Running head: THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 1

Abstract

The purpose of this research is to investigate how new distribution technologies affect the

distribution modes of Chinese independent documentaries and the reasons for the

marginalization of these distribution modes. Based on the theory of the political economy of

mass communication, this research explores the changes of the distribution modes of Chinese

independent documentaries by analyzing the 50 most-watched Chinese independent

documentaries. In addition, through the analysis of the literature concerning these 50 Chinese

independent documentaries, this study explains the reasons for the marginalization of these

distribution modes. Based on the analysis of the above materials, this study found that different

distribution technologies can prompt Chinese independent documentary producers to choose

different modes of dissemination, and such modes are almost always marginalized. The identities

of Chinese independent documentary producers, the sensitivity of the themes of their works,

Chinese audience needs, and the specific characteristics of Chinese media management policies

are all responsible for this phenomenon.

THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 2

The Marginalization of Chinese Independent Documentaries

Introduction

Since the late 1980s, China has undergone a major transformation in economic structure,

ethical structure, and moral structure (Wang, 2010). At the same time, the Chinese cultural

landscape has changed. The desire for expression of individual emotion began to appear through

video (Wang, 2010). During this historical period, Chinese independent documentaries have

struggled to develop outside of the traditional system, and the emergence of Chinese independent

documentaries has made the documentary gradually shift from focusing on political narratives to

focusing on marginalized individual lives (Li, Liu, & Wang, 2006). In fact, although independent

documentaries are not recognized by mainstream media in China, through the marginalization of

distribution modes, they have had conflicts and collisions with complex political ideologies,

market economic systems, and cultural values (Q. Li, 2009).

Based on the above background, the research topic of this study is to explain the changes

and reasons for the marginalization of Chinese independent documentaries. Specifically, this

study attempts to take Chinese independent documentaries as the research object, and use the

theory of the political economy of mass communication for theoretical background. This study

will use documentary research method as the research method, through the study of the mode of

distribution of Chinese independent documentaries, to explore the changes of the distribution

modes, and reasons for the marginalization of Chinese independent documentaries.

It is necessary to state that in the United States, independent films include independent

feature films and independent documentaries, but in China, scholars usually equate independent

films with independent documentaries (Fang, 2003). In order to avoid misunderstandings, this

article will replace Chinese independent films with Chinese independent documentaries. In
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 3

China, the independent documentary is a concept that corresponds to the documentary in the

traditional system. The independence of Chinese independent documentaries is independent of

the official system. Creators do not rely on the official system, because they are without official

funds support, and without unimpeded distribution channels (Jin, 2014). Therefore, such works

do not pass the examination and approval standard in the traditional system, and cannot spread in

mainstream media. Therefore, the Chinese independent documentaries are completely

personalized writing, out of the control of the officials and commercial markets.

Since the birth of the Chinese independent documentary in the 1990s, it has been

consistently and quickly reflecting the changes of the social environment. Great changes have

taken place in politics, economy and culture since the reforming and opening up of China in

1978. Chinese independent documentaries record the history of development of society, and

examine the social contradictions in the process of modernization from the perspective of human

nature (Cao & Zhang, 2010). The transformation of Chinese society has brought about economic

development and the widening gap between rich and poor. Jin (2014) stated that the stratification

of social structure makes the disadvantaged groups gradually form, making them more and more

marginalized. The emergence of independent documentaries has made it possible for people who

have been ignored by the mainstream media to show up in front of the camera. Therefore, this is

a powerful supplement to the mainstream video, and it gradually becomes a means of self-

expression. Thus, it can be seen that, although they are obscured or marginalized, the

independent documentaries are still important. On the other hand, compared with mainstream

documentaries, Chinese scholars have not conducted in-depth and detailed research on

independent documentaries. Reviewing the existing relevant literature, most researchers focus

their aims on the history of the development and creation of Chinese independent documentaries
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 4

(Zhan & Yin, 2007), but almost no one has spent effort on systematical research about its

marginalization. Therefore, it is necessary to focus the research on the marginalization of

distribution of independent documentaries, which will help people to fill the gap in this research.

Literature Review

This section will introduce the concept of independent film and Chinese independent

documentary, the concept of marginalization, and the current research situation of Chinese

independent documentaries.

The Definition of Independent Film and Chinese Independent Documentary

Independent film is a concept from the West, which is considered as a kind of film made

outside of the mainstream film system in a country (Kleinhans, 1998). Based on different

systems in different countries, the implications of independent film are various. In the United

States, this mainstream system is a Hollywood system related to production on a massive scale

and high capital. In the middle of the last century, the film industry in the United States was

monopolized by eight giant film corporations in Hollywood that made a strict studio system in

1927 that limited the creativity and expression of film producers (China Central Television,

2007). Some film makers were strongly opposed to these inflexible notions (Ortner, 2012). In

1941, Charlie Chaplin, Walt Disney, Samuel Goldwyn, Alex Korda, Mary Pickford, David O.

Selznick, Walter Wanger and Orson Welles established the Society of Independent Motion

Picture Producers (SIMPP) (Henson, 2000). This organization was committed to fighting

Hollywood's studio system and promoting the interests of independent filmmakers. In 1942,

SIMPP filed an antitrust suit against Paramount's United Detroit Theatres, which was the first

antitrust suit brought by producers against exhibitors that allegedly monopolized and restrained

trade. When the lawsuit triumphed, Hollywood's studio system was ended (Aberdeen, 2000).
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 5

During the studio system period, to get more space for creation and expression, these filmmakers

independently created films and raised shooting funds by themselves. The films they made with

relatively lower budgets are called independent films (Ortner, 2012). Meanwhile, their behaviors

were not influenced by these film corporations. Making films was simply a way to achieve their

dreams. Consequently, Hollywood film emphasizes entertainment while independent films tend

to have unusual themes that attract audiences, such as Richard Kelly’s Donnie Darko, Steven

Soderbergh’s Sex, Lies, and Videotape, and David Lynch’s Eraserhead (Ortner, 2012). On the

other side, Hollywood film usually avoids political issues while independent films often have

clear perspectives on them (Ortner, 2012). In conclusion, the West defined the independent film

as the opposition to Hollywood film. During an interview with Bob Rosen, the former president

of the UCLA School of Theater, Film, and Television, Ortner (2013) recorded the four defining

features an independent film: “risk-taking in content and style,” “personal vision,” “non-

Hollywood financing,” and the “valuation of art over money” (Ortner, 2013, p. 111). These four

standards clearly defined the Western independent film to some extent.

In western countries, film includes fiction film and non-fiction film/documentary film,

which means that in western studies, independent documentaries and independent feature films

all belong to independent films. However, scholars in China mostly have focused on independent

documentary when they studied the independent film (Fang, 2003). In China, there are some

disputes at present on the definition of independent documentary in the academic circles. The

appellation independent documentary in China is applied to underground film, new film, and

marginal film. All of these reflect Chinese independent documentary from different perspectives.

However, independent is their common value orientation, therefore, the concept of independent

documentary will be used throughout this proposal.

THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 6

The birth of independent documentary film in China can be traced back to 1991. In June

1991, the film director Shi formed "structure, wave, youth, cinema group", SWYC group, and

held the first Beijing new documentary work conference (Wang, 2010). At the first meeting of

SWYC, filmmaker Jiang Yue described himself as an independent producer. This is seen as a

sign of the emergence of Chinese independent documentary creators (Wang, 2010). Since then,

fans of independent documentary in China have created a common community, and they often

discuss documentary films together, offering valuable experience for the development of Chinese

independent documentary. In December 1991, some ambitious Chinese independent

documentary makers, including Wu, Duan, Jiang, Wen, Hao, and Li, met in director Zhang

Yuan’s house, and they said when any of them decided to make an independent documentary,

they should help each other (He, 2005). That was the first time the concept of independent was

clearly proposed and reached consensus: that independent was the independence of operation and

thoughts (Lv, 2003). They mentioned if they wanted to truly express what they thought and be

kept from being disturbed, then they must operate independently and not take money from others

(Lv, 2003). After that meeting, the creation and research of documentary makers had

independent consciousness: to view issues existing in the society with independent perspective

and to express them in individual ways (Y. Zhang, 2004). Moreover, they discussed the meaning

of documentary and determined to develop a new documentary movement in China, which

emphasized the independence of operations (Wang, 2010). Lv (2010) pointed out that new

documentary movement was a resistance to the old Utopia; it not only unraveled the traditional

political consciousness, but also reflected on the idealist Utopia in the West during the eighties.

The definition of Chinese independent documentary has been controversial, and even

now there is no clear definition. Although Chinese independent documentaries have many titles,
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 7

the characteristics of personalization and independence are obvious, and independence is an

eternal topic of independent documentaries. For years, Chinese scholars have made new

interpretations of the meaning of independence, as Q. Fan (2013) noted, independent production

means the making of non-official institutions to produce documentary films. Q. Fan (2013) also

found that Feng sees independent documentaries as folk documentaries made by civil forces

outside official institutions. Zhan and Yin (2007) believed that independence means the

production of non-official institutions, and they disagree with the criteria of a film being played

by mainstream channels as a standard of judging whether the documentary film is an

independent production. The conception of underground documentary was produced because the

independent documentary wanted to keep its own independence and vivid personal style, so the

directors deliberately avoided the official censorship in China and directly sent the documentary

be exhibited in international film festivals. Lv (2003), a professor, proposed the concept of new

documentary, which includes independent documentaries and documentary films, but Wu

(2000), the founder of the early Chinese independent documentary, did not agree with this

concept. Later, the concept and the meaning of independence in the academic circles has had a

lot of different understandings and definitions, but all views have stressed that both production

and circulation are out of the mainstream system, not controlled by the authorities. Zhan and Yin

(2007) also put forward three ways to judge independence: first, the creator should be a free

identity outside the system; second, the funding does not come from the mainstream; finally,

neither the production nor the dissemination of the documentary were applied or approved by the

official system. However, the Chinese independent producers faced both the commercial

operations and the pressure of the mainstream consciousness at the same time. In addition,

production conditions were also very poor, so photographic equipment and post-production were
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 8

concerns to them. Thus, to be totally independent and complete a documentary was almost

impossible. Therefore, W. Li (2005) stated that Duan thought that the spirit of independence is

one of the most essential pursuits of documentary. Bumming in Beijing was an attempt at

independence, and it was considered as the first independent documentary, which changed the

former characteristics of Chinese documentary. However, in order to finish the work, the director

borrowed the distribution technology from official agencies to complete the entire shooting and

production. In other words, the film, which is called Chinese first independent documentary film,

had not been completely divorced from mainstream media agencies during the documentary

creation process. Thus, it can be seen although independent documentary emphasized

independence both in creation and spirit, scholars focused more on filmmakers’ independent

spirit. For example, Cao and Zhang (2010) pointed out that the independence which independent

documentary promoted was not only the independence of creation behaviors, but also the

independence of spirit and positions. Wang (2010) also indicated independence could not be

limited to independence from the mainstream media; it should also be embodied in spirit.

To sum up, the term independent documentary should refer to video works over which

independent creators have full autonomy and control from the writing, to the shoot, to the

release. Although the concept and characteristics of Chinese independent documentary are not

very clear in this way, it is not hard to see that the core emphasis of Chinese independent

documentaries is the pursuit of independent consciousness and independent thought. The creator

can control all power in the production process, and documentary work always reflects the

director’s independent, individual will.

The Concept of Marginalization

THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 9

The concept of core-periphery model can be first seen in an economic report written by

the famous economist Raúl Prebisch for UNECLA, to describe the stalemate situation between

Western capitalist countries and developing countries in international trade. Prebisch (1950)

declared the world should be divided into two parts, and the first one is the economic core

formed by industrialized countries including the United States, and the other one is the periphery

consisting of primary producers. In Delaisi’s spatial structure analysis for Europe, he deepened

the core-periphery theory and clearly argued that the European continent should be divided into

the core, European A, and the peripheral, European B (Lewis & Wigen, 1997). Myrdal (1957)

and Hirschman (1958) developed the core-periphery model for space economy development.

After the 1970s, researchers of world-systems theory represented by Wallerstein (1974) further

promoted the idea of core-periphery. They use the core-periphery model as a means to

distinguish types of country. Specifically, the world-systems refers to a kind of labor

specialization, by which the world can be divided into core countries, semi-peripheral countries,

and peripheral countries (Barfield, 1998).

In economics, core-periphery model/theory was first proposed by regional planning

specialist Friedmann from the United States of America. After researching the evolution

characteristics of regional development of Venezuela and absorbing the theory of regional

economic growth and mutual transmission by Myrdal and Hirschman, Friedmann (1966)

systematically put forward the core-periphery model, abbreviated as CPM. In 1967, Friedmann

further refined the core-periphery model. Friedmann (1967) extended the objects of core-

periphery model from spatial economic into every aspect of social life, namely, core-periphery

relation can not only exist between different regions but also appear between different industries
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 10

and different types of enterprises. In other words, core-periphery model is a theoretical model to

explain the evolution model of spatial economic structure (Cui, Wei, & Chen, 1999).

The core-periphery model presented by Friechmann (1966) can be summarized as three

parts. First, any region can be divided into the core region and the periphery regions (Friechmann

,1966). The core region is the aggregation area for social economic activities, and the regions

distributed around it owing to its influence are called periphery regions because of their poor

social economy. There are close social and economic ties between the core region and the

periphery regions, and they form a rigorous space system together. Second, the core region will

draw a great number of production factors from those periphery regions, generating a large

amount of innovations (Friechmann ,1966). Meanwhile, these innovations will expand to

peripheral regions, leading to the transformations of their economic activities, social and cultural

structures, rights organizations, and settlement patterns to promote the development of the whole

space system. Third, regional economic growth always generates changes in the spatial structures

of regional economies, which can be divided into four stages, and each stage can reflect the

change of the relation between the core region and the peripheral region (Friechmann, 1966).

Specifically, the four stages are pre-industrial stage, initial stage of industrialization, mature

stage of industrialization, and the post-industrial stage. The four-stage core-periphery

development model by Friedmann (1967) presented a clearer spatial accent, and it assumes that

each developing stage corresponds with a certain type of spatial structure (Schätzl, 1998). In

conclusion, Friedmann (1967) believed that every spatial economic system could be divided into

core and periphery regions with different natures. Moreover, he tried to explain the core and

periphery model which changed from a disparate and independently developed state into an

interrelated and unevenly developed state, as well as the regional system, which changed from
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 11

extremely unbalanced development into interrelated and balanced development. Specifically, the

economic power factors, the advanced and efficient production activities and the innovation all

gather in the core area due to the inequality of the trades between the core area and the periphery

area. Relying on those advantages, the core area obtains surplus value from the periphery area,

which can intensify the flowing of money, population, and labor from the periphery to the core

area. Accordingly, an unequal development pattern of the two areas is formed. The growth of the

core area is closely related with innovation. The core area requires innovation, which enhances

its development ability, vitality, and the dominance of the core area. However, its spatial

structure is not changeless. The boundary and space relationship as well as economic space

structure will constantly change between them, resulting in the integration of the regional space

(Friedmann, 1967). Specifically, innovation spread from the core area to peripheral area, which

not only increased the communication between the two regions but also promoted the rapid

development of the peripheral area. The continuous development of the periphery may

constantly shorten the gap between it and the core area, and it may even replace the core area.

In the 1920s, American sociologist Park (1928) came up with marginalization. Park

(1928) indicated that, due to intermarrying and immigrations, people who are marginalized by

different cultures bear psychological losses. Their member relationships regarding race and

cultural group is often fuzzy because they are not accepted by any of the racial or culture groups.

Hereafter, the concept of marginalization, which refers to the economic and culture conflicts due

to the social and economic mobility, is further enlarged, especially the mobility between urban

and rural areas. The urban-rural mobility has brought some rural populations to cities and towns.

Due to the difference in living environment and educational level, some rural populations cannot

truly completely integrate into urban life, which, to some extent, results in marginalization. More
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 12

concretely, the results of social marginalization will make the affected individual or community

unable to fully engage in the economic, social and political life of the society they live in

(Young, 2009). The social exclusion of a person will lead to the lack of meaningful social

participation by him or her. In China, it means that people who live in the lower level of society,

such as workers, peasants or the jobless who are extremely poor and do not have unemployment

security, will lose discourse power and the opportunity to participate in public discussion.

Hauser (2011) stated that great art work should show the problem and person in real life,

touch humans’ experience, seek answers to contemporary questions and help people to

understand the problem formulating environment. From a sociological point of view, the

emergence of marginalized groups is the result of social progress (Cui & Zhang, 2003). The

development of society will inevitably cause the gap between the rich and the poor and

differences in social status to get larger. The marginal population will appear, along with clear

social division of labor. To a certain extent, the marginal population is the embodiment of the

development of society (Deng, 2006). Under the influence of modern civilization, a part of

people is passively pushed aside to the marginal status by development of society, especially the

development of social economy, even losing their rights of speech. That is to say, the vulnerable

groups will be gradually marginalized by mainstream groups and mainstream discourse during

the social transformation. Therefore, the independent documentary gives these marginalized

groups a way of expressing their feelings. However, it does so through a relatively marginalized

broadcast manner compared to mainstream media.

The Present Situation of Theoretical Research on Chinese Documentaries

In the West, all films beyond the system could be called independent films, including

films made by privately owned corporations and individual raised funds, feature films as well as
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 13

documentaries. But in China, although both the first independent feature film Mom and the first

independent documentary Bumming in Beijing finished in 1990, scholars still concentrate more

on documentary when they study independent film (Fang, 2003). This is because independent

feature films account for a relatively small portion of independent film. Though independent

creators all focus on underclass and marginal persons in society (Wu & Zhang, 2015), most

creators are willing to show their attitudes by recording actual events, instead of creating virtual

stories. This is embodied by the fact that only Zhang, Lu, and Jia are the representative directors

engaged in Chinese independent feature films (Wu & Zhang, 2015), while Wu, Xu, Jiang, Duan,

and Zhang are only a part of the representative directors engaged in Chinese independent

documentaries (Wang, 2010). It is remarkable that Jia is not only a famous independent feature

film director, but also a famous independent documentary director (Wang, 2010). Overall, most

independent creators tend to directly express their thoughts by the documentary, not fictional

film. Therefore, this section of the literature review will only collate and analyze the previous

articles on Chinese independent documentary studied by scholars from the West and the East.

Independent documentary is produced in specific historical context in China, which

provides a more complete image of the country beyond the official images, using its own unique

expressions. Chinese independent documentary has been entered in international film festivals

since the late 90s, but it has been accepted by different Western academic circles in recent years,

because at first it did not get attention. Before 2000, Western critics or scholars tended to be

most interested in interviews with directors of the films. For example, in 1996, Salter, Sen, and

Wenguang (1996) interviewed two famous Chinese documentary directors, Mou and Wu. Berry

(1995) discussed and studied the famous Chinese independent documentary I Have Graduated.

However, as a consistently mature image of Chinese independent documentary forms, the

THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 14

influence is expanding, and foreign scholars are beginning to focus on this special documentary

form. One of the most well-known researchers is professor Zhang, who focuses on studying

Chinese film industry. Y. Zhang (2006) discussed the independent documentary in one chapter

carefully in his book. In addition, the founder of Chinese independent documentary, Wu, gained

attention from foreign academic circles. Berry (2006), from the Film and TV Institution of

London University, took the creations of director Wu as examples to study Chinese independent

documentary. Johnson (2006) discussed the political elements of Chinese independent film.

Overall, the unique image form of Chinese independent film, which shows the development

process, characteristics, and problems of Chinese society that the official media does not show,

attracts Western scholars’ attention with detailed content.

In Chinese academic circles, the number of scholars in China who focus on independent

documentary is quite few. The independent documentary still has difficulties becoming

mainstream because it is different from the official consciousness. This is reflected in the fact

that Chinese independent documentaries tend to show the problems that arise in the development

of Chinese society and the lives of marginalized people. In contrast, official consciousness

usually focuses on the positive aspects of the development of Chinese society. It has limited

distribution channels. Documenting China: The new documentary movement in contemporary

China written by Lv and published in 2003 has the greatest influence among all the publications

related to independent documentary. That is because Lv (2003) proposed a new concept, new

documentary movement, in this book, on which the creative communities and academic circles

in China still have disputes, although it indeed gave an academic status to independent

documentary. Lv (2003) interviewed early documentary directors in order to record how they

worked and created documentaries, thereby systematically analyzing the practice of Chinese
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 15

documentary. Lv (2003) built a context about new documentary movement. He agreed that the

Chinese independent documentary made an emotional appeal on behalf of marginal persons, and

he believed that it provided a view from down to up to supplement and modify the history

written by the official consciousness. In addition, Lv (2003) interviewed some famous

independent image creators in detail to talk about the critical core issues in independent

documentary: authenticity and ethics. He (2005) conducted a study on the development history

of Chinese independent documentary. He (2005) also stated that the focus of the independent

documentary films of China turned from political issues to cultural matters such as ordinary

people’s lives. K. Cao (2005) indicated the revolutionary significance of digital video to the film

industry. The emergence of digital video is revolutionary to the development of film and

television industry. It has given everyone an opportunity to record anything they find

meaningful, even if they don't work in the film industry. But digital video was not equal to

independent documentary. Han (2007) made careful analysis on the production of folk image,

and he took the folk independent documentary as a typical type, doing history research, textual

research, and function analysis on it. In addition, more famous works concentrate on the practical

characteristics of Chinese independent documentary by interviewing the creators (Mei, 2004;

Zhu & Wan, 2005; Li, Liu & Wang, 2006). The journal papers on independent documentary can

be divided into four types:

The study on the development and inherent characteristics of Chinese independent

documentary. The authors of much existing literature have provided chronological descriptions

of its development from historical perspectives and show different characteristics of different

periods. Moreover, Zhan and Yin (2007) summarize 50 independent image creators and their

works as well as the creation experience. They divided the development of Chinese independent
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 16

documentary into three periods: germination, development, and pluralism. Such division almost

got agreement from all the Chinese scholars. For instance, Cui (2003) and Zheng (2004)

basically confirmed that division and discussed the development of the characteristics during

different periods. In addition, Zhan and Yin (2007) indicated the contents, capital resources,

distribution channels, and analyzed methods closely. However, Wang (2010) had another view;

he thought there were two periods of Chinese independent documentary: the first period was

from 1990 to 1999, and the second period was approximately from 1999 until now. That is to

say, digital video marked the dividing line between these two periods.

The common perspective research of Chinese independent documentaries. Chinese

independent documentaries show certain social functions about the spirit of independence and

humanity. Most independent documentaries focus on social issues that most people are

commonly concerned with, which helps people to have a clearer understanding of society (Zhou,

2012). Some scholars consider Chinese independent documentary films as objective records of

social movement. Zhou (2012) suggested that the originators of those independent documentary

films objectively reflect the social phenomenon from the general public’s angle of view instead

of imposing the ideas on the audiences as educators. The appearance of digital video is a

watershed in the development of the history of independent documentaries. The innovation of

technology makes folk video possible; it gives folk activities much space as a new form. Han and

Tao (2007) pointed out how Chinese documentaries, and those who engage with them, have

turned thoughts into actions and onlookers into participants.

The discussion on ethical issues of independent documentary creation. The ethical

issues of Chinese independent documentaries appeared in the 1990s. H. Liu (2006) stated that

these independent documentary directors are in unequal positions compared to the marginal
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 17

population. There is no proper principle that stipulates how much concern directors should give

people. Wang (2011) agreed with most of Liu’s opinion, and he considered it very urgent to deal

with the ethical issues which digital video brought. Digital video can easily invade others’

privacy. In other words, people can digitally record others whenever and wherever possible. For

this particularity of digital video, people usually relax their vigilance, forgetting that digital video

might infringe on their rights, just like film shooting. Therefore, it is of great necessity to

formulate a basic requirement. Regarding how to balance aesthetic needs and ethics in

independent documentary, Luo tried to establish the “I-Thou” relationship between ethics and

aesthetic frameworks using Buber’s views. “I-Thou” advocates that two people exist as

independent wholes (Buber, 1923/1970). According to Buber (1923/1970), “I-Thou” is mainly

characterized by equality and purity. “I” treat “thou” without any utilitarian intention. The views

of Buber (1923/1970) can be referenced to resolve the contradictions between visual aesthetics

and ethical appeals, namely, the relationship between film directors (I) and subjects (Thou). The

intervention of digital video will inevitably lead to discussions on ethical issues. Although

creators are reluctant to see ethics become shackles of their creativity, they have to respect ethics

and the shooting object. Balancing the relationship between the need of shooting and respect for

ethics means that documentary films reflect the reality of society without any artistic decoration.

The discussion on the veracity of Chinese independent documentary. This discussion

has never been stopped since the documentary was born. Zhong (1992) proposed that

documentary did not mean reality, but, rather, it was a style concerned about beauty and a unique

way of narration, while Yang (1994) thought the documentary corresponded with traditional

realism. That is to say, the reality of the documentary is to record social phenomenon without

artistic processing. Lv (1996) thought it was quite questionable to put reality as the essential
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 18

attribute of the documentary. Lv (1996) considered there was no real standard that everyone

admitted in the world. Therefore, independent documentary directors should respect the facts

when they face and shoot the subjects. To sum up, there is a basically uniform view within

academic circles that there is no absolute reality of independent documentary in China.

Specifically, the reality recorded in a documentary, as an artistic form, is a subjective reality

rather than an objective reality. While vividly reproducing a real-life situation, a documentary

can also present the views of the producers because producers express their views toward a

certain event through the scenes they shoot and plots they edit. Therefore, what the documentary

presents to the audiences is the artistic reality created by choosing and editing objective events

through subjective attitudes.

In general, the study of Chinese independent documentaries has become more prominent,

but scholars mostly concentrate on interviews and basic investigations, such as marginal themes,

civilian perspectives, real techniques and individual expressions, lacking theoretical and

academic discussion. That’s because scholars focus more on reading the texts and analyzing the

authors, which will definitely result in ignoring the influences integrated with politics, economy

and historical changes. This is because scholars have paid close attention to the interpretation of

the texts of independent documentaries on the artistic level and analyzed the authors’ ways of

writing. Therefore, at the deeper level, this will inevitably ignore the study of the influence of

independent documentaries on political, economic, and historical changes. On the contrary, the

Chinese independent documentary is a marginalized form of film compared to mainstream

documentary, and few researchers explore that marginalization process in detail. Therefore, this

study will first explain the concept of marginalization through central-fringe theory and then
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 19

research the reasons for the marginalization of Chinese independent documentaries from the

aspects of distribution modes.

Theory

In this section, the theory of the political economy of mass communication will first be

briefly introduced, and then combined with the core-periphery model. In addition, the

breakthrough in the theory will be used to explain why this theory is reasonable for this research.

Finally, this section will further interpret how to use the theory of the political economy of mass

communication to investigate the topic researched.

There are two main schools of thought in communication: the empirical and critical

schools. The theory of the political economy of mass communication is the main school within

the critical school (S. Chen, 2016). The political economy school of communication uses the

theory of Marxist political economy to explore communication. By exploring the economic

structure of communication systems in Western countries, as well as the operation process of the

market economy, the political economy school of communication reveals the complications of

industrial culture and the impacts caused of cultural activities that involve capital in society (Y.

Zhao, 2011). Mosco (2009) held that communication is a kind of social exchange, meaning that

communication is not only a kind of transmission process of data or information, but also a kind

of social production containing certain social relations. In other words, the theory of the political

economy of mass communication regards communication as a kind of economic activity, so the

whole communicating process, including production, consumption and circulation, can be

analyzed with an emphasis on the economic base (Q. Guo, 2011). Therefore, this research school

is always concerned about the relationship between the social environment, formed by politics

and the economy, and the relationship between the time periods and the media. At the same time,
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 20

the political economy of communication scholars is keen to study the status of the

communication industry in the globalization of capitalism (Ballesteros, Luján, & Pedro, 2010).

The expansion of globalization and transnational corporations has promoted economic progress,

but it has also led to the expansion of capitalist exploitation, inequality, oppression, hegemony,

and violence (Conteh-Morgan, 2006). Therefore, under the background of economic

globalization, developed countries become the core areas, while developing countries and less

developed countries become the periphery regions in the global economic market.

The popularity of the theory of the political economy of mass communication is related to

the expansion of the capitalist system worldwide (Wasko, 2012), and it is inseparable from the

expansion of social movements caused by the global expansion of capitalism. Thus, Mosco

(2009) stated that the theory of the political economy of mass communication avoids the

isolation of communication research from social contexts. Also, the theory of the political

economy of mass communication helps to put communication structures and practices in a

broader context of capitalism, trade, and international division of labor (Mosco, 2009). It can

better study the differences and relationships between these structures and communication

practices in core and periphery regions. For a contemporary Chinese society in transition, after a

strong social change and the comprehensive media revolution, China needs to pay more attention

to the analysis based on the economy and power system to solve problems of distribution and

development encountered by the media in core and periphery regions.

The development of the theory of the political economy of mass communication is

different from the historical background of economic and social culture. Smythe was the founder

of the political economy of communication in North America, whose research was influenced by

institutional schools and Marxist political and economic schools (Melody, 1994). Smythe
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 21

believed that there was a high degree of interdependence between the economic system and the

communication system. The flow of transmission is a key factor in economic development, and

transmission is at the heart of all economic forces (Melody, 1994). He firmly believed that

communication is at the core of the information economy society and proposed that

communication is the focal point of all conflicts in the world (Melody, 1994). Under the

influence of Smythe, the North American researchers focused on the transnational development

of the communication industry and the political response of other countries to this trend. These

countries include developed countries, such as the United States, Canada, and the United

Kingdom, which are the core, and developing countries and underdeveloped countries, which are

the periphery. The North American researchers wanted to make more government departments

concerned about public interest by researching and analyzing these contents, thus establishing

new international economic, information and communication orders (Mosco, 2009).

In Europe, there are two main research directions of the theory of the political economy

of mass communication: one is the emphasis on class power (Z. Guo, 2002), mainly based on the

theory of Raymond Williams and the Frankfurt School, in which Murdock and Golding (1973)

are devoted to the study of media environment and media institutions affected by the political

and economic orders. Murdock and Golding (1973) stated that the media are the main source and

explanation of social and political processes. Therefore, the mass media play a key role in

determining ideology and providing expression and action to people. So, any analysis of the

process of distribution of power and legalization must include analysis of mass media. It is

noteworthy that mass media contains organized and professional media systems and independent

media systems. When analyzing mass media, differences and relationships between professional

media systems, which are the core, and independent media systems, which are the periphery,
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 22

should be paid attention to. Another European study highlighted the class struggle (Z. Guo,

2002); for example, after summarizing the extensive theoretical results, A. Mattelart, Delcourt,

and M. Mattelart (1984) revealed that people in less developed countries would use mass media

and establish local media to resist western capitalism. Research in developing countries is

separate from developed countries. This is because periphery regions of the world economy have

great differences from core areas of the world economy on politics, economy and culture.

Scholars in developing countries have conducted extensive research on the theory of the political

economy of mass communication, and they have tried to emphasize the role of media in

economic and social development.

Generally speaking, the theory of the political economy of mass communication studies

the influence of communications as an economic power on society and social politics and the

role of economic power institutions in communication activities. This is inheriting the Marxist

criticism theory to explore the relationships between mediums, as well as communication

systems and the political, economic, cultural, and other aspects of society (X. Liu, 2007).

Documentary is generally regarded as a kind of art or part of a culture, belonging to the

concept of superstructure, which is determined by economic base, according to the idea of

Marxism. However, superstructure will also be relatively independent and can adversely affect

the economic base (Chandler, 2000). Marx (1992) observed the unbalanced relationship between

material production and artistic production, and he pointed out that the flourishing of art is

definitely not proportionate to the general development of society, as well as the material basis.

In modern time, documentary has been regarded as an activity having dual natures of economy

and culture. It can be said that the artistic production of documentary, which is part of the

cultural superstructure, is largely determined by the investment amount and market system,
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 23

which is the economic foundation, but documentary has no direct effects on the social economic

system (Zhao, 2003). That is because, as a cultural creation, documentary is generally dependent

on the economic system that largely shapes it. So, understanding the changing of the Chinese

political and economic environment is crucial to exploring the production and development of

marginalized Chinese independent documentaries. On the other hand, the theory of the political

economy of mass communication considers public communication activities as kind of a social,

political, and economic phenomenon, focusing on the power control and system restriction of the

political economy in mass communication (Mosco, 2009). Thus, it is reasonable to take the

theory of the political economy of mass communication as a theoretical basis for researching the

creative features of marginalized Chinese independent documentaries. Combining the

breakthrough, which is spatialized, for studying the theory of the political economy of mass

communication concluded by Mosco (2009) will allow better understanding of the whole

researching perspective and why this paper is taking the theory of the political economy of mass

communication as the theoretical basis.

The process of spatialization means adopting mass media and communication

technologies to overcome the barriers caused by geographic space (Mosco, 2009). Marx (1986)

presented the concept of annihilation of space by time. Marx (1986) regarded time and space as

the elements of commodities. Delivering commodities and their information to the market

through space requires certain expenditure, which are also a part of commodity costs. However,

the fast delivery of commodity information can massively reduce the unnecessary loss caused by

the distance and inefficient communication. For this reason, he believes that the capitalistic

commerce can arrange commodities, personnel and information in the vast space with various

media of communication to reduce the commodity costs. However, Castells (1989) thought that
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 24

the space is not eliminated but changed with the help of various communication and information

technologies. As internet technologies develop, the mode of transmission of Chinese independent

documentaries has been changed. It could be said that the internet has become indispensable to

the survival and development space for Chinese independent documentaries (C. Zhang, 2013).

To be specific, independent documentaries could be screened at international film festivals or

non-government associations previously, but they have gained more channels of communication

with the popularization of digital video and internet. Therefore, this paper tries to use the theory

of the political economy of mass communication to study changes in the mode of distribution of

Chinese independent documentaries and the reason for such marginalization from the perspective

of spatialization.

In general, since the founding of New China, Chinese independent documentaries have

changed greatly due to the impact of reform on the Chinese society and economy, which can be

divided mainly into three periods - namely, germinating, developing and diversifying (Zhan &

Yin, 2007). These three periods of Chinese independent documentaries were influenced by the

distribution technology and political reform of the time, and the characteristics of

marginalization in their distribution modes showed obvious differences. By using the theory of

the political economy of mass communication, this study deeply investigates how new

distribution technologies affect the distribution modes of Chinese independent documentaries

and the reasons for the marginalization of these distribution modes.

Research Questions

Based on the above analysis of the theory of the political economy of mass

communication, this study investigated two research questions. The combination of the theory of

the political economy of mass communication and research questions is beneficial for better
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 25

analyzing and understanding the marginalized features and development process of Chinese

independent documentaries.

Using the spatialization concept of the theory of the political economy of mass

communication, this study attempts to research how the continuous development of propagating

techniques, such as the appearance of digital video and the rapid development of internet

technology, changes the Chinese independent documentary distribution modes. This aspect

focuses on the changes of the distribution modes for Chinese independent documentaries.

Distribution modes encompass interpersonal communication, TV station, Chinese film

screenings activities, international film festival, and internet. In other words, it aims to explore

the effects of the appearance of distribution technologies such as video cameras, digital video,

and internet technology on the distribution modes of Chinese independent documentaries. That

can be solved through studying the several variation phases of distribution modes in the

development process of Chinese independent documentaries. In addition, after studying the

modes of distribution of Chinese independent documentaries in different periods, the author

explores the reasons for the marginalization of Chinese independent documentary distribution

modes based on the existing literature. According to above information, this research will study

two research questions:

RQ1: What effects do changes in distribution technologies have on the distribution modes

of Chinese independent documentaries?

RQ2: What factors have led to the marginalized distribution modes of Chinese

independent documentary transmission?

By studying and answering these two research questions, this study will analyze changes

in Chinese independent documentary distribution modes, and the reasons for such
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 26

marginalization, which helps creators better formulate and schemes for the creation and

distribution modes of independent documentaries. Considering the long term, it is also conducive

to the future sustainable development of Chinese independent documentaries.

Methodology

The research is qualitative, and use the documentary research method. What is worth

noting is that the documentary here has different meanings from that in previous context. Here,

this term refers to documents and files while, in the previous context, it refers to a film type.

The documentary research method is one by which people search for, collect, identify,

analyze, and form factual scientific understandings. The documentary research method needs to

solve the problem of how to choose the appropriate materials for research subjects amongst all

the literatures and conducts proper analysis of these materials and summarizes related questions.

To be specific, people who apply the documentary research method usually establish clear

research objectives that are conducive to helping researchers choose well-targeted materials.

Thus, the documentary research method not only refers to material and data collection but also

highlights the analysis of such data (Du, 2013). The documentary research method mainly

includes five stages, which are proposing research questions or hypotheses, research design, data

collection, literature review and solutions to research questions (Zheng, 2015). This research also

observes this procedure.

The documentary research method is being used as the research method because

compared to other qualitative methods, the documentary research method has the advantages of

being time saving, highly efficient, and low in cost. With the help of this method, researchers

only need to use existing data instead of generating data (Bowen, 2009). In addition, it is also

very practical that researchers do not need to consider potential interference factors, such as
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 27

interviews and focus groups (Bowen, 2009). Many documents can be found in the public

domain, and the advent of the Internet makes them easily accessible. This method can be used to

analyze literature, making it a very attractive choice in qualitative research. As stated by

Merriam (1988), locating the public records only was limited by people’s imagination and

diligence. In other words, the documents could be applied when using the documentary research

method, which covered a long period, massive events, and settings (Yin, 1994). Therefore, this

research method is very useful for the analysis of historical materials. For example, Zhan and

Yin (2007) had applied documentary research method and thereby studied the development

tendency of Chinese independent documentaries from 1999 to 2006; Y. Zhang (2004) also used

documentary research method to analyze the developing condition of Chinese independent films

since the end of 1990s.

The research questions are about the changes of Chinese independent documentaries in

the aspects of distribution mode and the reasons for the marginalization of Chinese independent

documentaries. These questions should be answered after a massive scale of data collection and

literature review from different periods of time are conducted. Thus, the documentary research

method is a viable research method in this situation.

The literature and video data that was consulted, analyzed, and collated in this study

mainly includes the following: 50 Chinese independent documentaries with the highest total

viewing time since 1990, the criterion of which is based on the total viewing times on YouTube

and the three most representative video websites in China, namely iQIYI, Tencent and Bilibili.

The data was accessible on these three video websites and the total views of each documentary

on these sites could be calculated; academic papers and journal reviews related to these

independent documentaries, including the planning, shooting, production, distribution, and

THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 28

broadcasting of documentaries; and interviews with these documentary’s directors and creators

which have been published. The above information was collected through existing literatures and

networks, such as Wanfang Data, CNKI, and Baidu Scholar. By collecting the above

information, the research got as much as possible about all the information related to the selected

documentary films. When all the materials were collected, the researcher explained and analyzed

them using a historical-descriptive approach. Specifically, this approach hinges on the

organization of the historical changes of study objects and the grasping of rules. Therefore,

through a historical-descriptive approach, the researcher can obtain conclusions about previous

events or predict future events. Therefore, using this method, this study researched the influence

of the Chinese independent documentary distribution technologies in different periods of

Chinese independent documentary distribution modes.

In general, the researcher research analyzed Chinese independent documentaries using

the documentary research method. After organizing and analyzing information, this study

researched the relationship between distribution technique development and the distribution

modes of Chinese independent documentaries. In addition, this study also analyzed and drew

conclusions about the reasons for the marginalized distribution modes of Chinese independent

documentaries.
THE MARGINALIZATION OF CHINESE DOCUMENTARIES 29