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The Benefits of Attachment Parenting for Infants and Children: A Behavioral

Developmental View

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BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT BULLETIN VOL. 10, 2010 ISSN: 1942-0722
MILLER & COMMONS

The Benefits of Attachment Parenting for Infants and Children: A

Behavioral Developmental View
Patrice Marie Miller - Salem State University and Harvard Medical School
Michael Lamport Commons - Harvard Medical School
Abstract
Parents of infants and young children face many challenges when dealing with negative emotions such as crying, distress, fear
and anger. If children experience such emotions chronically, and these are not mitigated by parents, evidence suggests that
the stress can result in irreversible brain damage. These changes can increase the likelihood of serious problems in children’s
development. This paper shows that the use of Attachment Parenting practices both with infants and with older children can
greatly reduce the child’s stress and by so doing may produce both physical and psychological benefits. The major benefits
occur as the result of the mitigation of potentially overwhelming negative emotional states. With infants, the specific Attach-
ment Parenting practices include co-sleeping, breast feeding on demand, extensive carrying and holding of infants, and
rapid response to infant crying. These have been shown to be associated with less crying and other expressions of distress.
The effectiveness of these stress-reducing behaviors is probably due to the high degree of responsiveness to infant signals.
Parents who bottle feed instead of breast feed, for example, or those who have their infants sleep nearby but not necessarily
in the same bed can also practice highly responsive parenting. For older infants and children, Attachment Parenting consists
of continuing to be highly responsive to the child, which especially includes behaviors that help children better regulate emo-
tional states such as distress, fear and anger. The benefits that are discussed include less exposure to stress, which effects
brain development and later reactions to stress. This has been shown to reduce mental health problems in later development.
Another important psychological benefit is secure attachment, which is the tendency of the child to seek contact with a parent
when distressed and to be effectively consoled by that contact. The result of more effective emotion regulation and secure
attachment during infancy and childhood is that children engage more effectively with essential developmental tasks, including
peer relationships and schooling.

A
number of behaviors of infants and children present chal- ment Parenting. We will show that there are both physical and
lenges to parents. For example, some infants may cry often psychological benefits to Attachment Parenting techniques. The
and be difficult to console. Some older infants as well as physical benefits include less stress, with its possible resultant
children can be described as being overly fearful and anxious. effects on brain development. The psychological benefits are
They do not seem to engage easily in new situations with peers or greater emotion regulation as well as a more adaptive attach-
teachers who act sometimes act in lieu of parents in this culture. ment relationship to parents and to significant others. Finally,
Other children may act out in a variety of ways, grabbing toys, because Attachment Parenting has rarely been discussed as ap-
hitting children or adults, or engaging in other aggressive behav- plying beyond the period of infancy, we will propose ways in
iors. All of these examples involve emotion and its regulation, or which it can be implemented in older children, thereby continu-
rather, its lack of regulation. Emotion regulation is something ing the goals of stress reduction, emotion regulation and attach-
that develops throughout childhood, and to some extent, even ment in those children.
into adolescence and adulthood.
When children of any age are distressed, angry or fearful, es- „„ATTACHMENT PARENTING WITH INFANTS
pecially if these emotions are experienced chronically and par- The term Attachment Parenting (AP) was introduced by a num-
ents and other caregivers do not mitigate them, the stress that ber of researchers and practitioners, starting in 1998 (Frissell-
results can have irreversible deleterious effects on the child’s Deppe, 1998; Granju, 1999; Sears & Sears, 2001). Publications
brain development (see Gunnar, 1998; and the National Coun- using related terms (e.g. empathic parenting or natural par-
cil on the Developing Child, 2005 for summaries). Such damage enting) also appeared around that time (Hunt, 2001, as cited
increases the likelihood of severe problems in a large percent of in Schön & Silvén, 2007). The heart of AP, according to Sears
children who incur it. and Sears (2001) is learning to read the cues of the baby and
These stress-producing emotions in infants and young chil- to respond appropriately to those cues. Parenting in this view is
dren may be reduced by child-centered parenting called Attach- child-centered and not parent-centered.

1
2 MILLER & COMMONS

A parent-centered child rearing technique is seen in a typical in the environments in which humans originally evolved (the
U.S. parent’s approach to children’s bedtimes (Richman, Miller Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness, or EEA, Bowlby,
& Solomon, 1988). American parents believe that having a spe- 1969). Because early humans lived in precarious circumstances
cific bedtime is good for infants and children. A great deal of in terms of possible exposure to predators as well as disease,
parental behavior in the U.S. is directed toward putting infants it would make sense to keep infants as close as possible to an
and children to bed at a specific time. This is done irrespective adult (as seen in co-sleeping and holding). Attending quickly
of whether the infant (or child) is ready for sleep. A more child- to crying would help to maximize infant survival because cry-
centered strategy is described by New (1988) in the same vol- ing might indicate current hunger, but also longer term condi-
ume. In the Italian households that she studied, there was no tions such as illness. Similarly, breast feeding on demand could
specific bedtime for infants. Infants were included in the eve- be protective when infants are ill. LeVine et al. (1994) went so
ning family rituals and were only put to bed if they fell asleep. far as to say that some cultures have a pediatric model for infant
In the Italian case, it is the infant’s own sleepiness that serves as care. In those cultures, a parent’s most important goal is protect-
the signal to help them fall asleep and then put them to bed. In ing the health and survival of the infant. That goal is reflected
the American case, it is the parent’s time-based rule that serves in how they interact with their infant. Such interactions include
as the signal to put the child to bed. Perhaps not surprisingly, the AP behaviors already mentioned. From an evolutionary
a number of researchers (e.g. Green, Groves, & Tegano, 2004) psychological perspective, having this kind of parenting would
have related the parent-centered bedtime practices of Ameri- increase the likelihood that the parents’ genes would be passed
can families to a greater use of transitional or security objects in on.
infants and young children, and the need for bedtime routines Below, arguments about the physical benefits of AP practices
(see Jenni & O’Connor (2005), for an extensive discussion). will be presented in some detail. In almost all cases, the original
AP is identified by some as a fixed approach in which the studies of these issues were naturalistic, often anthropological
parent must breast feed exclusively and on demand, hold and or cross-cultural studies, of parenting practices. Their purpose
carry the baby most of the time, co-sleep, and respond quickly and effects in the cross-cultural studies could only be inferred.
to the baby’s crying. That is not a correct view, however. Sears As is possible, the naturalistic and anthropological data will be
and Sears (2001) argue instead that parents might work or bottle supplemented with existing quasi-experimental or experimen-
feed and still be using AP, if their own parenting behavior is still tal literature.
as child centered as possible. These authors also argue that any Co-sleeping. At the present time parents and infants sleep togeth-
parenting behavior, including holding, feeding and co-sleeping er in many cultures (see Jenni & O’Connor, 2005; McKenna,
could be applied in a way that is not responsive to cues from the Ball & Gattler, 2007). Parents could be sometimes mothers or
infant. What is most important is not the specific behavior, but fathers only. These cultures include the !Kung San in southern
whether or not it is responsive to cues from the infant. Africa (Barr, Konner, Bakeman & Adamson, 1991; Konner,
It is nevertheless true that breast feeding on demand, holding, 1977), the Gusii of Kenya, studied by LeVine et al. (1994), the
co-sleeping and responding quickly to infant crying are still a
Mayans studied by Morelli et al. (1992), and many others (e.g.,
very important part of AP as it is practiced with most young
Latz, Wolf, & Lozoff, 1999; Welles-Nystrom, 2005). This prac-
infants. The reasons for this are several. First, and most impor-
tice generally lasts until the mother’s next child is born, but can
tantly, these behaviors tend to be exactly what most young in-
last into childhood (Welles-Nystrom) or even beyond (Caudill
fants need. As long as they are used in a child-centered way they
& Plath, 1966; Takahashi, 1990). It is primarily among white
can have multiple beneficial effects, including helping infants to
middle class parents in the U.S. and in some European groups
regulate their emotions, particularly those of distress, and pro-
that co-sleeping is not so common.
moting attachment to the caregivers.
Reported rates of co-sleeping are found to vary somewhat
According to Sears and Sears (2001), AP minimizes stress in
from study to study, as would be expected from studies based
infants, and results in children who are more psychologically
on different samples. Studies in the U.S. have reported from 0%
healthy and resilient. It may, as a result, protect children from
co-sleeping in the first few months of life (Morelli et al., 1992)
the negative effects of stress. It also promotes infants’ secure
to up to 15% (Latz, Wolf & Lozoff, 1999). McKenna (2007) re-
attachment to parents and closer attachments to others. This
ports that what seems most true is that many U.S. infants (as
notion of secure attachment has been extensively studied by
many as 68%) will sleep in their parent’s bed at least some of the
Ainsworth and her colleagues (e.g. Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters
time. Many such parents will continue to report that they are
& Wall, 1978; Weinfeld, Sroufe, Egeland & Carlson, 1999). In
not co-sleepers, especially if they are concerned about the reac-
their work, a securely attached infant or child is one who ap-
tions of their pediatricians. Note that those interested in a more
propriately relies on their parent for comfort and support, par-
extensive review of the history, prevalence and other informa-
ticularly when stressed, afraid or ill. These benefits of AP will be
tion about co-sleeping can consult the studies above, as well as
discussed more below.
additional discussions by Schön and Silvén (2007), McKenna
PHYSICAL OR PHYSIOLOGICAL BENEFITS OF ATTACHMENT (2007) and Small (1998).
PARENTING WITH INFANTS The original physical benefits of co-sleeping were thought to
As argued in a number of sources (e.g. Barr, Konner, Bakeman be protection from predators and allowing the infant to con-
& Adamson, 1991; Konner, 1977; LeVine et al., 1994; Schön & tinue to breast feed on demand (see McKenna, Ball & Gettler,
Silvén, 2007) the practices that are part of AP were adaptive 2007). In the contemporary world, co-sleeping still provides the
 THE BENEFITS OF ATTACHMENT PARENTING FOR INFANTS AND CHILDREN: A BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENTAL VIEW 3

important benefit of allowing breast feeding to take place more San, breast feeding is even more frequent than among the Gu-
easily and frequently, with less wakefulness in the mother. In sii, occurring in some mothers at some times up to four times
addition, McKenna and colleagues have argued that it may be an hour (Barr, Konner, Bakeman & Adamson, 1991; Konner,
associated with a reduction in Sudden Infant Death Syndrome 1977). These authors have made similar arguments about the
(SIDS). The main reason for this is that an infant who sleeps importance of on-demand breastfeeding for infant health and
“separated from the physiological regulatory effects of its moth- survival.
er’s body is sleeping in an environment for which it is not de- For modern societies, in which health risks are not present
signed biologically…” (McKenna, Ball & Gettler, 2007, p. 141). to such a great extent, breast feeding on demand still provides
In other words, the mother’s breathing and other behaviors help health benefits for infants (as well as mothers). The Academy
the infant to better regulate its own physiological functions, in- of Pediatrics’ (2005a) recent report on breastfeeding lists a
cluding breathing. McKenna and colleagues present both exper- large number of such benefits, including a reduction in a num-
imental and non-experimental evidence to support this view. ber of diseases during infancy (even in developed countries),
In the laboratory, they have shown that both mothers and in- decreased rates of SIDS, a reduction in later rates of diabetes,
fants spend more time in lighter sleep states when co-sleeping. certain cancers, obesity and asthma in older children, and even
Both because of this and because of more frequent breast feed- some benefits in terms of a child’s cognitive development. De-
ing, they believe that infants may be more likely to be able to spite the many benefits of breast feeding, the rates of maternal
arouse themselves should they have a serious episode of apnea initiation of breast feeding remain at about 70% in the U.S., with
sleep. Cross-cultural evidence provides some indirect support only about 33% continuing to breast feed to any extent 6 months
for McKenna’s view, in that cultures in which parents and in- postpartum.
fants co-sleep have much lower incidences of SIDS (McKenna Even though this same Academy report (2005a) states that
& Mosko, 1990). infants can continue to breastfeed as long as this is mutually de-
Co-sleeping, in the U.S. context, is still controversial. The sired by both mother and infant, there are few studies of the
American Academy of Pediatrics, citing epidemiological data benefits or detriments of breast feeding beyond about the first
from two studies, have recommended against co-sleeping year. Based on comparisons of weaning ages of related primates,
(American Academy of Pediatrics, 2005b). As McKenna and Dettwyler (1994) has argued that the natural weaning age for
colleagues have argued about the Academy report, there con- humans falls somewhere 2.5 and 6 years of age. She also notes
tinue to be many factors that are not controlled or even exam- that the human immune system does not become fully mature
ined in many of the epidemiological studies, including maternal until age 6, so that a continuation of breast feeding until that age
drug and alcohol use, fatigue, smoking, and bedding type. At might be maximally protective. In one of the few studies that
the same time, the Academy recognizes that infants who sleep have been conducted of AP parents, an average age of weaning
alone in a separate room have increased SIDS risk, and suggests of about 4 to 5 years has been reported (Sugarman & Kendall-
that parents should have their infants in their rooms, if not in Tackett, 1995). It has been suggested (Baldwin, 2001) that fol-
their beds. McKenna (2007) continues to be a strong supporter lowing a practice of child-lead weaning is most congruent with
of co-sleeping, but he also describes ways to get as close to co- AP ideas.
sleeping as possible, for example, by using a small bed that is Holding and touching: In cultures such as the !Kung San (Barr, Kon-
either next to or attached to the parent’s. It should be noted that ner, Bakeman and Adamson, 1991; Konner, 1977) and the Gu-
modern sleeping arrangements were almost surely generated sii, as well as others, infants, particularly young infants are held
for reasons other than co-sleeping and do not inherently make almost continuously, if not by the mother than by somebody
for safe co-sleeping. A better co-sleeping environment would else. For example, among the !Kung San, babies were in physical
be one large mattress (perhaps even larger than King-sized) on contact with someone more than 75% of the time during the
the floor of a bedroom. Children could be well within reach, but first 20 weeks of life and more than 50% of the time until about
not squashed into a double or queen-sized bed, not situated be- 50 weeks. Among the Gusii, holding and physical contact oc-
tween two sleeping adults, not several feet off the floor, and not curred in about 80% of observations before 6 months, and about
exposed to gaps between mattresses or between mattresses and 50% between 9 and 12 months (Richman, Miller & Solomon,
a crib side. The latter situation – the gap between a crib mattress 1988). Richman, Miller and Solomon reported that, in contrast,
and the crib sides - has itself resulted in a number of deaths, U.S. mothers held their infants about 45% of the time at age 4
including recently (see “Cribs recalled after two infant deaths”, months, and only about 20% of the time at 10 months. Most of
Fox News, October 21, 2008). the remainder of the time, the younger American infants were
Breastfeeding on demand: When mothers sleep next to or very near placed into containers such as infant seats. Older infants might
to infants this facilitates breastfeeding. In many cultures breast be as likely to be placed on the floor, to allow for exploration.
feeding on demand both at night and during the day typically LeVine and colleagues (1994) consider the high rates of hold-
continues into the second year, and perhaps beyond, along with ing seen in settings in which infants are more vulnerable to be
co-sleeping. In their studies among the Gusii of Kenya, LeVine important for both the health and survival of the infants, as
et al. (1994) argued that frequent breast feeding has played an also discussed by Richman, Miller and Solomon. In the Envi-
essential role in cultures where infant mortality was very high. It ronment of Evolutionary Adaptedness (Bowlby, 1969) holding
helps to ensure early weight gain and the possible maintenance would have been adaptive primarily in terms of protection from
of hydration in the presence of diarrhea. Among the !Kung predators including other hominids.
4 MILLER & COMMONS

A major benefit of holding infants in contemporary settings such protests. Note that they used somewhat older infants, so
would be a reduction in their rate of crying. Hunziger & Barr this research would not necessarily contradict the Bell & Ain-
(1986) assigned mothers of normal infants to two groups. In the sworth (1972) finding. Hubbard & van Ijzendoorn (1991), in an
“supplemental holding” group, mothers were asked to increase attempted replication of the Bell and Ainsworth (1972) study,
the time that they spent in supplemental holding, which was reported that maternal unresponsiveness to crying was associ-
defined as holding that was not done in direct response to cry- ated with less crying overall. Although this would actually sup-
ing or while feeding. These mothers were found to hold their port the learning point of view, the finding also is problematic
infants, on average, 1.8 hours more per day, and their infants because it did not examine responsiveness directly, only unre-
cried and fussed on average 43% less at the peak time for in- sponsiveness.
fant crying (6 weeks). In a related study, St. James-Roberts et al. The safest conclusion appears to be that some kinds of crying,
(2006) compared parents who held their infants a great deal of in some situations, could be reinforced by being responded to.
the time (on average 15 to 16 hours per day) versus those who Which types of crying, and when or how, remains to be estab-
held them much less. They found that the infants who were held lished. The reason for this uncertainty, as also argued by Miller
much less cried 50% more overall. & Commons (2001), is that there has been no complete func-
There may be both physical and psychological benefits to re- tional analysis of crying. Such a complete analysis would need
duced crying. LeVine and colleagues (1994) have argued that, in to take into account a number of factors that have not been ex-
environments with higher infant mortality, minimizing caloric plicitly included in the above work.
expenditure due to excessive crying and too much activity may First, it has been shown repeatedly that crying has a normal
improve infant survival. This benefit is likely to be less impor- developmental course that is found across cultures (Barr, 1990;
tant for infants living in less vulnerable environments, but a re- Barr et al., 1991). These studies show that crying increases over
duction in infant crying could also affect how stressed infants the first few weeks of life. The peak frequency of crying occurs at
and their caregivers might be. Soltis (2004), for example, sum- 6 weeks. There is then a gradual decrease in crying until about 3
marizes literature suggesting that infant crying is an important or 4 months, after which it remains somewhat stable. Any study
cause or at least precipitating event for abuse and maltreatment of crying, therefore, has to take into account the fact that it will
in a number of cases. normally tend to decrease over time, on average. This decrease
must to some extent be independent of parental intervention,
Responsiveness to crying. Mothers whose behavior can be described
since it occurs in a large variety of cultures with different kinds
as following the pediatric model tend to respond rapidly to cry-
of parental interventions.
ing, as well as showing high rates of holding and touching, as
Second, there are two variables that need to be taken into ac-
would also happen with AP. There is evidence (presented above) count: the type of cry that is being responded to; and the age of
that non-contingent holding is related to lower rates of crying the infant. Even in the Gewirtz & Boyd (1977) paper, they men-
in infants, at least in young infants. What are the effects of re- tion that responding to cries that were elicited by some kind of
sponding to infant crying? This topic overlaps somewhat with physiological event would not tend to lead to increased crying,
the topic of infant holding, since picking up and holding would except in the case that the same elicitor occurred again. A re-
be a frequent response to crying, along with other behaviors. lated factor to this is the age of infant. For the youngest infants,
The distinction is that here, what is being looked at is the pres- crying is their primary mode of communication. Many more of
ence of a contingent response. The research on responsiveness the communications infants engage in are of the elicited type.
to crying has not looked at the specific nature of responses to As suggested also by the above findings on the developmental
crying, only at how often parents (usually mothers) respond. course of crying, this kind of crying may naturally decrease over
There has been disagreement on what the effects of respond- time. Parents are also not well acquainted with the infant at first.
ing to crying are. In 1972, Bell and Ainsworth reported that Conscientious parents are likely to respond to most cries. Nev-
consistent and prompt maternal responding to the crying of ertheless, over time, these early cries tend to decrease.
infants during the first few months of life was related to a reduc- Third, it is very important to consider where in a “cry bout”
tion in the frequency and duration of infant crying late in that the response occurs. Crying is generally preceded by a series of
first year. This might be interpreted as going against a behavioral behaviors. These might include an initial change of facial expres-
view, which could suggest that responding to crying with atten- sion (to a more serious expression or even a grimace), increased
tion and holding would reinforce its occurrence. Gewirtz and bodily agitation, initial fussing sounds, looks to the mother, and
Boyd (1977), in fact, criticized the Bell & Ainsworth findings on other behaviors. These behaviors, along with the actual crying
a number of methodological grounds. Their most notable criti- that occurs toward the end of that sequence, constitute a “cry
cism was that Bell and Ainsworth were not looking at mater- bout.” If the mother intervenes at any point during these initial
nal responsiveness at all. Instead, they were looking at maternal behaviors, crying may never occur at all, and so could not be
ignoring of crying, and whether that was associated with later reinforced. It would be expected that a highly responsive parent
higher rates of crying. They assumed that maternal ignoring would learn to recognize the early signs of distress and inter-
and maternal responsiveness would be reciprocal to each other, vene before actual crying occurred. So sensitively responding by
but they did not demonstrate that. parents does not reinforce crying.
Gewirtz and Pelaez-Nogueras (e.g. 1991) have more recently It is also important to realize that, at the same time that crying
presented results showing that in the case of separation pro- is beginning to decrease as the infant gets older, a separate com-
test at least, maternal responses can increase the frequency of municative system of babbling, smiling and other interactive
 THE BENEFITS OF ATTACHMENT PARENTING FOR INFANTS AND CHILDREN: A BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENTAL VIEW 5

behaviors is becoming increasingly reinforced and elaborated. and memory; e.g. Lupien et al., 1998) and the amygdala (in-
The studies of crying have examined crying as if it is develop- volved in the processing of emotions; e.g. Wolterink et al., 2001)
ing without relationship to other important behavior systems, Stressors that occur early in development can have an irre-
such as this one. The development and elaboration of these new versible impact on the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenocortical
communicative behaviors can change what happens with crying (HPA) axis and on the production of neurohormones, such as
in at least two ways. First, infants will gradually learn to com- cortisol (e.g. Gunnar, 1998; Gunnar, Broderson, Krueger & Rig-
municate what they want using non-crying gestures and then atuso, 1996), which are involved in the stress response. Accord-
verbalizations. Parents’ responses can reinforce the use of these ing to the extensive studies of Gunnar and colleagues, at birth,
alternative communication methods. Second, parents can use the human adrenocortical system is very responsive to stimula-
positive interactive routines to distract infants if they are begin- tion. Therefore it can be more easily affected by experience. As
ning to become distressed. can be seen from everyday observation, even minor events such
One likely conclusion, given the above analysis of the “respon- as being undressed can be very distressing for many newborns.
siveness to crying” issue is that there is every reason to expect Measurements of cortisol levels during these situations show
that a high degree of responsiveness to early signs of distress in that there are also elevations in cortisol (Gunnar, 1992). Some
infants, those signs that occur before actual crying, should not infants, perhaps those who are temperamentally more reactive,
lead to higher rates of crying, since crying itself may only rarely and/or those who experience more situations that elicit distress
occur. Such rapid responsiveness is more likely to occur when (such as being left to cry alone for long periods of time), may
infants are being held and otherwise kept close by a caregiver, experience multiple situations on a daily basis that result in high
such as is the ideal for AP parenting. Parents who are very re- levels of stress hormones.
sponsive and keyed into their infants’ signals are also likely to Long term effects of early stress: There is an increasing amount of
spend increasing amounts of time interacting with their infants research, with humans and with other animals, showing that
in positive ways. This will lead to the development of a positive early stress can have a number of detrimental effects on devel-
communication system, which will gradually and increasingly opment. The work with animals is helpful in clarifying both
replace crying. what specific events are stressful, and what the effects of stress
PSYCHOLOGICAL BENEFITS OF ATTACHMENT PARENTING are on both the brain and on development. Experimental work
In developed and developing nations today, of course, infants on animals investigating these topics is more likely to be pro-
are at much less risk for early death. There would seem to be less posed and approved. By examining similar situations, generally
justification for the use of Attachment Parenting practices in non-experimentally, the research with humans can nevertheless
terms of their benefits for physical survival. More importantly show analogous behaviors and effects.
for those concerned about children is that there is increasing The long-term effects of stressful early rearing conditions
evidence that Attachment Parenting practices produce impor- have been experimentally investigated in nonhuman animals
tant psychological benefits that in turn have associated physi- (e.g. Rosenblum et al., 1994; Suomi, 1987, 1991). For example,
ological benefits as well. using rhesus monkeys, Suomi and colleagues have been inves-
The most important psychological benefit of AP practices is tigating the differential effects of being reared by their mother
that they minimize infant stress. This is true both during the first in the traditional way or by being separated from the mother
two- to three-months of life, when the infant is first establish- and being reared by peers. Although the peer-reared monkeys
ing regulation of feeding, sleeping and arousal, and after (Emde, seemed to develop relatively normal social behavior as long as
1998; Emde, Gaensbauer & Harmon, 1976; Sander, 1975). Dur- they were in familiar settings, when exposed to stressors, such
ing the early months of life there are many occasions when in- as separations from other monkeys, they exhibited much more
fants can become distressed. They cannot feed themselves, may behavioral disruption, and a greater activation of the hypotha-
continue to wake up during the night, and may cry for a number lamic-pituitary-adrenal axis and other systems involved in deal-
of other reasons. Crying is highly stressful, both for adults who ing with stress. In more recent work, Suomi has found that there
hear it and for infants (e.g. Frodi & Lamb, 1978). Particularly are also important individual differences in the reactivity of dif-
during early development, research suggests that stress can have ferent individual monkeys both to the different rearing condi-
long term deleterious effects on the child’s physical and psycho- tions and to the stressors. He has reported (e.g. Suomi, 1987)
logical development. that roughly 20% of rhesus monkey infants can be labeled as
There are two ways in which chronic stress at any time during highly reactive. Even when mother-reared, these monkeys will
the lifespan, and stress during early development in particular show much more extreme behavioral and physiological reac-
can be detrimental. Each of these will be discussed in turn. tions to stressful situations. Such monkeys, for example, appear
There is an increasing amount of research on the influence of fearful in novel situations and have heightened levels of cortisol
stress on the immune system and disease at various points in the and ACTH (Adrenocorticotropic hormone). These patterns of
lifespan. Exposure to chronic stress seems to be associated with behavior, both from monkeys who were reared by peers, and
physical disorders (for example, cardiovascular disease, cancer) in the highly reactive monkeys, have been found to persist into
and also psychological disorders such as depression and anxiety later development.
(see McEwen & Seeman, 1999). In some studies, exposure to Rosenblum and colleagues (1994), concerned that many of
high amounts of cortisol as a result of stressors has been shown the studies of early stressful rearing conditions relied overly
to result in damage to the hippocampus (involved in learning much on environmental conditions that were too severely
6 MILLER & COMMONS

stressful, devised a situation in which infant monkeys were licked and groomed more by their mothers showed, as adults,
raised either by mothers who had an easy time foraging for food reduced hormone release in response to extreme stress.
in a simulated foraging situation (Low Foraging Demand) or The relationship between the use of AP and secure attachment: There is a
by mothers who had a more difficult time foraging (Variable considerable amount of research that shows that a mother’s sen-
Foraging Demand). Mothers under VFD conditions were as- sitivity to infant signals is significantly related to secure attach-
sumed to be providing less than optimal caregiving which was ment of that infant to that mother. This has been found in the
somewhat stressful for their infants. The infants raised under original studies of Ainsworth and her colleagues on this topic
VFD conditions were found to be behaviorally more timid, less (e.g. Ainsworth et al., 1978) and in more recent studies in which
social and more subordinate in their relationships with others, the concept of maternal sensitivity has been broadened to bet-
and as young adults responded differently to chemically admin- ter fit a variety of situations as well as the dyadic nature of the
istered stressors. Rosenblum and colleagues concluded that this mother-infant interaction (for examples, see work by van den
was evidence that the neuronal systems involved in the stress Boom & Hoeksma, 1994 and the NICHD Early Child Care Re-
response were permanently changed by exposure to this early search Network, 1997). These studies did not explicitly examine
stressful situation. the AP behaviors discussed here. They simply examined respon-
In humans, there has also been considerable work showing siveness of any kind. Because responsiveness involves sensitivity
long-term effects of early traumatic experiences. The results of to infant cues, the findings nevertheless are most likely related.
this work are concordant with the animal data. For example, Being rated as securely attached has been related to a large
Luecken (1998) found that adults who had lost a parent before number of positive outcomes in both infants and children (see
the age of 16 showed a variety of less optimal cardiovascular Martin & Britner, 1999; Thompson, 1999; Weinfield et al., 1999
and neurohormonal outcomes, including elevated blood pres- for extensive reviews). Some of the positive outcomes include:
sure and cortisol, when engaged in tasks designed to be stress- a) responding in a more flexible way when placed in a frustrat-
ful. Studies have shown that infants subjected to early trauma or ing situation, b) seeking help from adults more appropriately, c)
abuse also show differences in stress reactivity and brain devel- showing more persistence and enthusiasm in problem solving
opment that continue into later childhood and adulthood (e.g. situations, d) showing greater competence in interaction with
Essex, Klein, Cho & Kalin, 2002; Ito, Teicher, Glod, & Acker- peers, and e) showing greater understanding of both self ’s and
man, 1998; Perry, 1997). It is important to emphasize that while other’s emotions.
some of the literature discusses primarily extreme situations, None of the work cited above looked specifically at the AP
such as abuse or abandonment, other literature discusses stress- behaviors being discussed here. One of the few studies to do
ors that a significant number of children are exposed to, includ- so (Anisfeld, Casper, Nozyce & Cunningham, 1990) found that
ing low socioeconomic status (Lupien et al., 2000), stress due to when low-income mothers were assigned to carry their young
maternal depression (e.g. Ashman et al., 2002; Essex et al., 2002) infants more, their infants were more likely to be securely at-
and simply ‘low quality maternal behavior’ (Hane & Fox, 2006). tached at 13 months. Some of the other literature that supports
Much of this research has been summarized in a recent report the idea that AP may lead to more secure attachment is cross-
from the National Scientific Council on the Development of the cultural. In the Dogon culture (True, Pisani & Oumar, 2001),
Child (2005). who breastfeed on demand, hold their infants a large portion
Do AP behaviors reduce reactions to stressful situations? One may con- of the time, respond quickly to crying, and co-sleep, 87% of in-
clude that early stressful situations elevates the chance of having fants were found to be securely attached, according to criteria
long terms deleterious effects in humans and in other animals used in the original Ainsworth study (Ainsworth et al., 1978).
and is therefore important. In the context of the current paper, In middle-class American households, the rate of secure attach-
it is also important to mention that the kinds of touching and ment is reported to be around 65% (Ainsworth et al, 1978) or
holding emphasized by AP have been shown to either reduce the even somewhat lower in some samples. The remaining infants
effects of stressful early experiences or to result in more positive among the Dogon were classified as “resistant” rather than se-
reactions to stress. For example, Blass and Barr (2000) found cure. A “resistant” infant is one who, although extremely upset
that the presence of a caregiver can moderate the negative phys- by being separated from the mother, engages in angry-appear-
iological effects of a stressful medical procedure in human in- ing behavior (pushing away, getting off the mother’s lap, even
fants. In another study, toddlers exposed to a situation designed though they are still crying). As a result, they are not able to
to produce wariness or mild fear, showed no elevations in the be easily consoled. In Japanese infants, who also experience a
stress hormone cortisol when a parent to whom the child was great deal of holding and who co-sleep with their mothers, se-
securely attached was present. Toddlers who did not have secure curity of attachment was similar in frequency to that seen in
relationships with their parents did show cortisol elevations American infants, with the remaining infants being classified
(Nachmias et al., 1996). In an experimental study with nonhu- as resistant (Takahashi, 1990; see also Rothbaum et al., 2000).
man primates (Levine & Wiener, 1988), contact with mother Both Takahashi (1990) and LeVine and Miller (1990) argued
was also shown to reduce stress reactions. Although it is harder that in cultures in which mothers and infants spend a great deal
to document long term effects, there is suggestive evidence from of time being physically close, such as the Japanese culture, that
the experimental studies of Meaney and his colleagues. In one the separations that occur in the situation in which attachment
such study, Liu et al. (1997) found that infant rat pups that are is assessed can be so upsetting for the infants that they will not
 THE BENEFITS OF ATTACHMENT PARENTING FOR INFANTS AND CHILDREN: A BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENTAL VIEW 7

be easily consolable by their mothers. They may, as a result, end ing may continue for variable periods of time. One interesting,
up being classified as resistant. although nonscientific, small-sample study, reports that among
Other Positive Socialization Benefits of Attachment Parenting: There may parents who practice Attachment Parenting, 44% were still
be other benefits of Attachment Parenting. One such benefit breast feeding when their children were 3 years of age, with 2.5
could be a closer sense of “connection” to other people. Because years being the average age of weaning in this sample (Sugar-
physical contact and touching is a less salient aspect of West- man & Kendall-Tackett, 1995). In many cultures, co-sleeping
ern, and particularly Northern European cultures, this possible may come to an end when the mother has another baby, as
benefit has rarely been studied. At the very least, parents who mentioned previously. In a number of cases, co-sleeping may
engage in highly responsive caregiving serve as models for their continue with the parents beyond infancy, the child may transi-
children. Thereby they may promote higher frequencies of re- tion to room sharing rather than bed-sharing, or they may tran-
sponsive and even empathetic behavior toward others, as also sition to sleeping with other family members (e.g. Latz, Wolf,
noted by Bandura (1989). Some anthropological studies (e.g. & Lozoff, 1999; LeVine et al., 1994; Welles-Nystrom, 2005). In
Hewlett, Lamb, Leyendecker & Schölmerich, 2000) support the Western cultures, co-sleeping also may become modified, with
idea that warmer and more responsive caregiving are associated some parents placing their infant on a small bed or mattress
with cultures that are more trusting and accepting. nearby, but still in the same room. From an AP perspective,
such changes in care would only occur if they seemed to be ac-
„„ATTACHMENT PARENTING WITH OLDER cepted without distress by the developing infant or child. A high
degree of responsiveness, particularly to emotions of distress,
INFANTS AND YOUNG CHILDREN would likely continue to be a feature of Attachment Parenting.
During the early months Attachment Parenting practices can During the second half year of life, infants exhibit a more
be highly beneficial for both physical and psychological devel- distinct and active attachment to their caregivers. In the West-
opment. According to some research, it can also prevent long ern setting, this attachment is typically expressed toward the
term negative effects of stressful child-rearing practices, such as mother, and, if present, father or other parent. This emerging
having infants sleep alone and not responding when they cry. As attachment has a characteristic pattern, at least among West-
infants continue to develop in many ways including attachment ern infants. Rothbaum et al. (2000) discuss how such relation-
(Commons, 1991), their behavior and physiology changes. Ac- ships differ in Japan. The Western parent’s goal, according to
cording to Gunnar (1998), during the period between 3 and 12 Rothbaum et al., is to support the child enough so that the child
months there is a relative decrease in cortisol reactivity in a vari- can become more independent. A “healthy” balance between
ety of stressful situations, even when behavioral evidence of dis- contact or connection to the attachment figure and exploration
tress to these situations may continue. During this same period away from that figure is a central aspect of Ainsworth’s theory
of time, infants’ frequency of crying decreases, and their fre- (e.g. Ainsworth et al., 1978). Developing a healthy balance be-
quency of other vocalizations, gestures, and positive emotional tween exploration and attachment at this point is considered
expression increases. Infants also become increasingly mobile, predictive of later more adaptive behavior. This balance is best
particularly in the second half year. Emde and others (Emde, exemplified by determining whether the infant can use the care-
1998; Emde, Gaensbauer, & Harmon, 1976; Sander, 1975) see giver as a “secure” base for exploration. The notion of a secure
the new behaviors that appear around 7 to 8 months as repre- base can easily be operationalized in behavioral terms. Children
senting a second biobehavioral shift. These new behaviors do who will readily explore a new environment when their care-
make infants more able to initiate actions on their own and giver is present are said to be using the caregiver as a secure base
therefore less dependent upon caregivers. for their exploration (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Anderson, 1972).
Nevertheless, human infants continue to be quite helpless, Should the caregiver leave or move away, the child’s exploring
and to rely a great deal on caregivers, particularly to help regu- behavior will show a decrease in frequency, and the types of ex-
late negative emotions. To what extent does it still make sense ploration behaviors will change. If the caregiver returns, they
for the parent to continue to follow the child’s lead, at least in will seek contact, either by approaching the caregiver or possi-
dealing with emotional development? bly by indicating that they wish to be picked up. After some pe-
In responding to this question, it needs to be understood riod of contact, with a high degree of frequency, they will show
that developmental changes in the child should naturally bring a tendency to move away from the caregiver again (Ainsworth
about changes in the AP practices discussed thus far. Clearly, et al., 1978). Similar behavior of moving away and moving back
for example, as children become more mobile, they will spend near the caregiver is also seen in situations of uncertainty, such
more time away from their parents and not being held. As re- as when a stranger approaches.
search has also shown (e.g. Anderson. 1972) when the child ini- A parent’s behavior when interacting with the infant is con-
tiates the departure from contact, and can rely on the parent sidered to be an important determinant of how this balance
remaining in the same location, they are more likely to freely between attachment and exploration develops. Parents who be-
explore. When the parent initiates the separation, children have have in a sensitive fashion (as originally described by Ainsworth
a great deal more trouble coping. In this case, children will be et al., 1978) are more likely to have infants who develop more
more likely to protest and if possible to return to the parent’s secure and adaptive attachment and exploration behaviors. Ain-
side (e.g. Ainsworth et al., 1978). sworth et al. used a 9-point rating scale of maternal sensitivity.
As foods other than breast milk are introduced, the frequency A maximally sensitive mother “is able to see things from her
of breast feeding will naturally decrease, although breast feed- baby’s point of view. She is alert to perceive her baby’s signals,
8 MILLER & COMMONS

interprets them accurately, and responds appropriately and in the child’s early efforts at pretend play, at drawing, and of
promptly, unless no response is the most appropriate...” (Ain- course, in the increasing use of more complex language (Sen-
sworth et al., 1978, p. 142). The least sensitive mother is one who tential stage 5, Commons & Miller, 2007).
intervenes with the baby entirely according to her own goals, Another example of these new representational behaviors is
completely ignoring the baby’s signals. that children of this age begin to exhibit a number of new fears
To what extent can an AP approach and sensitive parenting be (Craske, 1997; Miller, 1998). Whereas, prior to this general age
equated? It surely seems as if the two approaches would coincide. period, children might cry and avoid situations in which they
We would argue, however, that one could apply AP techniques were immediately fearful (for example, seeing a loud barking
in a non-sensitive fashion, especially as an infant gets older. This dog), they now begin to react fearfully to entities that they imag-
would be especially true if a parent understood AP to consist ine (e.g. monsters) or that are not present (crying before going
only of the four behaviors introduced at the beginning, rather out in anticipation of seeing a loud barking dog). The average
than as a general approach to parenting. There are two senses number of fears reported by Miller for children between the
in which continuing to use these behaviors in the same way ages of about two and four, was 11.4; this is comparable to the
as with younger infants could represent insensitive parenting. number of fears reported for children over 4 (for example, by
First, a parent who was not sensitive to their older child’s new Ollendick et al., 1996). These fears were both of real situations
tendency to explore the environment away from the parent, but and of imaginary entities. While parents can try their best to
instead was oriented toward holding the child as much as ear- avoid situations in which reality based fears will occur (such as
lier, might be behaving consistently with a non-developmental avoiding barking dogs), they cannot control their child’s imagi-
and non-sensitive application of AP. Second, there are temper- nation. Helping a child to cope with both types of fears can pres-
amentally-based individual differences between infants. While ent a challenge to parents, especially for some children, whose
these differences exist to some extent in younger infants, they fears may be severe enough to meet the diagnostic criterion of
begin to be more pronounced with older infants (Goldsmith et being a phobia (e.g. Muris & Merckelbach, 2000).
al., 1987, Kagan, 1994, Rothbart & Bates, 1998). Some infants In reviews of literature about children’s fears (e.g. Craske,
may seek physical contact more than others. Some infants may 1997), it is apparent that little has been written about how par-
be more easily consoled than others. Some infants may continue ents and young children together and separately cope with the
to sleep best with a parent or parents, whereas others may sleep child’s fears, especially when these are at a nonclinical level. In
well separately. The more sensitive parent would therefore apply Miller’s work (1998), three types of coping strategies were dis-
AP practices as appropriate to the child’s own preferences and cussed by parents: emotional reassurance of the child, which
adjust them as possible for the developmental level of the child. was the most commonly used; explaining something about the
feared entity; and/or giving the child some action to perform
Finally, it also should be noted that Ainsworth et al.’s (1978) no-
with respect to the feared entity (such as spraying water un-
tion of sensitivity did not require parents to use high degrees of
der the bed to get rid of the monster). All three strategies were
physical contact, co-sleeping and other AP practices. It is pos-
reported by the parents to be successful in that the child was
sible, although this has not been shown empirically, that infants
reported to become calmer after parental intervention. Accord-
of parents who use AP practices in a sensitive fashion are more
ing to these same parents, however, the fears in these situations
likely to become securely attached (or that is what AP theory
tended to recur for an average of a year’s time, so parents’ inter-
would suggest).
ventions were not of the kind that could convince the child to
There is a great deal of evidence to support the view that con-
not be fearful.
tinuing to buffer the older infant from stressful events would be
How do these reduction strategies fit or not fit with AP? Emo-
what a sensitive caregiver would do (see also Gunnar, 1998), but
tional reassurance is holding the child, soothing him or her in
that this goal might be achieved with some variation from the
various ways. It seems to be consistent with the AP point of
parenting practices as discussed above. To illustrate how paren-
view. But for all three strategies mentioned above, simply being
tal behavior might change we will discuss several kinds of child ready to apply them in the situation to reduce the child’s emo-
behavior that can be challenging to parents, and what an AP tional distress may be what is most consistent with AP ideas.
approach might consist of. The intervention should ideally occur a good deal before the
Children’s Fears: At around the age of two, there is another shift in full blown fear occurs, so as not to reinforce it, although dif-
the kinds of behaviors that the child exhibits. ferent parents’ tendencies to anticipate children’s fears in this
In Emde’s (1998) account, it is around this time that one sees way was not explicitly studied in Miller’s work. Although rapid
of beginnings of self-reflective awareness. In behavioral terms, and even anticipatory parental intervention would be the most
children often begin to label themselves in terms of their name, sensitive, it would not be strictly necessary that the interven-
gender and perhaps other characteristics. The child shows what tion used by the parent consist of holding, for example. Some
have been called ‘moral emotions.’ For example, they may be- children may be able to be well consoled simply by hearing an
come distressed when they violate standards for behavior and explanation or performing an action in response to their fear. In
they may engage in helping behaviors toward others. This is also terms of other AP ideas, it has been shown that nighttime fears
a period of time when there are major changes in the child’s may be reduced by co-sleeping (Forbes et al., 1992), although
thinking and problem solving. Piaget (1963) discussed this as other forms of nighttime intervention may also be effective (this
the onset of mental representation or the ability to use symbols. has not been explicitly studied). It has surely been an anecdotal
In behavioral terms, such representations of the world are seen observation of these authors that, even for infants and toddlers
 THE BENEFITS OF ATTACHMENT PARENTING FOR INFANTS AND CHILDREN: A BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENTAL VIEW 9

who had been successfully trained to sleep in their own beds, Interactions between parents and children, as well as teach-
there may be a ‘return migration’ to the parent’s bed during this ers and children are important influences on the development
age period. There is little systematic work on what parents do of emotion regulation. A useful model of how regulation and
under these circumstances. deregulation can develop has been suggested by Scaramella and
Whatever the interventions, studies of children’s’ anxiety and Leve (2004). This model is called the early child coercion model.
of ‘behavioral inhibition’ suggest that fear and anxiety show a That model starts by proposing that a child’s temperament influ-
high degree of continuity over time. For example, in one study, ences emotion regulation. The model is to apply especially to
children who were seen as anxious in the first grade remained the degree of emotional reactivity that the child exhibits. First
anxious in the fifth grade (Ialongo et al., 1995). In a longer term of all, intense emotional arousal may be more difficult for the
study, Kagan and colleagues (Kagan et al., 2007) found that child to regulate on his or her own. Second, when children react
at least some infants who exhibited inhibited behavior in the intensely, parents are more likely to respond with more punitive
face of uncertainty had a tendency to continue to show relat- and rejecting and less sensitive strategies. The harsh parental
ed behavior through adolescence. This could suggest a strong response has been associated with even more intense arousal
temperamental and possibly an inherited biologically-based in children, and a corresponding increase in difficulty in emo-
component to these kinds of behaviors, which is not easily over- tion regulation. This elicits more harsh and insensitive parental
come by any kind of parenting. There is also some research that behaviors. This cycle is similar to what has been suggested by
suggests a parental contribution to this anxiety and inhibition. Patterson and colleagues (e.g. Patterson, Reid & Dishion, 1992),
Although in these cases it may be difficult to separate the par- however, it is more specific about the behavioral patterns en-
ent’s genetic contribution to the child’s behavior from the effect gaged in by children and parents.
of their behavior on the child. For example, Krohne and Hock This model of what can go wrong in the context of the devel-
(1991) found that when parents gave frequent negative feedback opment of emotion regulation suggests strategies for interacting
to children and attempted to restrict the child’s behavior more, with children in these situations that are more in accord with
that children were more anxious. Barrett et al. (1996) found that an AP point of view. First, and foremost, a parent would need
parents of children who were anxious tended to interpret am- to anticipate, based on his or her previous experience with the
biguous situations in a threatening way, as did their children; child, how both the child and the parent are likely to react to a
the parents also expected more avoidance from their children. situation. This part of an AP strategy for emotion regulation is
Both of these kinds of strategies seem antithetical to AP, which based on the basic mandate of the parent to be sensitive to the
would be responsive and accepting of the child’s fears and seek child’s signals, and to respond to them quickly. To the extent
other ways of coping with them. that a parent can anticipate a child’s reaction to a situation he or
she can plan ahead so as to avoid an intensely negative reaction.
Emotion regulation: Emotion regulation consists of the external and
For some children, this may, require a rearrangement of parents’
internal behavioral processes that occur once an emotion has own priorities and plans. To give one example, if a parent knows
been activated (Cole, Martin, & Dennis, 2004). Generally, the that a child will be extremely tired and irritable close to dinner
purpose of emotion regulation behaviors is to reduce the nega- time, this is probably not a good time to take that child out to
tive effects of emotions. Such negative effects can include exter- run errands. Parents also may distract a child from an emotion-
nal effects. For example, if a young child has a toy taken away ally arousing event (Grolnick, et al., 1998), or provide choices
by another child, he or she might immediately strike out at the rather than attempting to force a child into a situation. Gard-
offending child. Such a behavior would show a lack of regula- ner, Ward and Burton (2003) have shown that parents who are
tion, and would result in negative social consequences. Parents better at helping their children to avoid emotionally arousing
and teachers, among others, encourage young children to “use situations have children who exhibit better control over their
their words” when another child takes a toy away, rather than emotions and are easier to deal with.
immediately striking out at the other child. The fact that a child For the majority of children, such parental anticipation could
can acquire a behavior such as using his or her words in this be relatively easy and effective. There will be times when some-
situation suggests an ability to regulate their emotions. While thing cannot be anticipated, and a child, particularly a highly re-
emotion regulation begins developing in infancy, it continues active child, becomes intensely distressed in a situation. An AP
to develop at least through adolescence, with the preschool pe- strategy in this situation is to help the child to reduce his or her
riod being an important period where such regulation begins to distress. Clearly, the strategies of threatening, yelling, punishing
require less input and control from parents (Mischel, Shoda, & the child will have the opposite effect, as noted by Scaramella
Rodriguez, 1989; Rothbart & Bates, 1998). and Leve (2004). With respect to that individual child, parents
As discussed previously, helping a child to deal with fear and will need to develop interactions and situations that will help
anxiety is also a case of emotion regulation. When a child is that child to become calmer. Such strategies might include with-
excessively fearful, she may not be able to explore new environ- drawal from the over stimulating situation, a toning down of the
ments or play with other children. In this case, emotion regula- emotional level of the situation, physical contact between parent
tion would consist of learning strategies that would reduce fear and child, or in some cases, an overall reduction of stimulation
and anxiety so that the child could more often participate in (as described, for example, in Sacks, 1995, for Temple Grandin).
school and other environments. In this section, the discussion According to Scaramella and Leve (2004), sensitive parents
will focus on how to help children learn to control their emo- become less involved in children’s emotion regulation as chil-
tions so that they do not act aggressively toward others. dren move from toddlerhood to the preschool years. They allow
10 MILLER & COMMONS

the child to try and regulate him or herself and only if that fails ents are helping their child to develop emotion regulation, and
do they step in. therefore, resilience. Early in the child’s development the par-
ent is most active in helping him or her to regulate emotions,
„„CONCLUSIONS particularly negative emotions, as practices such as holding, co-
sleeping, frequent breast feeding and responsiveness to crying
The first benefit of Attachment Parenting is that it helps chil-
have been shown to do. If a parent engages in these practices in
dren become physiologically and psychologically healthy. At-
a way that is sensitive to the infant’s needs, the infant will most
tachment Parenting prevents damaging long bouts of crying
likely develop a secure attachment relationship with that parent.
and mitigates other emotions in response to stressful situations.
A secure attachment relationship serves as an emotion regula-
Being exposed to high levels of stress, especially without close
tion system as well, but one in which the older infant is more
contact with an attachment figure, such as a parent, can have
active. When the child becomes distressed or fearful, he or she
a deleterious effect on the brain that can be irreversible. Such
will seek contact with the parent. When their emotions are un-
damage results in impaired learning and emotional regulation
der control, they can resume exploring the world. Parents deal-
increasing the likelihood of severe problems in a large percent
ing with children’s’ fears, as well as children who act out, also
of children who have experienced it.
are working on that child’s emotion regulation. To the extent
A common feature of the Attachment Parenting way of re-
that parents help children to better cope with these disruptive
sponding to children at these different times in development
emotions and associated behaviors, the children should be able
is that they are directed not only toward attachment but also
to engage more with the environment. In effect, they should be
toward emotion regulation and the reduction of emotions such increasingly more resilient as they develop. Parents do this (as
as fear, anxiety, or anger. Each of these points will be taken up discussed above) by modeling emotion regulation strategies, by
in turn. using direct instruction about such strategies, by anticipating
By being highly responsive to the child’s signals, and particu- and helping the child to anticipate situations which may be dif-
larly by providing and supporting distress relief in infancy and ficult for that child, and, when the child fails at emotion regula-
beyond, parents provide a warm and accepting environment for tion, by continuing to provide a warm and responsive context
children. Specifically, both the warm, positive tone of interac- for distress reduction so that ultimately the child will become
tions and the distress relief, reinforce contact seeking with the more successful at emotion regulation.
parents providing those consequences, and thereby, lead to se- Again, a misunderstanding can occur that children somehow
cure attachment. Alternatively, when parents leave their chil- will continue to be dependent upon their parents for emotion
dren alone, especially when the child is distressed, the child regulation if a parent uses AP practices. A number of studies
learns that the parent cannot be relied upon for relief (that is, that have examined this issue have not found this to be true. For
they do not learn to turn to their parents when distressed). In example, in families in which the parents have chosen to co-
both cases, there is evidence (briefly presented above) that such sleep with their infants from the beginning, the children when
learning generalizes at least to early peer relationships. at preschool age were reported to be more self-reliant and to
There has been confusion in behavioral research on respon- show greater social independence (Keller & Goldberg, 2004).
siveness to crying, with some arguing that responding to cry- In that study, these outcomes were indexed by such behaviors
ing would reinforce it and increase its likelihood (e.g. Gewirtz as the child being able to dress him or herself, and being able
& Boyd, 1977). The Attachment Parenting response to this has to work out problems with peers on his or her own. In a re-
two parts. First of all, for the youngest infants, crying is not an lated study, preschoolers who had been securely attached as
operant response. It starts out as a respondent. Crying is the infants exhibited significantly less dependence than those who
only way they have to communicate that they need something. had been insecurely attached as infants (Sroufe, Fox, & Pancake,
Such crying is elicited by internal bodily states, such as hun- 1983). Those children with insecure histories had more interac-
ger, and does not tend to occur otherwise. Since the crying is tions with teachers, sat next to them more often during circle
preceded by strong stimulus conditions, the consequence of the time and were judged to be more dependent overall. The chil-
parent’s response only becomes associated with those stimulus dren with secure histories sought teacher attention in a more
conditions. This should not lead to general ‘spoiling.’ Second, positive way and this did not detract from the frequency and
at this point in the infant’s development, parents are still learn- quality of their interactions with peers.
ing about their infant and how to intervene. As parents become While these studies do suggest that using AP practices will
more familiar with the infant, they can begin to understand and not result in increased dependence, they were not able to show
anticipate the infant’s signals better and so can respond to sig- directly why this does not happen. It would seem that effective
nals that occur prior to outright crying. If crying is only allowed parents are able to both model more mature behavior and - in
to occur rarely, it is unlikely to become reinforced. As has been situations in which the child is not greatly upset-give direct in-
discussed, Attachment Parenting practices, both for infants and struction in emotion regulation (as well as reinforcing sponta-
for older children, do reduce distress, and in most cases do so in neously occurring behaviors). As was already discussed above,
an anticipatory fashion. this seems to lead to the development of more mature behavior
The second benefit of Attachment Parenting is that is helps (as shown by Gardner, Ward, & Burton, 2003). It may also be
the child to become resilient and therefore more independent. true that support in emotion regulation is an important compo-
Effective emotion regulation is a key aspect of being resilient. nent of relationships with peers, especially beginning in adoles-
We would argue that in each of the cases discussed above par- cence, and in romantic relationships.
 THE BENEFITS OF ATTACHMENT PARENTING FOR INFANTS AND CHILDREN: A BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENTAL VIEW 11

Why is emotion regulation so important? There is consider- would theorize that being able to tolerate doing this is not the
able evidence that optimal emotion regulation is what makes same as being able to flourish. Since most of the research has
it possible for children to better engage with the world. Chil- related more extreme early child rearing situations to more ex-
dren who regulate their emotions better have more successful treme forms of psychopathology, this latter idea is not one that
peer interactions (e.g. Eisenberg, Fabes, Carlo & Karbon, 1992; has been empirically investigated.
Kochanska, Murray & Harlan, 2000). There is ample evidence Generally, the implications for intervention with diverse
that young children who have better self-regulation are more populations of children seem clear. Both parents and teachers
socially competent, have fewer problem behaviors, show more should take the general issues of promoting attachment and
‘internalized’ control of behavior, and in general, show fewer emotion regulation more seriously. These issues are just begin-
‘externalizing’ behavior problems ( e.g., to name just a few stud- ning to be studied with different groups of children. A recent
ies, Kochanska & Knaack, 2003; Murphy et al. 2004; Olson, study (van Ijzendoorn et al., 2007), for example, has suggested
Sameroff, Kerr, Lopez & Wellman, 2005). For example, Kochan- that the parents of a small group of autistic children who were
ska and Knaack first tested childrens’ self-regulation using a se-
studied were as sensitive as other parents. The autistic children
ries of behavioral tasks, including amount of time a child was
themselves were less likely to be rated as securely attached
able to delay getting a snack, suppressing or initiating an activ-
when compared with other children. The children’s behavior
ity in response to a signal, the extent to which they could slow
was more disorganized and they were less involved with their
down a motor activity upon request. Mothers rated the extent of
parents during play. . Van Ijzendoorn and colleagues speculate
a child’s externalizing behavior (from very true or characteristic
of the child, to not at all true) using a checklist of 30 behaviors that neurologically-based deficits may interfere with the effects
(such as “destroys own or others’ belongings” or “fights with of parental sensitivity for these children. We would add that the
other children.”). They found that children who showed greater actual nature of what constitutes “sensitive parenting” may be
self-regulation (called effortful control in this and other studies) different for an autistic child. .
also showed fewer behaviors such as “irritable, quick to fly off From the evidence that exists, Attachment Parenting is asso-
the handle”, “fights with other children” and other antisocial be- ciated with positive attachment outcomes. It might be particu-
haviors. The Olson et al. study used the same behavioral tasks to larly useful to teach to parents with attachment issues of their
measure self-regulation, but measured externalizing using the own so that their parenting becomes more adequate.
Achenbach Child Behavior Checklist, a much longer list of be-
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