automatically reinstate.77 He insisted
that "many fine orders thrive on RITUAL ALONE," but to obtain

66
the maximum benefits, local Klans should "train" their
"degree teams" to perfection.78
These degree teams, which mostly consisted of the
Exalted Cyclops and his Terrors, studied the ritualistic
dialogue and diagrams for three degrees, each covering 30-50
pages. The offering of three to five degrees was typical of
most orders, and the Klan followed suit with K-Uno
(probationary), K-Duo (Knights Kamelia) and K-Trio (Knights
of the Great Forest). The Imperial Klonvokation instructed
Evans to establish a fourth degree, K-Quatro or the Order of
Protestant Knighthood,.but little was heard about that in
Montana.79 The Klan considered adding yet another degree to
their program, the "House of Mirth" or the "Animated Order of
Klankraft." This was not unusual as most secret fraternities
in a move designed to retain members' interest, established
"playground" or "fun" degrees. Such degrees were usually
offered in conjunction with the more serious aspects of the
order and provided another outlet to escape reality for an
evening by performing bizarre rituals and wearing elaborate
costumes. Indeed, such adjuncts were "characterized chiefly
by a lack of seriousness and solemnity."89
However much the Klan recognized the appeal of
fraternalism, it came under some criticism. Edgar Fuller,
Mason and former Klansman, asserted in 1928 that "the Klan in
its practices utterly despoil fraternalism" by its greed for
money and its superficial overtures to fraternal

67
benevolence.si indeed, it seemed as though the Klan offered
its degrees like a year-end clearance sale. The first of
these special deals occurred in late October, 1924. The
Imperial Klonvocation decided to grant K-Duo to all members
who only had a robe, or had ordered one, and were naturalized
before October 1, 1924. This was a time span of less than
thirty days!82 Such a short period was hardly time enough to
determine whether a member was worthy of such a degree,
particularly with the Kontinental Klan, where Klansmen
gathered in Klonklave on the average of twice a month. In
addition, the Imperial. Palace offered the K-Duo free of
charge for a limited time. Thereafter, the second degree
would cost five dollars.
The deals for degrees reappeared in early 1927.
Imperial Wizard Evans decided that the K-Trio would "be given
to every K-Uno member in good standing" free of charge, to be
conferred only on a chosen day between January 10 and March
1, 1928.83 Evans even changed the standard method of
conducting business from the K-Uno to the K-Trio, although
the first degree remained the initial entrance ritual.
Instead of a thirty day "probationary period" as in 1924,
newly naturalized Klansmen were immediately eligible to
receive the K-Trio, though it was not considered "proper" to
issue both degrees on the same night.84
Several factors emerge in this seemingly perplexing
alteration in ritualistic work. The Klan's purpose in

68
conferring these degrees in haste was undoubtedly dealing
with the upcoming general elections in 1924 and 1928. By
enticing Klansmen with an extra degree, the Klan hoped to
keep interest level high enough to reap rewards at the
polling booth. This was especially the case when the Klan
offered K-Trio in 1928, as it gathered its forces against the
Catholic presidential candidate Al Smith. How could any true
Klansman refuse Terwilliger's call to save America from the
scourge of the Catholic Church?85
It is impossible for me to find words sufficiently

strong to tell you how important for our God, our
country and our Realm will be the meeting to be called
upon a certain night in every Klanton throughout the
bounds of the Invisible Empire. It will certainly
prepare us to meet the greatest crisis in the history of
our nation....
When the call comes, let nothing except serious
illness or unavoidable accident keep you from your
Klavern. At a single moment, throughout the Invisible
Empire, further knowledge of Klankraft will be given
y o u ....
When you joined the Klan you said you could be
depended upon. Your Grand Dragon is depending upon you.
Terwilliger also understood the importance of fraternal
mysticism as he tried to drum up support for the third degree
in 1928. He cleverly intertwined fraternal appeal — more
knowledge of the Klan's inner secrets — and Americanism. In
fact, the whole gist of the third degree centered on "the
cause of Protestantism" and on the fact that Klansmen had to
be ready to sacrifice themselves for that cause, even to the
extent of making a will to insure that loved ones received
their just due. The third degree revealed its "deeper

69
mystery" at the end of the ceremony. Such mystery was none
other than "the force of fraternalism," the powerful "force
working for righteousness" throughout time. For the first
time in history, instructed the Klokard, all of the various
orders who have struggled for justice, particularly the
"philosophical and operative" forms of secret fraternalism,
were now meshed into one, the Ku Klux Klan. Even the
"spirits of the mighty dead" (who were not "merely a stage
setting" tartly reminded the Klokard) were watching and
guiding the 42 Kontinental Klansmen, or "Kwalified Knights of
the Great Forest," as they bore "the torch of progress"
towards a Protestant America.86
After the Klan cheered the defeat of A1 Smith in 1928,
taking more credit for the defeat than they deserved, the
Catholic "threat" was removed. The Imperial Klonvocation
decided that the third degree had served its purpose in
proving the "superiority" of Protestantism, and Klans should
conduct their meetings once again in the first degree. It
also switched the names of the degrees. Knights Kamelia
became the name of the third degree, while Knights of the
Great Forest became the name of the second. The Imperial
Klonvokation offered no explanation for this confusing
transfer. But for about two months, the third degree, while
still called the Knights of the Great Forest, cost members
nothing except for the one dollar registration fee that
included a year's subscription to the Klan's mouthpiece, the

70
Kourier. Starting immediately, both the second and third
degrees became optional.87
Along with making the degrees elective, the Klonvocation
also decreased the initiation fee from $15.00 to $10.00 and
decreed it optional to buy the robe, previously a
requirement. This strategy indicated that the Klan realized
that it needed to lessen its economic demands on its
remaining members. It also hoped to retain its integrity by
making the Klan more economically feasible for possible
candidates.
Although the Klan in effect warped the whole meaning of
the fraternal selectivity process and made the attainment of
degrees less worthy and less meaningful, it recognized the
importance of the appeal of secret fraternalism. In 1928,
the Imperial Klonvokation instructed Evans to "revise the
rituals" of the current three degrees.88 Secret fraternities
in general did not change their ritual, except when faced
with a rapidly declining membership.89 Evidently, the Klan
recognized that a change in the rituals might regain memb er s '
interest and ignite an increase in applicants.
Thus, the Klan made fraternalism part of its appeal and
justified its cause through fraternalism. Fraternalism
provided a structure in which to propagate the Klan's beliefs
and principles, and offered a viable method in which to
attract members. It was also a popular and accepted outlet
for outlandish behavior and dramatization. No wonder the

71
Klan recognized that secret fraternalism offered an easy way
to achieve its goals, despite its alteration of
fraternalism's traditional process.
Fraternalism was one of the drawing points in Butte, and
most likely in other parts of the country as well. As a
secret fraternity, the Klan offered a way in which to make
friends and to do "good work" at the same time. Dramatic
rituals and secret mysteries provided an escape from the
daily drudgeries of living. Moreover, Kontinental Klansmen
could enhance their own status within the order, a
possibility perhaps not open to them in the community.
Once admitted, the new Klansman was expected to study
the Kloran, to attend meetings, and to participate in the
Klan's program, nothing very unusual when compared to other
orders. However, the Klan differed from most in that it
demanded direct action. Society was not going to heal itself
from the wounds inflicted on it by Catholics, foreigners, and
others of their ilk. The Klan wanted to instigate change,
not sit back and hope for the best. America's army was ready
to go to work.
72
NOTES
1. Chapter Title is from a song in American Hvmns. (Buffalo,

KKK, EWHS.
2. "The Mystic City," American Hvmns.
3. Hiram Wesley Evans, "The Klan's Fight for Americanism,"

North American Review 223 (Summer 1926): 52.
4. "Constitution and Laws of the Knights of the Ku Klux

Klan," (Atlanta, Georgia, 1926), Box 4 File 1, KKK, EWHS, 3.
5. Marion Monteval [Edgar I. Fuller], The Klan Inside Out.

Claremore, Oklahoma, 1928; Negro Universities Press, 1970),
196.
6. Evans, "The Klan's Fight for Americanism," 54.
7. Minutes from the Klorero of 1927, Box 4 File 29, KKK,

EWHS.
8. In comparison, Catholics made up 49 per cent of the

state1s denominations. The counties with the next three
largest cities were Yellowstone with 23 per cent, Missoula
with 46 per cent, and Cascade with 64 per cent. Bureau of
the Census, Religious Bodies:1926, Vol 1, 639.
9. Gist, "Secret Societies: A Cultural Study of

Fraternalism in the United States," University of Missouri
Studies. XV (October 1940): 142. "Constitution and Laws of
the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan," 7.
10. This was a title for one of the Klan's educational

lectures for 1924. Box 4 File 13, KKK, EWHS.
11. Lothrop Stoddard's The Rising Tide of Color (1921) and

Madison Grant's The Passing of the Great Race (1916) echoed
the fear and distrust many white Americans felt toward the
changing ethnic and racial structure of their country,
especially after World War I. Both authors stated firmly
that America was becoming the breeding ground for inferior
peoples, and that the eventual "mongrelization" of superior
white blood with inferior colored blood could only result in
an irreversible disaster. Stoddard and Grant were widely
read and quoted in popular magazines and newspaper
editorials. Grant's book sold approximately 16,000 copies.
73
Imperial Wizard Hiram W. Evans consulted both works and

referred to their authority on racist ideology in his own
writing. See John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns
of American Nativism. 1860-1925. (New Brunswick: Rutgers
University Press, 2nd edition, 1988), 271-272; David M.
Chalmers, Hooded Americanism: The First Century of the Ku
Klux Klan 1865-1965 (New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc.,
1965), 110, and Evans, "The Klan's Fight for Americanism,"
36, 48.
12. Montana News Association Insert, week of August 1, 1921,

Vol. 4, 351.
13. Ibid.
14. Patriotism was still an issue for interested candidates

by 1928. Ed Davis of Butte wrote to Grand Dragon Lewis
Terwilliger expressing his interest in joining the Klan in
order to "help to enforce the laws and uphold the
constitution of the greatest country on earth." It is unclear
whether or not Davis joined the Kontinental Klan; his name
does not appear again in the records. Ed Davis to Lewis
Terwilliger, February 23, 1928, Box 5 File 5, KKK, EWHS.
15. Charles W. Ferguson, Fifty Million Brothers. (New York:

Farrar & Rinehart, Inc., 1937), 320.
16. Ferguson, Fifty Million Brothers. 320-323. The American

Protective Association, "an offspring of Masonry," differed
little from the other secret fraternities, but membership
qualifications were not strict since it was open to anyone
who opposed Catholicism, including blacks. The A P A ’s
ritualistic work was scanty and it did not offer degrees,
which would have enhanced the order's appeal. See Donald
Kinzer, An Episode in Anti-Catholicism: The American
Protective Association (Seattle: The University of
Washington Press, 1964), 51. Butte APAer's revealed their
secret fraternal tendencies by wondering when they "will get
the balance of the ritual?" Examiner, June 29, 1929, 5.
17. Gist, "Secret Societies," 145.
18. Mary Ann Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood: Class.

Gender and Fraternalism. (Princeton University Press, 1989),
130.
19. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism. 118. Chalmers is correct

in recognizing that secret fraternalism played a role in
attracting members, but mainly limits his discussion to
smaller, rural areas. Too, the Ku Klux Klan attracted
members in large urban centers, as Kenneth Jackson submits in
74
The Ku Klux Klan in the City. 1925-1930 (Oxford University

Press, 1967).
20. Charles Merz, "Sweet Land of Secrecy: The Strange

Spectacle of American Fraternalism," Harpers Magazine. 154
(February 1927): 329.
21. The 33 secret fraternities included four women's

auxiliaries. The numbers given for the Odd Fellows, the
Knights of Pythias and the Masons were for men only. Polks
Citv Directory. Butte, 1923, 94-99.
22. Joe Vicars of Roundup, Montana, stated that "some big

politicians and doctors" joined the Klan to increase their
business. Interview by Laurie Mercier, September 1, 1982,
Oral History 328, Tape 1, Montana Historical Society, Helena,
MT.
23. Gist, "Secret Societies," 128-129.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid., 131.
26. Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood. 131-132. Also, see

Gist, "Secret Societies," 129.
27. Lewis Terwilliger to Albert W. Jones, November 15, 1927.

This was in response to Jones' query that a miner from Elm
Orlu was suggested for membership. Box 5 File 3, KKK, EWHS.
The second quote was from an unnamed Kligrapp in a letter to
Albert W. Jones, November 11, 1927, Box 1 File 26, KKK, EWHS.
29. Terwilliger, Official Circular, January 3, 1925, Box 5

File 2. The Royal Riders later changed their name to the
Krusaders. Terwilliger to James A. Bray, June 19, 1925, Box
5 File 2, KKK, EWHS.
30. Names from the membership list were checked with

obituaries. In some cases, the obituary mentioned where the
deceased came from.
31. Minutes, March 12, 1924, Box 3 File 6, KKK, EWHS.
32. Minutes, Special, March 26, 1924, Box 3 File 6, KKK,

EWHS.
33. Minutes, May 26, 1925, Box 3 File 7, KKK, EWHS.

75
34. Proposed Amendment by the Kontinental Klan and remarks

by Lewis Terwilliger, March 4, 1929, Box 1 File 35, KKK,
EWHS.
35. See Herbert Blumer, "Introduction to Social Movements,"

The Sociology of Dissent. R. Serge Denisoff, editor, (New
York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc.,1974), 10.
36. Ibid.
37. Lewis Terwilliger, Official Document No. 1, Box 4 File

31, KKK, EWHS.

File 6, KKK, EWHS.
39. In the larger and more anonymous Klans, members'

interest might wane due to the order's more impersonal
nature.
40. Blumer, "Introduction to Social Movements," 9.
41. Arthur M. Schlessinger, "Biography of a Nation of

Joiners," American Historical Review 50 (October 1944):
21-23.
42. Charles W. Ferguson discusses the appeal of secret

fraternities in Fifty Million Brothers. 30. See also Charles
Merz, "Sweet Land of Secrecy," 329-334.
43. Charles C. Alexander, Crusade for Conformity:: The Ku

Klux Klan in Texas. 1920-1930. (Texas Gulf Coast Historical
Association, pub. series, Vol VI, No. 1, 1962), 37.
44. Terwilliger, Official Circular, August 3, 1924, Box 5

File 1, KKK, EWHS. On a Klan's request, Terwilliger would
inform other Klans in the proximate area of an upcoming
meeting or demonstration. See the Official Circular from
June 30, 1925, Box 5 File 2, KKK, EWHS.
45. Terwilliger, Official Circular, April 13, 1929, Box 5

File 6, KKK, EWHS.
46. Gist, "Secret Societies," 81. For the exact application

procedure, see "Constitution and Laws of the Knights of the
Ku Klux Klan," 27-28.
47. For example, "the Klaliff will advance to the sacred

altar with the mounted flag and will stand flag directly out
from corner of sacred altar, and take position No. 3 (see
diagram, p. 7) facing the sacred altar." William Simmons,
76
Kloran. Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, K-Uno, 5th edition,

1916, Box 4 File 10, KKK, EWHS, 11. Kontinental Klan members
rehearsed "Kloranic work" at least once, see Minutes, August
2, 1924, Box 3 File 6, KKK, EWHS.
48. Kloran. 13.
49. Ibid., 22.
50. Ibid., 26.
51. For instance, the Masonic candidate swore that if he

betrayed the oath of secrecy, his throat would be "cut
across, [and his] tongue torn out by the roots, and buried in
the rough sands of the sea...." The Black Legion employed
what was probably the most violent of self-threats. The
candidate acknowledged his punishment by praying for "an
avenging God and unmerciful Devil to tear my heart out and
roast it over the flames of sulphur; that my body be ripped
up, my bowels be torn out and fed to carrion birds; that each
of my limbs be broken with stones and then cut off by inches
that they may be food for the foulest birds of the air; and
lastly, my soul be given unto torment; that my body be
submerged in molten steel and stifled in the flames of Hell;
and that this punishment may be meted out to me through all
eternity. In the name of God, our Creator, Amen— arise."
See Gist, "Secret Societies," 95-96, for a brief discussion
on self-threats in secret fraternities.
52. Ibid., 30.
53. Kloran. 40.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid., 49.
56. See Gist, "Secret Societies," 70-79.
57. Even though secrecy was emphasized, some orders made no

effort to conceal its members or rituals. For
instance,Imperial Wizard Joseph Simmons copyrighted the
Kloran on January 16, 1917 and gave two copies to the Library
of Congress. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the C i t y . 6. Gist
stated that "the secrecy of the rituals themselves" was a
"universal characteristic of secret societies" (see "Secret
Societies," 80.)
58. Kloran. 31.
59. Ceremony for Knights Kamelia, 27-28, Box 4 File 9, KKK,

77
EW H S .
60. Ceremony for Knights of the Great Forest, 1928, 30, Box
61. Terwilliger, Official Circular, June 13, 1924, Box 5

File 1, KKK, EWHS.
62. Gist, "Secret Societies," 115. Romans XII: verses 1-23,

implores the believer to sacrifice himself to the service of
God and to love "without hypocrisy... abhor that which is
evil; cleave to that which is good." The Holy Bib l e ,
standard edition, (New York: Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1901)
63. Kloran, 12. Louise Rasmussen of Roundup, Montana,

remembers as a child that the Klan burned a cross up the
street. Her parents pulled her out of bed and wanted here to
remember the event "with horror." Louise G. Rasmussen,
Interview by Laurie Mercier. Montana Historical Society,
Helena, MT. The Klan also had a "Grand Ensign," or banner,
and a "Great Imperial Seal," described in great detail in the
Klan's constitution and the "Klikon," the sacred picture of
the Klan. "Constitution and Laws," 22-23.
64. See Gist, "Secret Societies," 112; Terwilliger, Official

Circular, March 1925; Evans, Official Document, December 8,
1924; Evans, Official Document, May 1928, Box 1 File 14,
KKK, EWHS.
65. Monteval [Fuller], The Klan Inside O u t , 76; Chalmers,

Hooded Americanism. 116-117.
66. "Laws and Constitution," 46-47. Also, see Chalmers,

Hooded Americanism. 117-118.
67. Evans, Official Document, September 16, 1923, Box 1 File

14, KKK, EWHS.
68. "Laws and Constitution," 6; "The Klan in Action,"

Pamphlet, 1929, 31, KKK, EWHS.
69. Monteval [Fuller], The Klan Inside-Out, 121.
70. "The Klan in Action," 31. The Klavalier was named after
cavalier, "a courtly, polite, cultured and very courageous
and skillful soldier of the 17th and 18th century."
Kloran. 53.
71. Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood. 234-238.
72. Evans, "The Klan's Fight for Americanism," 51, 55. Also
78
see "Laws and Constitution, 6-7 and "Ideals of the Ku Klux

Klan," 7.
74. "The Klan in Action," 32.
75. Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood. 228.
76. Ibid., 232.
77. Terwilliger, Official Circular, November 6, 1929, Box 5

File 6, KKK, EWHS.
78. Terwilliger, Official Circular, December 22, 1928, Box 5

File 5, KKK, EWHS.
79. Terwilliger, Official Circular, September 15, 1928, Box

5 File 5, KKK, EWHS. Alvin Schmidt refers to the fourth
degree as the "Knights of the Midnight Mystery," which just
shows that the Klan was fond making changes. Alvin J.
Schmidt, Fraternal Organizations; The Greenwood Encyclopedia
of American Institutions (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press,
1980), 198. As with other secret fraternities, symbolism
carried over to the names of the degrees. The second degree
or K-Duo, was named the Knights Kamelia after the violent and
racist Knights of the White Camelia from the days of
Reconstruction. The Knights of the Great Forest or K-Trio,
was named after the founder of the original Klan, General
Nathan Bedford Forrest. See Gist, "Secret Societies," 68-69.
For instance, the Patriarchs Militant named their degrees
"friendship" and "truth," while the Junior Order United
American Mechanics named theirs "virtue" and "liberty."
Imperial Wizard Simmons obviously wanted to retain the
connection with the Ku Klux Klan of Reconstruction when he
established the degrees. See Monteval [Fuller], The Klan
Inside O u t . 69.
80. Gist, "Secret Fraternities," 30; Clawson, Constructing

Brotherhood. 232. For example, the Masons instituted the
Shriners, or rather, the Ancient Arabic Order, Nobles of the
Mystic Shrine. The Knights of Pythias added the Dramatic
Order Knights of Khorassan to their menu. Kligrapp Albert
Jones was the secretary for the D.O.K.K. in Butte. Imperial
Wizard Evans never implemented the fun degree, at least while
the Kontinental Klan retained its charter.
81. Monteval [Fuller], The Klan Inside O u t . 46, 59.

File 1, KKK, EWHS.
79
83. Evans scheduled this meeting for February 22,

undoubtedly timed with Washington's birthday.
84. Terwilliger, Official Circular, March 10, 1928, Box 5

File 5, KKK, EWHS. If K-Uno members wanted to attend one of
the meetings, they had to prove first that they were in good
standing and then they were given the K-Trio obligation of
secrecy. At a later time, they would be initiated properly
in the third degree.
85. Terwilliger to "Faithful and Esteemed Klansman." This

letter was probably sent to all of the Klans in the state.
January 18, 1928, KKK, EWHS. Terwilliger to Albert W. Jones,
February 10, 1928, Box 5 File 5, KKK, EWHS.
86. K-Trio, 42-43; Membership list; Kligrapp's Quarterly

Report, third quarter, 1928, Box 2 File 14, KKK, EWHS.
87. Terwilliger, Official Circular, September 15, 1928, Box

88. Ibid.
89. Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood. 230.

CHAPTER FOUR
"THE KLAN IS HERE TO STAY"!
"Our men have orders to shoot any Ku

Kluxer who appears in But t e ."
Sheriff Larry Duggin3
"We realize that Butte is the worst

place in the State of Montana, so
far as alienism and Catholicism are
concerned."
Grand Dragon Lewis Terwilliger3
The Kontinental Klan survived in Butte for six years,
from April 29, 1923 to May 22, 1929. During that time,
Klansmen busily formed various committees that reflected
their concerns about the community and about internal
matters. On a few occasions the Kontinental Klan threw
itself into the political machinery in an attempt to thwart
Catholic dominance, but such instances of direct involvement
flashed briefly. Klansmen spent more time discussing
problems than doing anything about them. In fact, the desire
to make an impact on the community all but disappeared in
later years, as members increasingly turned to the fraternal
aspects of their order, such as comaraderie and benevolence.
The one concern that continuously manifested itself
throughout the Klan's stay in Butte, and in fact dictated its
program, was secrecy. This became almost an obsession with
80
81
the Klan. Keeping the actual order hidden from the outside
world while at the same time trying to nudge the community
towards accepting the Kla n ’s ideals proved to be a difficult,
if not impossible, task. This was evident from the very
beginning as the Klan sought to keep aliens from discovering
who they were and where they met.
The most basic requirement, a room in which to meet,
created more headaches for members than anyone had
anticipated. Kontinental Klansmen spent much of their time
skipping from one fraternal home to another, adopting a new
public name with each move.
Members enthusiastically called themselves the
"Protestant Men's Community Club," the "Protestant M e n ’s
Welfare Council" and the "Magian Society" (reserved for
special ritualistic work) during the first year and paid rent
to both the Scandinavian Brotherhood and to the Odd Fellows.
During the spring of 1924, members held meetings in the Moose
Hall, but in July, the Exalted Cyclops announced that hall
was "indeed insecure," too costly and too small. As Klansmen
moved to the Knights of Pythias Hall, "considerable
discussion" concerning the new public name took place. It
required a committee of seven to conclude that "The Butte
M e n ’s Literary Club" would be appropriate, and they promptly
ordered matching stationery for business transactions.4 For
reasons that are unclear, Klansmen once again packed up their
robes and Klorans and moved to the Masonic Hall in

82
Walkerville the next year. The public name changed
accordingly, this time to the unlikely "Krishna Improvement
Association."5 This paranoia continued off and on for at least
a year with occasional meetings being held at the Odd Fellows
Hall under the alias of the "Monarch Club" or at a Klansman's
home.
The frequent hopscotching about town and changes of
names strongly suggests that the Kontintental Klan desired to
escape the scrutiny from the other fraternities and from the
community at large. In one case, they cited expensive rental
rates and inadequate space in which to conduct the
ritualistic work (the naturalization ceremony required three
rooms), but these concerns played only a secondary role.
Whether or not the more established fraternities even cared
about the much smaller Klan is not so important as the fact
that the Klan believed they cared. The Klan posed no real
threat to other orders, though fraternalists may have been
disturbed by the Klan's presence, especially since the Ku
Klux Klan was fast developing an unsavory reputation across
the country as a terrorist order.6 If anything, the Klan had
more to fear from Butte's citizenry than from the other
fraternal orders. The combination of a large population of
immigrant Catholics and the roughness of a mining town gave
Klansmen reason to be wary.
Wary or not, the secrecy that Klansmen held so dear did
not fool the mailmen of Butte. Letters would show up months

83
late; batches of pamphlets and membership cards failed to
arrive.7 As early as 1924, Kligrapp Floyd Johnson asked
Terwilliger to relay a message to the Imperial Palace that it
should not leave a "mark of any kind that will even suggest
Atlanta or the Imperial Palace or the KKK."8 Frustrated,
Johnson even ran for Postmaster in Butte in 1924 to, as he
put it, "stop the mysterious straying of mail" in the
community. (This was in addition to the fact that Johnson
believed that he was qualified for the position of Postmaster
since he had "100% American qualifications...and [was] a
member of one real American order.")9 Johnson even assumed an
alias to assure that packages from Terwilliger or the
Imperial Palace were delivered safely. In one instance, he
informed Terwilliger, not without a hint of pride, that he
would use "Knute Karl Knuteson, a real genuine Nordic name"
for his next order of robes. In another case, he requested
that the Imperial Palace mail a box of supplies to the Post
Office and address the package to "August Wilhelm" so that
Johnson could then pick up the package without causing
suspicion. i°
Kligrapp Albert W. Jones also experienced his share of
problems during the late 1920's after Johnson had left.1! He
remarked to Terwilliger in 1928, "I dont [sic] think it is
necessary to mark my mail personal. The last number of
letters you sent, the envelope was torn on the end."12 An

84
anxious Jones even began to wait for the mailman each day to
make sure that no one else would see the mail and steal it.
The situation deteriorated so much that Terwilliger finally
secured a Post Office Box for the Kontinental Klan under the
name of his son. Jones could then write down the Post Office
Box as the return address to insure that the mail would "come
back to the right hands." 13
The Klan's perception of the community's opinion also
hindered the formation of the Royal Riders of the Red Robe,
the alternate fraternal home for those "real Americans" born
outside of the United States.i* in a letter to the
Kontinental Klan, "Supreme Ragon" Stephen Tighe expressed his
confidence that he could establish the Riders in Butte. If
the Klan would just send him a list of 25 eligible
candidates, Tighe would personally travel to Butte to
organize and train them. This proposal was met with
considerable apprehension. Klansman J.B. Kula informed
Terwilliger that Tighe's proposition would require great
expense and that the money was needed for more "important
work." Kula suggested that all the Kontinental Klan needed
to establish the Riders in Butte were the necessary
instructions. More important to Kula than expense was the
issue of secrecy and the possibility that the Klan's cover
would be blown. Kula added, "We do not think it advisable...
for him [Tighe] to come here because in all probability some
of the legal fraternity might see him, and begin to surmise

85
the object of his visit. Things here, as you know, are very
tender, "is
The Riders, or the Krusaders as the order was later
called, did form in Butte, but the Kligrapp's minutes and
personal correspondence rarely mentioned the Riders except
for an occasional reference to the Riders' organizational
problems.is in 1928, members at the Klorero admitted that the
Krusaders as a group was "progressing rather slowly,...often
due to small numbers of foreign born [who were] desirable as
members...."I? The scarcity of "desirable" candidates
combined with Klansmen's concern about secrecy hampered the
growth of the Riders in Butte.
The Kontinental Klan's concern for secrecy extended
beyond the borders of Butte. Correspondence among
Terwilliger, the Kontinental Klan, and other Montana Klansmen
indicates that Klansmen from elsewhere in the state were
expected to exercise great caution when dealing with Butte.
Terwilliger warned in 1924 that Klansmen's identity in Butte
should not be revealed, even to other Klansmen, "unless
necessary."is Five years later, Jones suggested to Terwilliger
that the Kontinental Klan hold a meeting and invite
prospective candidates. Terwilliger cautioned Jones that the
Kontinental Klan had to remain on guard and not allow any
undependable men into the organization. Further, the Klan
should "bind them by the most solemn oath" to insure the
applicants kept the Klan's mysteries inviolate, in case they

86
declined to join. Kontinental Klansmen even noticed an
appreciable difference between Butte and other cities. After
a Klansman transferred to the Livingston Klan in 1925, he
recognized immediately that something was quite different
about his new home. In an enthusiastic letter, he gushed to
James Bray, the Butte Kligrapp, that "Livingston is sure a
real 100% town." Bray replied that he was "gratified to know
there is a community where one can feel free and not as we
are here."19
However, the Kontinental Klan occasionally found outside
supporters. One 71 year old woman, a former writer for the
American Protective Association's Examiner in Butte in the
18 9 0 's, frequently corresponded with Terwilliger and kept him
posted on local conditions. Addressing her letters to the
"Brothers of America," Mrs. D. Cohn moaned and groaned about
the preponderance of Catholics in Butte and the "Protestants
[who] are going to sleep at the switch." Often, Mrs. Cohn
would send Terwilliger gifts. On one occasion, she sent a
miniature replica of a little red schoolhouse; another time,
she sent a small statue of Al Smith in a coffin, ("where he
belongs" applauded Terwilliger). The Grand Dragon assured
Cohn that the Klan was present in Butte "to give Protestants
and real Americans a fair deal," but his was an optimistic
sentiment.20
Although the Klan did not openly demonstrate its
presence by attending funerals or marching in parades, it was

87
bold enough to ask the Chamber of Commerce for permission to
participate in the 4th of July parade in 1928. According to
the Kontinental Klan, several thousand Klansmen were ready to
march in full regalia, but only if they had police protection
"from the mob."21 Their request was denied.
Like other Klans, the Butte Klan took an interest in
politics and education. Activism ranged from assisting two
aldermen in their bid for election in 1924 to backing the
Peoples’ School Party to elect members to the school board in
1928.22 However, most of the Klan's efforts ended up with the
formation of investigatory committees such as the committee
which scrutinized the religious preference of school
teachers. For example, one grim committee in 1924 warned
that 85 per cent of teachers were Catholic.22 To rectify this
situation, Kligrapp Albert Jones suggested to Terwilliger in
1928 that at the next legislative assembly, the Klan should
insist that "All teachers must be educated in the Free Public
Schools in the US and native gorn [sic]."24 It is doubtful
that Jones' suggestion ever made it to the legislative floor,
since the Klan played an inconsequential role in the state
legislature.25 However, Jones' concern does reflect the
Kontinental Klan's frustration with Catholic dominance in
Butte.
Even though the Klan did not have enough power to swing
elections, Klansmen expressed their desire to do "good work"

88
in the community. In 1924, at least one Kontinental Klansman
for each of the 33 precincts volunteered to keep a sharp eye
peeled at polling places for any signs of wrongdoing and to
"stop if possible" opponents who attempted "to steal [the]
election."26 Terwilliger emphasized that the Klan's presence
at the polls was crucial, if only "for the moral effect," but
members should also examine the registration list in order to
challenge enemies who have "registered many men who are dead
or who are absent from the State or who are entirely fictitio
us. "27
The Kligrapp failed to mention whether or not patrolling
Klansmen ever apprehended any culprits. Even if Klansmen did
not detect any suspicious activity at the polls, the
assignment would have boosted any Klansman's sense of self-
importance. After all, he was responsible for protecting the
voting rights of true Americans, a job he could never have
done if not a trusted Knight in the Invisible Empire.
Never was the call to the Klan's sense of duty and
Americanism so vital as during the presidential race of 1928.
Al Smith, "the candidate of Rum and Romanism," elicited the
worst fears and prejudices of Klansmen. This paranoia was
aptly put by the Kligrapp in Bozeman, who warned that if
Smith were elected, "in a few years we and our families will
be s l a v e s . "28 n o doubt existed about the Kontinental Klan's
point of view. Irate members wrote a scathing three and a
half typewritten page response to the Butte M i n e r 's editorial

89
of June 27, 1928, which defended Al Smith. The Klan blasted
the editorial and the Democratic Party for backing Smith, "a
Tammanyite of small education, who has no knowledge of world
affairs and longs for the return of the day when he can put
his foot on the rail and blow the froth off." Only editors
who were Catholic or Protestant "of the luke warm variety"
could defend the "autocracy" of the Catholic Church.
Scattered references throughout the letter jabbed at
Catholics' practice of kissing the bishop’s ring. Miffed
Klansmen objected to the "decidedly insanitary condition of
affairs in the kissing of the ring by so many different lips"
and that surely the Medical Health officers were derelict in
preventing this practice.29 The Butte Miner elected not to
print the response.
Kligrapp Albert Jones had already prepared for the
battle by corresponding with several super Protestant orders
such as the International Protestant Foundation and the
American Publicity League. Jones even submitted his
membership fee of one dollar to the Society of Protestant
Americans to ensure that a Protestant would remain in
America's "Highest National Office."30
More anti-Catholic propaganda was available through the
Rail Splitter Press, self-proclaimed as the largest anti-
papal publishing house in the country. For a fee,
Kontinental Klansmen could pick up the latest literature from
the Rail Splitter Catalogue like the "Dastardly Deeds of

90
Irish Sinn Feiners," "God's World Against Romanism," or "The
Anti-Catholic Joke Book."31 Other literature for the devout
Knight included the Klan fronted magazine, The Fellowship
Forum, which touted itself as "A National Voice for
Protestant Fraternal America." General Manager James S. Vance
told Albert Jones that if he wanted "a Protestant American
newspaper that will bore down under the hide of alienism,
boozeism and Romanism," Jones must submit his order for the
November 3rd issue immediately to beat the rush. "This
number will actually sizzle with facts," promised Vance,
"with exposures of the attack on our system of government
launched at Houston by the Roman Catholic Hierach [sic] with
Al. Smith as the head of the serpent."32
No amount of propaganda however, could sway the voters
of Silver Bow County. Though Herbert Hoover handily defeated
Smith for the presidency, 53 per cent of voters in the county
cast their ballots for Smith, making it one of two counties
in Montana that did so.33 The Kontinental Klan fared little
better in the county ticket. Sadly responding to
Terwilliger's query, Jones provided his own analysis of the
local election results, "Bryon E. Cooney is a journalistic
prostitue [sic] ... Mr. M.J. English is an attorney and is an
Irishman with a brogue...[an d ] Mr. S.T. Pallard is a teller
in the Metal Bank, poor Mason and wet, his soul is such as he
would not call his soul his own...."3* Thus were the
political hopes of the Kontinental Klan dashed.

91
The Klan's political impotence was equalled by the
Klan's failure to "clean up the community." Surprisingly,
bootlegging did not capture much attention of the Kontinental
Klan, considering the secret order's aggressiveness towards
bootleggers in other parts of the country. The minutes
revealed little discussion concerning prohibition. If,
however, the Kontinental Klan had decided to take an activist
role in enforcing the Volstad Act, members would have had
their work cut out for them. Butte enjoyed a reputation as
the leader in Montana for consumption of illicit liquor
during the 1920's.35 The almost daily appearance of arrests
and destruction of distilleries in the city papers
contributed to The Kalispell Times' assertion that Silver Bow
was "probably the most open county in the state."36 Klansmen
likely realized that the odds were stacked against them and
any attempt to dismantle a distillery would have incurred the
wrath of an irate bootlegger, who could probably round up
more support in a hurry than could a small contingent of
Klansmen. Still, in one instance, a committee of two
Klansmen set out to investigate a "moonshine joint" in the
back of the First National Bank.37 In another case, the
Exalted Cyclops ordered a Klansman to make inquiries about a
fellow member who had been arrested for handling liquor.3s
Unfortunately, the Kligrapp never mentioned the results of
these investigations and what, if anything, they yielded.
The minutes from meetings did however reveal much about

92
the Kontinental K l a n ’s internal character. Members realized,
perhaps from the beginning, that Butte would remain
irreconcilably wet, Catholic and alien, no matter how hard
they tried to influence the status quo. Members usually met
in Klonklave twice a month, more if the Exalted Cyclops
thought it necessary. Meetings started promptly at 8 o'clock
and lasted anywhere from 2 1/2 to 3 1/2 hours. On a typical
evening, Klansmen started the proceedings by performing the
opening ceremony and listening to the minutes from the
previous meeting and any official documents from Realm or
Imperial headquarters. Often, Klansmen suffered through two
or three readings of the official dispatches if attendance
was sparse or if headquarters demanded it.39 After the
preliminaries, Klansmen settled down to discuss the business
at hand. They finished the evening with the closing ceremony
and, in later years, added a banquet.
Topics of the evening varied. At times, an appointed
member would read from the national Klan's lecture series on
subjects such as the Christ as the K l a n ’s role model, or the
Klan's obligations in the community.40 At other times, the
desecration of the American flag, the oath of the Knights of
Columbus, or the decoration of the graves of deceased
Klansmen captured the attention of the Klavern.4* Racism
seeped through the minutes as members would get involved in a
lively round of discussion over the Nordic race, inter
marriage between blacks and whites and "the evils existing in

93
this community." Almost as an afterthought, the Kligrapp
dutifully noted during one meeting that "a motion [was] made
and carried" for the Exalted Cyclops to tell "six nigger
stories. "43
That Klansmen in Butte were prejudiced is not a
surprising discovery. However, the minutes revealed that
there was more to the Kontinental Klan than the traditional
racism and political and social activism of other Klans.
Fraternalism, the emphasis on benevolence and brotherhood,
occupied a good deal of Klansmen's time. Members organized
sick committees to investigate and report on ill members.
Some committees went even further and commented on members
whose wives were sick, and once that a deceased Klansman's
wife's father died in California.43 Sick committees also took
charge of gift-giving. For example, Klansmen sent brother
Parker, who was ill at Galen, four dozen donuts, some
assorted fruit, and a box of cigars over a period of time.44
Parker especially appreciated the cigars and expressed his
gratitude by asking Jones to "give my best regards to all the
Boys."46 Klansmen also sent flowers to ailing mothers or wives
on more than a few occasions. Albert's "good thoughtful
friends" was how Albert Jones' mother characterized the Klan
who remembered her on her 77th birthday.46
Klansmen went beyond purchasing flowers for sick
members. They also attempted to establish a relief fund to

94
provide financial assistance to needy members or to deceased
Klansmen’s families. In February 1924, a committee was
appointed to "recommend means for the relief of needy
members." This initial assembly decided that the Kontinental
Klan should appoint a permanent relief committee. It would
consist of three members who would assume full responsibility
for relief efforts including overseeing finances (which would
be kept separate from the Klan treasury). To get relief
efforts rolling, Klansmen would submit an initial fee of
$2.10 for the Relief Club Membership and pay dues of $1.00 to
be levied when necessary. The accumulation of dues would
render a "sufficient amount of cash to take care of two cases
of need and a small amount for postage etc.." If a living
Klansman's family was experiencing financial hardships, the
committee would assess an appropriate amount of money. When
a fellow Klansman died, members would bestow an amount "equal
to 1.00 for each paid member at that time" to the bereaved
family. After such a crisis occurred, members would remit
their dues of $1.00 to replenish the relief treasury.47
This was not a "burdensome" request reminded the
committee. Klansmen could raise funds by giving "dances,
card parties, smokers, or any other of numerous social
activities." In addition, a relief box could be placed "in a
conspicuous place" in each Klonklave for direct donations.
The committee further recognized that a large membership
would result in more money in the relief fund and therefore

95
would yield a greater gift. However, a steadily declining
membership resulted instead in the failure of the Fraternal
Assistance Fund. At the end of December 1924, the fund
registered a total of $12.66. It had increased to $17.41 by
January 3, 1925, a tiny amount considering that, at the time,
ninety Klansmen were in good standing.48 Although the Fund
still existed by December 1927, the Kligrapp neglected to
mention the amount.49
Even if the Fraternal Assistance Fund never gained
acceptance as an official relief effort; unofficially,
Kontinental Klansmen attended to their own. One example was
the case of Klansman #10, who fell ill in late 1923 and died
the following year. As soon as the sick committee reported
that he was suffering financial difficulties, the Exalted
Cyclops instructed it to start collecting funds. Collection
efforts netted $53.80 at the following meeting. Klansmen
donated an additional $26.00 in March when they decided to
hold onto the money until the fund reached $100.00. Members
met this goal by the next meeting, boosted with a check for
$6.00 from the Klan treasury to make up the difference.so
Financial assistance was not unusual in the fraternal
world.si Fraternities initiated the first life insurance
plans, which became a main selling point for the fraternal
benefit societies. Imperial wizard William J. Simmons
established a life insurance program at the Klan's inception,
but the project failed.52 Local efforts at benevolence then,

96
were more successful than any national effort. Surely the
Kontinental Klan was not alone in its acts of benevolence,
but the degree of assistance rendered probably varied among
Klans. Size may have very well been a factor. Though the
Kontinental Klan's small membership limited the amount of
money in their fraternal fund, the small size could also have
worked to their advantage. Smaller membership and attendance
would naturally lend itself to a more brotherly atmosphere,
where comraderie and caring were more possible than with a
larger and more anonymous group.
Not only did most secret fraternities provide some
assistance to members, but they also gave to charitable
institutions of their choosing. Terwilliger deemed several
institutions worthy of receiving Klan a s s i s t a n c e .53 jn
December 1924, Terwilliger mentioned to the Klans that
Imperial wizard Evans passed a law that "each local
organization place in a fund for charitable purposes one-
tenth of its collections." The Kontinental Klan discussed
Evans' decree one evening, but decided against enacting it.54
Though the Kontinental Klan received a number of
requests for charitable contributions, it could not respond
to all of them. 55 Klansmen did agree to take up a collection
to assist in the rebuilding of public schools in Manhatten
and Three Forks, which were destroyed by an earthquake.56
Benevolence stretched only so far, however. Klansmen opposed
the allotment of state funds for the Rehabilitation of

97
Crippled Child's Hospital in Billings, which happened to be
Catholic. Responding to the members' complaint, Terwilliger
replied that he was unsure if the Klan would be able to
prevent state funds for the hospital, since those funds were
also earmarked for the Protestant hospital in Great Falls.57
Besides worrying about fraternal assistance for members
and favored institutions in the alien world, Klansmen spent a
good deal of time on rules and regulations. In late 1928,
Klansmen suggested amendments to the Klan's by-laws, such as
instituting new qualifications for banishment, jurisdiction
and initiations. The last amendment required that any new
candidate must be initiated within two months of acceptance.
If the candidate failed to undergo naturalization during that
time, he would have to wait six months. At the end of that
period, the candidate would have to repeat the application
process and hope that the Klokann would once again accept
him. A puzzled Terwilliger commented that he could see no
advantage to this amendment and did not recommend its passage.
58 Obviously, members did not realize what a self defeating
proposal this was. New members, by 1928, were rare indeed.
Special committees also proposed in-house rules.
Perhaps trying to halt long-winded Klansmen, the committee
firmly recommended that "no members will be allowed to talk
longer than 5 min. on one subject." Further, "no members
will be allowed to talk more than twice on the same subject."
The more esoteric details of the ritualistic work warranted

98
extended discussion. One evening, members deliberated at
great length as to whether the Night Hawk and Kladd should
wear robes and helmets while accepting candidates'
applications at the beginning of the naturalization ceremony.
Members decided that although the constitution required it,
the formality was unnecessary.59
More revealing of the Kontinental Klan's character was
the usage of shortened versions of the opening, closing and
naturalization ceremonies. Just what the shorter versions
omitted remains unclear, but probably, much of the
ritualistic dialogue that normally occurred between Klansmen
was excluded. Occasionally, traditional minded Klansmen
objected to cutting short the rituals, such as the time in
1924 when the Klan naturalized two candidates in the short
form. After the meeting, the Kligrapp, a bit perturbed,
"commented on the manner in which the work was put on" and
prompted the Exalted Cyclops to reopen the meeting for commen
t.60 During another meeting in 1927, a Klansman made a motion
to give a candidate the initiation ceremony in short form,
but the other members voted against it.ei still in another
instance, Klansmen repeated the initiation ceremony for one
Klansman who had previously received the shortened version at
Walkerville, "which was very unsatisfactory."62
The significance of the shortened versions was that
Klansmen struggled to retain the traditional ceremonies just
as secret fraternities everywhere were trying to cope with

99
slipping membership and lack of interest. Evidently, the
rituals carried some significance to them, not only in the
ritual itself and the specific meaning of the Klan's message
but also in the general ceremonial aspects of secret
fraternalism— the solemnness, the responsibility, the
secrecy, and the exclusiveness.
Meetings did however, assume a more relaxed air in later
years as membership dwindled. Members may have conducted the
initiation ceremony in the long form, but they tended to use
the short form of the closing ceremony. Often, a banquet
followed the meeting, and the Kontinental Klan and the
Jefferson Klan at Whitehall held joint meetings with greater
regularity, so long as there was no conflict with Masonic
meeting nights.63 Refreshment committees began to replace
political ones, as the two Kligrapps discussed the cost of
hot dogs, pickles, and cigars. Even as Klansmen gathered for
picnics, however, secrecy still shrouded the Klan. In making
plans for an upcoming meeting, Kligrapp Jones told C.U.
Brown, a Klansman from Cardwell, in 1928, that "No one is to
know that the Klan is [in] back of this [outdoor meeting]
except the members. I dont [sic] think it would be advisable
to burn a cross."64
Thus, the Kontinental Klan’s fears about its position in
Butte influenced its every move from meeting places to social
gatherings. For six years, Klansmen formed their secret
investigatory committees and muttered darkly over the state

100
of affairs in Butte. Constrained by their very surroundings,
Klansmen could not successfully pursue the order's
traditional social and political activism. Instead, members
slipped quietly to their Klaverns twice a month to ponder
their situation. Klansmen undoubtedly harbored aspirations of
creating an "American" mind set in Butte, but naturally they
must have had little hope. They focused their energies on
fraternalism, but as it turned out, fraternalism was not
enough to keep Butte’s Klansmen interested.

101
NOTES
1. Chapter Title is from a song in American Hymns. (Buffalo,

KKK, EWHS.
2. Spokesman Review. October 23, 1923, 6. Box 1 File 1.

KKK, EWHS. Sheriff Duggin also stated in the Butte Miner
that his "official greeting" to any Klan activities was that
Klansmen would be "shot down like wolves." Butte M i n e r . July
22, 1921.
3. Lewis Terwilliger to Mrs. D. Cohn, January 23, 1929, Box

4. Minutes from meetings, May 7, 1923, November 21, 192 3,

Box 3 File 4; March 26, 1924, July 15, 1924, July 19, 1924,
Box 3 File 6; February 14, 1925 (Regular and Special
meetings); March 9, 1926, Box 3 File 7; May 22, 1929, Box 3
File 11. Rental receipts in Box 1, Files 38 and 39, and Box
2, Files 1 and 2. Also see J.S. Kula to Charles Steele,
April 30, 1925, Box 4 File 40, KKK, EWHS.
5. Members probably did not realize that "Krishna" was one

of the primary deities in Hindu.
6 . The Butte Miner printed many stories about the Ku Klux

Klan and the violence that was associated with it, from its
escapades in Oklahoma to the murders in Mer Rouge, Louisiana.
7. Albert Jones informed The Rail Splitter that he had not

received the October shipment and wondered "if someone have
[sic] destroyed them." The Railsplitter replied saying that
they "sent 100 papers with the Oct. Mailing and they must
have gone astray if you have not received them..." Jones to
The Rail Splitter and reply by Mrs. W.L. Clark, October 17,
1927, BOX 1 File 26, KKK, EWHS.
8 . Floyd Johnson to Lewis Terwilliger, October 10, 1924, Box

9. Floyd Johnson to Dr. L.D. Johnson, Grand Dragon of

Wyoming, March 29, 1924, Box 1 File 24, KKK, EWHS.
10. Kligrapp to imperial Palace, Form K-114, January 10,

1925. KKK, EWHS.
11. Johnson was banished "for conspiracy to upset the

harmony within the Klan and against its best interests and
102
for marked insubordination against its lawful authority."

For reasons that are unclear, the Klan lifted the banishment
two years later. Minutes, January 20, 1925, Box 3 File 7 and
February 9, 1927, Box 3 File 9, KKK, EWHS.
12. Albert Jones to Lewis Terwilliger, February 13, 1928,

13. Lewis Terwilliger to Albert Jones, December 9, 1927 and

January 6, 1928, Box 5 Files 3 and 5, KKK, EWHS.
14. The Riders even used oil on their cross instead of

gasoline for a more reddish glow. C. Oliver, interview by
author, notes in possession of author, August 2, 1990.
15. J.B. Kula to Lewis Terwilliger, April 27, 1924, Box 5

File 1, KKK, EWHS.
16. The Royal Riders of the Red Robe was replaced in late
1924 by the American Krusaders. Terwilliger generously
stated that all Riders would "be given the privilege of
transferring their membership to this new order without
cost." Lewis Terwilliger, Official Circular, October 24,
1924, Box 5 File 1. Also, see Albert Jones to Lewis
Terwilliger, July 14, 1927, Box 5 File 3, KKK, EWHS.
17. Minutes, Klorero, 1928, Box 4 File 29, KKK, EWHS.
18. "Considering the situation in Butte...all correspondence

with Butte should go through your hands and that none of the
membership in Butte be revealed to other Klansmen unless
necessary." Lewis Terwilliger to W.C. Husband, July 22, 1924,
19. Floyd S. Cofer to James Bray, March 30, 1925, Box 1,

File 5; Bray to Cofer, March 31, 1925, Box 1 File 5. KKK,
EWHS.
20. Lewis Terwilliger to Mrs. D. Cohen, January 23, 1929,

21. Kontinental Klan to W.J. Sullivan, Chairman of Parade,

Chamber of Commerce, June 21, 1928, Box 1 File 27, KKK,
EWHS. The estimate of several thousand Klansmen was a very
optimistic one. Extrapolating Klansmen's numbers in Montana
from the Realm tax data, there were approximately 1,500
Klansmen in Montana. See the Realm Financial Report, 1928,
22. This most certainly was the case with John Lindquist,
since he was a member of the Royal Riders of the Red Robe in
103
Butte. Members did vote to appoint Lindquist as the organizer

for the Riders, but it is unclear whether or not he assumed
that position. Minutes, Special meeting, February 22, 1924,
Box 3 File 6. Minutes, April 9; May 6, 1924, Box 3 File 6.
Information is lacking for 1926, but the Kontinental Klan
established a political committee "for the purpose of putting
certain politicians in the running at next election...."
Minutes, August 13, 1926, Box 3 File 8. The platform
committee for the People's School Party, seven of nine who
were Klansmen or former Klansmen, emphasized that the
candidates would "prevent...all political and religious
considerations from entering into the deliberations or
decisions of the school board." Platform of Peoples School
Party, March 27, 1928, Box 3 File 19, KKK, EWHS.
23. Minutes, May 6, 1924, Box 3 File 6, KKK, EWHS.
24. Albert Jones to Lewis Terwilliger, November 20, 1928,

KKK, EWHS.
25. Terwilliger explained that the Klan opted for a

"defensive" position rather than an offensive position
because of the Klan's small numbers in the legislature.
Official Circular, March 1925, Box 5 File 2, KKK, EWHS.
26. Minutes, April 24, 1924, Box 3 File 6, KKK, EWHS.
27. Lewis Terwilliger, Official Circular, October 30, 1924,

28. Bozeman Kligrapp, July 18, 1928, Box 1 File 27, KKK,
EWHS.
29. Letter, "A few objections to an editorial appearing in

the Butte Miner of June 27, 1928," Kontinental Klan, July 3,
30. The American Publicity League, Robert. J. Warren, 1928,

Box 1 File 27. Solicitation for membership, International
Protestant Foundation, Inc., New York, October 20, 1927, Box
1 File 23. Membership card, Box 1 File 28, KKK, EWHS.
31. The Rail Splitter even offered a book that blamed the
assassination of Abraham Lincoln on the Pope. The author had
"compiled and published a mass of evidence" showing the Roman
Catholic Church had conspired to assassinate Lincoln, General
Grant and members of the cabinet." The Rail Splitter
Catalogue. The Rail Splitter Press, Milan, Illinois. Box 1
File 10. KKK, EWHS.
104
32. James S. Vance to Albert Jones, October 18, 1928, Box 1

File 27. KKK, EWHS.
33. Ellis Waldron and Paul B. Wilson, Atlas of Montana

Elections 1889-1976. (Missoula: University of Montana: 1978),
115.
34. Albert Jones to Lewis Terwilliger, November 13, 1928,

KKK, EWHS.
35. Butte was quick to violate the Volstad Act. The Butte
Evening News reported on January 1, 1919 that two saloons
were raided, one where over thirty men were drinking. The
Butte Miner noted in 1924 that Butte wanted "a cleanup of the
bootleggers for it is heartily tired of the way bootleggers
have been cleaning up here." April 11, 1924.
36. Kalispell Times. September 7, 1922, 4. Also, see

Michael P. Malone, The Battle for Butte (Seattle: The
University of Washington Press, 1981), 74 and Work Project
Administration, Copper Camp (New York: Hasting House, 1943),
10. Montana had enacted its prohibition law in January 1919,
and just a few hours later, officers arrested a liquor
dealer. 6
37. Minutes, November 9, 1927, Box 3 File 9, KKK, EWHS.
38. Minutes September 16, 1925, Box 3 File 7, KKK, EWHS.
39. For example, Lewis Terwilliger demanded that his

official circular on secrecy be read four consecutive times
in Klonklave.
40. See the "National Klan Educational Program" for 1923,

Box 4 File 13, KKK, EWHS. Lectures were divided into
spiritual, governmental, civic, educational and patriotic
categories.
41. Minutes, January 20, 1925, April 14, 1925, Box 3 File 7.
KKK, EWHS. Members recommended that the Kligrapp obtain
10,000 copies of oath for distribution, if Terwilliger
allowed it. Terwilliger later denounced the oath, stating
that the Klan had enough ammunition against the Catholics
without resorting to a false paper. Minutes April 14, 1925,
Box 3 File 7; Terwilliger, Official circular, October 31,

Klansmen "motioned" and "seconded" almost everything,
including paying the monthly bills. Minutes, November 17,
1923, Box 3 File 4, KKK, EWHS.
105
44. Minutes, December 14, 1927, Box 3 File 9, KKK, EWHS.
45. James L. Parker to Albert Jones, January 10, 1929, Box 1

File 27, KKK, EWHS.
46. Minutes, June 9, 1925 and July 1, 1927, February 22,

1924, are just three examples. Mrs. Jones to "Albert’s
friends," January 9, 1929, Box 1 File 27, KKK, EWHS.
47. Relief Committee Report, February 24, 1924, KKK, EWHS.
48. Kligrapp's First Quarter Report, 1925, Box 2 File 14,

KKK, EWHS.
49. Ibid. and Minutes, December 6, 1924, December 16, 1924,

Box 3 File 6. Minutes, January 3, 1925, Box 3 File 7,
Minutes, December 28, 1927, Box 3 File 9, KKK, EWHS.
50. Minutes, February 13, 1924; February 22, 1924; March 12,
1924; Special, March 26, 1924; Box 3 File 6, KKK, EWHS.
51. See Alvin J. Schmidt, Fraternal Organizations (Westport,

Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 3-19 and Charles Merz, "Sweet
Land of Secrecy," Harpers Magazine 154 (1927): 332.
52. See Charles Alexander, "Kleagles and Cash," 350. Though

Alexander never gave the cause for the failure of the
insurance program, it was probably due to financial reasons
and that most Klansmen were covered by other fraternal
insurance programs.
53. In particular Terwilliger noted that the Billings

Deaconess Hospital was worthy of support, especially since
"the enemies of Protestantism" were attempting to dismantle
it. Terwilliger, Official Circular, December 6, 1924, Box 5
File 1, KKK, EWHS.
54. Minutes, December 6, 1924, Box 3 File 6, KKK, EWHS.
55. The Butte Kligrapp expressed "regrets" to the

Intermountain Union College in Helena that the Klan could not
afford to help them. Minutes, December 22, 1925, Box 3
File 7, KKK, EWHS.
56. Minutes, July 28, 1925, Box 3 File 7, KKK, EWHS.

10 6
57. Jones to Terwilliger, November 20, 1928 and Terwilliger

to Jones, November 28, 1928, Box 5 File 5, KKK, EWHS.
58. The Kligrapp failed to indicate whether his amendment

passed. Amendments by Kontinental Klan and remarks by
Terwilliger, March 4, 1929, Box 1 File 35, KKK, EWHS.
59. Minutes, March 10, 1925, Box 3File 7, KKK, EWHS.
60. Minutes, October 21, 1924, Box 3 File 6, KKK, EWHS.
63. Minutes, July 1, 1928, Box 3 File 10; C. U. Brown to

Albert Jones, August 3, 1928, Box 1 File 27, KKK, EWHS.
64. Albert W. Jones to C. U. Brown, July 28, 1928, Box 1

File 27, KKK, EWHS.
CHAPTER FIVE
"KLUXER BLUES"!
"An army is not continuously

engaged in fighting. There are
sometimes lengthy periods of
watching and training."
Grand Dragon Lewis Terwilliger2
The decline started almost immediately. Despite a slow
yet steady increase in membership that netted 101 Klansmen by
the beginning of the first quarter of 1924, the Kontinental
Klan naturalized only 81 men over the next five years. Any
gain the Klan made was nullified because the number of
Klansmen suspended far surpassed the number reinstated in any
given quarter (except for a brief surge at the end of 1927 in
response to Al Smith's presidential campaign).
Many factors contributed to the Kontinental K l a n 's
collapse, among which was the Klan's fall from power at the
national and state levels. Klansmen in Butte also had to
contend with their own unique set of problems that dictated
their strength in the community. These conditions
undoubtedly contributed to the Klan's demise in Butte. In
addition, a gradual yet growing discontent with the ability
of secret fraternities to meet changing needs influenced the
order's ability to attract members.
All of this combined to erode an already small
107
108
membership and affected attendance at the twice monthly
meetings. During 1924, the Kontinental Klan recorded an
average of just 24 members at each meeting, while the average
net members in good standing (those who had paid their dues),
numbered 90. In 1925 the numbers were essentially the same.
An average of 19 members attended the meetings in 1926 though
only 38 members remained in good standing— a significant
decrease from the previous year. In 1927, 1928 and 1929,
less than half of the members in good standing attended
meetings.3 Whether a core of Klansmen attended the meetings
or if attendance was more evenly distributed, is unclear.4
What is clear was that, for various reasons, Klansmen
sporadically attended the meetings even if they had already
paid their quarterly dues.
Further, most of the charter members abandoned the Klan
within a year; only two remained for the entire six years.5
This may have been the result of inflated expectations on the
part of the new Klansmen, of whom a disproportionate share
were businessmen. If they had entertained thoughts of
increasing business contacts, they mostly likely became
disappointed before long with the small membership and the
stagnant rate of growth of the order. But there were other
reasons.
In part, the apparent apathy of Klansmen arose as a
result of the organization’s impotence in Butte. Continual
urging by Imperial and Realm headquarters to increase

membership by recruiting new Knights and reinstating old
ones, in addition to planting 100 per cent Americanism in
society and politics placed heavy demands on local orders.
The Kontinental Klan missed on all counts. Success in the
community and a steady flow of cash into the Imperial
treasury was what determined the worthiness of local orders
in the eyes of Klan officials, not that local orders
instituted fraternal funds or threw festive banquets. Since
the Kontinental Klan failed to make an impact in the largely
immigrant and Catholic community of Butte, those Klansmen who
had desired to play a more activist role as agents of real
change would likely have felt discouraged about the K l a n 's
lack of progress.
Some Klansmen may have questioned the wisdom of
belonging to an organization that was clearly not welcome in
Butte. Membership in the Kontinental Klan did not offer a
viable avenue for furthering one's contacts, insurance
benefits, or prestige; indeed, it was probably a
disadvantage. Secret fraternities such as the Masons and the
Knights of Pythias were well-established— and accepted, while
the Klan was relatively new on the fraternal scene. This
might have been advantageous in terms of offering novel
rituals, ceremonies, and costumes, but the Klan depended on
igniting and maintaining members' emotional fears about
Catholics, blacks, Jews, and others who "threatened" white
Protestant America. Although Klansmen would not find in the

11 0
other secret fraternities the vehemently anti-Catholic and
racist position of the Klan, or the political aspirations,
most secret fraternities harbored enough nativist sentiment
to satisfy at least some.6 other orders provided comaradarie,
entertainment, and fraternal insurance, along with a generous
dose of secret mysteries and dramatic ceremonies. True, the
Klan incorporated the essence of secret fraternalism, the
solemn rituals, binding oaths and the appeal of escaping the
ordinary, but secret fraternalism was one thing; having to
hide its very existence from the community was another.
Besides worrying about exposure, Klansmen had to reckon
with the order's economic demands. The toll on Klansmen's
pocketbooks began with the ten dollar Klecktoken. The robe
and helmet cost an additional five dollars, which the member
forfeited if he left the order.7 Klansmen submitted quarterly
taxes to both Imperial and Realm headquarters which charged
45 cents and 25 cents per quarter respectively. On top of
the taxes, Klansmen also had to pay local dues — $1.50 per
quarter — for rent, ritualistic equipment, office supplies,
stationary, and the sixteen required "K" forms, such as "Form
K-110 (Membership Dues Cards) and "Form K-106" (Klode Cards).s
In addition, members were expected to contribute to political
funds and fraternal funds, and to subscribe to the Kourier
and other Klan operated or Klan endorsed publications.9
The Klan also extracted money for degrees. The
Kleetoken covered the price of K-Uno, but both K-Duo and K-

Ill
Trio cost five dollars (except when the national organization
ran special offers).™ The extra cost did not go unnoticed by
Kontinental Klansmen. Members expressed their displeasure
over the price of the K-Duo degree, likely because they were
also expected to pitch in an additional sum for renting a
meeting hall once a month.11
In other words, the cost of belonging added up in a
hurry. Piling this expense on top of_demands made by other
fraternities would force any financially strapped Klansman to
reconsider his membership and to question whether belonging
was worth the price. At least two Kontinental Klansmen
decided that it was not. Klabee C. Steele informed Albert
Jones in October 1927 that Klansman O.C. Kirkwald wanted to
reinstate, but "economic reasons interfere with his plans."12
The most telling letter came from J.A. Orrell in December
1927. Orrell stated firmly,
Now Mr. Jones I do not want the boys to think I am

trying to side step my duties or obligations, but I am
not in a position to keep up my payments...I have had
to drop all but my Masonic order and I am not paid up
with them so you see my financial condition is not in a
position to carry on the dues. So if the Boys will
grant me a withdrawal card I certainly appreciate it
then when I feel able to go on I will join again.13
He never did. Besides revealing that he could no longer
afford membership in the Klan, Orrell's choice of
fraternities indicated the relative appeal of the Klan and
the Masons, at least by the late 1920's. Clearly, membership
in the Masons registered a notch higher on the fraternal

112
hierarchy than membership in the Klan. Orrell was probably
not alone in his decision. Judging from scattered obituaries
of Kontinental Klansmen, many had remained faithful Masons up
until their death. Meanwhile, Klan membership continued to
tumble. By the time Jones read Orrell's letter, total net
membership in the Kontinental Klan had slipped to 55.
Personal economic difficulties then, played a major role
in declining membership. Financial obligations also affected
the local order as a whole. Though local Klans were allowed
to keep a percentage of Klectokens and fees from degrees,
most of the money members remitted disappeared into the
bottomless Imperial Treasury. Concerned Klansmen at the
Montana Klorero of 1929 discussed the financial burden that
had crippled many local organizations such as the Kontinental
Klan. The committee adopted a resolution affirming that the
serious financial condition of Klans in Montana was "due
primarily to the fact that the Realm and Imperial taxes are
excessive in proportion to the dues that can be levied...."
It urged imperial and Realm officials to "reduce the
assessments" in order to revive the remaining, floundering
Klans.14 Their pleas went unanswered.
Economic matters not withstanding, Kontinental Klansmen
also had to contend with negative publicity about the Ku Klux
Klan in their home newspaper.15 The editors of the Butte
Miner described the Klan as a "farce comedy," "a consummate
sham," and that the secret order's "conception of 100 per

113
cent Americanism...appear[ed] to be largely based on hate."*6
On a sarcastic note, the editors remarked, "How much better
the title of American Citizen sounds than 'kleagle,' grand
wizard,' 'cyclops' and all such stuff.”17 They also reminded
their readers that religious liberty and religious tolerance
played a crucial role in the nation's political integrity and
that the Klan threatened to violate that integrity. If the
secret order was allowed to germinate in the political area,
then, the editor warned gravely, "the nation will be facing a
great peril, "is
Locally, citizens of Butte discovered that the Klan was
the butt of mischievous pranks. In one instance, two boys,
12 and 13 years old, conned one woman by handing her a note
that curtly stated the Klan would kill her if she refused to
give them $150.00.19 Several months later, the Butte Miner
reported that "Fiery Crosses” were seen blazing on two sides
of Butte on the eve of St. Patrick’s day. Investigating
officers believed that "practical jokers who are possessed of
a perverted sense of humor" were responsible for the cross
burnings .20 The Butte Miner made no further mention of the
incident.
Such advertisement only reinforced any negative opinions
of the Klan held by Butte citizens. It also may have
deterred possible candidates from joining, simply because of
the stigma attached to belonging. Klansmen at the Montana

114
Klorero of 1928 indirectly assigned the blame for declining
membership to unfavorable publicity, stating that Klansmen
faced huge obstacles when recruiting "since as a rule the non
member is imbued with false prejudice to start wit h . . . . ”21
But besides "false prejudices" and negative press, the
Kontinental Klan, like other secret fraternities, competed in
a losing battle with mass media entertainment. By the mid to
late 1920’s, Americans were ready to sample new and modern
forms of recreation like cars, radio, sports, and movies.
Such rapidly growing activities beckoned to those who wanted
to keep in time with a changing American society. In
particular, the Klan's "crusading spirit... seemed out of
place" in this atmosphere where Americans were ready for "a
long, prosperous, happy weekend . "22
Dues paying fraternalists in Butte could skip lodge
night and see a show at one of the five movie theatres. Ten
to fifty cents paid for a night of escape, without the
demands of belonging to a secret fraternity. Comedies
replaced solemn rituals ("Laughter is a cure for many ills"
reminded the Butte Miner), but movie goers could be assured
of a wide variety of films on any given evening since
theatres changed selections every two or three d a y s .23
Increased availability of cars also influenced p e o p l e 's
lives by expanding their opportunities to socialize with
friends or family in other communities. The Butte Miner
realized the appeal and devoted a separate section of the

115
Sunday edition to cars. Readers could envy photographs of
the latest models and peruse travel tips and vacation ideas
while sipping their morning coffee.
When they had finished the section on cars, perhaps they
flipped to the sports page. Fans in Butte could follow the
careers of national heroes like Babe Ruth and Jack Dempsey,
who shared the headlines with local athletes. An amateur
baseball league that boasted ten teams lured baseball
enthusiasts to the parks to cheer home runs, stolen bases,
and strike-outs. Even the "eskimo weather" on opening day in
1928 failed to deter 2,500 eager fans from witnessing the
first games of the season.24
Besides baseball, other events attracted potential and
current fraternalists. Frequent dance parties at Columbia
Gardens and Gregson Springs provided plenty of live
entertainment and a change of pace from the strictly all-male
secret fraternities. Additional participatory activities
included recreational and sports clubs, such as tennis and
trapshooting. Such clubs were cheaper than fraternities.
For instance, the Butte Anglers Club charged one dollar a
year for dues. Residents could also take in an amateur
boxing match at the YMCA or bet on the greyhound races
sponsored by the Highland Kennel Club.25
In addition, the rapidly growing network of service
clubs offered another option for businessmen or for those who
simply desired some of secret fraternalism's benefits such as

116
comraderie, doing "good work," and business contacts. The
Lions, Kiwanis and Rotary Clubs catered to people who desired
membership in an organization with a set program, but who
wanted to dispense with the traditional and time consuming
rituals of secret fraternalism.26
How could secret fraternities possibly keep up with such
a wide variety of entertainment, where each week and each
season would bring forth different activities? Men simply
became too busy to give the same kind of attention to secret
fraternities as they, or their fathers, once had in the past.
This trend was most notable among younger men. Since secret
fraternities depended on a steady supply of young people to
replenish the ranks, the decreased interest on the part of
the young in the whole structure of fraternalism spelled
eminent disaster.27 Secret fraternities, among their other
attributes, had once provided a traditional rite of passage
from youth to manhood. Now, instead of learning "the
masculine message of the rituals," rituals that glorified and
emphasized conventional values, young men looked to their
peers for approval and for guidance.28 As Mark Carnes
remarked in his study of secret fraternalism, "the movement
was dying of old age."2^
The Ku Klux Klan had to face these concerns just as much
as other secret fraternities, even its membership reflected
this trend— the average age of Kontinental Klansmen in 1925
was 39 years. 30 unlike other fraternities, however, the Klan

117
experienced additional problems. In general, the Klan's
attempts to purge communities once and for all of
bootlegging, immoral activities, corruption, and especially,
of Catholics in political and educational arenas, failed.
The Klan could not prevent A1 Smith's nomination as standard
bearer for the Democratic party in 1928. People still drank.
Gambling and prostitution still existed. And Catholics,
along with an increasing number of second generation
immigrants, were settling down nicely, adjusting to American
society and Americans were adjusting to them.
Likely, Kontinental Klansmen shifted uncomfortably in
their robes as they became aware of this situation. Just
because members had turned more toward the secret fraternal
aspects of the order, did not mean that they closed their
eyes to the perceived problems, nor did it mean that they
were any less anti-Catholic because of their impotence in the
community. It simply meant that the Kontinental Klan faced a
no-win situation. Not accepted by the community at large, it
could not successfully pursue an activist program. Emphasis
on the more fraternal aspects of the order only wound up in a
competition with other fraternities and with new forms of
entertainment.
The Kontinental Klan's demise signalled more than an end
to another local chapter in the diminishing Klan network. It
also meant that the religious tension that had reached its
stormy heights in the 1880's between the American Protective

1 18
Association and the Irish Catholics was slowly diminishing.
In short, people were simply adjusting; and, while prejudices
certainly existed, activist organizations that catered to
religious intolerance and white supremacy failed to interest
the majority of the American public.
The nine Kontinental Klansmen who remained by the end of
1929 reflected this disinterest. If they wanted to continue
their ties with the Klan, they could have linked up with the
remaining members, if any, of the Jefferson Klan in
Whitehall, with whom they shared so many evenings. If they
desired to keep in touch with national activities, they could
join the Grand Klan of Montana, still led by Grand Dragon
Lewis Terwilliger. Certainly, the appeal of belonging to the
Klan did not diminish for Albert W. Jones. In 1931, two
years after the Kontinental Klan had disbanded, he wrote a
letter to Terwilliger hoping for a bit of fraternal
benevolence in finding Jones' brother a job. He also wanted
to purchase the January Kourier. Ever cautious, Jones
requested that the imperial Palace send the "under a plain
cover" and without the "letter K 30" after his name.31 Butte
may have forgotten about the Ku Klux Klan but for the former
Kligrapp, fear of exposure still gnawed at his soul.

119
NOTES
1. Chapter title is from a song in American Hvmns, (Buffalo,

KKK, EWHS.
2. Lewis Terwilliger, Official Circular, December 3, 1928,

3. Percentages and averages for both attendance and members

in good standing were taken from the Kligrapp's quarterly
reports.
4. The Kligrapp usually noted the attendance at each

meeting, but only by the number attending and not a specific
list.
5. Charter membership list, 1924; Transfer membership list,

1929. Box 1 File 24, KKK, EWHS.
6 . See Noel P. Gist, "Secret Societies: A Cultural Study of

Fraternalism in the united States," University of Missouri
Studies, XV (October 1940): 129-131; Mary Ann Clawson,
Constructing Brotherhood: Class. Gender and Fraternalism.
(Princeton University Press, 1989), 131-132.
7. For a few months in late summer, the cost of a robe was

added on to the Klectoken totalling fifteen dollars. The
Imperial Palace may have decreed this new law with Montana in
mind considering that only 11.2 percent of all new citizens
purchased robes for third quarter 1924. Lewis Terwilliger,
Official Circular, November 11, 1924, Box 5 File 1; June 24,
1927, Box 5 File 3, KKK, EWHS. See By-Laws of Kontinental
Klan No. 30, December 26, 1923, Box 1 File 35. See
"Constitution and Laws of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan,"
(Atlanta, Georgia, 1926), Box 4 File 1, KKK, EWHS, Article
XVIII, Section 19, p. 34.
8 . See Charles C. Alexander, "Kleagles and Cash: The Ku

Klux Klan As a Business Organization, 1915-1930," Bus Hist
Rev 39 (1965): 360-361. By-Laws of Kontinental Klan No. 30,
December 26, 1923, KKK, EWHS.
9. Ibid.; Minutes, March 21, 1924, Box 3 File 6, KKK, EWHS.

120
10. See Chapter three, p. 67 for examples.
11. K-Duo minutes, April 8 , 1925, Box 3 File 5, KKK, EWHS.

At a later meeting however, Kontinental Klansmen did not
shirk from paying a fellow member's K-Duo fee. K-Duo
minutes, May 14, 1925, Box 3 File 5, KKK, EWHS.
12. Charles Steele to Albert Jones, October 17, 1927, Box 2

File 15, KKK, EWHS.
13. J.A. Orrell to Albert Jones, December 17, 1927, Box 1

File 26, KKK, EWHS. At the time, Orrell was on a business
trip in California.
14. Minutes of Klorero, October 20, 1929, Box 4 File 29,

KKK, EWHS.
15. Publicity may have helped the Klan in its beginning when
Simmons, Clark, and Tyler were trying to branch out from the
South, particularly when the New York World came out with its
series of expose's in 1921. Simmons stated that the added
publicity greatly aided the Klan's growth, especially when
Congress reacted by launching an investigation of the Klan
that resulted in nothing more than added exposure. Simmons
recognized this. "Certain newspapers also aided us by
inducing Congress to investigate us. The result was that
Congress gave us the best advertising we ever got. Congress
made u s ." Quoted in David M . Chalmers, Hooded Americanism;
The First Century of the Ku Klux Klan 1865-1965. (New York:
Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1965), 38.
16. Butte Miner. December 2, 1923; January 13, 1924.
17. Butte Miner.November 23, 1923.
18. Butte Miner.September 7, 1922.
19. Billinas Gazette. 9-2-23, 10. The boys were discovered

after purchasing a motorcycle at a local dealership. Both
pleaded guilty and the money was returned to a relieved Mrs.
Bennets.
20. Butte Miner. March 18, 1924.
21. Minutes, Korero, 1928, Box 4 File 29, KKK, EWHS.
22. Charles C. Alexander, Crusade for Conformity: The Ku

Klux Klan in Texas. 1920-1930 (Texas Gulf Coast Historical
121
Association, pub. series, Vol VI, No. 1, 1962), 79; Gist,

"Secret Societies," 41-43.
23. Butte Miner. May 13, 1928.
24. Butte Miner. May 15, 1928.
25. For examples, see the Butte Miner for May, 1928.
26. Most secret fraternities realized they were losing

current and potential members to the temptations of
modernity. The Nebraska Fraternal Congress considered
modernizing and shortening the rituals in 1932 in an effort
to boost sagging membership. By 1940, the Knights of Pythias
admitted that the days of secret drama, symbolism and mystery
no longer served a purpose— autos, movies, and service
organizations had taken their place. Noel P. Gist, "Secret
Societies: A Cultural Study of Fraternalism in the United
States," University of Missouri Studies XV (October 1940):
43. The international Order of Odd Fellows also pondered the
effects of modernity as a cause of slipping membership. See
Charles W. Ferguson, Fifty Million Brothers. (New York:
Farrar & Rinehart, Inc., 1937),
232-233.
27. Most secret orders established boys orders for the very
purpose of grooming young people to carry on the traditional
ceremonies— witness the De Molays for the Masons and the
Junior Ku Klux Klan. See Mark C. Carnes, Secret Ritual and
Manhood in Victorian America. (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1989), 151-156 for secret fraternalism's decline.
28. See Carnes, Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian

America. 151 and Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood. 260.
29. Ibid., 151-155.
30. Ages for Klansmen were derived from cemetery records

from the Butte Silver Bow Archives (N=37) and membership
receipts from the Ku Klux Klan Files in Spokane, Washington,
Box 2, (N=28). Ages were available for 65 members. For ages
from the cemetery figures the year of birth was subtracted
from the arbitrary year of 1925. Average age = 39.2; median
= 37.5; range = 23-77.
31. Jones to Terwilliger, February 14, 1931, Box 1 File 27,

KKK, EWHS.
122
WORKS CITED: BOOKS
Alexander, Charles C. Crusade for Conformity: The Ku Klux

Klan in Texas, 1920-1930. Texas Gulf Coast Historical
Association, pub. series, vol VI, No. 1, 1962.
________ . The Ku Klux Klan in the Southwest. University of

Kentucky Press, 1965.
Allport, Gordon W. The Nature of Prejudice. Addison-Wesely

Publishing Co., Inc., 1954; reprint, Doubleday & Co., Inc.,
1958.
Brinck and Malone. Butte City Directory. Brinck and Malone,

Butte, Montana, 1923.
Bureau of the Census. Fourteenth Census of the United

States: 1920. Vol III Population. Washington D. C . : GPO,
1921.
_. Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930. Vol.

_
III. Population. Washington D. C.: GPO, 1931.
. Religious Bodies. Washington D. C.: GPO, 1926.

_
Carnes, Mark C. Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian

America. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989.
Chalmers, David M. Hooded Americanism: The First Century of

the Ku Klux Klan 1865-1965». New York: Doubleday & Company,
Inc., 1965.
Chamber of Commerce. Butte. Montana. 1927.
Clawson, Mary Ann. Constructing Brotherhood: Class. Gender

and Fraternalism. Princeton University Press, 1989.
Coben, Stanley. Rebellion Against Victorianism: The Impetus

for Cultural Change in 1920's America. New York: Oxford
University Press, 1991.
Dever, Lem A. Masks Off! Confessions of an Imperial

Klansman. Oregon, 2nd edition, 1925.
Emmons, David M. The Butte Irish: Class and Ethnicity in an

American Mining Town. 1875-1925. University of Illinois
Press, 1989.
Ferguson, Charles W. Fifty Million Brothers. New York:

Farrar & Rinehart, Inc., 1937.
123
Fry, Henry P. The Modern Ku Klux Klan. Boston: Small,

Maynard & Co., 1922; reprint, New York: Negro Universities
Press, 1969.
Fuller, Edgar I. The Visible of the Invisible Empire.

Maelstrom Publishing Co., 1925.
Higham, John. Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American

Nativism 1860-1925. New Brunswick: Rutgers University
Press, 2nd. edition, 1988.
Howard Joseph Kinsey. Montana: High Wide, and Handsome.

New Haven: Yale University Press, 1943.
Jackson, Kenneth T. The Ku Klux Klan in the City. 1915-1930.

Oxford University Press, 1967.
Jones, Colonel Winfield. Knights of the Ku Klux Klan. New

York, 1941.
Kinzer, Donald L. An Episode in Anti-Catholicism: The

American Protective Association. Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 1964.
Malone, Michael P. The Battle for Butte. Seattle: The

University of Washington Press, 1981.
Mecklin, John Moffat. The Ku Klux Klan. A Study of the

American Mi n d . Russell & Russell, 1963.
Montana: Its Story and Biography. Chicago: The American

Historical Society, 1921.
Monteval, Marion [Edgar I. Fuller]. The Klan inside Out.

Claremore, Okla., 1928; reprint, Negro Universities Press,
1970.
Polk, R. L. Butte City Directory. St Paul and Butte: R. L.

Polk Publishing Company, 1919-1931.
Rice, Arnold S. The Ku Klux Klan in American Politics.

Washington D. C.: Public Affairs Press, 1962.
Progressive Men of the State of Montana. Chicago: A. W.

Bowen and Co., 1902.
Schmidt, Alvin J. Fraternal Organizations. The Greenwood

Encyclopedia of American Institutions. Westport, Conn.:
Greenwood Press, 1980.
124
Simmons, William Joseph. The Klan Unmasked. Atlanta: Wm.

E. Thompson Publishing Co., 2nd edition, 1924.
Stoddard, Lothrop. The Rising Tide of Color. New York:

Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920.
Toole, K. Ross. Twentieth-centurv Montana: A State of

Extremes. University of Oklahoma Press, 1972.
Works Project Administration (WPA). Copper Camp: Stories of

the World's Greatest Minina town. Butte. Montana. New York:
Hasting House, 1943.
WORKS CITED: ARTICLES
Alexander, Charles C. "Kleagles and Cash: The Ku Klux Klan

as a Business Organization, 1925-1930." Bus. Hist. R e v . 39
(1965): 348-367.
Blumer, Herbert. "Introduction to Social Movements." The

Sociology of Dissent. R. S. Denisoff, editor. 1974, 4-20.
Carter, Everett. "Cultural History Written with Lightning:

the Significance of The Birth of a Nation." American
Quarterly. 12 (1960): 347-357.
Emmons, David M. "The Orange and the Green in Montana: A

Reconsideration of the Origins of the Clark-Daly Feud."
Arizona and the West. 28 (1986): 225-245.
Fritz, Nancy Rice. "The Montana Council of Defense." unpub.

M. A. Thesis, University of Montana, 1966.
Gist, Noel P. "Secret Societies: A Cultural Study of

Fraternalism in the United States." University of Missouri
Studies. XV (1940): 1-115.
Goldberg, Robert Alan. "Hooded Empire: The Ku Klux Klan in

Colorado.: PhD. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-
Madison, 1977.
Gutfeld, Arnon. "Years of Hysteria, Montana 1917-1921."

PhD. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles,
1971.
12 5
Holstine, Craig. "Marching As to war: The Ku Klux Klan in

Eastern Washington in the 1920's." unpub. paper, presented
at the Pacific Northwest Historical Conference, Helena,
Montana, 17 May 1985.
Merz, Charles. "Sweet Land of Secrecy." Harpers Magazine.

154 (1927): 329-334.
Miller, Robert Moats. "A Note on the Relationships between

the Protestant Churches and the Revived Ku Klux Klan."
Journal of Southern History. 22 (1956): 355-368.
Murphy, Paul L. "Sources and Nature of Intolerance in the

1920's." Mississippi Valiev Review. LI (1964): 60-76.
Myers, William Starr. "The Ku Klux Klan ofToday." North

American Review. 223 (1926): 304-309.
Schlessinger, Arthur M. "Biography of a Nation of Joiners."

American Historical Review. L (1944): 1-25.
Scott, Martin J. "Catholics and the Ku Klux Klan." North

American Review. 223 (1926): 268-281.
Shephard, William G. "How I Put Over the Klan." Collier’s .

LXXXII (1928): 5-7.
________ . "Ku Klux Koin." Collier's. LXXXII (1928): 8-9.
INTERVIEWS
Little, Gladys. Interview by Laurie Mercier. September 1,

1982, Oral History 328, Tape 1. Montana Historical
Society, Helena, Montana.
Oliver, C. Interview by author. August 2, 1990. Notes in

possession of author.
Rasmussen, Louise G. Interview by Laurie Mercier. October

11, 1984, Oral History 812, Tape 1. Montana Historical
Society, Helena, Montana.
Vicars, Joe. Interview by Laurie Mercier. November 2, 1984,

Oral History 813, Tape 1. Montana Historical Society,
Helena, Montana.
126
NEWSPAPERS
Anaconda Standard
Billinas Gazette
Butte Daily Post
Butte Evening News
Butte Miner
Daily intermountain (Butte)
Examiner (Butte)
Jefferson Valiev News
Montana Standard (Butte)
Park County News
COLLECTIONS USED
Ku Klux Klan files, Small Collections 236, Eastern Washington

Historical Society, Spokane, Washington.
Montana Historical Society, Helena, Montana.
Silver Bow Archives, Butte, Montana.

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Boys in Butte: The Ku Klux Klan confronts the Catholics

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THE KU KLUX KLAN CONFRONTS THE CATHOLICS, 1923-1929.

B. A., University of Montana, 1988

Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

hairman, Boatd of Examiners

All rights reserved

INFORMATION TO ALL U SERS

In th e unlikely ev en t that the author did not se n d a com plete m anuscript

P roQ uest LLC.

The Boys in Butte: The Ku Klux Klan

Director: Michael S. Mayer

This thesis examines the Ku Klux Klan in Butte, Montana

"THE KLAN IS COMING"......................... 6

"COME JOIN THE K.K.K.

"THE MYSTIC CITY"........................... 44

"THE KLAN IS HERE TO STAY"..................80

"KLUXER BLUES"............................. 107

TO THE GRAND DRAGON, HYDRAS, GREAT TITANS, FURIES,

With this greeting, Imperial Wizard Hiram Wesley Evans

ushered the Realm of Montana into the Invisible Empire on

September 16, 1923. The Montana Ku Klux Klan had expanded

sufficiently to warrant official Realm status and joined the

to 5 million members. Complete with appropriate "herewiths"

and "hereby otdereds," this official document briskly divided

Montana into four Provinces, appointed Hydras and Great

Titans to assist in governing, and sternly laid out the

financial responsibilities of the Montana Klan to the

Imperial Palace. Although these financial obligations would

plague the Realm, such problems, and others, would surface

only later. In 1923 the future appeared promising, at least

to the irrepressible Grand Dragon of Montana, Lewis

Terwilliger. In his first official document, Terwilliger

pronounced optimistically that the Ku Klux Klan embodied "the

very soul of America, and is growing by leaps and bounds from

coast to coast...." Montana Klansmen were "now ready to get

into the harness and operate as a real Realm o r g a n i z a t i o n ."2

Hoping to become a part of Terwilliger's vision, the

Klan in Butte received its charter on December 26, 1923.

From its official recognition to its demise in late 1929,

Kontinental Klan No. 30 encountered experiences like no other

Klan in the state. Surrounded by a large Catholic immigrant

community, Klansmen in Butte soon discovered their

limitations while looking on enviously at the growth of "real

100% towns" such as Livingston.3 In many ways, it is amazing

that the Kontinental Klan even existed, let alone survived

Klux Klan in Butte during the 1920's.

No examination of a local Klan is complete without first

understanding how the national organization worked. A brief

overview of the Klan's history, its centralized structure,

message and mechanics, will suffice— its notorious dealings

from beginning to end have been documented thoroughly.4 a

look at Montana's experience, drawn primarily from

Terwilliger's official circulars, will provide a general

background on the Klan's plans, successes and failures in the