Chapter - VI

Conclusion

Unlike in the mainland India where the mining activities are regulated by Acts, Laws

and Rules, enacted by the Parliament and executed by the central and state

governments, the coal mining in the Sixth Scheduled Areas is left to the discretion of

the individual landowners. There was no comprehensive policy regulating the coal

mining in the State. Coalmining has contributed to economic development of the

villages, but reckless use of unscientific technologies led to pollution of environment.

Responding to the PIL filed, the National GreenTribual (NGT) has banned coal

mining on the 17th April, 2014. The civil society in Meghalaya is debating over the

positive and negative effects of coal mining.In the background of these developments,

the thesis seeks to understand the political economy of coal mining in Jaintia Hills. It

attempted to comprehend the role played by the coalminers in parliamentary politics

of Meghalaya and probe whether coal mining has any influence on the working of

traditional political institutions at the village level and the District Council in Jaintia

Hills. Apart from taking inputs from secondary literature, primary data is collected

through survey of eight villages in Jaintia Hills and through unstructured interviews

with the members of JHADC, MLAs and state officials associated with mining

policy.The data collected from different sources are presented and critically analysed

in different chapters. The concluding chapter summarizes the content of the earlier

chapters and comes out with key findings of the thesis.

Mining and Indigenous Tribes: National and International Experience

The first chapter gives an overview of the history, socio-economic status and social

movements of the tribal communities at the global and national levels. It discusses the

206
impact of mining activities in the tribal areas of India and talks about the specificity of

land holding pattern and coal mining activity in the tribal areas of North-East India.

The tribal people are also viewed as indigenous peoples, first nations,

aborigines; ethnic minorities, etc. 1 Indigenous and tribal peoples number over 370

million individuals and represent approximately 5,000 distinct peoples in more than

70 different countries.2 Most areas inhabited by the indigenous tribal peoples in India

and outside are rich in minerals with huge reserves of coal, iron ore, mica, bauxite,

limestone, etc. 3 Some indigenous tribal peoples also excavate minerals from their

territory either to meet their needs, or even for commercial purpose. But several

indigenous tribal communities around the world were not familiar with use of modern

technology for mineral exploration.4

The rich natural and mineral resource available in the territories inhabited by

the indigenous tribal peoples was one of the motive forces for European colonization

of America.5Africa and Asia also experienced such processes of colonisation leading

to exploitation and oppression of the tribal people. The colonies supplied required

minerals to the industrialised West and contributed to the growth and development of

the European nations. Even after decolonisation, many newly independent countries

remained exporters of raw materials to the industrialised nations. Both the neo-

colonial masters and the post-colonial elite eye on the territories inhabited by the

tribal people for minerals and other raw materials necessary for economic

development. Consequently mining has become a vital sector in developing

1
International Council of Mining and Metals, Good Practice Guide: Indigenous Peoples and Mining,
Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining, Sustainable Minerals Institute, University of Queensland
and Synergy Global, Second Draft, July, 2009.
2
H. Srikanth, op.cit.,p. 3.
3
Mathew Areeparampil, op. cit., p. 1524
4
Theodore E. Downing, Jerry Moles, Ian McIntosh, Carmen Garcia-Downing, op. cit., pp. 3-5.
5
“Native American History”, http://www.allabouthistory.org, accessed on 16thSeptember, 2012;
SumanSahai, op. cit.

207
countries.6 Although some classes and groups of people in the developing countries

were benefitted by mining, the indigenous tribal peoples were adversely affected by

the mining activities. Their lands, forests, and other resources have been incorporated

in schemes of economic activity – all in the name of national development.7In India

mining activities have also been conducted by the leading tribal communities of

Orissa (now Odisha), Chattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and Jharkhand in the mainland

India. Unfortunately, almost all its minerals are in the same regions that hold its

greenest forests and most abundant river systems. These lands are also largely

inhabited by India’s poorest and most marginalised people – the scheduled tribes and

scheduled castes – who depend on the very same forests and watersheds for their

survival.8

During the pre-British period, the forests were under the administrative control

of the Rajas or estates. But for all practical purposes, the tribal populations inhabiting

the jungle area were free to make independent use of the forest resources. After the

British consolidated their power in India, they devised a comprehensive forest policy

which was partial towards commercial considerations. The colonial forest policy led

to an effective loss of tribal control over their habitat and resources, the control so

essential for maintenance of their traditions, customs and even physical existence.9

Freedom loving tribals were up in arms against the British and zamindari domination

and oppression. This could be seen in the numerous anti-colonial struggles of the

tribals in the mainland India.10 The colonial forest policy did not change much even

6
M. P. Singh, op. cit., pp. 326-327.
7
AbdulgaffarPeang-Meth, op. cit., p. 101.
8
DebnathDebashish, op. cit., p. 107.
9
Ajit K. Danda, Tribal Economy in India, Inter-India Publications, New Delhi, 1991, pp. 45-48.
10
V. K. Mohan, “Tribals in Pre and Post-Independence Period in North Coastal Andhra”, in R. M.
Sarkar (ed.), Land and Forest Rights of the Tribals Today, Serials Publications, New Delhi, 2006, pp.
160-163; B. K. Sharma, Tribal Revolts, Pointer Publishers, Jaipur, 1996; K. S. Singh, BirsaMunda and
his Movement (1874-1901): A Study of a Millenarian Movement in Chottanagpur, Oxford University
Press, Delhi, 1983.

208
after India became independent. While those who occupy revenue land eventually

become tenants and owners, the rights of the tribals over forests was not recognized.

They can be displaced for public purposes and can be uprooted without any

compensation.11

In contrast to the history of tribal communities in the mainland India, the

colonial and post-colonial experience of the hill tribes in North-East India appears to

be very different. Apparently due to the Sixth Schedule and the working of ADCs in

the hill states, most indigenous tribes could hold on to the land, forests and other

natural resources to a considerable extent and hence escaped direct exploitation and

domination by the outsiders. Traditionally the tribal communities of North-East India

could broadly be classified into pastoralists, hunter-cum-collectors, jhumiasand settled

peasantry. Most hill men were jhumias.12 The early British contacts with the North-

East India started with trade. 13 The British economic policies were not primarily

aimed at the development of the region. Whatever industries they had set up, like tea

plantation, oil and other mineral extractions, were done only to further their

interests.14

After India became independent, realizing the need to protect the interests of

the tribals of the North-East and win over their confidence, the Constitution Assembly

recognized the necessity of a separate political and administrative arrangement for the

tribals of the hill areas of North-East India. Accepting the recommendations of the

sub-committee on the tribal areas of composite Assam, the Sixth Schedule was

11
W. Fernandes (ed.), National Development and Tribal Deprivation, Indian Social Institute, New
Delhi, 1992, p. 9.
12
A. C. Sinha, op. cit., pp. 40-45.
13
J. B. Bhattacharjee, “The Eastern Himalayan Trade of Assam in the Colonial Period”, op. cit., pp.
187-208.
14
S. T. Das, op. cit., p. 136.

209
incorporated as part of the Constitution of India. 15 The Sixth Schedule made

provisions for the creation of the District and Regional Councils which empower the

indigenous tribes to protect their land and resources by making laws relating to

allotment or use of land, collection of land revenue, taxes etc.16

Control and Management of Natural Resources in Khasi-Jaintia Hills

The second chapter discusses the traditional land and mineral ownership pattern in

Khasi and Jaintia Hills, the changes brought about by the advent of the British, and

the constitutional and legal provisions regarding mining in Meghalaya.

Traditionally there are two dominant patterns of land ownership in the Khasi-

Jaintia Hills. These are the RiKynti (private land) and the Ri Raid (community

land).17RiKynti land is the ancestral property of a clan. A member of the clan may get

possession of a part of the RiKyntiland of the clan if the clan dorbar gives it away to

him or her. A member may also get it by way of purchase also. A person outside the

circle of the clan generally gets possession of a RiKyntiland only by way of purchase,

if it is not otherwise given away to him or her. Any person holding this type of land

has absolute proprietary rights over it; such person has a permanent, heritable and

transferable right of use and occupancy. A RiKynti land is under the management and

control of the adult male members of the kurs (clans) – the maternal uncles or adult

brothers. The hereditary chiefs have no power or authority to interfere in the internal

management or control of this class of land.18

Ri Raid is the community land which is managed and controlled by the

concerned communities. The community may be a village, a group of villages or an

15
Davendra Thakur and D. N. Thakur (eds.), op. cit., p. 7.
16
B. Datta Ray, op. cit., p. 260.
17
Henry Lamin, op. cit., pp. 23-24.
18
R. T. Rymbai, “The Pattern of Landholding of the Khasi-Pnars”, op. cit., pp. 188-189; Also see J. N.
Das, op. cit, pp. 83-84.

210
elaka. It may be one over which the territorial chief with his dorbar may have direct

jurisdiction. The chief may be a syiem, a lyngdoh, a doloi, etc. Every member of the

community has the right of use and occupancy of the Ri Raid land. No person has

proprietary, heritable or transferable rights over such land. He has only the right of

use and occupancy, and such rights revert to the community when the person ceases

to occupy or use the land for a period of three years or more. The only way in which a

person can inherit land or obtain transferable rights over such land is by making

permanent improvements on the land in the form of permanent buildings or

cultivation of permanent crops and plant fruit trees. But these rights lapse if he

abandons the land over a long period.19

The rights over land include minerals as well. The same rule which governs

the ownership and administrative right over land is applied to minerals. If a mineral is

found in a Raid land it can be utilised by the people of the community and in case it is

found in the RiKynti land, the individual owner of the land where the mineral is found

enjoys full power over it.20Khasi and Jaintia Hills is rich in mineral products. Coal,

limestone and sillimanite are the three principal minerals in these Hills.

The British government, after annexing the Hills followed more or less a

policy of non-intervention in the customary way of life of the tribal people. Yet, in its

administrative and commercial colonial interest, the British authorities encouraged

migration of non-tribal communities into the city of Shillong, which was built by

buying lands from the local clans.21 The British treated all these lands acquired by

19
Ibid., Also see, Rekha M. Shangpliang, op.cit. , pp. 12-14;Report of the Land Reforms Commission
for Khasi Hills, p. 19.
20
Pascal Malngiang, “Constitutional Position of Land and Mineral Ownership in the Khasi Hills of
Meghalaya”, op. cit., pp. 53-54.
21
The Jaintias were exchanging the goods they produced, the forests products they collected and the
minerals they extracted with the non-tribal communities living on the foot-hills. Although the
community lands were gradually becoming RiKynti lands, still the land as such was not co modified till
the British took over the hills.

211
them as their own property and notified the Settlement Rules vide their Order No. 24,

dated 12th October, 1880. These Rules were subsequently modified by Order No.

1209/R, dated 11th April 1938. New Rules regulating leasing of land in the station of

Shillong was issued vide Order No. 4232 R, dated 18th July, 1905. In line with these

Rules the British leased out land for public and private use from time to time on the

basis of pattas and agreements.22Thus being encouraged by the British administration

either directly or indirectly, the Khasi chiefs, bakhraws (nobles) and RiKynti owners

started exploiting their fellow people. As the Land Reforms Commission for Khasi

Hills, appointed by the government of Meghalaya pointed it out, “Since the advent of

the British, revolutionary changes have, however, been introduced...This is seen in the

attempts of some chiefs to issue leases or pattas to non-Khasis and also to Khasis as

well, and levy land tax or revenue on them. It is also seen, in the issue of leases or

pattas by the owners of RiKynti lands to non-Khasis as well, collecting land revenue

from them.”23

The plains section of the Jaintia kingdom was annexed in 1835 and the

institution of kingship was abolished leaving the hill areas in the hands of the dolois.

After annexing Jaintia Hills also, the British did not seriously plan to introduce a

formal Land Revenue administration in Jaintia Hills. For some time they continued

the land policy adopted by the Jaintia Rajas. But in 1858, Mr. Allen a high official of

the Bengal Presidency proposed changes in the prevailing system. The annual tribute

of accepting the he-goats by the British was stopped altogether and a rough system of

assessment was introduced. A house tax of Rs. 1 per house-hold was introduced. This

resulted in an open rebellion by the people. After the rebellion was suppressed and put

down, a second rebellion broke out in 1862 when on top of the house tax a central
22
Kynpham Singh, op. cit., pp. 111-113.
23
Report of the Land Reforms Commission for Khasi Hills, 1974, p. 3; SoumenSen, “Land as Property:
It’s Significance in the Traditional Society and Polity in Khasi-Jaintia Hills”, op. cit., p. 93.

212
income tax was also introduced in Jaintia Hills as in the rest of India. This second

rebellion could be brought under control only after 15 months in 1863. Though the

income tax was modified, the house tax was kept intact.

In 1869 the Jaintia Hills was carved into an administrative sub-division with

Jowai as its headquarters. It was then a part of the United Khasi-Jaintia Hills District

in Assam. The whole Jaintia Hills was declared as British Area and was treated as the

absolute property of the British government. The colonial motive was to derive

handsome revenue from the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. Rents and royalties realised from

the lime quarries of this region constituted one of the major source of British

revenue.24 Like lime stone, coal was also a monopoly of the foreigners. Although

discovered in 1814 by James Stark, a British official, the working of the coalmines in

the Khasi Hills commenced only after the arrival of Mr. Landers (a practical

gentleman who has been appointed to the superintendence of coalmines in Sylhet and

Assam) in 1839 at Cherra.25 Though the Cherra coal was regarded excellent for steam,

its trade was not economical. Coal was later found at Lakadong in the Jaintia Hills.26

Even after India became independent, the Government of Assam continued the

arrangements made during the British times and there was no disruption in the system

of land administration. The rules regulating the leasing of land which formed the basic

policy of land and revenue administration during the British rule remained basically

undisturbed. The Government of Assam took measures to protect the interests and

safe-guarding the indigenous tribal lands in line with the standing policy of the

departed British administration. 27 After independence, in 1948, the Government of

Assam framed rules “for the purpose of protecting the interests of the indigenous

24
Rita Dorothy Dkhar, “Management of Lime Stone Quarries in the Khasi Hills till the Beginning of
1879”, op. cit., p. 152.
25
Ibid., p. 167.
26
PromothaNath Dutta, op. cit., p. 167.
27
J. M. Phira, op. cit., pp. 98-99.

213
inhabitants”, The relevant part of the rules is: “No land belonging to a Khasi shall be

sold, bartered, leased, given or otherwise transferred or caused to be sold, bartered,

mortgaged, leased, given or otherwise transferred to a non-Khasi except with the

previous sanction of the Provincial Government.”28 Even after Meghalaya became a

separate State in the Union of India in 1972, the focus of policies of the state

government has been on protecting the interest of the local people of the state,

particularly of the tribals.29 In 1978, the government imposed a ban on the transfer of

land to non-tribals, whether by tribals or other non-tribals in the Khasi and Jaintia

Hills.30

Land transfer in favour of non-tribals is restricted by law. 31 However, with

money economy, land became a commodity 32 and clan lands turned to private

property. Gradually land resources, including mineral resources, started getting

commercialised. The indigenous owners of the land realising the significance of

minerals started exploiting the resources by employing labourers from outside with

the help of contractors.33

It is difficult to determine the precise legal legitimacy of the coal mining

activities in Meghalaya. Since most of these mines are beyond the purview of the

State, they are out of the pre-existing legal environment and safety regulatory

mechanism.34The Supreme Court directed the state government in 2005 to come up

with a Mining and Minerals Policy to regulate what it construed was illegal mining.

The Meghalaya Mines and Mineral Policy, 2012 has been formulated with an aim to

facilitate systematic, scientific, sustainable and eco-friendly growth of mineral

28
Sujit Kumar Dutta, op. cit., pp. 10-11.
29
M. K. Sukumaran Nair, op. cit., p. 142.
30
Kynpham Singh, op. cit., pp. 115-118.
31
M. K. Sukumaran Nair, op. cit., p. 161.
32
Alfreda L. Lyngdoh, op. cit., 1997.
33
John Kharshiing, op. cit.
34
H. H Mohrmen and RajkamalGoswami,op. cit.

214
deposits and mineral based industries with due regard to environment, conservation as

well as the upliftment of the standards of living of the local people in and around the

mineral bearing areas. Recently the mines in Meghalaya came under public scanner,

because of the ban imposed by the NGT on mining activities in the State.

JHADC, State Government and Coal Mining in Jaintia Hills

The third chapter focuses on the relations between the JHADC and the coalminers in

Jaintia Hills. It examines whether coal mining has any influence on the working of the

District Council in Jaintia Hills. It also focuses on the role that the coalminers have

been playing in Meghalaya politics.

With the coming into force of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution of India,

steps were taken to constitute District Councils in all Autonomous Districts of Assam.

In 1952 the District Councils were constituted in all the hill districts of composite

Assam, except in the Naga Hills. The first elections to the District Councils were held

during April-June 1952. The United Khasi-Jaintia Hills ADC came into existence on

the 27thJune, 1952. Five years after the formation of the United Khasi-Jaintia Hills

ADC, some of its leading representatives from Jowai Sub-division felt that no

progress was made in the direction of uniform administration throughout the Jaintia

Hills District by the District Council. As a result, there was a strong move for a

separate District Council in the Jowai Sub-division.35 Subsequently, on 1st February

1966, a new ADC was established for the Jowai Sub-division styled as the Jowai

(later on Jaintia Hills) Autonomous District Council.

The General Election to the JHADC was held in 1967, and the Council started

functioning regularly since then. Since its inception, JHADC has been taking up

various measures to address different issues of concern to the people in Jaintia Hills.

35
E. Jyrwa, op. cit., p. 143.

215
The elected members of the JHADC had implemented various developmental

schemes such as the construction and maintenance of football playgrounds, dorbar

community halls, bridges, school buildings, churches, internal road connectivity,

providing roof-sheets, water supply, grants to the poor family within their respective

constituencies and the district as a whole.36

Coming to the relations of the JHADC with coal mining we see that coal

mining does not fall under the jurisdiction of the District Council. The land owners

have the right to extract as much coal as he deems necessary as long as the person is

extracting the mineral within the jurisdiction of his land. Apart from being the

custodian of the indigenous land, the Council also has the power to check the

destruction caused to the environment to a limited extent. The accounting of the

quantity of coal that is exported from Jaintia Hills is done by the Directorate of

Mineral Resources (DMR), Government of Meghalaya. It is the State Government

that collects the royalty from coal or limestone or other minerals extracted from

Jaintia Hills. From the revenue collected, the State Government gives a share to the

District Council. For the major products, including coal, the revenue was shared on

the ratio of 75:25 between State Government and the District Council. The exact

amount in figures of how much the District Council receives as royalty depends on

the entire collection done by the State Government, and the exact amount varies

depending upon the annual royalty collected.37The Council together with the State

Government has appealed to the Central Government to reconsider the NGT ban on

coal mining because it had created a major impact on the functioning of the

36
Chief Engineer, JHADC, Jowai, No. JHADC/CWD/23/2016/2, Dated: 3rdJune, 2016.
37
Interview with ThomborShiwat, op. cit.

216
Council,as the financial strength of the Council largely depends on the money

received from the royalty collected from the mining of coal.38

Besides the JHADC members who have made important contributions to the

people of their locality, the coalminers turned politicians have also undertaken various

developmental programmes in the state politics.Hopeful Bamon, MLA of Sutnga –

Saipung Constituency (2013-2018), claimed that he was able to deliver the promises

made to the people of his locality. Notable among his contributions, his claims, are:

improvement of roads, water supply, building of community halls, foot-bridges, foot-

path and distribution of CGI (Corrugated Galvanised Iron) sheet to the poor. Apart

from these, schemes for construction of low cost houses, renovation of houses and

schemes for promotion of agricultural crops have been implemented.39

The schemes that Justine Dkhar, MLA of Khliehriat (2013-2018) has

implemented in the Constituency include the SRWP (Special Rural Works

Programme) which is the MLA scheme, the CRD (Community and Rural

Development), and also the ICDP (Integrated Cooperative Development Project). He

has also brought the special packages like the SPF (Special Plan Fund) and also the

NLCPR (Non-Lapsable Central Pool of Resources). Regarding the education

schemes, the MLA claims that he was able to mobilize about Rs. 1 crore assistance

for the development of four schools in his Constituency.40

NishwaRymbai, the General Secretary of the village of Rymbai informed that

the contribution of the elected representatives towards the development of Rymbai

village was seen mostly during the tenure of NehlangLyngdoh, MLA of Rymbai

Constituency(2008-2013). He worked for the improvementof health facilities, water

supply and road conditions in the village. Up-gradation of schools was done during
38
Ibid; Interview with Awhai A. Shullai, op. cit.
39
Ibid.,
40
Interview with Justine Dkhar, op. cit.

217
his tenure. He has constructed a number of playgrounds and roads not only from the

governmental schemes, but also from his own resources which he has been able to

generate from coal mining business.41

Vincent H. Pala of Lamyrsiang village in East Jaintia Hills District is a

prominent coal trader and his family have made a fortune in mining. Pala served as

the Chief Coordinator of the Meghalaya Pradesh Congress Committee; as the

Assistant Chief Engineer in the Public Works Department from 2000-2008 under the

Government of Meghalaya; and also as Treasurer in the Meghalaya Pradesh Congress

Committee.42He was elected to the 15th LokSabha in 2009 representing the Shillong

seat (Lok Sabha Constituency). He was re-elected in the 2014 elections and became a

member of the 16th LokSabha representing Shillong seat. Under the UPA government

he worked as the Minister of State for Water Resources and Minority Affairs.

Coal money plays a very important role in the state assembly elections. The

candidates who have coal business background are capable of spending more money

during the elections for public meetings, processions, campaign materials like

handbills, posters, video audio cassettes, loudspeakers etc, vehicles used, and other

mice expenses. It is also alleged that they distribute money to buy votes. Officially

the money they show is as if they spent only little money.43But the people believe that

the actual money they spent is much more. Political parties give them tickets because

of their ability to mobilize funds and even finance the parties. Some coal barons, even

if they do not contest, finance their kith and kin to contest in the elections. The clout

of the coal barons seems to have diminished a bit after the NGT ban. Low profile

election campaign in the 2018 assembly elections in Jaintia Hills is attributed to

41
Field Survey at Rymbai Village conducted on 20th November, 2015.
42
“Vincent Pala”, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vincent_Pala, accessed on 5thFebruary, 2018.
43
http://www.myneta.info/meghalaya2013/expense.php?candidate_id=25;
http://myneta.info/meghalaya2013/expense.php?candidate_id=190;http://www.myneta.info/ls2014/exp
ense.php?candidate_id=538

218
dwindling sources of funds from coal business. Of course, those coal barons, who

branched out to other businesses such as construction, contracts, transport, hotel, etc.,

are able to influence politics even now.

Social, Political and Economic Status of Coalminers

The fourth chapter discusses the history and the development of coal mining in Jaintia

Hills; the social, political and economic status of the coalminers in Jaintia Hills.

The Khasi-Jaintia Hills had vast deposits of minerals, the iron ores and lime

stones whose fame and market, spread to Mughal Bengal. 44 Before the export of

limestone from the hills in the last quarter of the 18th century and some quantity of

coal early in the 19th century, iron constituted the chief commodity of trade with

Sylhet. However, the iron smelting industry of the Khasis and Jaintias died out

towards the end of the 19thcentury.45 Limestone was easily exported, as the mines

were located close to the numerous rivers flowing into the Sylhet plains. Other

commodities were carried to the markets by human labour. Trade among themselves

and with the foreigners, the Dkhars (non-tribal plainsmen), was an essential part of

the economy of the tribe. In fact, it was vital to their livelihood.46 Trade was largely

with the Brahmaputra and Surma valleys. Two principal items of daily necessities,

rice and salt, of the tribe were scarce in the hills. The former because it was not

produced in adequate quantity in the hills and the latter because it was not produced at

all. Hence the tribe was entirely dependent on the trade with the plains from where

alone the supplies of those articles could be obtained. The forest products had only

local markets and hence very insignificant value in the hills but in the plains, they

44
Ibid., p. 12.
45
D. R. Syiemlieh, “Khasi Iron Culture and Iron Trade with Sylhet in the Late Eighteenth and Early
Nineteenth Century”, op. cit., p. 247.
46
David R. Syiemlieh, “Technology and Socio-Economic Linkages of the Khasi-Jaintias”,op. cit., p. 30.

219
were in great demand.47 These items were traded using barter, for the economy was

not a money economy. A brisk barter trade is used to be carried on between the plains

and the hills. Currency was not totally unknown to them. On the Sylhet frontier, cowri

was used as currency and employed as a medium of exchange. The Khasi chiefs did

not mint coins. But the Raja of Jaintias issued some debased money called kattrataka

(sword rupees) which was however in very limited circulation. The bulk of the trade

was therefore carried on by barter.48

In Jaintia Hills coal was discovered at Amwih, Lakadong, Narpuh, Sutnga,

Chyrmang and few other places. The beginning of coal mining in Jaintia Hills was

made in the second half of the 19th Century at Lakadong coalfields, now called

LumMooiong, bordering Bangladesh. During those days the extracted coal was lifted

manually by men in a pair of basket containing about 60-80 kgs at a time to the

vicinity of the Tisang river bank and a fully loaded boat use to ferry the coal to Sylhet.

This process of exportation of coal was stopped because of the geographically

difficult terrains and the cost of the coal could not be adjusted with the cost of

production.

Since there was no proper route for disposing off the mined coal from Jaintia

Hills, no further mining of coal was taken up until 1970’s. Coal mining in Jaintia Hills

District was revived in a minor scale after 1970’s. Initially coal mining was done by

the local people in groups consisting of their own family members. Coal mining

began to flourish in the mid 1970’s and soon Jaintia Hills was recognised as rich coal

belt in Meghalaya. During that period the extracted coal was much in demand from

outside Meghalaya. Coal is an important source of energy essential for households as

well for industries. A huge quantity of coal produced from there was carried to the tea
47
D. R. Syiemlieh, “Trade and Markets in the Khasi-Jaintia Hills: Changed Conditions in the 19th and
20th Centuries”, op. cit., p. 51.
48
PromothaNath Dutta, op. cit., p. 14.

220
estates and brick kiln industries in the plains of Southern Assam (Silchar). The

industries like textiles, paper, brick kilns in the plains are the most important

consumers of the coal supplied from the Jaintia Hills.So with the demand for more

coal, the people have begun to mine more and more areas in the region. Those who

own coalmines made an effort to employ as many labourers as they can so that they

could produce maximum coal for sale and profit. Realisation of the profitability of the

commercial exploitation of coal has completely changed the attitude of the people

towards their land. Large-scale commercialisation of coal mining began from 1980s

onwards. A huge exploration of coal was carried out from the district and carried to

different parts of India. Since then, till the ban on coal mining activities by the NGT

on 17th April 2014 took place, coal mining became a major occupation in Jaintia Hills

and many farmers have leased out their agricultural lands to both local and non-locals

for mining of coal. 49 The immediate impact of coal on the local economy is the

transformation of the traditional economic activities from agriculture to the coal

mining work.50

As part of the research study, a field study is undertaken in four coal mining

villages in each block of Khliehriat and Saipung respectively in East Jaintia Hills

District, in order to understand the socio-economic status of the coalminers.

Khliehriat and Saipung are the two community and rural development blocks of the

District. The names of the villages from Khliehriat Block are: Khliehriat East, Dkhiah

East, Rymbai, and Moopala. The names of the villages from Saipung Block are:

Moolamylliang, Narwan, Sakhain, and SakhainMoolimen.

The survey shows that the number of coalmine owners who were from within

their respective villages varies from one village to the other. In the villages of

49
B. P. Sahu and P. Nongtdu, op. cit., p. 102.
50
Henry Lamin, op. cit., p. 83.

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Khliehriat East, Rymbai and Narwan the coalmine owners from within the village

were more than a hundred of them, whereas in the rest of the villages they number

less than 50. No outsiders own mines within the villages of Khliehriat East, Dkhiah

East and Moopala and the mining activities in these villages were done by the

landowners from these villages itself. The area of land acquired for mining activity

varies. There are some richer businessmen who have acquired 200 to 300 acres of

land for mining, whereas the poorer businessmen have1 acre to 5 acres for mining

activities. However, in the rest of the villages, Khasi-Jaintia entrepreneurs who do not

belong to the village have bought lands for the purpose of extraction of coal. The

method of selling the land for mining purposes is mostly the same in all the villages of

Jaintia Hills. One is the sale of the upper or surface layer, and the other is the sale of

the layer beneath the surface. Mainly the coalminers buy the land solely for the

purpose of extracting the coal lying beneath the surface. After the mineral is

exhausted from beneath the earth surface the land is left again under the ownership of

the owners who have sold the land. Thus, it can be said that land was not sold entirely

but rather it was leased out to the buyers for the purpose of extraction of coal. On an

average coalminer leases 1 acre or 2 acres for mining at a cost price of Rs. 7 to 8

lakhs.

Earnings of the coalminers from mining activities are not same every year. It

depends on the quality and the quantity of coal and also their ability to market the

coal. Roughly speaking we may say that in each season these mine owners may earn

up to 25 lakhs annually. Some rich mine owners have multi-storied buildings, while

small-scale owners have one or two storied buildings. They also do have houses at the

urban localities of Khliehriat, Jowai and Shillong. Their children under the age of

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fifteen to twenty are mostly studying and adults attend to various vocations as

business, shopkeepers, office workers, etc.51

There has been considerable discussion in the media about the power of

coalminers in Meghalaya politics. It is true that some coalmine owners in Jaintia Hills

made it big in politics by entering state and central politics. But this does not

necessarily mean that all politicians in Jaintia Hills are coalminers. While some show

interest in politics, some others play secondary role as financiers of political parties or

politicians. Our survey of eight villages show contrasting picture of the political status

and role of the coalminers.

The MLA of Khliehriat, Justine Dkhar was previously a teacher in a

Government L. P. School in Khliehriat East. Prior to joining active politics he was not

engaged in coal mining, but it was only after getting into politics that he associated

himself with the business in coal mining. This shows that one need not be a coalminer

to become the MLA. Another person who is actively participating in politics from this

village is ShibunLyngdoh who is at present the BJP President of Meghalaya State

Unit. He has also contested as an MP candidate. He undertakes different contracts and

run coal mining and stone mining business. He also has shops and other such

businesses too.52

A coalmine owner from Dkhiah East village who is active in politics is Simon

Siangshai.53Siangshai is the ex-Vice-President of the state unit of National People’s

Party (NPP) of Meghalaya and is the ex-party in charge of East and West Jaintia Hills

51
Field Survey at Khliehriat Village conducted on 7th March, 2015; Field Survey at Dkhiah East Village
conducted on 28th October, 2015; Field Survey at Moopala Village conducted on 2nd June, 2016; Field
Survey at Rymbai Village conducted on 20th November, 2015; Field Survey at Moolamylliang Village
conducted on 29th October, 2015; Field Survey at Narwan Village conducted on 3rd February, 2015;
Field Survey at Sakhain Village conducted on 26th February, 2015; Field Survey at SakhainMoolimen
Village conducted on 27th February, 2015.
52
Field Survey at Khliehriat Village conducted on 7th March, 2015.
53
Field Survey at Dkhiah East Village conducted on 28th October, 2015.

223
District. Siangshai was elected thrice to Meghalaya Legislative Assembly in 1988 as

an Independent candidate, in 1993 as a candidate of the Hill People’s Union, and

again in 1998 on United Democratic Party ticket. He was also the Minister in charge

of the PWD, Labour, Industries, and Soil and Water Conservation. He was also

elected twice to the JHADC. He represented Rangad-Lakadong District Council

Constituency twice in 1978 and 1983 respectively.54

In contrast, the coalmine owners from Moopala, Sakhain and

SakhainMoolimen were not actively involved in politics, although they were active in

the working of the dorbarchnong. Some of them were active office bearers of the

dorbarchnong.55 In Rymbai village some politicians have direct or indirect links with

coal mining activity. The former local MLA, NehlangLyngdoh of Congress Party has

coal mining background. Violet Lyngdoh of United Democratic Party (UDP), a

resident of this village was the first lady MDC in JHADC. She hails from a family

which is active in coal mining, but she was a teacher and not directly involved in coal

business. Welcome Dkhar from UDP and PhrangRymbai who were former members

of the JHADC, were also Ministers and had coal mining background. Initially both

were teachers and after resigning from their teaching jobs, they engaged in coal

mining business. Subsequently they joined politics.56

P. Nongtdu a resident of Moolamylliang village had successfully contested in

the MDC elections. Apart from him, no other person has ever contested elections

from the village. The people acknowledge his contributions to the village as an MDC

in the 1980’s. He is from a well to do background and practices agriculture and

54
The Shillong Times, 10th Nov, 2012; “NPP Forces Siangshai to Contest from Khliehriat”,
http://www.theshillongtimes.com/2012/11/10/npp-forces-siangshai-to-contest-from-khliehriat/,
accessed on 16thJune, 2015.
55
Field Survey at Moopala Village conducted on 2nd June, 2016; Field Survey at Sakhain Village
conducted on 26th February, 2015; Field Survey at SakhainMoolimen Village conducted on 27th
February, 2015.
56
Field Survey at Rymbai Village conducted on 20th November, 2015.

224
engages in trade.57There were two people from Narwan village who have contested in

the JHADC elections. RajanShadap has contested three times, while PynshainShadap

has contested only once. However, both did not win the elections. Both of them were

coalmine owners who did not contribute to any developmental activities in the village

since they stayed outside the village after they were married.58

Impact of Coal Mining on Traditional Institutions and Village Economy

The fifth chapter discusses the effects of coal mining on the working of traditional

political institutions at the village level.

At a much earlier period of time, the Jaintias were semi-nomads, who, in

search of protection from invasions of their enemies or in search of suitable lands for

cultivation moved from place to place until they found and settled in the forest areas

of present Jaintia Hills. Since the decision to migrate in some cases required an

immediate attention, a leader in such a migratory society was a very powerful one.

The first ruler of the village was indeed a village priest whose office was elective. He

combined in himself both the sacerdotal and secular functions. In course of time, with

the increase of political functions, the office of uwahehchnong was created. The office

of wahehchnong was established specifically for political function with the village

council or kadorbarchnongas the highest authority in the village. 59 Raid or elaka,

consisting of a number of villages, was the immediate highest administrative unit next

57
Field Survey at Moolamylliang Village conducted on 29th October, 2015.
58
Field Survey at Narwan Village conducted on 3rd February, 2015.
59
L. S. Gassah, “Traditional Polity and Institutions among the Jaintias”, op. cit., p. 198.

225
to village. Every elaka had a doloi as its head.60 The dolois at the raid level had their

own councils known as dorbar raid or dorbarelaka.61

The confederation of all the raids or elakas ruled by the dolois had ultimately

given birth to the institution of syiemship or kingship among the Jaintias in the past.62

The office of the Jaintiasyiem existed till 1835 A. D., the year in which the Jaintia

kingdom was annexed by the British. The British abolished the syiem’s office but of

course retained the other two offices of the dolois and the village headmen.63 Though

the dolois and the village headmen were retained as autonomous heads of their elakas

and villages respectively, many of their powers and functions were stripped off. A

house-tax of one rupee per house was introduced in the Jaintia Hills in 1860 and the

dolois were entrusted the duty to collect it, and as remuneration for their efforts, were

to receive a percentage of the amount collected. In spite of the curtailment of some of

their traditional powers and privileges, the dolois appear to have gained much power

and authority as the agent of the British government in their new role as collector of

house-tax.64

Soon after India’s Independence, with the emergence of the new institutions in

the region, many changes have taken place and have also affected the power and

functions of the traditional chiefs. The immediate effect was that the power and

functions of the chiefs were taken away and they were put under the control and

60
In the case of Jaintia Hills, though the society is by tradition casteless and classless, the traditional
pattern of authority and leadership structure was almost the same ascriptive one found elsewhere in
India. Thus, traditional leadership was persons belonging to certain original clan or clan (kurs) and
other clans were deprived of this privilege.
61
L. S. Gassah, “Traditional Polity and Institutions among the Jaintias”, op. cit., p. 201.
62
Gurudas Das, op. cit., p. 39.
63
L. S. Gassah, “Sequences in Development in Jaintia Hills: A Study of Tradition, Continuity and
Change”, op. cit., pp. 252-253.
64
L. S. Gassah, “The Emerging Political Elites in Jaintia Hills”, op. cit., pp. 224-225; David R.
Syiemlieh, op. cit., pp. 88-96.

226
supervision of the District Council. 65 The new administrative set up replaced the

traditional leaders by the people’s representatives elected every five years on the basis

of adult franchise to the State Legislative Assembly and the District Councils.66

Apart from relying on secondary sources, a survey was undertaken in eight

villages in East Jaintia Hills to understand the nature and dynamics of the traditional

political institutions, the history and evolution of coalmining in the villages and the

interaction between the traditional political institutions and the coalminers in the

villages.

The people started coal mining in these villages, after observing coal mining

activities in the adjacent village of Wapung, situated at a distance of 24 kms from

Jowai. The name ‘Wapung’ is popular in Jaintia Hills, as extraction of coal for

commercial purpose first started there. The locals of Khliehriat village opined that

coal mining in this village started in the year 1975. According to ShibunLyngdoh

(President of the BJP, Meghalaya State Unit), it was one Bihari person, a non-tribal

worker and a resident of Wapung village, who came across a layer of coal while

digging the national highway road at Lad Rymbai. 67 Coal mining in Dkhiah East

village started in the year 1975 with the initiative of one ShaiPhawa.68Coal mining

started in Moopala village around the year 1977 to 1978. But regarding the history of

who has started it is not known for certain.69Rymbai village became aware of the coal

deposits only 35 to 40 years ago. No one in the village could recall who exactly

65
The colonial impact led to the emergence and birth of a host of new educated elites in the Jaintia
society. Most of them are urban based. The emergence of such political elites and political leaders in
Jaintia Hills can also be seen after India’s Independence.
L. S. Gassah, “Sequences in Development in Jaintia Hills: A Study of Tradition, Continuity and
Change”, op.cit., pp. 271-272.
66
Ibid., p. 273.
67
Field Survey at Khliehriat Village conducted on 7th March, 2015.
68
Field Survey at Dkhiah East Village conducted on 28th October, 2015.
69
Field Survey at Moopala Village conducted on 2nd June, 2016.

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started mining activity in this village.70 In Moolamylliang village mining has started

in the year 1984 by a woman name ShailoSyrti.71Coal mining came to Narwan village

in 1972 and it was initiated by two local persons named KranShadap and Min

Shadap.72Coal mining has started in the village of Sakhain in the year 1985. But there
73
was no confirmed history of who has started this mining first. In

SakhainMoolimenvillage the mining of coal started in the year 1986 by a person

named ApwelDkhar who is from Dkhiah West village.74

Mostly all the executive members of the durbars in these villages are engaged

in coal mining business. The coalminers do not pay any tax to the dorbars but they

give some donations to the village clubs during occasions. The coalmine owners

contributed to the fund of the dorbarchnongsin order to promote and maintain the

roads and the lanes which were within the boundary of the villages and they also help

in drinking water connection and payment of salary for teachers in those schools

which the village dorbars have started within the respective villages.

The survey undertaken in the villages has shown that despite variations, one

can see certain common features in all these villages which experienced coal mining

activities in their vicinity. The villagers acknowledge that coal mining has adversely

affected the environment and water resources. Many rivers and water streams flowing

through the villages such as WahKwai, WahSlongwiat, WahKaiduma, WahSabi,

WahRymbe, WahPompar, WahSyllih, WahLympit and WahThwaisnor are polluted.

The villagers are facing scarcity of drinking water. As aquatic life is affected, fishes

are no more available in many streams. Although these negative effects are

70
Field Survey at Rymbai Village conducted on 20th November, 2015.
71
Field Survey at Moolamylliang Village conducted on 29th October, 2015.
72
Field Survey at Narwan Village conducted on3rd February, 2015.
73
Field Survey at Sakhain Village conducted on 26th February, 2015.
74
Field Survey at SakhainMoolimen Village conducted on 27th February, 2015.

228
acknowledged, in the aftermath of the NGT ban, the people are more concerned about

the impact of the ban. They argue that coal mining had many positive effects on the

lives of the people. As agricultural land was limited, dependence on coal mining

became inevitable. Coal mining opened up new opportunities in the villages. It

provided new sources of livelihood for many and increased their income. The sudden

ban on coalmining by the NGT has come as a rude shock to the locals. They now find

their income and avenues for livelihood drastically reduced. Not only have the

immigrant workers, even the locals lost their jobs and sources of livelihood.

Major Findings of the Thesis

The following are the findings of the thesis:

• The colonial and post-colonial experience of the hill tribes in North-East India

is very different from the experience of the tribes in mainland India. Thanks to

the Sixth Schedule and the working of ADCs, the control over land, forests

and other natural resources in hill states of North-East India such as

Meghalaya largely remained with the indigenous communities. However, the

penetration of capitalist market economy has turned the Ri Raidlands into

RiKyntilands. As a result of this transition, even coalmines have become

private property of individuals. Mining which was undertaken initially for

community needs have now become a commercial activity in Jaintia Hills.

• In some ways the coal mining has contributed to the socio-economic

development in Jaintia Hills.The survey also shows that there has been a

considerable change in all the villages surveyed after coal mining started.

Jaintia Hills witnessed considerable economic development as well. The

immediate impact of coal mining on the local economy was the shift from

traditional agrarian economy to the mining economy. Many landowners have

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 given up cultivation and started investing hugely in coal mining related

activities. The coal mining activity has enhanced the income sources of the

people, created more employment opportunities, and widened the scope for

trade and commerce. Many people including the migrant workers, employed

directly or indirectly in the coal mining belts,contributed to the economic

development of Meghalaya.

• Coal mining brought changes in the attitude, values, behaviour, thinking and

life-style of the people in Jaintia Hills.The mindset of the people has shifted

from an agrarian to a business mindset. With the progress of mining activity,

the parents have started sending their children to better schools. Some rich

coalminers have started sending their children for higher studies not only to

places within the state but also outside the state. Education gave the new

generation opportunities for exploring different professional, business and

political opportunities for their growth as well as for development of the

region.

• Coal mining has been the main source of revenue for the state government

and the ADCs. All the expenditure or the salary that the Council is spending

and giving comes from the revenue that has been generated from coal mining.

Revenue from coal mining is very important for the working of the JHADC

because the major share of the royalty from minerals comes from coal. Almost

entirely the revenue to the District Council comes from the revenue generated

from the minerals extracted in Jaintia Hills.

• In the state of Meghalaya coal mining and politics goes hand in hand.75Coal

mining has come to play a major role in local politics and significantly

75
Toki Blah, op. cit.

230
 impacts the functioning of the government and politics in the state. Some

coalmine owners in Jaintia Hills made it big in politics by entering state and

central politics.

• The members of the District Council, MLAs, MP and other politicians from

Jaintia Hills are in one way or the other connected with the coal mining

business. As ThomborShiwat, the CEM of JHADC observed, “half of elected

members of JHADC are actively involved in coal mining business, as the main

source of income for them comes from coal business”. Some of the successful

coal barons from Jaintia Hills have branched out to other business such as

construction, real estate and service sector.

• The growth of coal mining activities in the villages did not interfere in the day

to day functioning of the dorbars. The normal functioning of the dorbars

remained the same before and after the introduction of coal mining. The

dorbars continue to function on traditional lines. No doubt coal mining plays a

very important part in making a person prominent in the village. The people

look up to the coalminers who have amassed wealth through mining with

respect and see them as leaders in the village. Some coalminers may become

members of the dorbars and contribute money for certain activities. But they

are treated on par with other members of the village who are not involved in

coal mining. Irrespective of their economic background, the village chiefs

claim that the dorbars treats everyone equal.

• Coal mining is treated as an activity of an individual, whereas the dorbaris

seen as a community institution since the time immemorial. Mining has not

brought any adverse changes in the functioning or jurisdiction of the dorbars.

In fact, the coal mining helped the functioning of the dorbars by making

231
 additional money available for implementation of programs initiated by the

dorbars. Coalminers do not control the dorbars. The dorbars continues to

perform the traditional ways of settling the issues between the people. In case

of dispute between the coalminers and the land owners on any issue

concerning ownership or use of land, the dorbars brings about an

understanding between the two parties. To say that the whole picture of the

dorbars has been modified because of coal mining is not true. Also, the

dorbars does not have any say in individual’s right to mining in their lands,

but it has the power to prohibit coal mining near the residential areas and

censure those who violate the rules.

• The NGT ban on coalmining has come as a shock to all sections of the people

in Jaintia Hills. It has adversely impacted not only the business of the

coalminers, but also the government revenue and peoples’ income, sources of

livelihood and standard of living. There has been a political pressure on the

government to ensure that the NGT’s ban is lifted as early as possible.

However, the ban has also made the people conscious of the negative effects

of coal mining on the environment and the dangers of rat hole mining. Some

of the coalmine owners are now turning to horticulture.

• Showcasing the difficulties faced by the people, coal lobby has been

pressurising the Government of Meghalaya to ensure that the ban is lifted. The

government has come out with a draft Mining Policy, which is under the

consideration of the Central government and the Supreme Court. Whether the

coal mining in Meghalaya would be revived, or the Jaintia people would turn

to alternate sources of livelihood is something that needs to be watched.

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*****

233