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Does cartographic education need an epistemology? Traditions and transitions in Brazilian school 2
cartography
Introduction
Since the mid-1990s, school cartography has been consolidating itself as an important subfield of
geography education in Brazil.1 This trend is confirmed by an impressive number of academic publications,
research on maps in education, and the organization of specialized events on a regional, national, and
international level. There is a growing general interest in the topic sparked by the relevance of map
knowledge for teaching and the need to reflect on cartographic representations as powerful visual tools in
the classroom and in society in general.
In the Brazilian case, which stands out as an international example of a burgeoning research area,
cartographic education was constructed and defined through diverse geographical and transdisciplinary
ideas and philosophies at the interface between the sciences and education. These influences determined
and continue determining theoretical underpinnings, methodological approaches, modes of “doing”
geography, and teaching about maps. However, like any other field of knowledge in academic and scientific
environments, school cartography is not an immutable body of know-how, but subject to the dynamics of
an ever-changing world that requires an adaptation and adjustment to societal demands and transformations.
These changes are guided by epistemological questions and questionings, new paradigms, and
methodological innovations that result in new ways of thinking and practicing cartography in educational
settings.
The aim of this paper is to reflect on the state of art of existing traditions in cartographic education
in Brazil in order to point out critical aspects and obstacles that curb a diversified, pluralistic, and
multicultural form of teaching and learning about, with, and through maps. Are there genuine and specific
epistemologies for cartographic education or have these knowledge philosophies been derived from
scientific or educational theories? To what extent has cartographic education changed or remained the same
in the second decade of the 21st century? What is its degree of adaptability and its capacity to change? Can
different cartographic epistemologies exist in education? Or, more radically, does school cartography need
an epistemology at all?
I do not intend to answer all the questions above, but would like to use them to stimulate further
studies. For this reason, this text is an exploratory essay rather than a thorough analysis. My intention is not
to revolutionize or subvert the subfield and replace one specific approach with another, but to make an
invitation to rethink maps in theory and practice and create options and possibilities for alternative and
complementary “cartographies” that are as valid and important as the predominant discourses and
epistemologies in school cartography. For this ambitious task, I divided the text into four sections. In the
first two parts, I will discuss epistemologies in general and in the context of cartography and cartographic
education. The third section deals with the traditions and trends in Brazilian school cartography. The last
part critically assesses the current situation, points out the limits of theories, practices, configurations, and
contents, and calls attention to the potential renovation and innovation of the use of maps in cartographic
education.2
Starting point for this reflection is the proposition that any area or subarea of knowledge in the social
sciences, natural sciences, and the humanities is characterized by conflicts, tensions, agreements, and
disagreements that define its directions. Whereas disciplines like informatics, communication studies, and
geographic information science (GIScience) may undergo drastic or immediate changes due to new
technologies or methodologies, other fields remain relatively stable as in the case of hard sciences (e.g.,
chemistry or physics) or formal sciences (mathematics).
Thomas Kuhn’s impactful book “The Structure of Scientific Revolutions” (KUHN, 1962) can be
considered one of the most frequently quoted works in the debate on epistemology and transformations in
science. Kuhn attempted to develop a scientific model to understand paradigmatic shifts between periods
of “normal” and “revolutionary” science that provoke the emergence of new forms of thinking and “doing”
research and result in a renovation or even a reversal of directions, methods, and contents in a discipline.
In the case of cartographic education, the term “revolution” may sound far too dramatic to describe
the trajectory and present situation of the subfield in Brazil which is characterized by established traditions
rather than ruptures, breaks, or tidal changes. A central question is whether cartographic education “as it
is” in Brazil is prepared to face the country’s social, economic, and political reality and can cope with
educational needs.
Japanese version with blind monks by 17th-century genre painter Hanabusa Itchô, reprint from 1888, Library of Congress,
public domain (https://www.loc.gov/resource/cph.3g08725/)
Each man gains a different impression of the animal and insists that his version is the only true
story, though all the accounts are partial and do not provide a complete image of an elephant. Hetherington
understands this story as a questioning of the nature of knowledge and our limits and limitations to grasp
it, since each individual has a distinct personal idea about a topic. He writes
Imagine asking different people, ‘What is knowledge?’ This is not the same question as ‘What is
known?’ In epistemology, our aim is not to compile a list of instances of knowledge – what you
know, what your mother knows, etc. Such a list could include useful data, as we seek to understand
what knowledge is. But it is not our ultimate goal. Instead, we want to push our thinking beyond any
such list. We wish to discover what makes anything on that list an instance of knowledge: why is
your knowledge knowledge? What makes anyone’s knowledge knowledge? (HETHERINGTON,
2019, p. 2, emphasis in original).
The central questions are: What makes knowledge knowledge, how this is accepted (or rejected) in
specific groups or academic communities, and how personal knowledge becomes collective knowledge?
How are specific worldviews consolidated? Metaphorically, researchers can be blind or blinded when it
comes to scientific discourse and feel obliged to follow particular methodologies and theories, sometimes
due to peer pressure. Epistemologies are frequently followed, but rarely questioned.
A researcher may ask the following questions: How does current geographical knowledge differ
from knowledge during colonial times or from spatial ideas in Argentina? What changes have happened in
the practices and contents of cartographic education in Brazil? How were maps conceived during the phase
of the quantitative revolution in Brazilian geography or among critical geographers in the 1970s?
In recent years, the debate on epistemology in Latin America has gained more importance in post-
colonial studies, with the intention to create and support true Latin American approaches that are not based
on Eurocentric philosophies and reflect regional philosophies, or, in the words of the Portuguese sociologist
Boaventura de Sousa Santos, epistemologies of the South (SANTOS, 2014). These ideas aim to expose the
predominance of exclusive Western epistemologies that eliminate reflections of regional, cultural, and
political contexts in the production and reproduction of knowledge. This regional standpoint raises yet
another question: What would be the nature of a Latin American epistemology for cartographic education?
Cartographic epistemologies
The trajectory of cartographic thought from antiquity to the technology age of the 21st century is not
very different from other fields. Cartography constructed, destructed, obstructed, and deconstructed its
scope, procedures, and identities by undergoing changes concerning the meaning, function, and use of
maps. Cartographic epistemologies do not only refer to the development of techniques and the application
of methods. They dig deeper into how society conceives maps as a form of understanding the world. In
other words,
Philosophical thought concerning the nature of maps is of importance because it dictates how we
think about, produce and use maps; it shapes our assumptions about how we can know and measure
the world, how maps work, their techniques, aesthetics, ethics, ideology, what they tell us about the
world, the work they do in the world, and our capacity as humans to engage in mapping (KITCHIN;
PERKINS; DODGE, 2009, p. 1).
J.B. Harley (1989) affirms that models of a cartographic epistemology have been in force in Europe
since the 17th century when “European map makers and map user have increasingly promoted a standard
scientific model of knowledge and cognition” (HARLEY 1989, p. 4) that still occupies a central position
in present-day cartography. Harley uncovers the discourse of a normative science that prescribes “good”
practices, defines “correct” mapmaking, identifies (and rejects) “non-maps”, and separates the
representation on paper from reality:
The object of mapping is to produce a ‘correct’ relational model of the terrain. Its assumptions are
that the objects in the world to be mapped are real and objective, and that they enjoy an existence
independent of the cartographer; that their reality can be expressed in mathematical terms; that
systematic observation and measurement offer the only route to cartographic truth; and that this truth
can be independently verified (HARLEY, 1989, p. 4).
Publications on cartographic epistemologies concentrate their analysis on the second half of the 20th
century, when cartography consolidated itself as an academic discipline and science at universities and
when cartographers developed and adapted models of communication, representation, and visualization for
research on maps (KITCHIN; PERKINS; DODGE, 2009; CAUVIN; ESCOBAR; SERRADJ, 2010;
FERNÁNDEZ; BUCHROITHNER, 2014). Cartography upgraded from a set of techniques to a serious
science. For the Austrian cartographer Erik Arnberger, with the definition of its scope and methods,
cartography gained the status of a formal science (Formalwissenschaft) that, different from geography,
stresses forms over contents. Arnberger writes that “Cartography is the science of the logic, methodology,
and technique for the construction, production, and interpretation of maps and other cartographic forms of
expression that are adequate to evoke a spatially correct idea of reality (ARNBERGER, 1970, p. 10,
translated from German).3
Cauvin, Escobar e Serradj (2010, p. 12-23) propose three approximate phases for the development
of scientific cartography since the 1950s. In the period between 1950 and 1975, questions about the
potential of maps as a communication tool were among the central research themes linking information
theory to cartography. The cartographer changed his (very rarely her) role from “producer” or
“manufacturer” of maps to a “communicator”, with an emphasis on graphic design, cognitive psychology,
and incipient ideas about cartographic education (CAUVIN; ESCOBAR; SERRADJ, 2010, p. 14).
Particular attention was paid to the formal aspects of cartography, especially to the modes and forms of
communication, conceiving the use of symbols, shapes, and colors as a type of visual grammar, not unlike
languages and their norms.
From the mid-1970s to the mid-1990s, computers and technological innovations began to play an
essential role on all levels of map-making. Software to process large databases and interpret satellite images
became more widespread and popular. At the same time, the main focus in map production shifted from
the mapmaker to the map user and “his or her way of evaluating the information transmitted by the map,
and (…) what he or she retains from the map. The map thus becomes a ‘tool’ for reflection for its users”
(CAUVIN; ESCOBAR; SERRADJ, 2010, p. 18).
Though the model of cartography as a positivist, normative science was a dominant discourse in the
field, it also raised criticism. Post-modern map scholars like J.B. Harley (1989) and Denis Wood (1992)
began to question the objective status of maps as mirrors of the world and conceived them as cultural texts
or ideological arguments that could only be understood in the context of the society that produced them,
linking maps and mapmaking to social aspects, critical theory, and ethics.
Cauvin, Escobar e Serradj (2010) describe the third phase of scientific cartography (from about
1995 to 2009) as a time of increasing influence of information technologies and networks that resulted in a
stronger emphasis on GIScience and geovisualization, a term promoted by the American geographer Alan
MacEachren (1994) to refer to the interactive and visual analysis of data through computer interfaces, map
animation, multimedia, and other tools to improve visual communication and thinking, user participation,
and decision-making. MacEachren (2004) affirms that cartographic representations remain essential
components of this new cartography, but the concept of the map has evolved “into a multimedia and
multimodal interface to geospatial information (generated on demand where it is needed) and the
boundaries between map and image or between real and virtual world blur” (MACEACHREN, 2004, p.
iii).
Kitchin, Perkins and Dodge (2009) use a different, more philosophical approach to the history of
modern cartography by stressing map theories and epistemologies rather than technological advancements.
Taking into account more recent ideas about maps, they flesh out two distinct currents: representational and
post-representational cartography. Representational refers to a maps-as-truth approach that aims “to
accurately capture relevant features and their spatial relations and to represent a scaled abstraction of that
through the medium of a map. Maps seek to be truth documents; they represent the world as it really is with
a known degree of precision” (KITCHIN; PERKINS; DODGE, 2009, p. 4). The reduction of errors in the
representation and the effectiveness of “good” map design became central questions, and communication
models and cognitive and semiotic approaches served as theoretical and methodological support. The
questioning of normative cartography, labeled as social constructivist critique and sparked by Harley in the
1980s and early 1990s is also part of this cartographic epistemology since the idea of representation
remained the focus point. Maps came under scrutiny as social constructions inserted in a broader context
of society, economy, and politics.
Post-representational cartography addresses maps beyond the “straightjacket” of representational
thinking by conceiving them as processes, practices, or even movements, prioritizing the term mapping
over map to point out its dynamic nature: “Mapping can then be conceptualized as a suite of cultural
practices involving action and affects. This approach reflects a philosophical shift towards performance and
mobility and away from essence and material stability (KITCHIN; PERKINS; DODGE 2009, p. 17). Maps
are understood as creators of meaning (ontogenetic) rather than having a meaning by themselves
(ontological), resulting in
a shift in cartographic theory from seeking to understand the nature of maps (an ontological project)
to examining the practices of mapping (an ontogenetic project). This move denies maps any
ontological security as representations of reality and instead posits that they are always in the state
of becoming, brought into being through embodied, social, and technical practices to solve relational
problems such as plotting, planning, navigating, and so on (KITCHIN; DODGE; PERKINS, 2011,
p. 6).
It would require a separate paper or even a book-length study to discuss all the aspects, perspectives,
and thinkers of post-representational cartography which go beyond the scope of geography. Maps can be
inscriptions, performances, unstable and complex texts, unfolding practices in constant becoming,
rhizomatic tracings, or simply “things”, to mention just a few conceptions (for a brief overview, see
FERNÁNDEZ; BUCHROITHNER, 2014, p. 87-99).
Cartographic education does not accompany the pace, alterations, and novelties in science. Almost
thirty years ago, Gerber (1992, p. 201) wrote that “much of the mapping skills work in schools relies heavily
on cartographic thinking that is at least twenty years old”. In other words, new trends in scientific
cartography have not automatically provoked changes in education. The knowledge transfer from university
to school is not immediate, and only specific ideas and methods may effectively be used in the classroom.
Established, easy-to-follow methodologies and theories tend to “live” longer whereas alternative and
complex approaches struggle with their acceptance. For example, post-representational cartographies are
admittedly dense and may not be easily transferable to cartographic education, whereas the simplistic
conception of a map as mirror of reality is frequently endorsed without questioning.
Up to date, there have not been many publications that specifically address epistemologies in
cartographic education (for an exception, see PADOVESI; OLIVA, 2013). Reflections are either linked to
scientific conceptions of cartography or educational frameworks and do not blend or merge these
approaches. School cartography based on a scientific approach frequently shows little concern with
pedagogy and “how-to-do” strategies for the classroom, whereas epistemologies driven by educational
theories may “overpedagogize” learning processes and neglect the map as central focus. Though taking
children as “object” of study is indisputably essential, cartographic education or “educational cartography”
(WIEGAND, 2003) may run the risk of being downgraded to merely pedagogical questions without
exploring principles and processes of map-making and map reading:
Much of the literature on maps in education is about children’s ability to read, interpret and use them
[maps]. That is to say, research and discourse starts with children’s understanding and
misconceptions, not the map itself. Indeed, much research on children and maps is not primarily
about maps at all but uses them as vehicles for exploring other constructs such as place knowledge
or spatial thinking (WIEGAND, 2003, p. 344).
In a book-length study on learning and teaching with maps, Wiegand (2006) elaborates further on
his critique and affirms that
map-related pedagogy is poorly developed. The evidence for children and young people’s learning
with maps is fragmented and there are few comprehensive accounts written specifically for teachers.
Many teachers, even geography teachers, regard maps (and especially small scale maps) as being
unproblematic for learners (WIEGAND, 2006, p. 2).
These concerns raise further questions on where the “home” of cartographic education is located. Is
this part of geography, educational studies, or cartographic science?
For how long has cartographic education been a theme and an object of study in Brazil? It is not
possible to identify a key text, a specific event, or a debate as inspiration to discuss maps in geography
education. Though maps have been central elements in Brazilian textbooks for a long time (BOLIGIAN;
ALMEIDA, 2012), the decades of the 1930s and 1940s can be considered a key period for the initiation of
debates on cartography and education sparked by national educational plans and policies, and the creation
of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) in 1936.
A starting point for the analysis of epistemological traditions in Brazilian school cartography is the
annotated bibliography on “cartography and education” compiled by Archela and Simielli (2009). The list
includes more than 200 Brazilian references to journal articles, dissertations, and abstracts from
proceedings or annals of academic events between 1941 and 1999. Though this source is outdated since it
does not include publications from the last 20 years, it allows to gain insights into the emergence and growth
of cartographic education in Brazil and loosely define specific phases in history.4
The bibliography only lists a small number of articles from the period between the 1940s and 1960s.
Most of the texts were published (or republished) in the Boletim Geográfico, which was one of the official
journals of the IBGE with wide circulation in the country. In these articles, cartographic education was
content-driven, and themes such as geographical locations (CLOZEL, 1946), block diagrams
(QUINTIERE, 1947), and school atlases (WEIS, 1959; PINTO, 1964) were discussed for different
educational levels, from elementary school to higher education without much concern about pedagogical
principles. For example, José Clozel, a school teacher and administrator from the State of São Paulo and
editor of the Educação journal, published a lesson plan on latitude and longitude, which he considered “one
of the most difficult points to understand in the geography program for 4th-grade primary school students”
(CLOZEL, 1946, p.1151). For him, the success of an active learning lesson on this topic depended
exclusively on the teacher because
It behooves the teacher to prepare the spirit of the class in order to awaken a lively interest in the
subject to be discussed. Once this objective is achieved, the task will be greatly facilitated because,
instead of passive listeners, the students will be eager to see their previous and skillfully sharpened
curiosity satisfied (CLOZEL, 1946, p. 1151).5
It was only in the 1970s and 1980s when educational theories and methodologies gained more
attention in Brazilian education. Works of foreign educators were translated more widely or brought to the
country by Brazilian scholars who had direct contact with these researchers or their original studies. Swiss
educator and psychologist Jean Piaget introduced a multiple-stage model for cognitive development and
spatial learning of children (PIAGET, 1936) that was easily adapted to geography, cartographic education,
and spatial thinking (PIAGET; INHELDER, 1948).6 An example of this pedagogical turn in geography
education is the work of the late geographer Lívia de Oliveira who blended Piaget’s theory with a
humanistic approach and/or environmental perception (for example, OLIVEIRA; MACHADO, 1975;
OLIVEIRA, 1978). In the 1980s, several doctoral dissertations that focused directly on geography
education were defended and had a considerable and long-lasting impact on teaching and learning
geography (e.g., PAGANELLI, 1982; SIMIELLI, 1986; see also LE SANN, 1989).
Parallel to this trend, the semiology of graphics, originally proposed by the French cartographer
Jacques Bertin (1967), was introduced to Brazil and accepted as a rigorous and unambiguous scientific
method for map-making and map reading. Translations from the French (e.g., BERTIN, 1980; BERTIN;
GIMENO, 1982; BONIN, 1982) helped spread the principles of this cartographic approach. Teixeira Neto
(1982, p. 125) considered the semiology of graphics a “true tool for research, experimentation and
application, accessible to everyone”. He affirmed that “in order to be efficient, the construction of the map
must obey the laws of visual perception” and highlighted the value of the map and this specific method as
“efficient, dynamic, modern, pedagogical instruments in the reach of students and teachers” (idem, ibidem).
In the 1990s, cartographic education took off as a growing subarea of study at Brazilian universities.
Owing to the decisive contributions in the previous two decades mentioned above, studies on maps and
education spread in a snowball fashion and became increasingly popular, resulting in publications,
involvement of teachers, graduate, and undergraduate students, and the organization of national and
international events in the country (ALMEIDA; ALMEIDA, 2014).
As in any other knowledge field, there are dominant discourses and configurations in cartographic
education that provide directions to researchers, teachers, and students. In this section, I will outline several
challenges in Brazilian school cartography in order to draw a possible “road map” for the future. These
reflections should not be read as a radical critique but rather as an incentive for a broader debate on rules,
norms, and guiding principles in the subfield.
Similar to many other countries, geography in Brazil does not occupy a key position in basic
education. As a subject in social studies, geography is directly competing with history. In addition to its
low status as a school subject, the image of the discipline conveyed in society is frequently simplistic and
distorted. Maps are taken as symbols of geography, mere emblems, or location devices, but are not explored
as forms of visual communication.
At the interface between education and science, Brazilian school cartography cannot be easily
assigned to a specific field of knowledge. At universities, cartographic education is commonly inserted into
teacher certification programs (licenciatura) in geography that include both content-driven and pedagogical
disciplines in their curriculum. As a result of this hybrid coursework, on the one hand, students learn about
educational theories and methodologies in general and are required to sign up for credits of professional
experience in the classroom in their specific area before graduation. On the other hand, university courses
related to cartography (e.g., general cartography, thematic cartography, GIS) are frequently offered without
an educational context and exclusively deal with contents and not with how-to-do strategies. In Brazil, it is
common that the classes are taught by engineers, agronomists, geologists, or geographers who were trained
in scientific cartography but not in education. As a result of this lack of dialogue, there are tensions and
ruptures between contents and practices on different educational levels, from pre-school to higher
education.
Cartography as a language
The semiology of graphics is commonly recognized as the predominant methodology to teach about
maps, map-making, and map symbology and gained a status similar to a cartographic law or language.
Jacques Bertin developed his ideas about the visualization of spatial data as a scientific approach to maps,
not as a methodology for school cartography. This means that the semiology of graphics is undoubtedly
sound from a scientific point of view that seeks an objective visual grammar for map communication.
However, its rigor and rules do not leave space for exceptions or creativity and can be a challenge in the
classroom. Despite an impressive volume of publications on map symbology, there has not been a debate
on strengths and weaknesses and possible updates to adjust Bertin’s framework to online cartographies and
more recent conceptions of the map.
A comparison between cartographic contents of the past and the present reveals that specific topics
in cartography have been mandatory in geography education. Principles such as scale, geographic
coordinates, projections and cartographic conventions are still relevant, but may need repacking or
repackaging in the sense of critically analyzing their meanings for education.
School cartography in Brazil is not completely adjusted to the new virtual world in which computers
and handheld devices have become the main channels of communication. Geography textbooks and lessons
still evoke the paper map as main resource without exploring the potential of digital maps, map animations,
and other materials available online or on the computer screen. The user-centered and interactive nature of
Web 2.0, combined with new spatial media has resulted in “maps 2.0” (CRAMPTON, 2009) with no
resemblance to the traditional paper maps (GARTNER, 2009). Mapping can now be based on crowdsourced
data, voluntary GIS, or even geographical imagination systems (BERGMANN; LALLY, 2021).
PERSPECTIVA, Florianópolis, v. 40, n.4 p. 01-16, out./dez. 2022
Jörn Seemann 13
These new cartographies have not only resulted in different map forms and formats, but also in
different modes of engagement with maps, compared to the linear communication models of the past that
reduced cartographic communication to a simple transmission between sender and receiver. The map user
can find himself/herself inside a map now and is invited to navigate through a map on a screen, zooming
in or out on specific places or features and retrieving further information by a simple mouse-click.
In addition to the new technologies for map-making and mapping, maps are increasingly used for
social projects, as in the case of community or participatory mapping, frequently labeled as social
cartography. Alluding to Milton Santos’s (1987) idea of citizen space, cartographic activism or citizenship
cartography in education entails the critical use of maps and mappings to read and transform space for a
better world and could turn school activities into useful contributions to a neighborhood, a specific part of
the population, or society in general (SEEMANN; CARVALHO, 2017).
Conclusion
The aim of this article was to briefly discuss the trajectory of cartographic education in Brazil as a
field of knowledge based on specific epistemologies and configurations that, at the same time, can guide
teaching and learning practices and curb a more diverse intellectual landscape when these principles gain
the status of prescriptions and rules that are “cast in stone”. Though this analysis has only scratched the
surface of this theme and left many of my initial questions unanswered, I would like to reiterate my main
argument: multiple philosophies are needed for school cartography to explore the full potential of maps as
an important form of visual communication. More attention should be paid to the map itself, not only as a
scientific object, but also as a material or digital cultural artifact. In this context, epistemologies should
shift from how knowledge and truth claims are generated about maps to a map-centered approach that sets
as its task to understand how knowledge and truth claims are generated through maps as vehicles of
information about the world (BITTNER; GLASZE, 2018, p. 121).
Changes begin with the questioning of individual practices and taken-for-granted theories and
methodologies, not to start a revolution, but to grasp the meaningfulness of maps in education and daily
life. Ultimately, my reply to the initial provocative question raised in the title of this article is that
epistemologies (in the plural form!) for cartographic education are necessary, but due to their density and
complexity, nothing speaks against occasionally drawing, reading and mapping before discussing theories.
Rethinking (school) cartography is necessary, but sometimes we could just start with a simple map.
Notas
1
In Brazil, it is common to use the terms educação cartográfica and cartografia escolar as synonyms. However, it is important
to stress that the former expression refers to educational practices beyond classroom settings, whereas the latter focuses more
narrowly on teaching-learning processes at school. In this article, I will use both terms interchangeably, since I do not intend to
focus on specific settings or contexts. Neither term is of frequent use in other languages such as English, Spanish, or French,
though the word Schulkartographie is very common in Germany.
2
This critical assessment is both an inside and outside view of Brazilian cartographic education due to the author’s active
involvement in the debates in Brazil and the contextualization of his reflections on an international scale.
3
Original text in German: “Kartographie ist die Lehre von der Logik, Methodik und Technik der Konstruktion, Herstellung und
Ausdeutung von Karten und anderen kartographischen Ausdrucksformen, die geeignet sind, eine räumlich richtige Vorstellung
von der Wirklichkeit zu erwecken”.
4
This section does not include more recent material since my intention is to examine the genealogy of school cartography, i.e.,
the principles and theories that have guided studies and practices in the subfield. The focus of this essay is not on the current
developments in Brazilian cartographic education, but on the traditions that have shaped school cartography decisively. There is
a number of recent bibliographical reviews on specific topics: cartographic epistemologies (GIRARDI, 2011), cartographic
symbology (ESTEVES, 2020), cartography in basic education (DUARTE, 2016), and inclusive perspectives (SENA; CARMO,
2020).
5
Original text in Portuguese: “Convém ao mestre preparar o espirito da classe a fim de lhe despertar vivo interesse pelo assunto
a ser ventilado. Conseguido esse objetivo, terá sua tarefa extremamente facilitada porque, ao invés de ouvintes passivos, estarão
os alunos ansiosos por verem satisfeita sua curiosidade prévia e habilmente aguçada”.
6
Piaget’s studies on children’s intelligence and representation of space were only translated to Portuguese decades after their
original publication in French (PIAGET, 1970; PIAGET; INHELDER, 1993). Though Piaget’s cognitive development theory is
still widely used as a reference, other national and international educational scholars (Vygotsky, Paulo Freire) have become
equally influential references in Brazilian geography education.
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Gauthier-Villars, 1967.
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