HT A History of The Future
HT A History of The Future
HT A History of The Future
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.
Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at .
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=black. .
Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
Blackwell Publishing and Wesleyan University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to History and Theory.
http://www.jstor.org
History and Theory,ThemeIssue 41 (December 2002), 72-89 ? Wesleyan University 2002 ISSN: 0018-2656
DAVIDJ. STALEY
ABSTRACT
History, according to Kevin Reilly, is both a noun and a verb.' By this Reilly
means that "history" refers to both a subject matter--a body of knowledge--and
a thought process, a disciplined habit of mind. This bifurcation of history into
subject matter and cognitive process has increasingly informed the thinking of
history education reformers over the last decade. The National Standards for
History recommended, in addition to specific subject matter content, that ele-
mentary and secondary school students learn the process of "historical thinking"
in their classes. The authors of the national standards state that in engaging in his-
torical thinking students should be able to participate in the sorts of activities all
historians perform: "to raise questions and to marshal solid evidence in support
of their answers"; to "create historical narratives and arguments of their own"; to
"thoughtfully read the historical narratives created by others"; and to "examine
the interpretive nature of history" by examining the evidence marshaled by other
Historians have avoided writing serious inquiries about the future because we
have generallybeen skepticalabout our ability to make predictions.Those histo-
rians who have thought about the future-or whose ideas others have used to
think about the future-have tended to be speculative philosophersof history,a
special class of historian.Vico, Hegel, Marx, Toynbee, and Spengler discerned
patternsin the humanpast thatthey thoughtthey could then projectforward.Lest
we think that universal histories are a nineteenth-centuryphenomenon, there
have been more recentefforts to see patternsin the past as a way to think forward
about the future, as evident in the works of Robert Heilbroner, Arthur
Schlesinger,andWilliam Straussand Neil Howe.3In all of these instances,think-
the characteristicsof the next generationand prophesizesa trying nationalchallenge for that genera-
tion similarto the one "the greatestgeneration"faced duringthe Second WorldWar.See The Fourth
Turning:What the Cycles of History Tell Us about America's Next Rendezvouswith Destiny (New
York: Broadway Books, 1997); and Generations: The History of America's Future, 1584 to 2069
(New York:Quill, 1991). Civilizationalists and historians of civilization, in addition to thinking in
terms of long-termscales and trendsin the past, occasionally projectthese patternsforward.A useful
introductionto the methodological issues involved is Mathew Melko, "ThePerils of Macrohistorical
Studies,"WorldHistory Bulletin 17 (Fall 2001), 27-32.
4. See Raymond Grew, Review Essay on Paul Costello, WorldHistorians and Their Goals:
Twentieth-Century Answers to Modernism,History and Theory34 (1995), 371-394.
5. On the scholarly disreputabilityof universal history,see Michael Biddiss, "History as Destiny:
Gobineau,H. S. Chamberlainand Spengler,"Transactionsof the Royal Historical Society 7 (1997),
73-100.
6. HannahArendt,cited in Max Dublin, Futurehype:The Tyrannyof Prophecy(New York:Dutton,
1991), introduction.
A HISTORYOF THE FUTURE 75
which by definition have not occurredbefore. That is the only reason for their
having a history."'7Unlike the social scientist who seeks regularitiesand cover-
ing-law models, we historians have long distinguished ourselves by our insis-
tence that events are unique, contingent,and context-dependent.
The contingent nature of events makes predictions about future events prob-
lematic. Ratherthantheories,historianshave long favoredlocal explanationsand
descriptions because we are well aware that conditions in one place and time
very rarelyreoccur in anotherplace and time. Even with very similarvariables,
the context of a situation affects the procession of events. Conditions that pro-
duced revolution in one place might have led to stasis or conservative reaction
elsewhere. Covering-law models reduce the context that is the stuff of historical
inquiry.8Moreover, as counterfactualhistorians assert, those same conditions
might have led to alternativeoutcomes different from the ones we recognize as
"the actual history."This suggests that the initial conditions of any event in the
past are so inherentlycomplex and unpredictablethat even our retrodictionsare
problematic,let alone any predictionswe might venture. Because events are so
dependenton individual actions, accident, contingency,context, and any one of
countless other variables, venturinga prediction about future events is doomed
from the start.
Moreover,historians don't possess the conceptual resources to make reliable
or warrantedpredictions about future historical events. "Ordinaryhistorical
accounts"depend on data, and the only data historianshave comes from the pre-
sent and past. Furthermore,a key component of the historian's arsenal is what
ArthurDanto called "narrativesentences,"which he defined as those that "give
descriptions of events under which the events could not have been witnessed,
since they make essential reference to events later in time than the events they
are about,and hence cognitively inaccessible to observers."9Narrativesentences
"refer to at least two time-separatedevents, and describe the earlier event" in
terms of the latter.10Danto gives as an example the narrative sentence "The
ThirtyYearsWarbegan in 1618";it is a type of sentence historianswrite all the
time. Now the point is that while they arejustified in writing narrativesentences
about the past, historians cannot similarly be justified in writing narrativesen-
7. Gordon Leff, "The Past and the New," in The Vital Past: Writingson the Uses of History, ed.
StephenVaughn(Athens: University of GeorgiaPress, 1985), 59.
8. Only when certain "initial conditions"persist can one venture a prediction;but as historians
know, the conditions that producedrevolutionin France in 1789 were quite differentfrom the condi-
tions that producedrevolution in Russia in 1917. Therefore, the historiancannot venture a general
"law of revolutions"that might apply to futureevents. As Karl Popperobserved, "long-termpredic-
tions can be derived from conditional scientific predictions only if they apply to systems which can
be described as well-isolated, stationaryand recurrent.These systems are very rare in nature;and
modernsociety [or indeed any human society in the past] is surely not one of them." See "Prediction
and Prophecyin the Social Sciences," in Conjecturesand Refutations(London: Routledgeand Kegan
Paul, 1963), 339. On initial conditions, see his ThePoverty ofHistoricism (London:Routledge, 1957),
120-130.
9. ArthurC. Danto, Narration and Knowledge [1968] (New York: Columbia University Press,
1985), xii.
10. Ibid., 159.
76 DAVID J. STALEY
The study of the futurehas been nurturedby a scientific mindset, one that sees
prediction and possible control as the defining characteristicsof science.'1 The
success of physicists and astronomersin predictingthe movements of the heav-
ens and the collision of bodies on earth established this paradigmaticfeature of
science. Social theoristshave, since the Enlightenment,soughtto applythe meth-
ods of science to the human world, with varying degrees of success. This
Enlightenmentobjective acceleratedin the twentiethcentury.Economists, soci-
ologists, and political scientists "hardened"their disciplines, making them
increasinglymathematicaland predictive in orientation.
In the years after the Second World War, high off the atomic triumphs of
American "Big Science," scientifically-minded futurists- engineers, systems
analysts, economists, demographers,and sociologists--contributed to a futurist
boom. Located mainly in foundations,governmentagencies, and think-tanks-
the Rand Corporationwas an early patron--futurists created predictions aimed
at aiding public policy decision-makers.In France,Bertrandde Jouvenel created
the think tank Futuribles, funded by the Ford Foundation,with the conviction
that "the social sciences should orient themselves toward the future."'2As
Nicholas Rescher observes,
Thisdiffusionof futurismwasboundupwiththeever-increasing prominence in all indus-
trializednationsof whatmightbe calledthe "AdviceEstablishment": academics,work-
ing scientists,technicalexperts,andpunditsof all sortsservingon advisoryboards,poli-
cy studygroups,andpubliccommissionsdevelopinginformation, ideas,andspeculations
to provideguidanceaboutthe futureas background forpublicpolicyformation.13
14. See especially William A. Sherden, The Fortune Sellers: The Big Business of Buying and
Selling Predictions (New York:John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1998). Sherdenis skeptical of most pre-
dictions of the future, and is especially aware of the implications of the new sciences for our ability
to make predictions.
15. A very accessible introductionis James Gleick, Chaos: The Making of a New Science (New
York:Viking, 1987), especially 49-53.
78 DAVID J. STALEY
16. Some futuristsconsider insight, more than accuracy,a more reasonablegoal for thinkingabout
the future.On various methods of gaining insight while thinkingforward,see Stephen M. Millett and
EdwardJ. Honton, A Manager's Guide to TechnologyForecasting and Strategy Analysis Methods
(Columbus,Ohio: Battelle Press, 1991).
17. Although she continues to look for predictivecertainties,T. Irene Sandersprovides an excel-
lent example of the marriageof the new sciences and scenario-style thinking in Strategic Thinking
and the New Science: Planning in the Midst of Chaos, Complexity,and Change (New York:The Free
Press, 1998).
18. The method was developed by Herman Kahn. See The Year 2000: A Frameworkfor
Speculation on the Next Thirty-ThreeYears(New York:The Macmillan Company, 1967), 262-266.
Initially,scenarioplanningwas a tool used by the military,but in the 1980s strategicplannersat Royal
Dutch Shell applied scenarioplanningto business environments.See the influentialarticlesby Pierre
Wack, "Scenarios: Uncharted Waters Ahead," Harvard Business Review 63 (1985), 72-79, and
"Scenarios:Shooting the Rapids,"HarvardBusiness Review 63 (1985), 139-150. This methodis now
called the Shell method or the intuitive method, and is the one I will be describing in this article.For
fuller histories of the various scenario methods, see the diagramby Stephen M. Millett, "Historyof
A HISTORYOF THE FUTURE 79
widely to books, periodicals, films, and music. And not simply in newspapers
and periodicals of record;Schwartzurges all scenario writersto consider avant-
gardepublications,cutting-edgethinkingoutside the mainstream,the location of
much creativityand surprise.
In assessing how these driving forces might interact,the scenario writerthen
constructs several narrativestories exploring the implications of each "plot."
This is a crucial point in the constructionof scenarios:ratherthan one statement
of what will happen, scenario writers compose many different stories of what
might happen. Each version of the future has its own "logics," "the plot which
ties togetherthe elements of the system." Each scenario "describeshow the dri-
ving forces might plausibly behave, based on how those forces have behaved in
the past," notes Schwartz. "The same set of driving forces might, of course,
behave in a variety of different ways, according to different possible plots."22
Indeed, all the differentversions of the scenarioare equally plausible;one plot is
not more likely than the others, nor is the point to constructdifferent scenarios
from which we pick and choose the "correct"elements from each. Each scenario
describes a different,but equally likely, logic of the future.
The "story"of each scenario,as Schwartzsuggests in his definition,describes
an "environment."The narrativeof each scenariodoes not describe a linear pro-
cession of events ("this will happenon this date, then this will happen").Rather,
the scenariois a descriptionof the context within which those events may occur.
Consider the following shortenedexamples, which describe the possible direc-
tions of the future of the digital economy:
Scenario 1: "CorporationsRule"
There will be a convergence of financialinstitutionsand technology. This will
be accomplishedby financialinstitutionsdeveloping their own software. Types
of technologies will include smartcards, where all banking informationis con-
tained in a microchipon the card, and consumerdatabases.Since financialinsti-
tutionswill be the drivingforce behind developing digital cash and their systems,
the control of cash will be in the corporatesector. This may even result in dif-
ferent networksdeveloping differentforms of e-cash.
Scenario 2: "Crypto-Anarchy"
Digital cash is the predominantmeans of exchange. Due to the anonymousand
untraceablenatureof digital cash it has become impossible to track the income
of individuals.Income tax has been abolished in favor of taxes at point of sale
and on physical assets. Large corporationshave disintegratedand the commer-
cial sector is dominatedby highly competitive, specialized companies that cater
to the needs of the individual, supplying primarily innovative technology and
software.
Scenario 3: "Third-SectorEcotopia"
Businesses are more accountable for their social and environmentalrole in
society: manufacturing,construction,distributionof consumergoods with a min-
A HISTORYOF THE FUTURE 81
However, scenarios are built from more rigorous stuff thanjust imagination,and
in fact are composed via a process similarto the historicalmethod,as I will detail
below. Furthermore,the type of flexible thinkingenabledby the scenariomethod
seems a more realistic approachto the complexities of the futurethan the hubris-
tic confidence suggested by a prediction.
mary indicates, the scenario method relies on many of the same techniques for
writing about the future that historians use when writing about the past.
Historiansmight then begin to explorethese methodologicalsimilaritiesas a way
to appropriatethe domain of the futureas a legitimate subject matterfor histori-
cal inquiry.
One historianwho has been inspired by scenario thinking to write about the
future is W. WarrenWagar.Wagardid not arrive at scenario thinking from the
directionof the new sciences and deterministicbut unpredictablechaos, howev-
er, but ratherfrom postmodernism.Postmodemistliterarytheory confirmedwhat
he had long believed about history writing: that history is a story, and the histo-
rian a type of storyteller.In debunkingthe myth of scientific objectivity in histo-
ry, postmodemists such as Hayden White called attentionto the fact that histor-
ical texts are verbalmodels thatreferto the past, but are not homologous with it.
Historians interpret(the meaning of) the past, they do not reproduce it. "In
short,"Wagarconcludes, "historiansinfected by postmodernisttheory acknowl-
edge that what they do is create texts about texts, which can be read in infinitely
differentways but can in no sense recover or reconstitutethe real past. The real
past happened,but it is now gone-every nanosecondof it. Hence, the past is just
as inaccessible as the future."26
Indeed, Wagarsees the past and future as essentially the same thing. Past and
futureare partof the same space-time continuum.Both are singular,in thatthere
is only one past and there will be only one future.Both past and future stand in
the same relative position to the observer in the present.According to Wagar's
logic, then, there is nothing preventinghistoriansfrom similarly writing stories
about the equally inaccessible future. "Scholars who are in the habit of telling
stories about the past are especially well positioned to tell stories about the
future," he contends. "They cannot predict the future anymore than they can
recover the past. Their stories of the past tell us bits and pieces of what might
have happened,as we today are empoweredand conditionedto construeit. Their
stories of the futuretell us bits and pieces of what might still happen. But they
do not tell us what did happen and what will happen."27Wagarbelieves histori-
ans are empoweredto write stories about the futureusing scenario thinkingas a
license to avoid making definitivepredictions--in the same way postmodernism
has freed them from searchingfor the inaccessible objective truthof the past.
Though Wagarmakes some good points about history and its relation to the
past and the future,he somewhatoverstateshis case. It is true that both scenario-
building and history are forms of storytelling. But while historians are indeed
storytellers,we write particulartypes of disciplined stories. Unlike fiction writ-
ers who enjoy many more degrees of narrativefreedom, historiansmust adhere
to specific methods that limit the types of stories we are permitted to write.
Similarly,scenariosare stories generatedby a particularmethod.As the scenario
writersDaniel Yerginand Thane Gustafson have argued,scenarios involve both
28. See Daniel Yerginand Thane Gustafson,Russia 2010, and Whatit Means for the Rest of the
World(New York:Vintage Books, 1995), xviii.
29. Before the historicalinquirybegins, one might wish to examine the historian.A historianis far
from a neutraland objective observer of the past. Historiansbring their own personal experiences,
biases, theoreticalorientations,schools of thought,and particularintereststo their inquiry.Any mean-
ingful history of the futurewould similarlyrequireone to take stock of the historianwriting the sce-
nario.Wagar,for example, brings a backgroundas a historianof utopianscience fiction;his personal
favorite is H. G. Wells, after whom he unashamedlymodels his own Short History of the Future
(Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1999). This might explain Wagar'sinsistence on the relation-
ship between history and story. On Wagar's debt to Wells, see "Tomorrowand Tomorrow and
Tomorrow,"Technology Review 96 (April 1993), 50-59. Wagar has been heavily influenced by
Marxismas well as the world systems theoryof ImmanuelWallerstein,both of which play prominent
roles in his history of the future.
30. Wagar,"Pastand Future,"367. Wagarsays the historianof the future must consider "the ver-
tical and the horizontaldimensions of totality."
31. See, for example, my "Japan'sUncertainFuture:Key Trendsand Scenarios,"The Futurist36
(March/April2002), 48-53. I have also writtenscenarios dealing with topics rangingfrom the future
of informationtechnologies to the futureof computersin the discipline of history.The types of busi-
ness scenariosPeter Schwartzwrites similarlycover specific times, places, and issues.
84 DAVID J. STALEY
ronment,"that is read, listen, and watch widely. The types of sources one must
examine, of course, depend on the type of inquiry one wants to perform.When
writing a history of the future of Japan,for example, I consulted government
announcements, journalistic accounts, sociological observations, and demo-
graphic projections,as well as evidence from the past. Evidence does not exist
independentlyof the historian;in scanning the environmentfor information,in
identifyingdatalikely to serve the inquiry,the historianidentifiesmaterialas evi-
dence. I do not mean to suggest, of course, that historiansinvent their sources,
but only that documents, statistics, proclamations,mass media images, and the
like are not evidence until a historianidentifiesthem as such. This applies to evi-
dence from the past as well, not just to evidence of the future.Historiansdid not
consider old parishrecordsor women'sjournals"evidence"until a group of his-
torians identifiedthem as such. These historiansdid not create the materialarti-
fact, only the concept of the artifactas evidence. "Virtuallyanythingin the world
may be evidence for something else," writes Michael Stanford,"if a rational
mind so judges it."32Like evidence from the past, evidence for the future is not
intrinsicallyevident. It is made evidence by the historian'smind acting upon it.
Therewill be those historianswho will contendthatthe dataI consultedarenot
really evidence of the future but ratherevidence of the present. All evidence,
however, even evidence about the past, resides in the here and now. It goes with-
out saying thathistoriansdo not studythe actualpast but rathermaterialandmen-
tal objectsfrom the past. "Wedo not,"observesArthurDanto, "havedirectaccess
to history-as-actuality,but only indirectaccess throughusing 'history as record,'
that is to say ... bits and pieces of the presentworld which standin certainrela-
tions with history-as-actuality."33 The evidence from the past that exists today
exists in tangibleform in the present.In fact, it might be more correctto say that
historiansdo not study the past but ratherpresent evidence. The historianworks
backwardsfrom this presentevidence to constructan accountof a past reality.A
historianinquiringinto the futurehas the opposite but relatedtask of takingevi-
dence in the present and thinking forwardin order to constructan account of a
reality of the future. Futurehistorianstake bits and pieces of the present world
which standin certainrelationswith "history-as-potential." Thereis, for example,
evidence that some Japanese fathers are becoming "stay-at-homedads"; in my
history of Japan'sfuture,I offered this as evidence of a futureperiod of greater
gender equality.Survivingevidence from the past provides only a trace of what
was; evidence in the presentprovidespossible precursorsof what might be.
The next task for the historianis to discernthe patternsand meaningin the evi-
dence.34Thinkingaboutthe futureinvolves the same process of finding patterns
in the evidence as does thinking about the past. To arrive at the conclusion that
Japan might be moving toward greater gender equality, I had to place the evi-
dence for stay-at-homedads alongside other evidence, such as the younger gen-
eration's more liberal attitudes, the rise in the percentage of "love marriages"
(rather than arranged marriages), and demographic projections that suggest
declining birthrates.That is, I sought patternsin the noise of the evidence.35
As is the case with evidence about the past, evidence about the future is also
scanty and incomplete and certainly not in 1:1 correspondencewith what will
actually happen. Any construction of an account of the future involves using
pieces of evidence in a creative way, yet this account must be as faithful to the
plausibilities of the future as the evidence suggests. If this seems an impossible
task-for how can one faithfully describe what has yet to happen-it might be
useful to consider the work of counterfactualhistorians.Rigorous counterfactu-
al history comparesthe plausible alternativesof what the futuremight have been
to what actuallyoccurredin the past. As Marc Bloch observed,
Whenthehistorianaskshimselfabouttheprobability of a pastevent,he actuallyattempts
to transport himself,by a boldexerciseof themind,to thetimebeforetheeventitself,in
orderto gaugeits chances,as theyappearedupontheeve of its realization. Hence,prob-
abilityremainsproperlyin thefuture.But sincetheline of thepresenthassomehowbeen
movedbackin theimagination, it is a futureof bygonetimesbuiltupona fragmentwhich,
for us, is actuallythepast.36
35. All historiansseek patternsin the evidence of the past, not just universalhistorians.As William
McNeill has observed, "Patternrecognition of the sort historiansengage in is the chef d'oeuvre of
human intelligence. It is achieved by paying selective attentionto the total input of stimuli that per-
petually swarmin upon our consciousness. .... Patternrecognitionis what naturalscientists areup to;
it is what historianshave always done, whetherthey knew it or not." See "Mythistory,"in William H.
McNeill, Mythistoryand OtherEssays (Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press, 1986), 5.
36. Cited in Niall Ferguson, VirtualHistory: Alternatives and Counterfactuals(Basic Books,
1997), 84.
37. Ibid., 86.
38. Geoffrey Hawthorn, Plausible Worlds: Possibility and Understanding in History and the
Social Sciences (Cambridge,Eng.: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1991), 39-80.
86 DAVID J. STALEY
did happen, and the story of what might have happened.If historianscan imag-
ine rigorously composed alternativescenarios of the past, it is a relatively easy
step to then imagine multiple scenariosof the future.
Peter Schwartz wrote that a scenario describes how driving forces might
behave in the future based on how those forces behaved in the past. Schwartz
does not elaborateon what this might entail, althoughit appearshe is describing
the use of historicalanalogies. Recall that an analogy is a similarityin the midst
of apparentdifference. Patternsin present evidence might suggest similarities
with past situationsfrom which we can then imagine futureoutcomes. Evidence
for a rise in neo-Nazi activity in Germany,for example, might alertus to the pos-
sibility of a fascist resurgence.Analogies must be used with caution,however,for
we shouldnot forgetthatanalogies arenot law-like regularities,preciselybecause
they are comparisonsof different situations.In advising decision-makerson the
uses of history,RichardNeustadtand ErnestMay cautionthatthose who see only
the similaritiesin two situationsmight be blindsidedby the differences in those
situations.43Thus, while neo-Nazi activity is on the rise, Germansociety today is
less toleranttowardright-wing groups, and possesses much strongerdemocratic
institutionsthan in the 1930s. A case could be made, therefore,for both interpre-
tations based on the available evidence. In using historical analogies to think
aboutthe future,historiansare alreadythinking in termsof alternativescenarios:
the similarities suggest one possible outcome and the differences suggest other
possible outcomes. This appreciationof difference and similarity in historical
analogies makes the historian especially sensitive to alternativeoutcomes, and
thus well-qualifiedto write realistic scenarios aboutthe future.
Recall that Schwartz'sdefinitionindicated that the purpose of scenariothink-
ing is to envision the environmentwithin which events will occur, not the spe-
cific chronological procession of events. Thus, the scenarios historians write
would need to be synchronicnarratives,ratherthan the diachronicnarrativeswe
usually prefer. In describing the environment-the context--scenarios tend to
read more like structuralist "thick descriptions" rather than a diachronic
sequences of events. A descriptionof the environmentwould be analogous to a
physicist's qualitativedescriptionof a chaotic system, in that one is attempting
to describe the behaviorof the system as a whole.
Thinking structurallyand synchronicallymight be a difficult step for histori-
ans, however. Unlike anthropologists,historiansare trainedto favor events over
structures,short-termchange over long-termstabilities." Historianswho wish to
use the scenario method might wish to approachthe future as FernandBraudel
approachedthe past. Braudel wrote that events are fleeting and ephemeral,and
thus arguedthathistoriansshould write instead aboutstructures,those stable ele-
ments of the past thatprovidedlimits on the actions of humans.45While we might
43. See Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History by
Decision-Makers(New York:The Free Press, 1986), 34-57.
44. For a discussion of structureand event in history and anthropology,see Marshall Sahlins,
Islands of History (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1985).
45. FernandBraudel,On History (Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1980), 27, 31.
88 DAVID J. STALEY
thinking would make the future a domain of inquiry as contentious and thus as
intellectuallyrigorous as the past.
Imagine this scenario:scholarlyjournals like the AmericanHistorical Review
publish articles with titles like "JapaneseGender Equality, 2010-2050" and
"Restructuringthe AmericanCity in the 2040s" which coexist alongside articles
aboutthe past. Both articlesoffer new interpretationsof these futureterrains,and
begin with an assessment of earlier efforts to understandthe future of Japanese
gender relations and Americanurbanpolitics. These articles are peer reviewed,
their authorsdemonstratingcareful primarysource researchwhich situates the
narrativewithin some broaderinterpretivecontext. Peer reviewers insist on sev-
eral mutuallyexclusive scenarios,and assess the validity of each scenariobefore
acceptingthe article for publication.Occasionally,these journalspublish histori-
ographicalforums, debates among historianson some interestingproblem about
the future. Or consider this scenario: historians interested in inquiring into the
future create their own specialized journal, entitled Subjunctivity:A Journal of
Historical Plausibility. In additionto scenariosof the future,thejournalincludes
well-constructedpeer-reviewed counterfactualscenarios. The journal has wide
readership,not only among professional historians but among politicians, deci-
sion-makers,and corporateexecutives as well as the generalpublic, who are fas-
cinated with stories of what might be. Readersof the journal seek flexible alter-
natives ratherthan rigid predictions, realistic plausibility ratherthan hubristic
certainty.These readers appreciatethat there is nothing more dangerous than
visionaries convinced of the inevitability of their vision. The appearance of
books like Wagar'sA ShortHistory of the Future suggests thatboth of these sce-
narios are "futurible."
Historians are well qualified to write imaginative, disciplined, and realistic
histories of the future.And by historiansI do not mean only universalhistorians
or speculativephilosophersof history;my contentionhere is that all profession-
ally trained historians possess the skills necessary to think about the future.
"History,like poetry and song," concludes Michael Stanford,"is a way of using
language."48Historiansmight redefine the study of the future as "a way to use
language."While we have traditionallyappliedour skills to the study of the past,
we could, with only minimal intellectual adjustment,face in the other temporal
directionand fix our gaze upon the future.The result would be an unconventional
sort of history,but recognizablyhistory nonetheless.
Heidelberg College