Peek, Becoming Muslim

Becoming Muslim: The Development of a Religious Identity
Author(s): Lori Peek

Source: Sociology of Religion, Vol. 66, No. 3 (Autumn, 2005), pp. 215-242
Published by: Oxford University Press
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Sociology of Religion 2005, 66:3 215-242
Becoming Muslim: The Development of a

Religious Identity
Lori Peek*
Colorado State University
This study explores the process of religious identity formation and examines the emergence of reli-
gion as the most salient source of personal and social identity for a group of second-generation Muslim
Americans. Drawing on data gathered through participant observation, focus groups, and individual
interviews with Muslim university students in New York and Colorado, three stages of religious iden-
tity development are presented: religion as ascribed identity; religion as chosen identity; and religion
as declared identity. This research illustrates how religious identity emerges in social and historical con-
text and demonstrates that its development is variable rather than static. Additionally, I discuss the
impacts of September 11 and show how a crisis event can impel a particular identity-in this case,
religious-to become even more central to an individual's concept of self. Through asserting the pri-
macy of their religious identity over other forms of social identity, religion became a powerful base of
personal identification and collective association for these young Muslims.
The religious landscape of the United States has changed markedly over the
past four decades, largely due to the passage of the 1965 Immigration Act, which
repealed country-of-origin quotas established in the 1920s that predominantly
favored Western European, mostly Judeo-Christian, immigrants. This change in
federal immigration policy led to an unprecedented diversification of the
American population over the subsequent years, as millions of immigrants
arrived from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Eastern Europe, Latin America, and
the Middle East. The post-1965 "new" immigrants are racially, ethnically, lin-
guistically, and religiously more heterogeneous than the immigrants of a century
ago (Warner 1993:1061). Political turmoil, wars, revolutions, disasters, and labor
market trends also prompted refugees and immigrants from around the world to
settle in the United States (Ebaugh 2000; Warner 1998). These and other social,
*Direct correspondence to Lori Peek, Department of Sociology, Colorado State University, B327
Clark, Fort Collins, CO 80523-1784; e-mail: [email protected]. I would like to thank Patti
Adler, Peter Adler, David Butler, Janet Jacobs, Mary Fran Myers, Joyce Nielsen, and Wendy
Steinhacker for commenting on earlier drafts of this article. I would also like to thank Nancy Nason-
Clark and three anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful suggestions for revision. This work was sup-
ported by the American Association of University Women, the Graduate School at the University of
Colorado, the Natural Hazards Research and Applications Information Center, and the National
Science Foundation, which is gratefully acknowledged.
215
216 SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION
political, and economic forces have made the United States the most religiously
diverse nation on earth (Eck 2001; Melton 2003).
Muslims constitute an important part of this increasingly diverse religious
landscape. While estimates vary regarding the current population, and at times
there is disagreement concerning who should be identified as Muslim, it is gen-
erally accepted that approximately six to seven million Muslims live permanent-
ly in America and the community is growing steadily1 (Bagby, Perl, and Froehle
2001; Smith 1999). According to Leonard (2003), Islam is the fastest growing
religion in the United States, and is poised to surpass Judaism and become sec-
ond only to Christianity in the number of adherents. The Muslim community is
strikingly diverse, and includes large percentages of African Americans as well as
many first-, second-, and third-generation immigrants of South Asian and Arab
descent.2 Additionally, a small but gradually increasing number of Caucasians,
Latinos, and Native Americans has converted to Islam over the past several
decades (Smith 1999). Thus, the adherents to the faith represent a broad range
of ethnicities, cultures, nationalities, and Islamic ideologies.
Although the body of knowledge regarding the traditions and experiences of
Muslim Americans continues to grow (see Leonard 2003 for a review of the
research), few empirical investigations have specifically explored the process of
developing a religious identity among Muslims in the United States. Based on a
qualitative study of Muslim Americans in New York and Colorado, this article
examines the role that religion plays in the lives of a group of young Muslims. In
particular, the analysis focuses on the development and maintenance of religious
identity.
IDENTITY
The concept of identity is fundamental in modern social psychology. T

nature and formation of group identity, as well as the construction of ind
identity, is the subject of much theoretical and empirical inquiry (see
1997; Frable 1997; Howard 2000; Sanders 2002; and Vryan, Adler, and
2003 for overviews). Identity is generally used to define and describe an in
1Precise figures for the number of Muslims living in the United States do not
because the Census Bureau and the Immigration and Naturalization Service are not
allowed to collect data on the religious affiliation of citizens or immigrants.
2The U.S. Department of State (2004) estimates that the ethnic composition o
Muslim American community is 33% South Asian (Pakistan, India, Banglad
Afghanistan), 30% African American, and 25% Arab. The population also includes
grants from Sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, Southeast Asia (Malaysia, Indonesi
Philippines), the Caribbean, Turkey, and Iran.
BECOMING MUSLIM 217
uals' sense of self, group affiliations, structural positions, and ascribed and
achieved statuses. Identity results from internal subjective perceptions, self-
reflection, and external characterizations. Contrary to earlier understandings of
identity as fixed and immutable, today identity is more often considered an
evolving process of "becoming" rather than simply "being" (Dillon 1999:250).
Individual identity can shift over time, due to personal experiences and larger
social changes (Haddad 1994; McMullen 2000; Nagel 1995).
Identity theory attempts to link the individual conception of self and the
larger social structure within which the individual thinks and acts. However,
these approaches to identity vary in their emphases on social structure, on the
one hand, and the processes and interactions through which identities are con-
structed, on the other (Burke et al. 2003; Howard 2000). The structural approach
relies on the concept of role identities in analyzing individuals' self-conceptions,
behaviors, and social relations with others (Stryker 1980, 1968; Turner 1978).
The second approach highlights on-going processes of identity construction,
selection, and negotiation (Cahill 1986; Nagel 1995, 1994; Waters 1990; West
and Zimmerman 1987). Identity construction entails self-presentation and the
management of verbal and visual impressions (Goffman 1963, 1959). Various sit-
uational, personal, and social identities are invoked based on the specific costs
and rewards associated with those identities (Vryan et al. 2003).
Particularly useful in this study is the concept of identity salience, which rec-
ognizes contributing factors and processes that make one identity-in this case,
being Muslim-of greater, even paramount, importance in the hierarchy of mul-
tiple identities that comprise a sense of self. According to Stryker (1980), discrete
identities may be thought of as ordered in a salience hierarchy. As individuals
become more committed to a given role, that role will assume higher identity
salience. Moreover, the higher the identity in the salience hierarchy, the more
likely that identity will be enacted in a given situation, or in many situations. In
essence, this probability of invoking a particular identity, whether intentionally
or not, defines identity salience and thus commitment to that identity. Although
social identities and salience hierarchies tend to be stable, individuals sometimes
alter or take on new social identities, shed old ones, or rearrange their identities'
relative salience (Vryan et al. 2003:381).
Religious Identity
While there has been much social scientific exploration of identity over the
past decade, major reviews of identity theory and research have largely over-
looked the role of religion in forging identities for individuals and groups.3 For
3Similarly, very few studies of recent immigration and ethnicity say anything about reli-
gion, which according to Warner (1997:218) represents a "huge scholarly blind spot."
example, in a summary of the state of knowledge regarding identity construction

and processes, Cerulo (1997) does not include religion as an identity category.
Similarly, the overview essays of Frable (1997) and Howard (2000) carefully
examine the individual and social bases of various dimensions of identity-
including gender, race, ethnicity, nationality, sexuality, age, physical and mental
ability, and class-but neither mentions religion as an important defining aspect
of individuals or groups in society. Interestingly, Appiah and Gates (1995:1)
invoke Christian symbolism, but ignore religion as a source of identity, in their
claim that gender/sexuality, race/ethnicity, and class form the "holy trinity" in
the field of identity studies.
At the same time, however, numerous investigations by sociologists of reli-
gion have explored the role of religion in maintaining group identity and soli-
darity, particularly for immigrants (see for example Ebaugh and Chafetz 2000;
Gibson 1988; Haddad and Lummis 1987; Hammond 1988; Herberg 1955; Min
and Kim 2002; Warner and Wittner 1998; Williams 1988). Many of these stud-
ies, rather than focusing on religion exclusively, have examined the connection
between religion and ethnic identity. This research has documented the contin-
uing importance of religion in preserving cultural and ethnic traditions, support-
ing the adjustment of first-generation immigrants to a new host society, and pro-
viding a source of identity for the second generation (Bankston and Zhou 1996;
Chong 1998; Kurien 1998; Ng 2002; Rayaprol 1997; Yang 1999). According to
Williams (1988:12-13), although religion is often a significant aspect of ethnic
culture, it is difficult to establish the exact relation between the two-whether
religious affiliation is essential to the ethnic community or if religious orientation
is ancillary to ethnic identity. Indeed, immigrant groups differ in the ways they
focus on and integrate their religious and ethnic identities. Some immigrant reli-
gious communities emphasize their members' religious identity more than their
ethnic foundation, whereas others stress ethnic identity and rely on religious
institutions primarily to preserve cultural traditions and ethnic boundaries (Yang
and Ebaugh 2001:367).
Various theories have been advanced regarding why certain individuals and
communities highlight and develop religious identities, as opposed to other forms
of personal and social identity such as race, ethnicity, or nationality. According
to Smith (1978:1175), immigration itself is often a theologizing experience;
immigrants frequently react to the alienation and confusion that result from their
arrival in a new country by turning to religion. In attempt to resolve adjustment
issues, they build religious institutions and re-establish familiar social and cultur-
al activities in the new host society (Kurien 1998; Rayaprol 1997). Consequently,
religion can assume greater importance for immigrants' definition of self and
group affiliations than was the case in their homelands, where religion may have
been taken for granted or at least been of lesser importance. This is particularly
true if the immigrants come from a society where they were part of the religious
majority and then move to a host society where they become a religious minori-
BECOMING MUSLIM 219
ty-for example, Indian Hindus, Israeli Jews, Pakistani Muslims, or Vietnamese

Buddhists coming to the United States.
Another closely related explanation of why religion may become an impor-
tant basis for identity recognizes the functions that religion plays in society. In
addition to meeting spiritual needs, membership in a religious organization offers
many non-religious material, psychological, and social benefits, including com-
munity networks, economic opportunities, educational resources, and peer trust
and support (Chen 2002; Hurh and Kim 1990). As positive benefits increase, it
is more likely that individuals will affiliate religiously.
A third explanation maintains that religious identity and expression serve to
ease the tensions caused by incongruent immigrant, ethnic, and American iden-
tities (Feher 1998; Yang 1999), while also helping the individual to overcome
social isolation (Kwon 2000). Sullivan (2000) asserts that when church members
define themselves, first and foremost, in religious terms, their ethnic variation
and national differences become less problematic, and diverse communities are
brought together through shared worship.
A fourth explanation contends that religion may be used to maintain per-
sonal and social distinctiveness in the multicultural American context (Rayaprol
1997). As religion is less and less taken for granted in the pluralistic and secular
conditions of the United States, adherents become more conscious of their tra-
ditions and often more determined to transmit those beliefs, values, and behav-
iors (Warner 1998:17). Religious dress, practices, and organizational affiliations
serve as important identity markers that help promote individual self-awareness
and preserve group cohesion (Williams 1988), as ethnic and national heritage is
displayed and thus maintained (Kurien 1998). In sum, for a variety of reasons, for
many individuals religion remains an important organizing factor in the hierar-
chy of identities that compose the self.
Muslim American Identity

A number of studies have investigated various aspects of personal and social
identity among Muslim Americans, including gender role attitudes and identities
of Muslim women (Bartkowski and Read 2003; Hermansen 1991; Read 2003;
Read and Bartkowski 2000); identity politics of Muslims (Khan 2000; Marshall
and Read 2003); issues of religious identity transmission and retention (Abu-
Laban 1989; Barazangi 1989); and the distinct identities and religious practices
of Sunni and Shi'a Muslims in America (Sachedina 1994; Walbridge 1999).
Additionally, several research projects have examined the intersections of reli-
gious, racial, and ethnic identities for Arab American Muslims (Abraham,
Abraham and Aswad 1983; Haddad 1994; Naber 2000), African American
Muslims (Ailen 2000; Kahera 2002; Nuruddin 2000), and Iranian Muslims
(Bozorgmehr 2000; Sabagh and Bozorgmehr 1994). In an ambitious undertaking,
Haddad (2000) investigated the broader social dynamics that shape Islamic iden-
tity in North America, exploring the factors that affected various identities prior
to emigration, the immigrant experience in America, and the options immigrants

find as they struggle to make their home in a new, sometimes hostile, environ-
ment.
Despite the aforementioned studies and other research that explores th

beliefs, values, attitudes, and behaviors of Muslims (see Haddad 1991; Hadd
and Esposito 2000; Haddad and Lummis 1987; Haddad and Smith 2002; Leona
2003; Smith 1999; Waugh, Abu-Laban and Qureshi 1991), little is know
regarding the identity formation processes of Muslim Americans, particularly f
the second generation (Hermansen 2003; Leonard 2003). Ajrouch (2004, 200
1999) has closely examined the identity development of young Muslim Arabs
Dearborn, Michigan. Although she does not specifically focus on religious iden
tification, Ajrouch does explore the intersection of ethnic and religious identit
the significance of gender relations, and how religious teachings and parental
influence shape the identities of second-generation Arab American adolescents
Hermansen (2003) has also written about the second generation and what s
calls "identity Islam" among that group, a form of identity assertion that concer
her greatly because she sees Muslim youth in America becoming rigidly conse
vative and condemnatory. Hermansen considers this particular ideological ver-
sion of Islam antithetical to progressive interpretations within the religio
Among the available work on the lives of Muslim American youth, no studies
appear to have specifically documented and analyzed the ways that religious ide
tity is constructed, developed, and enacted by the second generation.
In this paper, I utilize data from focus groups, individual interviews, and par
ticipant observation to examine the process of religious identity formatio
Specifically, I explore why and how religion has become the most salient sour
of personal and social identity for a group of young Muslims living in the Unit
States.4 This ethnographic investigation is thus intended to contribute to the
understanding of the significance of religion among second-generation immi-
grants by examining the factors and processes contributing to the developme
of a religious identity. This study also expands knowledge regarding minority
groups distinguished by religion, rather than by race or ethnicity. Finally, th
investigation broadens sociological understanding of the beliefs and practices
young Muslim Americans. This research is particularly important because of th
growing number of Muslims in the United States and the increasing visibility o
4I recognize the necessity of conceiving identity through multiple frames of reference

that is, the need to examine the interconnections of religion, race, ethnicity, class, age, gen
der, and sexuality, as well as the myriad other identities that compose the self, in attempt
avoid a reductionistic account of identity (see Vertovec and Rogers 1998). Moreover, I ag
with Halliday (1999) that while all those who are Muslim certainly consider Islam as part
their identity, Islam is never the sole source of identity. However, my intent is to examine w
and how the individuals interviewed for this study came to identify themselves as Muslims f
and foremost, while often disregarding other identities.
BECOMING MUSLIM 221
second-generation Muslim Americans in the political and social spheres of

American life.
I begin by discussing the setting in which this study was conducted, the
research participants, and the qualitative methods that were used. Next, I pres-
ent three stages of identity development, describing and illustrating how a
Muslim religious identity emerged and gained saliency for the participants. I con-
clude by analyzing the individual and social factors that contributed to the iden-
tity of being Muslim becoming paramount and discuss how this particular group
of young Muslims understand and enact their religious identities.
SETTINGS AND METHODS
The initial phase of my research project began immediately following

events of September 11, 2001, when I received a grant to study the resp
Muslim university students to the terrorist attacks. Over the course of
lowing two years, from September 2001 through October 2003, I traveled
York City four times, conducting six weeks of study and obser
Additionally, during this same time period, I regularly engaged in resear
Boulder, Denver, and Fort Collins, Colorado. I employed three descriptive
work methods throughout my project: focus group interviews, individua
depth interviews, and participant observation.
I contacted most of my research participants through the Muslim Stu
Associations (MSAs) on their respective college and university campuses.
there is no official record of Muslims living in the United States, one of t
viable ways to find my participants was through the network of MSAs, a
ally recognized organization. Within each MSA, I relied on one or two ke
tacts to help recruit participants and arrange interviews, while also cont
interviewees through a referral snowball sample technique (Biernac
Waldorf 1981).
During the three months following the September 11 attacks, I conduc
focus groups, which ranged in size from three to 15 participants an
between one and four hours. In the following months, I used one-on-one
structured and unstructured interviews as the primary form of data collec
total, I conducted 83 individual interviews, each lasting between one and
hours. Combining the focus groups (n = 23) and individual interviews (n
conducted in New York and Colorado, I carried out a total of 106 qua
interviews, which were audio taped, transcribed, and coded for analysis.
I also observed and participated in various aspects of the Muslim men
women's lives. For example, I attended political and religious speeches an
meetings, observed Friday prayers at mosques, attended weddings, and ate
at various religious centers. I also visited dorms and apartments that were
ated following the collapse of the World Trade Center towers, tou
observed campuses, traveled on subways and buses with the students, an
shared a cup of coffee, lunch, or dinner. I kept detailed field notes as I collected
this data. Participating in these activities, as well as simply spending time with
the students, helped me to verify the experiences and information discussed in
the interviews (Bogdan and Taylor 1998; Lofland and Lofland 1995).
Sample Population
In total, I interviewed 127 Muslim students, many of whom were interviewed
two or three times during the two-year period of this research. Eighty-two of the
participants were women and 45 were men.5 The students ranged in age from 18
to 33. Eighty-seven of the interviewees were United States citizens, and the other
40 had student visas or were permanent residents. Most of the participants in this
study were 1.5 or second-generation immigrants6 who were primarily raised in
the United States and planned to stay in this country. I also interviewed 10 con-
verts to Islam, and spoke with a number of foreign students who intended to
return to their countries of origin upon graduation from American universities.
All of the participants were fluent in English, and over 75 percent spoke at least
one other language. The interviewees reported a wide range of ethnic back-
grounds. The majority of participants, 65 students, were of South or Southeast
Asian descent. Forty-one students identified as Arab or Arab American, ten were
Caucasian, six were Latino, and five were African American. However, standard
ethnic categories do not depict the true cultural diversity of the sample popula-
tion, as the interviewees identified with over 30 different national and/or cultur-
al backgrounds.
Most of the participants in this study would be considered highly religious.
This religious identification is based on both the self-characterization of the par-
ticipants, and my own observations. Almost all of the students reported praying
five times a day (one of the five fundamental pillars of Islam), fasting during the
Holy Month of Ramadan (another fundamental pillar of Islam), being active
members of religious organizations, having Muslim first and last names, and
abstaining from religiously prohibited activities (such as drinking alcohol or eat-
ing pork). Regardless of gender, most of the interviewees chose to dress modest-
5More women than men were interviewed for two reasons. First, as with many on-cam-
pus student organizations, most of the MSAs that I visited had a majority female membership.
Second, my position as a female researcher allowed me more access to the women than the
men.
6Some researchers include in the second generation those children born

came to the United States before the age of 12 (Portes and Zhou 1993). However
ars make a distinction between the second and 1.5 generation to differentiate A
children (second generation) from those who moved to the United States be
adulthood (1.5 generation) (Gans 1992; Min and Kim 2000; Rumbaut 1991). I f
nificant differences between the two groups in terms of their sense of religious
the sake of brevity, in the text I refer to my sample as the second generation.
BECOMING MUSLIM 223
ly. The majority of women (over 90 percent) wore the hijab,7 and two of the
women wore the niqaab.8 The level of religious affiliation and manner of dress of
most of the interviewees-the fact that they were visibly identifiable as
Muslim-certainly affected their individual experiences. Although my sample
was not randomly selected and is not representative, the narratives provided by
the interviewees suggest important insights about other young Muslims, who
through a process of introspection and social interaction consciously decided to
identify as members of the faith.
A MODEL OF MUSLIM RELIGIOUS IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT
My research with these Muslim university students revealed three stages

religious identity development: religion as ascribed identity; religion as chos
identity; and religion as declared identity. As the participants moved throug
each of the stages, their faith became more intense and their religious pract
increased, as did their identification with the religion of Islam and the indivi
characteristic of being Muslim. The identity formation model presented below
based on three broad assumptions: that identity is acquired through a social
developmental process; that the length of time taken to proceed through th
stages differs from person to person; and that this model applies to a partic
group of individuals in a specific social and historical context and is not mea
to serve as a universal model for all Muslim Americans during all time period
Religion as Ascribed Identity

Of the 127 individuals interviewed for this study, 117 were born into Mus
families (the other 10 participants converted to Islam as young adults).9 Bec
the majority of the interviewees were raised in Muslim homes,10 most view
religion as an ascribed characteristic of their individual selves and social wor
During this first stage of identity development, study participants reported
7The word hijab comes from the Arabic word for hiding or concealing, and for wome
also denotes covering the body completely with loose clothing. The headscarf typically dr
around the neck and also covers the bosom.
8The niqaab is a veil that covers the hair, neck, and face, leaving only the eyes visible
9This section relies on interview data from second-generation immigrants, who sp

most or all of their formative years in the United States. The converts, first-generation im
grants, and those who were only in the country to obtain a college education obviously co
not discuss what it was like to grow up as a Muslim in America.
10Although most of the interviewees were born into Muslim homes, they reported a w
range of familial religious involvement during their formative years. For example, some o
interviewees said that their family members were not religious at all, while others rep
that their parents and siblings were highly devout.
they engaged in very little critical reflection when they were children regarding
the meaning of "being Muslim" because their religious identity was taken for
granted as part of their everyday lives. Whereas most adults have the capacity to
select and therefore assert a variety of social and individual identities, children
are more likely to adhere to assigned identities (Adams and Marshall 1996).
Indeed, most of the participants did not consider issues of identity when they
were young, as they were "just kids like everyone else" who simply "did what their
parents told them to." Alisha,11 whose family emigrated to the United States
from Syria when she was an infant, discussed her experiences growing up in a
Muslim family:
I have never really strayed from the religion. I have never really had a boyfriend or any-
thing like that, or gone out with friends much. I have pretty much stayed within the fam-
ily. It is just things like, I believed in God and stuff. I would pray, but not well. I would
do the things, but not do them well.
Although questions regarding religious identity were not necessarily impor-

tant when the participants were younger, they sometimes had difficulties when
their religion prevented them from participating in activities or engaging in cer-
tain behaviors and they could not understand why. Many of the students point-
ed out that just because they were born into a certain religion did not mean that
they comprehended or appreciated the belief system and practices, particularly
when they were children. Selina, a second-generation immigrant from Pakistan,
talked about being raised in a Muslim home:
Just because I was born in a Muslim family, I really didn't have any knowledge of what it
was. I was like, okay, I'm in America. I live here. Just like all these other people.
Celebrate anything. My group of friends were doing Christmas, Thanksgiving, I would
just go over. Things like that.
Similarly, Ali, whose family moved to the United States from Indonesia
when he was seven years old, said:
Junior high school I think there were some Muslims, but I wasn't really practicing, so I
didn't know anything. I had many friends. You didn't think about religion that much. It
was sports or cartoon characters or whatever. In high school, I think there were at least
two more Muslims in my graduating class. I didn't know them that well. I wasn't really
practicing as a Muslim. It wasn't my main concern. It was my own personal thing.
Most of the participants stated that religion was just one of the many aspects
that defined who they were during their formative years. Because the majority of
11To ensure anonymity, the names of all participants have been changed. Pseudonyms
are used throughout the article.
BECOMING MUSLIM 225
the students were the children of immigrants, they often identified according to
their parents' national or ethnic backgrounds, at least when they were younger.
After some reflection, some of the interviewees concluded that they were more
likely to identify themselves this way because of social norms and external pres-
sure in the United States to define oneself by race, nationality, or ethnicity rather
than religion. Almost all of the students who were visibly identifiable as Muslim
or as an ethnic minority reported being asked about their country of origin quite
frequently. Salma, a native of New York City, related her thoughts on this sub-
ject:
People would say to me, "Where are you from?" Then I'd say, "I was born and raised here.
I was born here. I'm an American." And they would say, "No, where are you really from?"
Once I told my mother that and I said, "I just say I'm Indian." She said, "Why do you say
that? You're not Indian." I'm like, "You guys are Indian and so I'm Indian." She's like,
"We're Indian because we were born and raised in India. We're Indian citizens. You were
born and raised here. You're American. You have Indian background. Your culture is
Indian. Your religion is Islam. You're an American citizen." Nowadays, I just say, "I was
born here. My parents are from India." It clears up every question.
Although the students most often reported not being self-reflective regarding
their religious background during this first stage of identity development, their
behavior-for example, practices required by their parents such as dressing mod-
estly or attending religion classes at a mosque-nonetheless reflected a Muslim
religious identity, regardless of whether as children they understood why they
were doing such things. Individuals absorb and internalize many norms, values,
and behaviors when they see them exemplified by their parents, peers, and oth-
ers long before they understand them intellectually. This form of socialization is
similar to Swidler's (1986:284) notion of culture as a repertoire of capacities from
which varying strategies of action may be constructed. According to Swidler,
even if people do not carefully consider the impact or dictates of culture, it still
provides the rituals and traditions that regulate ordinary patterns of authority,
cooperation, and interaction.
While they may not have consciously contemplated their religious identities
during this stage, the interviewees were well aware of the pressure to assimilate
to "American" values and norms. This pressure varied somewhat, depending on
the environment in which the participant was raised. The students who grew up
in predominantly Caucasian, Judeo-Christian towns more frequently described
perceived demands to "fit in" than did those who were raised in urban areas. The
students who attended schools with more diverse populations in New York City
and the Denver metropolitan area also experienced such problems, although they
felt less pressure to assimilate. Henna, a second-generation immigrant of
Pakistani and Indian descent, was raised in a small town in upstate New York.
She was the only Muslim girl in her entire school, and she was keenly aware of
the impact of being a minority:
I don't know what it is about American high school and junior high that makes people
want to be in the in crowd and do things that are considered cool. That pressure was
there. When I was in high school I identified much less with being Muslim than I did
after high school. You don't want to stick out too much. You don't want people to think
you're a weirdo. Overall, American culture is such that there is room for people to express
their own identities, especially in a place like New York City. I know for people that are
living in the rural areas, in smaller towns, it's much more difficult for them to keep up
their identity because they're probably the only Muslim family in that town.
Some of the interviewees felt stigmatized for various reasons, mostly due to
their minority religious, ethnic, and immigrant identities. This stigmatization, in
combination with peer pressure, pressure to assimilate, and a personal lack of reli-
gious understanding, resulted in a small number of the participants attempting to
ignore or conceal their Muslim identity. In the United States, religious beliefs are
typically considered private, and therefore may be easy to disregard or hide. It is
not surprising that some of the interviewees said that during their younger years
they cast off their religious identity in an attempt to "pass" as part of mainstream
society. This is not something they were proud of, but they explained their
behavior as a result of their need to fit in or their lack of understanding of the
true meaning of Islam. Maryam, a second-generation immigrant from Trinidad
who was wearing a headscarf when I interviewed her, discussed her prior fears of
being mocked for wearing religious attire:
In the beginning, when I was younger. I was like, I'm not going to be seen with the hijab.
The kids are going to make fun of me. I was completely against all of this. I had to dress
in the newest jeans that came out, have the nicest sneakers. In the beginning, when I was
younger, it was really a big deal.
The data reported above probably represent the early stages of identity devel-
opment for most children and adolescents, regardless of their religious affiliation.
Very young children are typically not self-reflective about their identities and
ascribed statuses (Adams and Marshall 1996; Elkind 1964). Moreover, as chil-
dren age, there is significant pressure to fit in or "be cool" (Adler and Adler
1998), which results in various identity management strategies.
Religion as Chosen Identity

Prior research has documented that as children age, they begin to develop a
more concrete, cognitive conception of their religious identity (Elkind 1964;
Johnstone 2001). Likewise, the participants in this study reported that as they
matured, they began to view religion not as an unquestionable, ascribed charac-
teristic, but as a chosen identity. When the students told stories regarding their
identity development, they frequently mentioned various factors that led to their
choosing first and foremost to be identified as Muslim.
Becoming more introspective and aware of values, goals, and beliefs is a nor-
mal part of human development (Erikson 1963; Parks 1986). Some of the inter-
BECOMING MUSLIM 227
viewees believed it was "only natural" that as they matured, they would begin to
contemplate more important life questions and their religious backgrounds, and
hence re-examine that aspect of their identities. Asma, who was originally from
Guyana, explained:
Even though on the exterior I was practicing since I was young, it doesn't mean neces-
sarily that I was spiritually, I don't know, thinking about God, into the faith. It doesn't
really happen until you've become an adult, until you learn about the world. You never
really get to live on your own, to get a chance to think about what you want for yourself
and what kind of person you are until you get to college. In high school, you always have
people telling you what to think.
Asma touches on an important factor in this stage of religious identity devel-

opment: entering college. Every society and culture includes points in life and
development when rites, rituals, institutional expectations, or regulations cause
individuals to reflect on their behavior and identity (Adams and Marshall 1996).
Leaving home for college is one such transition for young adults in the United
States (Karp, Holmstrom, and Gray 1998). During college, young men and
women become increasingly independent and responsible and receive cultural
permission to participate in adult behaviors. Although some of the interviewees
noted that high school was the time when they started becoming more religious,
the majority of participants agreed that beginning college marked the most crit-
ical period of reflection and identity transition. For the subjects in this study, the
campus setting provided space and time to explore their identities and make
choices about who they wanted to be and how they wanted to live their lives.
Ultimately, it enabled them to further construct a Muslim religious identity.
Zoya, who was raised in the New York City region, discussed the religious transi-
tion she experienced after entering college:
My Islamic aspect has been a lot more important to me since college. When you go into
college, everything's on you. It's not like your parents are telling you what to do and what
not to do. It's up to you to make your decisions. That makes it a lot harder. Once you put
your foot down on certain things in the beginning, it gets a lot easier. You start to know
yourself better and realize what you really care about and what you don't.
When I last interviewed Zoya in the spring of 2002, she had decided to quit her
business school honors program so that she could focus on serving the on-cam-
pus Islamic Center where she had recently been elected president. Her parents
were not pleased with this decision, as they had consistently stressed the impor-
tance of receiving a good education and getting a high-paying job in business.
However, Zoya felt that it was much more important that she devote her time to
the religious community, even though it was difficult for her to defy the wishes of
her parents.
Another factor that both contributed to and resulted from the increased reli-
giosity and religious identification among the participants was the new friends
and peer groups the interviewees found after entering college. During elementary
school, junior high, and sometimes even high school, the participants were often
one of only a handful of Muslim students. Thus, they had very few Muslim friends
while growing up. However, all of the interviewees spoke about connecting with
other Muslims in college, most frequently through the MSAs on their campuses.
The participants often remarked that it became easier to identify as a Muslim
simply because they had discovered a larger Muslim peer group to associate with
and new friends with whom they could relate. Much of the pressure to conform
to non-Muslim society seemed to subside as they found peers with similar inter-
ests who adhered to the same religious tenets and social norms. Ali discussed the
impact of finding Muslim friends at his university:
In high school I was not very religious. It was in college that I developed a renewed inter-
est in Islam. Being with other Muslims was a factor. People are open as Muslims. In high
school they weren't. In college you have more freedom. You're exposed to different ideas
and cultures. You're encouraged to experiment. I experimented with Islam. The impor-
tance of Islam, being a Muslim, is my main identity and prioritizing that in my life came
after I came to college, when I was more integrated in the community here. I knew more
Muslims and became more active, learned more about Islam and myself.
Peers and close friends played a significant role in constructing, reinforcing, and
affirming the strong emerging religious identity of almost all participants. The
interviewees often told me that they began to learn about Islam with their friends
since they were going through a similar process of religious exploration.
In addition to providing introductions and links to new Muslim friends, the
MSAs also offered an organizational and social setting in which the interviewees
could collectively examine specific aspects of the religion of Islam and the mean-
ing of being Muslim. Religious organizations provide a safe environment for dis-
cussing and practicing beliefs and, ultimately, constructing religious identities
(Ammerman 2003; Sherkat and Ellison 1999). As Somers (1994:619) notes, reli-
gious organizations are one supplier of "public narratives," which are collective
accounts that are constructed and shared and exist beyond the consciousness of
any single individual. Just as research on religious converts has shown how their
stories often tend to be formed in accordance with group-specific guidelines
(Snow and Machalek 1984; Stromberg 1993) and "appropriate" verbal accounts
of religious development (Beckford 1978:251), the interviewees in this study
undoubtedly learned common narratives regarding their beliefs and identities in
their MSAs. Indeed, their involvement with the MSAs clearly affected the
course of their religious development and commitment because the associations
provided just such a social context and narrative space in which to develop a reli-
gious identity. In her review of research on Muslims in America, Leonard
(2003:135) calls for a broader understanding of Muslim student groups and what
is being taught about Islam and Muslims in America's higher educational insti-
tutions in order to understand not only the present, but also the future of the next
BECOMING MUSLIM 229
generation of American Muslims. Clearly, such research should further examine

the role of MSAs in strengthening the religious identities and social networks of
Muslim students.
In this case, some of the interviewees turned to their on-campus religious
organizations and friends because they felt they were not receiving enough reli-
gious education at home. While their parents taught them the fundamentals of
Islam, such as the importance of praying five times a day, the interviewees some-
times complained that their parents were "too cultural" because they mixed cul-
tural norms and values with religious practices. Ariana, a second-generation
immigrant of Pakistani descent, discussed this:
At first, even though my parents lived in Saudi Arabia, they weren't very religious. They
took it for granted. We have pictures of my mom with tight dresses in Saudi Arabia. I was
like, "Mom, you wore that in public?!" [laughter] She was like, "There was no religious
belief where I was." She wore shorts. She was so fashionable. She was like, "There was no
Islam back then." Then when they came here, they realized that we have to hold on to
the religion, but they wanted us to talk English. They wanted us to assimilate, kind of.
They think they should have taught us more from the beginning. We actually taught our-
selves. We started looking into Islam. For them, Islam and the culture are so infused
together, some things, my mom had this thing where if you eat fish, then you can't drink
milk. All this weird stuff. She's like, "It's true. The prophets say so." [laughter]
Many of the interviewees had parents who were born and raised in Muslim-
majority countries and then immigrated to the United States during the 1960s,
70s, and 80s. Their children, these second-generation immigrants, came to rec-
ognize that they were part of a small, highly visible religious minority in the
United States. This awareness was another factor that led to the assertion of their
Muslim identity. As they matured, it became increasingly important not only to
maintain their religious identity, but also to develop that aspect of themselves.
Henna, a second-year law student who was raised in the United States, stated the
following:
Definitely in my generation, I've noticed that there's that return to Islam among Muslim
Americans. Maybe it's because where our parents grew up, they didn't have to think twice
about their identity. They were Muslims. They took it for granted. They never had to
question it or explore it. It was a given. Whereas here, for us, it's something we have to
work at because there's no one in our high school or elementary school who teaches us
about Islam. We have to go and find out about it on our own. Maybe that's the motiva-
tion that's making our generation more religious.
Most of the participants also said that not only was it important to maintain their
Muslim identity for themselves, it was also of utmost importance to teach the
religion to their children in the future. For those who were still bilingual, passing
on their parents' native language was also vital.
The students sometimes chose to assert their religious identity in order to
reject ethnic, national, or cultural identities that they viewed as un-Islamic. Most
interpreted Islamic tenets to say that people should not segregate themselves
based on national borders or racial categories.12 As the interviewees learned
more about Islam and drew closer to the religion, they became more likely to
reject or downplay other aspects of their identity. Two young women discussed
this issue during a focus group:
Famina: The whole issue of identity. In Islam, you don't support nationalism in the first
place. That's what brings community. Right now you see so many different colors here
among the [Muslim] sisters. If your brother or sister is not Muslim, but a stranger is, you're
closer to that stranger than your own brother or sister.
Mina: Right. What you believe is how you behave. Your belief affects your behavior. It's
your way of life. Being Muslim is a way of life. That's what it is. Islam doesn't only not
support nationalism, it's against nationalism.
For Saba, who was born in the United States, but spent her junior high and
high school years living and studying in Pakistan, the relationship between eth-
nicity, nationalism, and religion was challenged as she began to assert her Muslim
identity during college:
If you had asked me before, my identity would be Pakistani. I identified myself more with
my ethnic background than with my religious background. With time, I think that in
America you can't be attached with your ethnic background, especially since our ethnic
background, being a Pakistani, they don't really associate that much with their religion.
They put their religion on hold, you could say, until old age comes their way, which I as
a person really cannot do. With time I disassociated myself with my ethnic background
and I have become more and more Muslim.
Religion as Declared Identity

For the participants in this study, the third stage of religious identity devel-
opment occurred in response to a crisis-the events and aftermath of September
11, 2001. Within hours of the attacks, an unprecedented rash of xenophobic inci-
dents began (Eck 2001). In the months following September 11, thousands of
Muslims and Arabs (as well as Sikhs, South Asians, and other individuals who
simply appeared to be of Middle Eastern descent) endured discrimination, harass-
ment, racial and religious profiling, and verbal and physical assault (American-
Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee 2003; Arab American Institute 2002;
Council on American-Islamic Relations 2002; U.S. Department of Justice 2002).
Despite this reaction, most of the Muslim students continued to publicly affirm
12This particular interpretation of Islam that eschews nationalism led to the formation
of the MSA in the United States in 1963. The founders of the MSA were alienated by the
"Americanization" of Arab mosques, so they established the MSA as an alternative umbrella
organization with a mandate to promulgate "true Islam" and to discourage allegiance to some-
thing other than the religion (Haddad 1994:75).
BECOMING MUSLIM 231
their religious identities. Indeed, many participants reported that their religious
identity became even stronger during this time.
The overwhelming magnitude of the events of September 11 led many stu-
dents to pray more often and increased their need for a spiritual anchor, just as
the events did for numerous other Americans of various faiths. Many of those
interviewed reported becoming more reliant on God as they became more cog-
nizant of their own mortality. Kaori, a Muslim convert originally from Japan,
remarked:
I think prayers are much more serious than before. We are supposed to pray seriously
every time. Usually we pray five times, but we want to do more and more. When you have
free time, maybe you do one more. It's like more sincere.
Kaori's friend Sadiya agreed. "We're definitely more focused now."

The increasingly negative portrayal of Islam following the attacks (Haddad
2004) and participants' perceptions of how non-Muslims now viewed them and
their religion caused some of the students to identify more closely with Islam.
When I asked Noreen, who was born and raised in the United States and whose
parents were from India, how September 11 had affected her daily life, she
responded:
Just the need to assert my religious identity. For me, religion was always at the front part
of my life. But now that Islam is on the forefront of everything, it seems there's the need
to use that as my defining characteristic, a greater need to do that, now more than ever.
Jeena, a native of Afghanistan who came to the United States as a refugee

from Pakistan when she was 13 years old, discussed how, after September 11, she
felt more secure in her Muslim identity and more likely to defend that aspect of
herself:
In that spectrum, I think my religious identity became stronger. I became more like,
"Don't say anything against Islam." Giving an analogy, especially being female, in college
or high school, if I saw someone being picked on, I would become her friend. Seeing Islam
go through that, being so different from what it was portrayed to be by the media or just
by assumption, I became more strong in needing to speak out against that and change
that. This is not what it is. This is Islam. This is reality.
Following September 11, the students were frequently questioned about their
faith and religious beliefs. To help them respond to these inquiries from both
friends and strangers, they studied the Qur'an and other religious documents. As
they searched for answers, they felt they were becoming "better Muslims" and
drawing even closer to the faith. Thus, the tragedy of September 11 had the inad-
vertent effect of causing many Muslims to learn more about Islam, which over
time strengthened their religious identities. Hassan, who was born in the United
States and lived in several different Arab nations while growing up, described
how he had come closer to Islam:
For me, since September 11, I do feel more obligated to know my religion more, for the
reasons that I gave before: to communicate who Muslims are better, to understand for
myself what are the problems within the community, to be able to evaluate the Muslim
identity and be able to say, "These are flaws and these are strengths, and we should fix
the flaws and build the strengths further." I have become more religious. And it's a daily
struggle. I wanted to become more religious. I feel comfortable with who I am when I'm
more religious.
Sanae, who had recently moved to the United States from India, echoed a simi-
lar sentiment:
After 9/11, Muslims were so criticized for it, we all turned in. We were like, "What's hap-
pening? Let's read up." After 9/11 when we were subjected to the questions, like, "Tell us,
what the hell is jihad?" Then we started reading more. We turned in and came together
and started attending more meetings. We read up more and more and became stronger
Muslims.
Along with learning more about the religion, the interviewees noted the
increasing importance of positively representing Muslims and Islam to others.
Because the students believed that their religion was now viewed negatively by
many of their fellow citizens, they felt a need to both explain and demonstrate
their faith more strongly than before. Many of the participants remarked that if
they could just show people what a "good Muslim" and the "true Islam" were,
some of the stereotyping and antipathy would end. Kamila, who was of Syrian
descent and was raised in Colorado, said:
I have also just become more religious, especially now after everything. I want to teach
others about my religion, more than before September 11, because now people are hear-
ing a lot of lies and stereotypes and stuff like that. So I take it more upon myself that it
is my duty especially since I grew up in America and I have the language, and I have some
of the knowledge of Islam too, because some people grew up here but they don't really
know that much about Islam, so it is harder for them to speak about it. So since I have
some knowledge too, I think it is my responsibility to be talking about it and letting peo-
ple know how my religion is, and I am more careful about the way I conduct myself to
not do anything in front of others because they might label it with my religion, and I
don't really want that to happen. So it is kind of harder for me to conduct myself, I have
to always be on my best behavior, and not really messing around.
Regarding personal interactions and confrontations, some of the participants

described how they attempted to react to others if they found themselves in an
uncomfortable situation. Many of the young women and men said that even if
someone made them angry or upset, due to of a negative comment, a dirty look,
or any other such action, they tried not to respond because they did not want to
reinforce negative stereotypes about Muslims. Sara, who came with her family to
the United States from Pakistan, discussed how she managed an incident with a
police officer:
BECOMING MUSLIM 233
This is a time when the patience of Muslims is being tested. We're not supposed to react
how we want to. I got stared down by a cop, I've never been stared down. I don't mean
to say racism or anything, maybe he's from a place where he didn't grow up with any
minority people or with an ethnic background. I took that into account. He looked at me
a couple of times. People had to look back to see who he's looking at. I was very scared,
embarrassed, ashamed. I thought, "Why are these people looking at me?" I looked at him
and said, "Hi, everything's okay?" He got caught by the moment that I asked him, he
thought I wouldn't ask him. He said, "Hi, how are you doing?" I said, "Fine." If I would
have had time, I would have shown him my ID and said, "Please don't look at us like this.
I don't want to be in a situation where I'm going to be stared down and an entire block
is looking at me. Look at my ID. I'm an American, just like you."
Tamara, who came to the United States from Afghanistan, observed that
some Muslims, in addition to trying to represent Islam positively and defend their
religion, were altering their attitudes and behaviors to let people know that they
were also very proud of their faith:
Everybody is trying to change for the better, and everybody is trying to let people know
more about their religion, and they are more outgoing when it comes to their religion,
and they want people to know that, "I am Muslim, and I am proud of it."
A number of the interviewees reported that they had become more likely to
approach others and offer information about their religion. Some of the students
said that if they saw someone staring at them or giving them "looks" they would
walk directly up to that person, introduce themselves, and ask if he or she had
any questions. This gave them the opportunity to explain what it means to prac-
tice Islam, including the importance of proper dress and other aspects of the reli-
gion. Conversely, others were not willing to confront people, even if they felt
harassed, because they feared for their safety.
Another, more difficult consequence for the Muslim students was their being
cast as an enemy "Other" following the attacks. Most of the interviewees were
the victims of varying levels of mistreatment following September 11, ranging
from stares to verbal and physical confrontations. These incidents confirmed
their feelings of being excluded from the American community and provoked
various emotions, including anger, sadness, and fear. Yasmin, a native of Great
Britain of Pakistani descent, discussed what happened to her during a peace rally:
This guy was yelling at me, telling me to go to Iraq and stuff. Later I was laughing about
it. I was like, "Hey, I've never been to Iraq. I'd love to go there." When he said it to me,
I didn't get angry or want to fight him. I just got really sad that he feels that way. Sad for
his ignorance.
Several scholars have noted that one response to real or perceived group
threats is increased group solidarity (Coser 1964; Durkheim [1893] 1984; Simmel
1955; Smith 1998; Tajfel 1981). Most of the interviewees agreed that, although
they were terrible, the events of September 11 brought Muslims closer together
and reinforced their faith in Islam. Janan, the daughter of a West African immi-
grant and an African American Muslim convert, discussed how September 11
had impacted her work, her religiosity, and Muslims as a group:
I would say 9/11 had a major impact personally. I'm writing about the Islamic cause. I
think I'm getting more passionate about it. I've gotten more into going out and standing
up for the rights of Muslims and really wanting to express that, whereas I kind of stopped
and froze for a while and then got back to it. I think I became more religious. I'm more
serious about religion. The way that a lot of Muslims came together to help each other
because of the fact that they were getting harassed. It made me think about it, the fact
that people were harassed just for being a Muslim, it made me feel like... This is who I
am. I have to take that more seriously. I can't play around. I can't pretend. I have to look
to God because that's who saved me. When all of this was happening, I kept going to
God. I think a lot of people became more religious. That's how I am right now... More
religious, more reflective.
Much of the discourse surrounding September 11 involved dualities such as

"good and evil" and "us and them." Just as the students were aware that they had
been cast as "the Other" immediately following September 11, they also believed
that there was some expectation for them to choose between their American and
Muslim identities. Natasha, a second-generation immigrant of Egyptian descent,
talked about this duality:
I think September 11 made me feel forced to choose between identities. It was big. You've
got to choose one or the other, and they're not going to accept you at all. At first people
weren't going to accept us. I was like, if they're not going to accept me as an American,
meaning that I'm going to have to choose one or the other, then I'm going to have to
choose Islam. If they're not going to accept me as an American, if they're going to tell me
I don't deserve to be here, when I am an American, if they're going to try to make me
feel that way, then, hey, I'm going to be a Muslim. No one's going to ever tell me, "You
can't be a Muslim. You're not a Muslim. Go back to some other planet where there isn't
Islam." I felt like I had to choose then. I don't think I felt like I had to choose before then.
But after that it was like, well, fine. If I have to choose, I choose to be Muslim.
Indeed, another factor that resulted in a stronger declaration of Muslim iden-

tity were demands to change that followed September 11. Some of the partici-
pants reported that they felt significant pressure to modify at least the visible
aspects of their religious identity. The parents of the interviewees were often the
source of these demands, as they were worried about the safety of their children.
I recorded the following exchange between several Muslim women, after I asked
them if they had considered altering their manner of dress following the events
of September 11. All of the women I interviewed during this session wore head-
scarves.
Sarah: My family was like, "I knew you shouldn't have covered." My mom
and now she doesn't. She and my father are like, "Why are you punishing
not going out like that. You're going to wear a hat."
BECOMING MUSLIM 235
Mina: My father literally stood in front of me...

Raina: My family doesn't cover. [everyone talks at once]
Mina: My dad said to stay home for a couple of days until everything calms down. He
said, "You're going to get really bad reactions if you go out that way." But after the first
week he let go. He trusted that we know what we're going to do. No way am I going to
take it off. [everyone talks at once]
Daria: My dad was yelling at me, "You take that off your head." He actually said to me,
"It's for safety purposes." In our religion, you are allowed to take off the headscarf if you
are in danger. He was so angry at me because I wasn't obeying him. I said, "No, I'm not
taking it off." Right now, thank God, I don't want to jinx myself, ever since this has hap-
pened, nobody has really come up to me or said anything or physically tried to do any-
thing to me. It's all about how you feel inside. If you know what kind of person you are,
and if you carry yourself... When people stare at me on the train, I stare right back at
them. I'm not going to put my head down.
Tanisha: If you change, it's like you're proving them right. If somebody did try to say
something to me, I would try to speak with them, educate them.
Most of the young women and men ignored their parents and other family
members who asked them to stop wearing Islamic attire. They understood that
their parents and relatives were simply concerned for their physical and mental
well being, although some of the interviewees were hurt that their mothers and
fathers would make requests that they felt violated their religious beliefs. Anna,
a native of India, was quite distressed as she discussed what happened with her
family:
My mom wants me to take my headscarf off because she's terrified that somebody is going
to hurt me. This is my religion. I can override whatever my parents want. I have to do
what the religion says. I told them, "Leave me alone. I want to wear it. You can't tell me
to take it off." But it's very hurtful, growing up in an Islamic home and then having your
parents say this to you because they're scared. It makes me feel very sad. I lock my door
and think about how they're so religious and they pray all the time. What is going
through their minds? How do they feel when I leave the house in the morning? They
know that they can't stop me. If I want to do something, I'm just going to do it. It's hard
that this happened and the situation that it puts us all in as Muslim women.
A small number of the interviewees reported changing their appearance fol-

lowing September 11, mostly against their will, as they tried to appease their par-
ents. A few of the men shaved their beards, and five of the women stopped wear-
ing headscarves for a short time. Still, most participants were unwilling to alter
their appearance, despite possible danger. The students contended that it was
more important during this time than ever before to declare their Muslim iden-
tities and faith in Islam. Hala, who was born and raised in Brooklyn, was partic-
ularly resolute about the importance of maintaining her religious identity as well
as supporting her friends:
When we came back [to classes], I tried to call most of the sisters and contact them. I also
urged them to go back to school, don't be afraid. Some of the girls were afraid to keep on
their hijab. I was like, "No, we have to keep our identity." They said, "How do we act?" I
say, "This has nothing to do with us." They're like, "What about the cold looks?" I'm like,
"Don't look at them. Just walk away." I put up some signs to remind them to fear God and
have strength, remember nothing can happen to us. I said, "Recite some verses from the
Qur'an to get some inner strength."
CONCLUSION
This research documents three stages of religious identity developme

During the first stage-religion as ascribed identity-religion was not a sal
identity for the participants. It was either taken for granted as an aspect of t
individual and social selves, or viewed as something to be denied. In the seco
stage-religion as chosen identity-participants consciously decided to emb
their Muslim identity, often after much self-reflection, with the support of t
peers, and sometimes at the exclusion of other core identities such as ethnic
and nationality. The third stage-religion as declared identity-occurred follow
ing a crisis event, September 11, 2001. Most of the interviewees decided it w
vitally important to both strengthen and assert their identities at this time
order to retain a positive self-perception and correct public misconceptions.
This study illustrates the continued importance of religion as a basis of pe
sonal and social identity. Moreover, this research demonstrates that the form
tion of a religious identity is a dynamic and ongoing process and that religi
identity itself is not a static phenomenon. As the data clearly show, religiou
identities are actively constructed by individuals and groups in our social wor
in addition to being defined, challenged, accepted, or rejected by other peop
communities, and institutions. The development of a strong religious identit
involves heightened reflection and self-awareness, individual choices, and th
acknowledgment of others. Religious boundaries and meaning are constructe
both from within and without, in response to internal conflicts and choices
external pressures and rewards that drive identity formation. Religious ident
are ultimately "achieved identities" (Hammond 1988; Warner 1993), which ca
be affirmed or denied.
Ammerman (2003) argues that taking up a core religious identity is a matt
of choice, not determinism. The present study provides qualitative data that il
trates the processes, decisions, and social factors involved in developing a high
salient religious identity. In fact, for this particular group, being Muslim h
become a master status-determining trait (Hughes 1984:147), as religious iden
ty has overpowered, in most situations, any other ascribed or achieved statu
that may run counter to that identity. Additionally, this research confirms t
identity salience hierarchies may change over time, as individuals, when they
and mature, become more or less committed to particular identities.
Stronger individual religious identification may result in enhanced group s
idarity, cohesion, and collective identification. At the same time, visible demo
stration of a minority religious identity may provoke hostility and discrimina
BECOMING MUSLIM 237
from the dominant population, as occurred following the September 11 terrorist

attacks. Haddad (1994:79) contends that the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, and the
resultant American support for the effort, shocked the Arab community in the
United States and led to the creation of the Arab-American hyphenated identi-
ty. Similarly, I argue that the events and aftermath of September 11 solidified
Muslim American identity and made it a stronger social and political force.
Certainly Muslim Americans recognized their role in the public sphere prior to
the tragic events of September 11; however, that catastrophe led to an identity
formed in response to crisis-an identity of crisis-as Islam came under intense
scrutiny by non-Muslim Americans. Following September 11, for the students
interviewed for this study, being Muslim American has new meaning, as religious
identity has become even more central to their social and personal selves. Portes
and Rumbaut (2001, 1996) introduced the concept of "reactive ethnicity" to
describe the rise of defensive identities and solidarities to counter confrontations
with an adverse native mainstream. Similarly, the interviewees' religious identi-
ties were shaped and further strengthened by the post-September 11 hostility as
well as the perceived threat to both Islam and their individual identities.
According to Smith's (1998) theory of subcultural identity formation, as long as
the perception of a threat remains, personal identities and group solidarity will
likely continue to be strong. Only time will tell if this is the case for the young
Muslims interviewed for this study.
As stated earlier, the model of religious identity development presented in
this paper is not a universal model. It does not represent the identity formation
process of all Muslim Americans, nor is religion as declared identity likely to be
the final phase of what will continue to be a complex process of identity negoti-
ation and evolution for these young Muslims. While many other Muslims have
not emphasized their religious identity to the same extent that these interviewees
have, this research nonetheless reveals how religious identities can be construct-
ed, maintained, and enacted, particularly by second-generation immigrants
attempting to reconcile multiple, sometimes conflicting, forms of identity.
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Becoming Muslim: The Development of a Religious Identity

Author(s): Lori Peek

Becoming Muslim: The Development of a

The concept of identity is fundamental in modern social psychology. T

example, in a summary of the state of knowledge regarding identity construction

ty-for example, Indian Hindus, Israeli Jews, Pakistani Muslims, or Vietnamese

Muslim American Identity

to emigration, the immigrant experience in America, and the options immigrants

Despite the aforementioned studies and other research that explores th

4I recognize the necessity of conceiving identity through multiple frames of reference

second-generation Muslim Americans in the political and social spheres of

SETTINGS AND METHODS

The initial phase of my research project began immediately following

6Some researchers include in the second generation those children born

A MODEL OF MUSLIM RELIGIOUS IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT

My research with these Muslim university students revealed three stages

Religion as Ascribed Identity

9This section relies on interview data from second-generation immigrants, who sp

Although questions regarding religious identity were not necessarily impor-

Religion as Chosen Identity

Asma touches on an important factor in this stage of religious identity devel-

generation of American Muslims. Clearly, such research should further examine

Religion as Declared Identity

Kaori's friend Sadiya agreed. "We're definitely more focused now."

Jeena, a native of Afghanistan who came to the United States as a refugee

Regarding personal interactions and confrontations, some of the participants

Much of the discourse surrounding September 11 involved dualities such as

Indeed, another factor that resulted in a stronger declaration of Muslim iden-

Mina: My father literally stood in front of me...

A small number of the interviewees reported changing their appearance fol-

This research documents three stages of religious identity developme

from the dominant population, as occurred following the September 11 terrorist

. 1991. Two-way acculturation: Muslim women in America between individual

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