CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

The more than two-decade-old democratic experiment in Nigeria has seen a dialectic of

political leadership in various parts of the country. Democracy, which is defined in the literal

sense as "the governance of the people, by the people, and for the people," assumes that

democratic governments work to address some of the demands that citizens make on their

political leaders. After all, political leaders have a duty to the people since, in a representative

government, the people act indirectly through their elected representatives and the legitimacy

of their authority to rule comes from a popular act (Akinola, Adebisi, and Oyewo, 2015). As

a result, ensuring that people's conditions are improved is at the heart of democratic

governance (Ogunjimi and Ogundeji, 2020).

However, the people of Nigeria, who play a crucial role in the creation of democratic

government, have not received the much-needed support from the country's successive

political leaders in terms of improving their well-being. According to Osimen and Uwa

(2021), political leaders have focused more on enhancing their own well-being and the

wellbeing of their families and friends than on advancing the welfare of the general populace.

Chronic hunger, a high prevalence of illiteracy, inadequate health facilities, poor

infrastructure, and an unfathomably high level of poverty are expressions of the seeming

neglect caused by the political leadership in the government. Political leadership in Nigeria

has undercut the culture that characterises democracy in practise, which is to promote good

governance, in a way that goes against the spirit of democracy as originally conceived by its

forefathers (Nwokike and Chidolue, 2017).

1
Despite the fact that a democratic system of government is one in which political leaders can

be held accountable for their actions in government through established political mechanisms

because it is governed by the constitution, the attitude of political leaders in Nigeria toward

democratic governance undermines the rule of law. It is reminiscent of the situations that led

to several military interventions in the democratic process since Nigeria earned independence

in 1960. Although it may be argued that the military under General Ibrahim Badamasi

Babangida stopped the democratic process in 1993 in order to maintain its hold on power, it

was also interpreted in light of previous disastrous democratic practises by political leaders in

government. The circumstances that required a military coup echoed after the transition to

civil government was completed under the leadership of General Abubakar Abdulsalami in

May 1999.

The state of Taraba and its state capital, both of which can be characterised as rural by all

measures, were established in August 1991, less than 10 years before the switch to civil

government in 1999. Taraba State's citizens had high expectations for the democratic system

of governance they had chosen. The atmosphere that greeted the restoration of democratic

rule in Taraba state was permeated with the idea that social services provided by the

government, which are intended to directly and indirectly improve people's quality of life,

also play a role in determining or evaluating how effective democratic governance is

(Onuoha, Lawi, Onuh and Onuoha, 2021). According to Mohammed and Oruonye (2021),

the core of the social services that the state government should offer to the populace is the

eradication of poverty, unemployment, and inequality, as well as other related issues like the

protection of human rights and freedoms, as well as sound state administration.

Since 1999, democratic government in Taraba state has presented a contradiction, especially

when using the effectiveness of various political leaders as a benchmark for gauging the

benefits of democracy for the populace. Taraba state has had four military administrators and

2
seven civilian governors since it was founded in 1991. The state saw diverse social and

economic development trajectories in various military and political leadership. Taraba state's

political leadership trajectory in terms of democratic governance is met with conflicting

reactions from the populace (Agbu, Mohammed and Joseph, 2020). Diverse viewpoints on

political governance are revealed through studies on the political development of Taraba state

(Onuoha, et al., 2021; Agbu, et al., 2020; Mohammed and Oruonye, 2021; Madu, Yusof and

Ladiqi, 2015). However, research on democratic governance and political leadership in

Taraba State is relatively limited. During the Reverend Jolly Nyame administration, which

ran from 1999 to 2007, the main focus of this study is to examine political leadership and

democratic government. The main goal is to assess the administration's performance in

relation to the indicators of democratic governance in Nigeria by considering the viewpoints

of various actors.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

After several years of military dictatorship, Nigeria was one of the nations that successfully

implemented a democratic system in May 1999. Because of the positive atmosphere that

surrounded democracy's adoption in Nigeria, the successful shift to civilian rule placed

democracy on the difficult agenda. The general populace had high hopes due to Nigeria's lack

of growth, especially at the sub-national levels, which were thought to be experiencing social

and economic development inequalities (Madu, Yusof and Ladiqi, 2015). Because the

government in Taraba State is representative and will thus be responsive to and accountable

to the people of the state, it has been a time of social and economic transformation of

livelihoods for the locals. People's expectations in this setting were based on the requirement

for progress, such as the establishment of the social and economic infrastructures required for

a good living.

3
The expected benefits of democracy, however, have not materialised as a result of political

leadership and democratic governance. Today, ineffective leadership is seen as the key factor

contributing to Nigeria's underdevelopment. It can be seen that Taraba state is among the

most backward of these states when compared to the states established at the time by the

regimes of Gen. Babangida in August 1991 and Gen. Sani Abacha in 1995. Levitsky and

Ziblatt (2018) states that, "Democracies may fall at the hands of elected leaders...who corrupt

the exact process that brought them to power." The democratic process of government can be

subverted in many different ways. Four indications that are evident in Nigerian democratic

practise at the national and sub-national levels were identified by Levitsky and Ziblatt. The

denial of the legitimacy of political opponents, the toleration or encouragement of violence,

and the willingness to restrict the civil liberties of opponents, especially the media, are some

of these symptoms. However, there are other more issues with political leadership in Taraba

state that threaten democracy.

The obstacles facing political leadership in Taraba state include corruption, misuse of public

finances, and other social issues including tribalism and nepotism that political leaders have

persisted in fostering in government. Widespread poverty, famine, a high percentage of

unemployment, as well as a lack of concrete socioeconomic amenities among others, have

been given for the people of Taraba state since its inception in 1991 as a result of these

political leadership issues in the state. The return to democratic government in 1999 increased

inequality and led to the emergence of certain groups of people who were more privileged

socially, economically, and politically in a state that had a population of people who appeared

to have equal economic, social, and political rights and privileges in 1991. The main

obstacles to effective political leadership and democratic administration in Taraba state were

these people since they held positions of political authority at the state and local government

4
levels. This study looked at democratic governance and political leadership in Taraba State

between 1999 and 2007.

Objectives of the Study

This study has broad and specific objectives. The broad objective of this study is to examine

the impact of political leadership on democratic governance in Taraba state between 1999

and 2007. The specific objectives are:

(i) To understand the nature of political leadership and democratic governance in Taraba

state.

(ii) To examine the performances of political leaders in the delivery of democratic

dividends in Taraba state.

(iii) To assess the roles of political leadership on the socio-economic development

difficulties in Taraba state.

1.3 Research Questions

The following research questions guided the study:

(i) What is the nature of political leadership and democratic governance in Taraba

state?

(ii) Did the performances of political leaders account for the delivery of democratic

dividends in Taraba state?

(iii) Does the roles of political leadership in democratic governance account for the

socio-economic development challenges in Taraba state?

5
1.4 Significance of the Study

This study has theoretical and practical importance. Theoretically, this study adds to the body

of knowledge already available on the study of political leadership and democratic

governance, especially on the roles of political leaders in democratic government can

undermine democratic progress in Nigeria. This study shed light on the political dynamics

and dialectics of political leadership in Taraba state and how such affect governance

established on the principles of democracy. The study's importance lies in its ability to

produce knowledge that can be used by scholars interested in the study of political leadership

and performances in sub-national democratic governance.

Practically, the study is relevant to politics and society because it examines the trajectory of

political leadership of a particular administration between 1999 and 2007 to unfold the

achievements and failures of the administration. Consequently, the study contributes to

recording the account of political leadership under the Jolly Nyame’s administration. The

study brings to the front-burner the nature of the political leadership, performances in the

delivery of democratic dividends and the role played in the socio-economic development

challenges in Taraba state. The findings of the study provide useful material to guide political

actors on the act of democratic governance. In this context, political actors can learn from the

study the act of political leadership in democratic government and the expectations

electorates have on their political leaders.

1.5 Scope and Limitations of the Study

The scope of this study is the assessment of political leadership in democratic government in

Taraba state. The concentration of the study is the examination of tangible performances and

challenges of the administration. The study settled on the Rev. Jolly Nyame’s eight year

administration between 1999 and 2007 because the political leader of the administration has

6
suffered indictment and serving a jail term connected to the roles played during the period

being studied. The study is limited largely by the fact that only the Nyame’s administration

completed two-term in office as the governor of the state, and, the current administration of

the Governor Darius Ishaku is yet to be completed. Moreover, the study is also limited by the

timeframe and paucity of information provided by the political leader on democratic

performances between 1999 and 2007 as a result of his indictment and serving of jail term.

1.6 Operational Definition of Concepts

Political Leadership: Leadership is a process by which a person influences others to

accomplish an objective and directs the organization in a way that makes it more cohesive

and coherent. Leaders carry out this process by applying their leadership attributes, such as

beliefs, values, ethics, character, knowledge, and skills.

Democratic Governance: It is an individual’s ability to critically analyse the political,

social, and economic forces shaping society and one’s status in it.

1.7 Organisation of the Study

The study is organised in five chapters. Chapter one provides the background of the study and

its attendant elements. In chapter two, the study reviewed extant literature and provided the

theoretical framework on which it is constructed. The intend of the literature review is to

have an in-depth understanding of the level of intellectual knowledge on the subject matter

and locate gap in the literature, while also applying the theoretical framework for analysis.

Chapter three is the methodology of the study, which provides the process adopted in the

conduct of the research. In chapter four, the study engages in the presentation and analysis of

empirical data generated from the field of the study to fill the gap identified. Chapter five is

7
the conclusive part of the research report. It summarises, concludes and provides pragmatic

recommendations on the study.

8
 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Introduction

This chapter provides an overview of previous research on political leadership and

democratic governance. The review of related literature is both thematic of concepts and

empirical literature. It covers the reviews of the major concepts which include political

leadership, democracy, governance, democratic governance, and good governance. The

empirical review of literature consists of scholarly explications on the subject matter from a

general to specific context. In this case, it covers the world in general, Africa and Nigeria in

particular. The chapter also introduces the theoretical framework for the case study that

constitutes the subject matter of investigation.

2.1 The Concept of Leadership

One of those ideas that are difficult to define is leadership. The statement "there are almost as

many diverse definitions of leadership as there are persons who have sought to define the

notion" was made by Stogdill more than four decades ago (Stogdill 1974:7). At the turn of

the century, Bennis estimated that there were at least 650 literary definitions of leadership

(Bennis and Townsend, 1995). In an interview with Volckmann (2012), Kellerman made the

following statement: "I heard that there are around 1,400 alternative definitions of the words

leader and or leadership." These figures, whether accurate or inflated, just demonstrate that

there is no universal agreement on what constitutes leadership, and the quest for a more

precise definition continues.

The ability to inspire, direct, motivate, and encourage others to accomplish a specified goal is

referred to as leadership. "Organizing, planning, and managing human and material

9
resources, time, relationships, skills, experience, and finances to achieve a goal for the

interest of all" are all aspects of leadership (Alamu, 2004: 318). Leadership in a larger sense

refers to: openness, honesty, effectiveness, efficiency, responsibility, accountability, vision,

character, productivity, persuasion, and the achievement of expected goals for the majority of

people, regardless of age, gender, or sexual orientation (Burns, 1978).

McCleskey (2014) makes the case that the quest for a single definition of leadership may be

fruitless because the right term will depend on the researcher's interests and the kind of issue

or circumstance being investigated, citing Bass (2008) and other authors in support. The

definition of leadership, though, is presented in a variety of ways. According to Tannenbaum,

Weschler, and Massarik (1961), leadership is the "interpersonal influence, exercised in a

situation, and oriented, through the communication process, toward the realisation of a

specific goal or goals." They built on Stogdill's definition. Zaleznik (1977) further underlined

the importance of influence in leadership by asserting that effective leadership entails the use

of one's position of authority to shape the opinions and behaviour of others. When Kotter

(1988) described leadership as "the process of moving a group (or groups) in some direction

through primarily non-coercive means," he provided a fresh perspective. Since followership

should be voluntary, this definition says that using coercive methods is not the same as

leading. Not all academics concur with this difference; Kellerman, for instance, claimed that

using force is also leadership (Volckmann, 2012).

The role of followers in the leadership process was first recognised by leadership theorists in

the 1990s. When Bass (1990) pointed out that leadership was an interaction process that

could be impacted by anybody engaged, it made a significant advance in this field.

Leadership was not merely a process of the leader's influence over others. Bass defines

leadership as a relationship between two or more group members that frequently entails

shaping or restructuring the context as well as the members' perceptions and expectations. It

10
happens when one group member alters the competence or motivation of the other members

of the group. Any group member can demonstrate some kind of leadership.

Leadership "involves actions, qualities, features, and outcomes created by leaders as these

aspects are viewed by followers," according to Lord and Maher (1993, 11). It implies that

follower and leadership cannot be separated. Therefore, the best way to describe leadership is

to look at the followers' minds and analyse the impact process. Owusu-Bempah (2014) made

the case that leadership should be "follower-centric," emphasising the contributions and roles

of followers in the leadership process. Relationships between leaders and followers who want

to make genuine changes that reflect their shared goals can be influenced by leadership (Rost,

1993). Schmidt (1968:282) confirmed that leadership only occurs when a group chooses to

follow a person voluntarily rather than under command or force, and that it also does not

result from blind urges but rather from reasons that are constructive and more or less rational.

Leadership is the practise of planning and directing others' actions toward the

accomplishment of specific goals.

Tannenbaum (1968) defined leadership as the use of authority or sway in social collectives

such groups, organisations, communities, or countries. The three very general and connected

functions of setting the people's aims, purposes, or objectives, building the structures through

which the purposes of governance are carried out, and maintaining or improving the

structures of power relations in the state may all be addressed by this power. Similar to this,

Utomi (2014) pointed out that leadership is a goal-directed conduct where a group is urged to

act in a way that result in less expense and more successfully achieving desired objectives in

respect to some common aims. This claim was supported by Nigro & Nigro (1977), who

stated that leadership is the act of influencing others' behaviour. According to them, a leader's

most crucial quality is their conviction that something needs to be done and their ability to

influence others to support their efforts.

11
Weihrich and Krontz (1993:491) describe leadership as "influence, that is, the art or skill of

persuading people to work willingly and enthusiastically toward the achievement of group

goals." This emphasis has the effect of demonstrating the roles of leadership, which include

inspiring followers and fostering their acceptance of the people's objectives as well as of

leadership itself, in order to maintain the integrity and viability of the whole against threat

from both internal and external sources (Barker, 2001; Collinson, 2005). This further

indicates that the political leaders must be able to engage the people in the process of

constructing the country, ensuring that they are responsive and responsible. This can only be

accomplished through democratising the political system (Akinbi, 1999).

2.2 The Concept of Political Leadership

Though its definition is hard, political leadership is a concept that is essential to

comprehending political processes and outcomes. Political leadership is just one of many

types of leadership, according to Dion (1968). This explains why there is no single definition

for political leadership. As a result, academics often define it using their preferred

methodology. Political leadership can be defined as a group of persons who are elected or

chosen to manage the distribution of resources and authority on behalf of the government for

the provision of public services (Morrell and Hartley, 2006).

This idea fits well with the idea of political leaders. Political leaders work within and have

influence over a constitutional and legal framework. They are democratically elected

representatives who are susceptible to de-election. The mandate that enables them to rule in

accordance with stated policies, which is seen as officially conferred by a voter following the

outcome of an election, is their source of authority (Chambers dictionary, 1993). The

foundation for political leaders' claims to authority is summed up in this. It demonstrates how

12
they are different from other leaders like CEOs, managers in the public, commercial, and

nonprofit sectors, as well as those in the military.

Political leaders need the approval of the people they govern and serve since they are elected,

not appointed, and carry out their duties as representatives. Instead of just looking out for

those who voted for them, they have a duty to serve all of their constituents and defend the

interests of future generations. The elderly, underprivileged groups, and those without the

ability to vote, such as children, should all be included in this. These are common distinctions

between political leaders and non-political leaders, although political leaders also function

within various systems of accountability and examination. Additionally, they are formally

responsible for a wide range of matters, including legislation, taxation, law enforcement,

education, and the economy. Although the networks they operate in are flexible, they do have

regularities.

Political leaders first acquire power through the ballot box, but it is possible for them to face

daily challenges from their political party (the majority work within a party system),

opposition politicians, the media, their people, and other entities (e.g. charities, lobby groups,

business confederations). Politicians often face problems that include the need to gain the

consent of various groups before taking acts or making decisions. In this view, the challenge

facing politicians is to achieve some level of agreement over the entire scope of a problem

(Thompson, 1967). Politicians' direct responsibility for delivering public services as well as

their involvement in regulation and enforcement adds to the complexity (Pollitt, 2003).

Effective political leadership, according to Wart (2003), offers better-quality and more

effective goods and services, as well as a sense of cohesion, personal growth, and greater

levels of pleasure.

13
2.3 The Concept of Democracy

Around the world, democracy has become a household name. It has grown in popularity since

many people think it is necessary for both growth and development. So what is democracy

then? Since several types of democracy have arisen over time, there is no single definition of

democracy that is widely acknowledged. Democracy is a concept in western philosophy that

derives from the Greek terms "demos," which means "the people," and "Kratein," which

means "to govern." Therefore, democracy is a form of governance in which the people

themselves exercise political authority, either directly or through duly chosen representatives.

In a democracy, the people directly or through their representatives exercise supreme or

ultimate power through a free electoral process. In a democracy, the majority rule and

minority rights are safeguarded and represented while the majority view is the basis for

decision-making. Elections, not selection, are the means of governance.

Democracy, according to Erunke (2012), is a notion that has undergone numerous definitions

from academics, both in the field of classical political studies and in the modern scholarly

community. Democracy, according to Almond, Powell, Strom, and Dalton (2000), is a form

of government in which people have a number of fundamental civil and political rights and in

which the majority of their elected officials are subject to the rule of law and chosen in free

and fair elections. According to Lipset (Dada, Udoaka, & Dada 2013), democracy is a

political system that offers regular constitutional opportunities for changing the ruling

authorities as well as a social mechanism that enables the largest proportion of the population

to have an impact on major decisions by selecting candidates for political office.

In a similar line, according to Schumpeter (Dada et al., 2013), democracy is a political

approach or kind of institutional framework for making governmental decisions such as

legislation and policy. He claims that it is a strategy based on a struggle for popular support,

14
and the democratic process can be distinguished by this contest for support. Democracy,

according to Dahl (1982:11), is "a system of elected representative government operated

under the rule of law, where the most important groups in the population participate in the

political process and have access to effective representation in the practise of making

governmental decisions, that is, of allocating scarce resources."

Perhaps the greatest influence on the popularity of democracy in contemporary political

history was the fall of the Soviet Union. The idea has become so well-known on a worldwide

scale that there is now controversy over its definition and applications. Democracy, according

to Ojo (2000), does not lend itself to a definition that is universally accepted because of the

ideological, cultural, and historical contexts that support its various interpretations.

According to Appadorai (1978, p. 187), democracy is a system of government in which the

legal authority over a state rests with all of its citizens, not with any certain classes. The

democratic form of government, according to Oyewo (2012), is founded on deliberative

democracy, competition, political and economic equality, social justice, accountability, and

strict obedience to the law.

This is why various forms of democracy, including liberal democracy, communist

democracy, direct and indirect democracy, have attracted differing amounts of interest.

Osaghae (1992) countered, however, that all forms of democracy share the essential goal of

governing society in a way that really gives the people power, despite differing

conceptualizations and actions. But democracy, as defined by Calhoun and quoted in Roper

(1989), is not to be understood as majority rule; rather, it comprises the distribution of power,

the representation of interests, and the acceptance of minorities.

15
2.4 The Concept of Governance

The idea of governance is applicable to a variety of groups and institutions around the world,

including corporate organisations, regional organisations, and international organisations and

institutions. Pierre and Peter (2000:2) claim that the term "governance" is frequently

employed without a clear definition. But effective management of state institutions when

issues of public accountability, transparency, the rule of law, and public sector management

are major concerns are what governance entails. To further the aforementioned, governance

directs the state and society in the direction of the achievement of common objectives. By

making decisions and carrying them out on behalf of the people, it is an act by which the

affairs of the country are managed (George-Genyi, 2013). The act of governing a country or

overseeing its government is known as governance. No amount of funding or charitable

donations will elevate a state lacking in effective governance, the rule of law, dependable

administration, legitimate power, and responsive regulation to the pedestal of prosperity.

According to the World Bank (1994), governance refers to a framework for managing a

nation's political, economic, and social resources for development. The World Bank places

focus on "the use of authority to manage political and economic resources of the nation" in

this situation. In order to regulate economic power and promote national growth, political

authority must be secured. To put it another way, it is about utilising the nation's resources

for the good of the nation and its citizens. Therefore, governance takes into account how

authority is used to manage a nation's economic and social resources in the interest of all,

with the ability to effectively solve problems and resolve conflicts.

All forms of ruling, including those carried out by a government, market, or network, over a

family, tribe, formal or informal organisation, or territory, and whether done through laws,

conventions, or language, are considered to be forms of governance. The term "governance"

16
is frequently used in political discourse to describe how a political system is set up to wield

power. This unquestionably includes the organisation and procedures used to execute their

authority as well as, of course, how the state and the broader public interact within a political

system. Like other social science concepts, governance is open to several interpretations. For

instance, the majority of literature on governance and its application place a strong emphasis

on social-economic performance and/or its political dimension.

The World Bank (1994) defined governance refers to the process of managing a nation's

social and economic resources for development. Management is therefore connected with

effective development management. In a similar vein, governance was defined by Weibrich

and Koontz (1993) as "the use of political authority and exercise of control over a society and

the management of its resources for socio-economic development." According to Hyden

(1992), governance is the deliberate control of regime structures with the goal of bolstering

the legitimacy of the public sphere. Legitimacy is a dependent variable that successful

government generates. In this respect, governance is a phenomenon that affects both politics

and the economy.

According to Charlick (1992), governance is the objective, open management of public

affairs through the creation of a set of laws recognised as legal authority with the intention of

advancing and developing society values desired by both individuals and organisations. It

entails the exercise of control and the use of political authority for the advancement of social

and economic development. According to Adamolekun (2011), the fundamental components

of effective governance include the rule of law, freedom of speech and association, electoral

legitimacy, accountability and transparency, and leadership focused on economic

development. Generally speaking, governance refers to the use of political influence in the

administration of a country's affairs. It includes the state's institutional and structural set up,

17
decision-making procedures, and capacity for implementation. It also includes the interaction

between the governing body and the people being governed.

2.5 The Concept of Good Governance

Many distinct definitions of good governance have been developed to serve varied objectives.

After the Cold War ended in the late 1980s or early 1990s, the idea of good governance

gained popularity. The World Bank was the first significant donor organisation to recognise

good governance as a requirement for development in poor nations (Udo, 2004). The World

Bank Report (1994) defines governance as the use of political influence in the administration

of a country's affairs. According to this definition, governance includes the institutional and

structural arrangements of the state, the ability for decision-making and implementation, and

the interaction between the ruling apparatus and the governed, or the people in terms of their

level of living.

Good governance is conceived by society with the capacities of a political system to wield

authority, command legitimacy, resolve disputes, and carry out the necessary programme for

implementation. It is rooted in legal and ethical principles (Annan, 2014:36). To give one

example, good governance entails accountability, political stability, and the application of the

law. Good leadership, adherence to the law, respect for the due process, political leadership's

accountability to the electorate, and transparency in governmental operations are the

cornerstones of good governance. As a framework for policy, good governance places

obligations on decision-makers in a state that has a favourable political climate for the

efficient distribution of resources to raise the standard of life for its citizens. This implies the

use of political power and social resource management to improve the lot of the public

(Odock, 2006).

18
According to Odock, cited in Jev (2011:37), "a system of government based on excellent

leadership, respect for the rule of law and due process, the accountability of the political

leadership to the voters, as well as transparency in the operations of government" are all

components of good governance. In order for the general public to easily verify the

regulations created by the government, the policies put in place by the government, and the

outcomes of government operations, there must be transparency in how the leadership

conducts government business. As a part of good governance, accountability refers to the

requirement that those in positions of authority in the government account for their actions or

submit to the wishes and aspirations of the society and people they lead (Sorkaa, 2001).

Good governance, according to former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, is the single most

crucial ingredient in eradicating poverty and fostering growth (United Nations, 2012).

According to Annan, poor governance will keep promoting hunger and underdevelopment.

The impact of governmental actions, particularly in the field of economic growth and

development, can only be realised through excellent governance. According to the UNDP

(2009), good governance entails pursuing the following principles in the exercise of political,

economic, and administrative authority: rule of law, transparency, equity,

effectiveness/efficiency, accountability, and strategic vision.

In other words, using the aforementioned requirements, public officers and organizations

conduct government relations and efficiently manage public resources. Furthermore,

accountability is essential to good governance, which aims to strengthen the capacity of the

state by incorporating a range of tactics to improve the performance of the government

(Omona 2010, 129-159). According to Adamolekun (2011), a government is held responsible

for its actions when its leaders are responsive, uphold the law, and permit citizens to sue the

government and its representatives for wrongdoing.

19
A similar viewpoint is held by Gregory (2007), who claims that accountability arrangements

are meant to guarantee both the constitutionally proper use of elective political power itself as

well as the coordinated, systematic, and planned bureaucratic implementation of the policy

goals established through the exercise of that power. Accountability is essential to good

governance, which "seeks to improve the capacity of the state, including a variety of

techniques to promote efficiency and effectiveness of government performance," as stated in

the definition of good governance (Omona 2010, 129-159). According to Adamolekun

(2011), a government is held responsible when its leaders are responsive, when they uphold

the law, and when citizens can file legal complaints against the government and its

representatives for their wrongdoing. Gregory (2007, p. 339–350) asserts in the same vein

that accountability arrangements "are intended to ensure both the constitutionally appropriate

use of elective political power itself, and the coordinated, systematic, and planned

bureaucratic implementation of the policy purposes defined through the exercise of that

power."

A wide range of factors go into good governance, including adherence to individuals' basic

human rights and the wise management of resources free from fraud, waste, and corrupt

activities. Respect for the values of accountability and transparency is necessary for good

governance. In order to improve and promote peoples' quality of life regardless of their class,

status, religion, or other local concerns, it also encompasses issues of equity, equality, justice,

and fair play in the distribution of commodities and services. The culture of unethical

business practises, in both the public and commercial sectors, is destined to become

enthroned in a society where the culture of accountability is disregarded. Public servants

spend money that could have supported development programmes as a result. As a result,

there is a connection between social progress and authentic leadership that adheres to proper

accountability in the administration of public resources. The discussion of the main barriers

20
to development in Nigeria in this section is predicated on the idea that there is weak

leadership in government, which manifests itself in two key ways: inefficient resource

management by public servants, and corruption among leaders at different levels of

government.

2.6 The Concept of Democratic Governance

There seems to be a strong nexus between democracy and governance (Onuoha, et al., 2021).

Democratic governance is a system that upholds the ideals of having institutions function

according to democratic processes and norms, both internally and in their interaction with

other institutions (OSCE, 2017). Democratic governance is factored from the action-ability of

the political institutions in a democratic system to perform certain responsibilities and to be

accountable at all times, which can manifest through policy decisions and actions as well as

laws carried out by the institutions, which include principally the legislature, judiciary and

executive branch, and other political parties, private sector and a variety of civil society

(Dahl, 1989; Held, 1996).

According to Fritz and Menocal (2007), the operation of democratic governance must be

situated within the laws that regulate the public sphere, the processes and institutions where

the state, along with economic and social actors (both national and international), interact to

make decisions due to their actions' effects on the populace. Democracy, as defined by Bello-

Imam and Obadan (2004), is the exercise of governmental power based on the consent of the

governed, either directly or indirectly through representation. State institutions can be used to

communicate the generally accepted will of the state on all key socioeconomic and policy

issues that have an impact on the populace. Thus, in modern times, the fundamental

institutional manifestations of democratic government are: the ability to vote and be voted

21
for; regular elections; press and association freedom; the rule of law; and judicial

independence.

According to Roberts and Edwards (1991), democratic government in modern times is

characterised by citizen engagement, judicial independence, press and association freedoms,

frequent elections, the separation of powers, checks and balances, and adherence to

appropriate constitutional provisions. Executives can make rules in the implementation

process. To promote national unity and prosperity, the executive branch may influence public

opinion. In a democratic system, the government often proposes legislation, which the

legislature may choose to enact or reject, with or without modification or substitution. These

and other forces influence how government operates (Benjamin, 2004). Analyzing the impact

of democratic governance requires measuring the voice of accountability, transparency, and

government institution efficacy.

It follows from the foregoing that democratic governance entails openness, responsibility,

low levels of corruption, a decentralised decision-making framework, and initiatives that

have proven essential to a nation's progress (David, 2010). In this way, democratic

governance puts the issue of how society should be structured to provide equality (of

opportunity) and equity (social and economic justice) for all individuals’ front and centre.

The focus on democratic governance from the aforementioned context goes beyond the

establishment of democratic institutions and the procedural aspects of democracy to promote

the sustainability of democracy through an ongoing capacity for the separation of authority

and independence of the branches of government and the exercise of power in accordance

with the law, the respect for human rights, and fundamental freedom; as well as the

transparency and accountability of responsible parties (Ozor, 2009; Igbuzor, 2010; Momoh,

2010).

22
One of the primary characteristics of democracy is the capacity of democratic government to

advance a people. According to Ajagun, democracy enhances the quality of people's life in all

areas, including the political, social, cultural, and religious ones (2003, 107–112). Uga et al.

(2005) assert that the advancement that democracy brings about causes economic and social

change inside nations. It indicates, in accordance with Ibude (2008), that the people are able

to collaboratively nurture the capacity to govern both internal and external interactions in

order to bring about growth in the quality and availability of goods and services that are

easily accessible in a country for the improvement of its people's living standards. This is

because it is about the transformation of livelihood.

A leadership that adheres to proper accountability and transparency in the administration of

public resources is more likely to realise democratic governance, which aspires to advance

development, which is all about improving people's quality of life. Development under

democratic governance depends on effective responsibility at the individual, organisational,

and governmental levels (Thomas 1998; Ninalowo 2003, 1-32; Agba et al., 2008, 187-204;

Richardson 2008, 15-20).

Accountability "implies that government functionaries should be prepared to be liable for

their activities at all times to members of the public and be ready to justify their actions at the

level of moral and ethical standard," claims Ninalowo (2003, 1-32). The public must be

informed about when money entered the government treasury and how it was used, according

to Agba et al. (2008, 187-204). According to Richardson (2008, 15-20), accountability is a

crucial component of good resource management for growth in every community.

Accountability includes five characteristics, namely transparency, liability, controllability,

responsibility, and responsiveness, according to Koppell (2005, 94–108). These five factors

are essential for effective resource management in a state and improved governance and

public service delivery in democracies.

23
2.7 Political Leadership and Democratic Governance

Political leadership has been considered to be crucial to effective government (Lord,

Atkinson, and Mitchell, 2009). According to Soludo (2007), leadership is the act of using

one's authority, whereas governance refers to the customs and institutions that control how

authority is exercised in a nation. Othman and Rahman (2014) claim that good governance

and political leadership are intertwined, which is why they claim that leadership is at the heart

of governance. They claim that the relationship between leadership and governance can be

seen in terms of effectiveness, probity, responsibility, transparency, and accountability.

Nnablife (2010) asserts that effective leadership establishes the tone and norm of governance.

Soludo (2007) makes the case that leadership and effective governance are inextricably

linked to the point where one constrains the other, supporting the relationship between these

two concepts.

Altruism, patriotism, moral uprightness, a sense of historical mission, understanding of

developmental obstacles and how to solve them, courage, boldness, and determination are

among the qualities and expectations of successful leadership according to Osaghae (2010).

Elgie (1995) distinguished three basic theories or schools of leadership in another dimension.

First, there is the Great Man idea of leadership, which postulated that great leaders were

morally upright individuals with the power to affect social and political change throughout

history. The second is the cultural determinist hypothesis, which contends that, in contrast to

the Great Man idea, people had little or no influence on how things turned out. Instead,

history was shaped by the impersonal interaction of social and cultural factors over which

people had little control. In this sense, the environment in which a leader operates affects how

they act. As a result, people had little to no chance to personally influence historical events.

The third is the interactionist theory of leadership, which contends that leaders interact with

the leadership environment (political, social, economic, and cultural) they are confronted with

24
to produce leadership. The idea contends that political leaders may influence the environment

in which they work and have the ability to influence the system, but only if and to the extent

that the environment allows it (Elgie, 1995).

For a country to experience social change, economic growth, and human development,

effective governance and leadership are essential (Mangu, 2008). As numerous academics

have shown, establishing democracy and consolidating it depend greatly on governance and

leadership. According to Huntington (1991), democracy will spread throughout the world to

the extent that individuals in positions of power in both the global and national levels choose

it to do so.

2.8 Political leadership, Democratic Governance and Development

Despite being a hazy term, political leadership underpins what is essential to comprehending

political processes and their outcomes, particularly in a democratic system. Acting in a way

that promotes national growth is the essence of political leadership in a democracy. The

ability of a country to enhance the lives of its citizens is a requirement for national

development. The results of leadership can be measured in terms of social well-being, such as

literacy rates, or economic well-being, like an increase in the gross domestic product, or on

the availability of healthcare, like hospitals, among other things. It is impossible to overstate

how important this connection is to democratic administration since it ensures global

advancement.

When developing dynamic policies, political leadership and national growth are interwoven

(Okeke and Obiorah, 2009). A nation's development is improved by political leadership that

is effective at the municipal, state, and federal levels of government. The relationship

between political leadership, democratic governance, and national development can be

25
defined in terms of how the political leadership can advance development. Some of the gamut

of the relationships includes:

Human Security: This idea's core focus is on safeguarding individuals while fostering peace

that might improve sustainable development. The threat to human life has emerged as a

worldwide problem that necessitates political leadership intervention. Both the state's and the

individual's security are directly impacted by each other. The political leadership has a duty

to defend people's lives regardless of their racial, religious, or political heritage. The

massacres committed by the Militants, Boko-Haram factions, and Fulani herdsmen among

others expose the governmental leadership's frailty. If these trends continue unchecked, the

Nigerian state will continue to evade development.

Opportunities for Employment: A nation's level of development can be assessed by its

employable population. Since there are so many graduates who are unemployed, it is easy to

conclude that our country is a failed state. The government doesn't have a plan to hire people

when they graduate. This undercuts good governance, which is a tool used by political actors

to advance the equitable health and well-being of its populace. The horrifying state of

unemployment has culminated in brain flight, as qualified individuals seek refuge abroad

where there is competent leadership. The government's operations are designed to ensure that

income collection is efficiently managed and that budget plans and expenditures are not

misused.

Having access to high-quality education is crucial for both economic and personal

growth: People with education are aware of the socioeconomic situation in their country and

can aid in its development. Only the environment it exists in can have an impact on this. The

twenty-first century necessitates that education be unique, creative, and integrate global

knowledge. It also demands research, critical and analytical thought. How well has the

26
government complied with these demands? The foundation of national education policies is

providing opportunities for students to acquire knowledge, grow intellectually and

conceptually, and develop attitudes. These are traits and values that are helpful for the overall

development of people's personalities. Unfortunately, public schools, which should be the

conduits for the dissemination of these principles, are in a terrible state compared to what was

acceptable in the 1970s and 1980s. Due to financial constraints, Nigerians must attend public

schools instead of paying tuition for their children or wards at private schools, which are rife

with problems including outdated facilities, inexperienced teachers, incorrect postings, and

the failure to pay salaries on time, among other things. As a result, people would virtually

every improve as citizens because they lack the appropriate latitude that education bestows.

This may be the cause of why illiteracy continues to hinder our country's progress.

Exemplary Leadership: The art of directing others to accomplish a goal that would not have

been simple to accomplish is known as leadership. Exemplary leadership requires a number

of behaviours, such as setting an example, motivating people to act, and fostering a sense of

community. What examples do our leaders have of any of these traits? Nelson Mandela is one

of the rare African leaders who has exhibited these behaviours across the political spectrum.

It is admirable that he has advocated for nation-building and cooperative governance around

the world while battling and striving for the oppressed. Leaders who provide an example for

others to follow define their principles and establish themselves as role models. The

foundation of Nigerian leadership is individualism, which goes against the interests of the

group. In addition to this, leaders are obscured by racial, sectarian, and primal impulses. This

is clearly demonstrated in the processes used for admission, recruiting, appointments, and

employment, which negates the essence of the federal character and prevents the qualified

individuals from holding positions of power in governance.

27
Accountability and Transparency: In terms of governance, leaders must be both

accountable and transparent. Due to this, it is essential that public servants carry out their

responsibilities responsibly and respond to the requirements of the populace. Political leaders

frequently mismanage public resources. Statecraft suffers greatly when it comes to

governance as a result of politicians making shady deals to enrich themselves and maintain

the support of their political backers, which impedes Nigeria's progress. Leadership must be

accountable and open in order to stop dishonest behaviour and poor management. When the

aforementioned points are evident in governance, the political leadership can be evaluated for

its commitment to development. The country will develop when its leaders solidify and

improve these development indicators. Regrettably, given various limitations faced by

leadership, it is difficult to say that the leaders performed creditably in this regard.

2.9 Government by God and political leadership in Nigeria

According to some reports, Nigeria, like many other African nations, is experiencing a big

calamity due to poor leadership and governance (Rotbert, 2009). If this is a disaster, it

highlights the flawed foundations on which Nigeria's leadership was built, with leadership

and governance that is self-oriented and self-aggrandizing at its very core rather than

leadership and governance that is nationalistic and after the common good of the governed at

large, as handed down by the colonial masters. Political, economic, and social

preconditioning and orientation passed on from Nigeria's British colonialists, who only

sought, pursued, and harnessed self-interest while sacrificing the betterment and good of the

colonised, are to blame for the country's governance and leadership failures, as well as the

attendant deterioration of its national infrastructure. The initial goal of colonialism, according

to Ocheni and Nwankwo (2012:46), is political dominance. Its secondary goal is to enable the

colonial nation's exploitation. The colonial history of Nigeria is rife with looting,

embezzlement, and total disengagement from the governed due to the constant ploughing out

28
of resources for personal gain with little to no interest in territorial development. Leaders in

Nigeria had this orientation at the time of the country's independence, and it has since reared

its ugly head. According to Ocheni and Nwankwo (2012), "the pervasive and convoluted

nature of political instability and socio-economic malaise being experienced in most African

states today has reference to the type and character of classes established in Africa by

colonialism," of which Nigeria is undoubtedly one.

The political system remains in disarray. It is not strange to assume that lessons have been

learned from the transition from civilian rule to military rule and the current democracy she

experiences, but that is far from reality as the current democracy, which began in 1999, is an

adulterated democracy, lacking in itself democratic participation of citizens, arbitrary use of

power, and subjugation of the rule of law. "The crop of leaders who have assumed positions

of power since independence have, in one way or another, lacked vision; the majority of them

have been mired in political squabbling and corruption, which has resulted in the

enthronement of mismanagement and abuse of public resources, and as a result, economic

decline and savage poverty as a nation (Lawal and Owolabi, 2012).

Uzodike and Whetho (2011), described how the military solidly held Nigeria's political

foundation for a 15-year period (1983–1999), highlighting the military governments of

Generals Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, and Abdusalam Abubakar

as military heads of state who led Nigeria steadily backward. Diminished oil revenues,

authoritarian, rapacious, and irresponsible leadership and governance, neglect of government

institutions and administrative procedures, favouritism, and high levels of corruption

characterised this time period (Uzodike and Whetho, 2011). Abdullahi (2012) suggested that

bad governance may be the root of Nigeria's political instability, with corruption, inept

leadership, a lack of resources, and general vulnerability serving as accomplices. He drew

attention to the decadence brought about by military intervention in the country's politics at

29
the end of the first republic. As a result of imposed military and civilian rule, these exist.

Military rule, an aberration further ingrained in Nigerian society, institutionalised corruption

and other wrongdoings, furthering the country's social-economic, political, and structural

underdevelopment.

The military era was characterised by times of chaos, abuse of the law, disdain for the

constitution and the rule of law, terrible violations of human rights, disregard for human life,

favouritism, poor financial management, and high levels of incompetence from one military

leader to the next. Therefore, a belief in democracy felt like a refuge that the people might

cling to in order to escape these oppressions (Ubochi and Benedict, 2009). When Nigeria's

democratic system of government was restored in 1999, residents' expectations for excellent

governance were fairly high (Shanum, 2013). Nigerians had anticipated enjoying the benefits

of democracy. According to the narrative, democracy would provide solutions to pressing

issues like unemployment, poverty, insecurity, a lack of basic infrastructure, corruption, etc.

while the military was seen as criminal, dishonest, and unaccountable. Nigeria approached

the fourth republic full of hope because it thought its political leaders had learned some

lessons from the failure of the first, second, and third republics. After fourteen years, Nigeria

is still looking for the crucial elements of effective leadership and good governance, which

are essential for national growth.

According to Shanum (2013), a nation's leadership becomes a threat to both the nation and

itself when it consistently fails to fulfil its core duty of ensuring safety and progress and

struggles to maintain peace and order within its boundaries and territory. Despite the lessons

to be drawn from the demise of the preceding republics, the Fourth Republic of Nigeria's

democratic experimentation is also marked by careless misrule by elected officials, corrupt

behaviour by public employees, and insensitivity and intolerance of alternative views and

perspectives (Odusanya, 2013). The quality of elections has decreased over time to the point

30
where the elected administration is rarely genuine (Amundsen, 2010). Life for the average

citizen has continued to be made more difficult by the interaction of social forces, the

struggle for power and primitive accumulation, bad leadership, and the frail governmental

structures (Ihonvbere, 2014). Treachery and division, which actively work together to destroy

the social forces that makes a free democracy possible, are the bane of Nigeria's so-called

leadership. These two forces function like bacteria and viruses, horrible entities that thrive on

illness and spread it, making societal harmony and progress impossible (Ubochi and

Benedict, 2009).

2.10 Political Leadership and Democratic Governance in Nigeria

Democratic governance is a system of government that allows the minority to be heard while

the majority makes decisions and deals with issues that affect them all fairly and for the

benefit of everyone. When Nigeria embraced democracy in 1999, the military's hold on

political power was broken and civilian governance took its place. Institutions and

stakeholders, including the legislative branch, the judicial branch, the executive branch,

political parties, the commercial sector, civil society, and individuals, are expected to play a

variety of roles in achieving this. In this way, democratic governance puts the issue of how a

society should be structured in order to assure growth and advancement for all citizens’ front

and centre. Similar to other democracies, the Nigerian democracy elects its leaders through

elections or executive appointment. As a result, those seeking political position either run for

office or advocate for appointments.

There have been three civilian-to-civilian transfers in Nigeria's political leadership since the

establishment of the democratic Fourth Republic under Olusegun Obasanjo. Of course, the

Federal Republic of Nigeria's constitution established leadership tenures for the majority of

the important political leadership positions that are filled by elections. After the 2007 general

31
election, Obasanjo gave the presidency to Late Umar Musa Yar'Adua, whose rule was cut

short by his death in 2009. Jonathan Goodluck, who served as Yar'Adua's vice president

before being sworn in as president and finishing that term, was supported in the 2011 general

election. President Muhammadu Buhari, who is ready to end his second term and transfer

over authority to the prospective president-elect of Nigeria, defeated Jonathan in 2015.

The question of whether Nigerian democratic leaders have adequately defended the

fundamentals of democratic leadership persists despite the praiseworthy current maintenance

of democracy in Nigeria. If the goal for excellent administration, which ultimately aims to

improve national development, was what drove Nigerians to want democracy, then Nigerians

must have demanded assurances of the general benefits of democracy. Definitely included in

this are visions for true democratic rule of law. It simply means that democratic leaders in

Nigeria must be willing to guide the populace on issues like the rule of law, the defence of

freedom and human rights, increased public engagement, and holistic, long-term

development.

Scholarly perspectives on whether political leadership in Nigeria has created the growth

necessary for a democratic nation vary. According to Fagbadebo (2009), Nigeria's elected or

imposed government has not been responsive to the needs of its people since the country

gained independence in 1960. It has more often served the governing few with avarice than

been at the service of the masses. The continuation of nearly two decades of democratic rule

in Nigeria—a form of government widely regarded as the best in the world—raises alarm. As

a result, one of the commonly asked issues is how it has assisted in lowering the population's

degree of poverty. However, some people believe that things may have become worse if a

democratic administration hadn't been installed, while others disagree. The issue here is how

this system has benefited the poor majority in Nigeria, despite the fact that many scholars and

32
development partners also claim that the worst form of democratic administration is

preferable to the best form of a de facto government.

According to Liberty, John, and Onawunreyi (2017), democracy flourishes in settings with

regular free, fair, and credible elections in which all parties adhere to the law. This enables

the governed to overthrow any administration that has an unpopular policy and replace it with

one that will be responsive to their needs and accountable for them. Thus, this guarantees the

creation and execution of programmes that benefit the majority of people, including the

underprivileged in society. However, these requirements are not strictly followed in the

Nigerian setting. This is due to the fact that Nigeria's democratic system of government is

constrained by a number of factors, including an excessively high and untenable cost of

governance, widespread corruption, weak infrastructure and ideological will, widespread

theft of public funds, and political patronage and favouritism. The result is that the mass of

the poor and vulnerable people have no choice but to follow the direction of the few

extremely powerful political figures in order to survive.

According to Liberty, John, and Onawunreyi (2017), the aforementioned factors also

contribute to their involvement in electoral offences such stuffing ballot boxes, voting more

than once, buying votes, and other similar offences. Such actions frequently prevent the

public from receiving the benefits of democracy, in addition to fostering a general apathy

toward politics. As a result, the successive democratic leadership that has developed over

time has not sufficiently addressed the difficulties, particularly the general growth in poverty

rate in Nigeria as a nation. This is disappointing, especially in light of the fact that many of

these politicians were genuinely elected via what can only be defined as a dishonest

democratic process (Liberty, John and Onawunreyi, 2017).

33
The former military junta, General Mohammadu Buhari (now the serving democratic

president of Nigeria) remarked in 2005 that:

What we expected is the arrival of democracy and a government that would

immediately set to work towards the creation of a system that would guarantee the

installation of a competent and accountable administrative machinery, and the end of

arbitrariness and the use of public office for private gain, the putting in place of

effective constitutional and procedural checks and balances on the exercise of state

power, the nurturing and respect for a free and independent judiciary, the creation of

an environment conducive for business and foreign investment and the

commencement of the drive for a higher standard of living for our people, and a

drastic reduction in the levels of poverty and corruption. Unfortunately, this was not

what we got. Instead, we have become saddled with a regime that wasted its first term

doing virtually nothing; and had since then been struggling with questions of

legitimacy arising from a rigged election; and this was followed by a display of

exemplary incompetence, all within the context of failing checks and balances.

In large part, democratic governance has failed to "ensure basic criteria of governance,

provide democratic dividend, and development," according to Omodia and Aliu (2013). The

majority of Nigerians' ongoing struggles with access to food, work, security, safe drinking

water, affordable healthcare, good roads, and high-quality education are clear indicators of

the failure of democratic administration. Furthermore, the prevalence of poverty in the nation,

which democratic administration has failed to fully address, is explained in part by the

widespread demonstrations of insecurity inside the form of armed robbery, kidnapping, crude

oil theft, militancy, and insurgency (Omodia and Aliu, 2013:39).

34
Since the fourth republic of Nigeria began, elections have been marked by violence. Elections

in 1999, 2003, and 2007 were disrupted by ballot box heists, political assassinations,

explosions, fatalities, voter maiming, arson, and the kidnapping of election officials

(Omotola, 2008, Omudiwe and Berwind-Dart, 2010; Aniekwe and Kushie, 2011). In

particular, Ogbonna Uche Ogbonnaya, the rival All Nigeria Peoples Party candidate, was

killed on February 8, 2003. (Smah, 2008). In a similar vein, Funsho Williams, a People's

Democratic Party candidate for governor of Lagos state, was killed in July 2006 (Omotola,

2008). The widespread violence that ruined the 2007 state and national elections claimed the

lives of more than 300 individuals (Human Rights Watch, 2007). In addition, the 2011

presidential election was tainted by previously unheard-of post-election violence, particularly

in the far North, which led to the deaths of numerous unarmed civilians (Human Rights

Watch, 2011).

Since the return to democratic administration in 1999, political corruption in the polity has

taken on an unparalleled level of severity. The widespread nature of corruption in the polity

in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria is partially explained by the weak and deficient nature of

institutions of accountability and transparency and the prebendal nature of the political elite

(Aliu, 2013). Political corruption, which is rampant in the fourth republic, has a catastrophic

effect on both socioeconomic and political progress. Political corruption, in all its forms, has

hampered economic growth, increased poverty and unemployment, eroded public confidence

in democratic institutions and the government, and undermined accountability and the rule of

law (Ogundiya, 2010).

The majority of Nigerians' aspirations have not been met by democratic administration,

which has led to a crisis of legitimacy. Nigerians' growing mistrust of one another is made

worse by the public's waning faith in the government's capacity to protect them and advance

their well-being. For protection, some Nigerians voluntarily pledge their allegiance, loyalty,

35
and devotion to ethnic, religious, and communal groupings. The unhealthy competition

between the nation's various ethnic and religious social groups has occasionally erupted into

bloody confrontations. Examples of this include the Boko Haram insurgency and the spates

of ethno-religious and communal conflicts that have wracked Plateau, Kaduna, Kano, and

Nassarawa States since the restoration of democratic rule (Omodia and Aliu, 2013).

The dismal performance of democratic governance in the fourth republic has been felt by the

general populace. With democratic government, a system where the political elite and elected

officials live in luxury while the mass of Nigerians live in poverty has been entrenched.

According to statistics, more than 70% of Nigerians are considered to be below the poverty

line, and the World Bank listed Nigeria as one of the world's poorest nations with 7% of the

1.2 billion people who are considered to be extremely poor (Daily Independent, 2014). The

fourth republic's democratic administration was unable to provide the majority of Nigerians

with significant benefits due to the nature of the state and the ruling class in Nigeria. The

state is designed to perpetuate elite exploitation of the socioeconomic and political space and

resources due to historical, socioeconomic, and political factors. It also functions to safeguard

foreign interests, foster ethnic, regional, and religious hostility, and stifle popular engagement

in advancement and democratic accountability processes (Aliu, 2014: 7).

More so than most of their predecessors from the previous republics, most political leaders

now are "corrupt, self-centered, incompetent, kleptocratic, philosophically and morally

bankrupt, visionless, intolerant, authoritarian, dishonest, naive, opportunistic, and parochial"

(Aliu, 2014: 7). Nigeria's tremendous people and material resources cannot be fully utilised

for development due to ineffective leadership. Political leadership's lack of transparency and

accountability in government has contributed to significant income distributional distortions

throughout society, which has a negative impact on development (Buhari 2008, 72-78).

36
According to Ninalowo (2003, 1-32), transparency is the process by which public servants

carry out their duties in an open and truthful manner.

2.11 Challenges of Political Leadership and Democratic Governance in Nigeria

Nigerian political leadership has included both military and civilian rule in its post-colonial

and modern eras. In the 56 years since our country's independence, the military has ruled for

a sizable portion of that time. The nation's democratic experiment entered its Fourth Republic

in 1999 with the restoration of civilian control. Under the presidency of President Olusegun

Obasanjo, the citizenry embraced this development both at home and abroad as a historic

occasion, despite their concerns and worries about the potential for military intervention in

the nation's political system. This action goes against the military's traditional functions of

defending and maintaining the territorial integrity of the state against external acts of

subversion, assault, and looting as well as preventing instances of internal subversion.

Egbo (2000), assert that the conditions that lead to military intrusion into political landscape

are those in which: the military institution becomes preponderant in state affairs; the

military's interest supersedes other interests in the state; the state's institutions are set up to

spread military ideals; and the circumstances in which the military overtly influences the

political process of the country. The military defends its foray into politics by asserting that

civilian officials are very corrupt and lacking in the political will necessary to advance

government.

When the Fourth Republic began, President Olusegun Obasanjo began his routine shuttle

diplomacy because the country was known for its corruption. The goal was to portray Nigeria

as being free from corruption overseas and to entice international investment. In this

democratic era, Nigerian citizens have great expectations for their political leaders. They

yearned for leadership that would have a new philosophy, new political practises that are not

37
based on the narrow - mindedness and opportunism of the past, and a younger breed of

leadership that have a social and economic action plan that would transform the lives of

people by providing the basic basic needs, usable water, decent infrastructure, health care,

education, and employment, among others—in order to improve the economy (Bassey and

Agbor, 2015).

Effective and strong political leadership is crucial for the implementation of party ideologies,

government policies, and programmes in a democratic environment. It is also essential for

creating a real platform for mass participation, which is essential for the survival of the

system of governance and, of course, the credibility of that government. The selection and

appointment of cabinet members, heads of government agencies, and heads of government

agencies must be done in a manner that recognises the significance of political leadership in

fostering national growth (Bedeian, 1986).

Nigeria has been plagued by the spectre of poor leadership throughout its post-independence

history. The result of this evolution is that the majority of people now live in extreme

poverty. National growth is only possible when the country has strong leaders who have the

political will to set the essential development touchstones. According to Kukah (2013), a

critical examination of this tendency is as follows:

How do we explain the fact that after over 50 years, we are unable to generate and

distribute electricity, supply water to our people, reverse the ugly and avoidably high

infant mortality, set up and run an affective educational system, agree on rules of

engagement for getting into power, reverse the circle of violence that attends our

elections, contain corruption, instill national discipline and create a more human and

caring society?

38
The fact that the economic climate and people's general progress have not significantly

changed since Nigeria's political independence is concerning. According to Fayemi (2009),

Nigeria's standard of living is declining daily as a result of high unemployment, inflation,

civil unrest, poverty, corruption, disease, malnutrition, illiteracy, insecurity of lives and

property, among other things, which appear to be the only legacies the state is capable of

passing down from one generation to the next. Nigeria's newly elected political leadership

has demonstrated a woeful inability to run the nation's affairs. Due to unmet hopes and

expectations, the inhabitants are extremely ashamed and saddened by the course of events

(Okau, 2014).

Despite the country's enormous national resource endowment, the people are experiencing

severe economic suffering. Why has Nigerian society not progressed or is not progressing as

quickly as it could is the most important question that every patriotic Nigerian may be asking

right now. While responses to this issue may differ from group to group and individual to

individual, Okau (2014) highlighted that some responses are so compelling that they are

rarely debatable. The issue of leadership is a wonderful illustration of this. The lauded

economic progress of Nigeria has not improved the economic and social welfare of

Nigerians. As a result, the population has grown while poverty reduction and job creation

have not, which suggests social hardship for a rising number of individuals.

Inadequate levels of accountability and openness in the management of public affairs are a

key hindrance to growth in Nigeria. It has been successful in creating a political and

economic impasse in Nigeria, home to over 160 million people. Since democracy was

restored in 1999, it is really incredible that the nation has been unable to solidify the

democratisation process in order to achieve excellent governance and lead Nigerians into the

land of delights. Millions of people share water from the same source as animals in the

majority of the country today, which is tainted with bacteria and viruses (Odo, 2015). Despite

39
having abundant human and material resources, the country embarrassingly limited growth,

according to Achebe (2012), is the result of poor leadership.

Akinkuotu (2011) claim that this is the case because most political leaders in Nigeria owe

their loyalty to "godfathers" who supported them into such positions. As a result, the

politicians go to great lengths to appease their "godfathers," even at the expense of the

country's progress. Babawale (2007) asserts that one of the main obstacles to Nigeria's

progress is the prevalence of poor leadership and "politics of belly" at all levels of the

country's governance. According to him, Nigeria lacks effective leadership. We require a new

breed of leaders with demonstrable vision who are responsive, passionate, and responsible if

we are to advance as a country (Babawale, 2007). According to Yunusa (2009, 166–172),

leadership failure has been a major factor in Nigeria's failure over the years. Most Nigerian

leaders come to office unprepared and were unable to deal with the realities of the modern

world, where democracy is the preeminent philosophy.

2.11.1 Bad Leadership's Effects on Democratic Governance

Uncertainty in Politics: since becoming independent, consolidating democracy in Nigeria

has proven to be a challenging task. According to Ademoyega (1981), democratic

consolidation involves ensuring political stability and protecting people from the scourge of

war and violent conflict. The survival of democracy will depend on its effects for the people

in the area of material conditions such as literacy, security, portable water, and rural

development. According to Kaduna Nzeogwu, the coup plotters of January 15, 1955, justified

their actions by blaming poor leadership. Nzeogwu asserts that "our enemies are the political

profiteers, swindlers, men in high and low places who seek bribes and demand ten percent,

those who seek to keep the country divided permanently so that they can remain in office as

Ministers or VIPs at least, the tribalists, the nepotists, and those who make the country appear

40
large for no reason to foreign audiences." Even though military power is no longer in style,

the political elite of the Fourth Republic act as if no lessons have been learned from the past.

In the words of Noel (2005), the post-election violence of the 2011 General Election is like

an effort to build democracy after filling graveyards. Political leaders from all parties

typically issue threats of bricks, stones, and pyrotechnics before, during, and after every

election. These and many other measures taken by the country's political leaders are in

opposition to the spirit of democracy, which leads to political instability.

Corruption: Although corruption is not unique to Nigeria, the cancerous threat has eaten

deeply into the fabric of the country to the point where pockets of corrupt behaviour have

infiltrated and diluted to even the tiniest of structures at the grassroots level. All efforts to

eradicate corruption have failed, and it is now pervasive and destructive throughout the

nation. For numerous historical, political, economic, and social factors, corruption in Africa

reached malignant proportions under colonialism and totalitarianism (Mangu, 2012).

Political corruption has become a defining characteristic of Nigeria's post-independence

political leaders. Personalization of state resources is the outcome of elite greed and the

desire to maintain the support of the ethnic base, which is the biggest asset of the average

politician in Nigeria. In Nigeria, high-level corruption has not decreased despite the existence

of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent Corrupt

Practices Commission (ICPC). The fourth republic's massive level of corruption poses a

serious threat to democratic government. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission

(EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) have been reduced to

playing games and retaliating against the administration's detractors. Nigerian politicians

have failed to innovate or act with integrity despite several changes, leaving the country as

corrupt as ever (Lawal and Owolabi, 2012:10).

41
Knowledge the corruption issue in Nigeria's government requires an understanding of the

prebendal nature and character of Nigerian politics. In general, the majority of politicians in

Nigeria do not see politics as a way to provide public service, but rather as a way to seize

state authority and get access to and amass state assets for personal gain. It is clear from the

numerous accusations of bribery, nepotism, cronyism, awarding fictitious contracts, inflating

contract sums, embezzling, electoral fraud, and abuse of office against and in some cases

conviction of political leaders and legislators that the ruling elites view politics as a means of

obtaining state power and offices for financial benefits (Aliu, 2013).

The expense of supporting the enormous number of senators and honourable members of the

House of Representatives, as well as the special advisers that the government has chosen,

makes Nigeria's democratic process an expensive endeavour. Currently, Nigeria spends 30%

of its budget on capital expenditures and 70% of its total budget on recurring expenses, which

includes paying for a significant number of political appointees. Additionally, the court and

legislature are viewed as ineffective, and they frequently carry out the wishes of the

administration, defeating the purpose of checks and balances. The challenges of electoral

fraud, godfatherism, and the politization of ethnicity and religion are also significant barriers

to Nigeria's democratic experience (Okeshola and Igba, 2013).

Instead of a rigorous examination and merit-based hiring process, political leaders still

approach the state as private property when selecting candidates for public office. Leaders in

Nigeria have effectively planted and nurtured the corruption culture. Moral standards have

deteriorated to the point that no longer seeing anything wrong with stealing from the public

coffers. As everything is permitted in Nigerian society, poor leadership has also led to an

increase in crime throughout the nation.

42
Economic and Social Development: The political economy of Nigeria is purposefully

designed to serve political ends at the expense of actual development, and vision is one of the

key characteristics that distinguish transactional leaders from transformational ones. The

survival of the majority of firms founded by the Nigerian government is frequently cherished

at the expense of political reasons. For instance, the Steel Rolling Mill was only ever

intended to be constructed in Ajaokuta (then in Kwara State) during the second republic. But

because of political considerations, "Steel Rolling Mills were eventually established without

regard for their economic feasibility in Oshogbo (West), Aladja (Mid-West), Jos (Middle-

Belt), and Katsina (Core-North)" (Olaniyi, 1999:178).

Only after realising that it took debt cancellation in 2005 for the nation to be free of the debt

load imposed on those projects can one fully comprehend the economic waste that occurred

from this one move. Despite the country's high levels of hunger, poverty, and illiteracy,

President Goodluck Jonathan invested extensively in the aviation industry; much like the

Shagari government did during the Second Republic. Nigeria is so deeply in debt under

President Muhammadu Buhari that it is unable to meet the necessities of its citizens. This

circumstance also sums up the personalities of Nigeria's state and local political leaders.

Nigeria's leadership is unable to foresee problems or results. They become reactionary leaders

as a result, acting only when a crisis develops rather than anticipating it and preventing it. So

they hold off on finding a solution until a crisis strikes or an already dwindling infrastructure

completely collapses.

The majority of Nigeria's economic issues, according to Walter Carrington, a former US

ambassador there, may be attributed to corruption, poor leadership, and a lack of vision. The

giant of Africa's progress was slowed down by continuous poverty, he said, and he chastised

the country's successive leaders for their corruption and lack of vision (Mokuolu and

Abubakre, 2013).

43
Unrealistic Expectations: In Nigeria, local leaders exploit the ignorance and incapacity of

the populace to indoctrinate them with lies and convince them that they are only concerned

with their own religious and ethnic interests, when in fact they are the real adversaries of their

own people. Making veiled promises without having any intention of keeping them has

become standard practise in government. White elephant promises are therefore made by

individuals who claim to understand the needs of the people but rarely with a desire to fulfil

them as campaign seasons approach year after year. Ene, Abam, Williams, and Dunnamah

(2013) characterised Africa and Nigeria as having a backward political position due to broken

promises, greed, and other factors.

Lack of Genuine Governance Ideas: Nigeria's leaders' demeanour and charisma are glaring

indications of their lack of originality, creativity, and ideas. The leaders are unable to

effectively utilise Nigeria's natural, financial, and human resources, and the country's

instability is growing. A failed, insensitive, or illiterate political leadership that is attempting

to appease its constituents with crumbs from the federal cake while stealing significant

portions for self-preservation and continued existence was described by Nnonyelu (2013) in

succinct terms as the preference of the Nigerian elite in the face of a lack of ideas. He also

reiterated this (Imhionopi and Ugochukwu 2013).

Poor formulated policies, poor continuity, and planning: The allegation that the Nigerian

government lacks the ability to create great policies that would sail through to completion and

goal fulfilment is supported by the government frequent policy somersaults. The components

that make up the country's governing body are frequently produced in a manner that is

inconsistent, flawed in conception, and "directionless" in its setting. Good governance

"includes the ability to create and implement solid policies, as well as the respect of citizens

and the state for the institutions that control economic and social interactions," according to

Arowolo and Aluko (2012). Nigeria's experience, though, has demonstrated that when

44
policies are left to run, they frequently conflict with real interests and, when they are allowed

to run, they do not last over time due to a lack of leadership.

Government Negligence: Governance in Nigeria is utterly negligent; it is not answerable to

the electorate and is not accountable to the people. What then is the responsibility of the

government to the people? This is an issue raised by the government's push to privatise nearly

every significant industry and service provider. Because the government has the financial

clout to administer these organisations, the cost would undoubtedly go up and the quality

would suffer if all government agencies that provide basic amenities were operated privately.

Unpunished violations of supervisory obligations and rules and regulations have occurred.

Where this situation has become common, dishonest politicians have taken advantage of the

public service. There is nothing fundamentally wrong with the Nigerian character, according

to Achebe (1983). The land, the climate, the water, the air, or anything else in Nigeria is

perfect. The issue in Nigeria is that its leaders are either unable or unwilling to accept their

positions of responsibility and to meet the challenge posed by the need to exhibit the 11

personal traits that define authentic leadership (Chigbu, 2007).

Disregard for the Rule of Law: There is a lack of respect for the law's supremacy. This is

supported by the reality that political players hold the judiciary, an arm that supports the rule

of law, by the jugular. According to Nwekeaku (2014), Nigeria's constitution guarantees

citizens' fundamental rights and defines the responsibilities of all levels of government; as a

result, the country's problems are not due to a dearth of laws, but rather poor governance that

tries to bend the rules to suit it. Lawal and Owolabi (2012) argued that Nigeria's judiciary is

not independent, which further emphasises how the rule of law is eroded. This is

demonstrated by the direct control Nigeria's political leaders have over the judiciary (via

appointments, promotions, threats, and gifts), by their rulings, and by the ineffectiveness of

the judicial system's enforcement mechanisms.

45
Poor Preparation and Incompetence: In Nigeria, leadership and governance have always

been considered as means to an end—a way to slice piece of the "national cake"—rather than

for the sake of good leadership and government. It is understandable why emerging leaders

lack direction when they first take office and are renowned for their inability to handle

problems and promote development. The majority of them treated the status as a prize to be

won and gave little thought to the specifics of the work that needed to be done. As a result,

they were abruptly confronted with obligations for which they were unprepared and ill-

equipped.

Therefore, poor leadership and governance are likely factors in the widespread poverty in

Nigeria, which is also demonstrated by the government's incapacity to effectively and

covertly utilise the nation's petroleum riches (Omoyibo, 2013). Adeosun (2012:3) defines

good governance as "competent management of a countries wealth or affairs in an approach

that is open, honest, responsible, egalitarian, and sensitive to the needs and ambitions of the

people." This goes against the principles of good governance. The reality is that our leaders

have largely let us down. They have done everything to undermine all established rules and

regulations that guide socio-economic and political development, in addition to failing to

promote economic development to improve the living conditions of the general populace

(Ihonvbere, 2009); they also speak publicly confidently and boldly about topics they have no

knowledge of (Idada and Uhunmwuangh, 2012).

Political Oppression and Intimidation: Military regimes have been noted to employ

oppression and intimidation as a means of enforcing compliance and collaboration from

individuals, groups within all tiers of government, and other organisations (Osumah and

Ikelegbe, 2009). Thus, the employment of the same media for governance by a highly desired

civilian/democratic government is an abnormality. Party discipline disintegrates as cliques

with specific, superficial goals seize control of the government and employ it to settle scores,

46
intimidate the opposition, and syphon off public funds (Osumah and Ikelegbe, 2009:188).

These are employed as instruments to impose their whims and fancies upon foes and the

populace.

Unfortunately, these heinous actions are carried out by law enforcement authorities and units

of control like the Police, EFCC, ICPC, SSS, INEC, and hired thugs because they have grown

more authoritarian and disorderly. These have led to an increase in violations of human rights

at all scales, both by the general public and those "holding the powers of life and death"

(Majekodunmi, 2012; Osayande, 2008). (Idada and Uhunmwuangh, 2012). The desperate

incumbents and other party supporters convert elections into a "do-or-die" situation, which

makes this intimidation and persecution even more obvious (Osumah and Ikelegbe, 2009).

The need to hold onto power has made Nigerian governance an animalistic contest to see who

can wield the stick the hardest.

The use of elected offices as "objects for settlement": Crony capitalism and "settlement"

attitudes toward public and legislative offices, wherein these prestigious posts requiring

unelected bureaucrats and professionals are exploited to repay favours, have severely

hampered production across the nation. In their analysis of the 1999 Obasanjo administration,

Ubochi and Benedict (2009) emphasised this by stating that "Leadership was undervalued; 13

people of poor character and predilection were appointed to lead." Through cowardly

measures of intimidation, thuggery, and election rigging, they were exalted and imposed

upon the populace.

Lack of Political Accountability and Transparency: Corruption is intimately related to a

lack of due process, accountability, and transparency. Government at the federal, state, and

local levels is neither open nor responsible, and the due process rights are disregarded.

Despite large budgetary allocations, the numerous public sectors are plagued with poor

47
conditions and inadequate structures. This results from the lack of transparent governance of

individuals in positions of power (Julius-Adeoye, 2011).

Absence of Patriotism and Nationalistic Consciousness: In this case, individuality prevails

over nationalism. The government's motivation and aim is to collect as many properties and

assets as it can, despite its platitudes about national progress. Ebegbulem (2009) remarked

that these politicians "accumulate riches at the price of national development without

attention to the basic necessities of the populace" in Imhonopi and Ugochukwu (2013:81),

which concisely summarises this position. This claim is further supported by Idada and

Uhunmwuangh's (2012) contention that Nigerian administration is a "politics of personality."

2.11.2 Effects of Governance and Leadership Failure in Nigeria

Every area of Nigeria is negatively impacted by poor leadership and governance, including

the extensive, failing infrastructure of the nation (Ene, et al, 2013), b enighted system of

healthcare with high death rate; urban deterioration, growth of slum areas, and poor living

conditions; high housing costs; widening socioeconomic strata gap between the rich and the

poor; destruction of will by public sector workers to carry out their responsibilities with

efficiency or enthusiasm because it is believed to be a waste of time; massive unemployment

and increasing restlessness of the youth; growing insecurity, terrorist acts, and ethno-religious

clashes; break - down of law and order. Other issues include a crisis in poverty alleviation,

pockets of corruption at all social levels, the waste of human resources, natural resources, and

capital resources, a loss of faith in the government and a lack of interest in politics, and

economic instability brought on by frequent strike actions that halt economic activity

(Arowolo and Aluko, 2012).

According to Ihonvbere (2009), the effects of poor governance include poverty,

unemployment, insecurity, a lack of water, inadequate housing, crime, corruption, rural

48
underdevelopment, low industrialization, technological backwardness, nepotism, ethnic

mistrust, religious violence, deteriorating infrastructure, illiteracy, low wages for workers, a

lack of social security, an unstable power supply, a poor public transportation system,

malnutrition, and high maternal mortality (Idada and Uhunmwuangh, 2012; Julius-Adeoye,

2011). Additionally, there are pockets of developing resentment that have the potential to

develop into significant uprisings and revolutions that pose a threat to the country's very

survival. According to Madukovich (2014), "this disillusionment may not be unrelated to the

anger many Nigerians experience at the insensitivity of those in authority to their plight.

Democracy has had the exact opposite effect on the majority of Nigeria's people, rather than

putting smiles on their faces.

Political cabals that have stifled advancement in Nigeria from the lowest to the highest levels

of government have prevented it from progressing. Nigeria's style of leadership and

government has always resulted from cabals that are motivated by greed, selfishness, and

basic desires to amass wealth. The potential for Nigeria to be great has been reduced to

gibberish (Arowolo and Aluko, 2012). Imhonopi and Ugochukwu (2013:78) describe Agbor

(2011) as saying that "the effect of weak leadership in Nigeria is symbolised by poor

governance manifested in persistent political crises and insecurity, acute poverty among the

people, crippling miasma of bribery, and increasing unemployment indices."

"The leadership from 1960 has criminally managed the country's affairs and resources,

throwing the people over the cliff where they now wallow in absolute poverty, illiteracy,

hunger, rising unemployment, avoidable health crisis, and insecurity," according to

Ebegbulem (2009) in Imhonopi and Ugochukwu, 2013:81. During her visit to Nigeria in

August 2012, US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton expressed her dissatisfaction with the

country's governance, stating that "the most immediate source of lack of connection between

Nigeria's wealth and its poverty is a failure of democratic accountability at the federal, state,

49
and local levels." The numerous ethnic militia and insurgency attacks in Nigeria support the

idea that a lack of accountability and transparency has undermined the legitimacy of the

country's successive governments and fueled the emergence of organisations that support

violence and defy governmental authority (Imhonopi and Ugochukwu, 2013).

Clarifying the education industry further Madukovich (2014) noted, the industry is currently

in its most depressed situation ever. Neither the federal nor state governments devote the

required 26% of their budgets to education that the UNESCO considers necessary,

particularly for emerging countries like Nigeria. The university system has only recently

returned following a lengthy nationwide strike, but state institutions like Lagos have persisted

in their demands for better benefits for lecturers and lower tuition for students. Since the

government has refrained from paying any attention to their requests, polytechnics and

colleges of education have been closed for nearly a year. In some states, like Benue, primary

schools have also been closed for extended periods of time.

Gap in the Literature

Scholars agree, according to the many reviews of the literature, that Nigeria's democratic

political leadership faces huge difficulties. The political leadership has not upheld the

standards expected of a democratic government, according to a majority of the scholars. The

processes and manifestations of political leadership at the sub-national level of democratic

government have not gotten enough attention, despite this unanimity among researchers. This

study looked at the democratic governance and political leadership in Taraba State between

1999 and 2007. This time frame includes the reign of the Rev. Jolly Nyame. The goal is to

assess the administration's accomplishments in light of the consensus among scholars

reflected in the body of literature already in existence in order to determine whether there is

50
any overlap between the administration's performance and the nature and pattern of political

leadership at the federal level.

2.12 Theoretical Framework of Analysis

In this investigation, political leadership and democratic governance in Taraba State between

1999 and 2007 are examined using the elite theory. The study adopts the elite hypothesis,

which was made popular by Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941), Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923), and

Robert Michels (1876-1936). The power dynamics and social relationships underlying the

appropriation and maintenance of state power within the democratic framework are well

explained by the elite theory. Higley (2009: 3) defines elites as "individuals who, by virtue of

having strategic locations in big or otherwise key organisations and movements, are able to

alter election outcomes regularly and significantly." A further revelation of the elite theory is

the balkanization of society into a dominant minority that tries to manipulate and controls the

levers of state authority and a powerless majority that is dominated by the elites. This is one

of the core characteristics and realities of representational government.

Although elites are often regarded as having the organisational skills and political knowledge

necessary to direct political statecraft from a democratic perspective (Omodia, 2011), elitism

negates the fundamental democratic tenet of public participation in the political process.

However, it is debatable if the general populace is capable of having the right knowledge,

values, and abilities for democratic political leadership. Furthermore, while the traditional

theory of elitism would have us believe that elites are a homogeneous group, the eclectic

nature of elites, as seen in their various social, economic, professional, traditional,

bureaucratic, and political divisions, tends to undermine the idea that elites are a cohesive

group. The differences always serve to highlight the inconsistent ideologies, aspirations,

51
interests, and orientations of elite on the one hand, and power brokers on another (Omodia,

2011).

Application of Theoretical Framework

The dominant emphasis on maintaining control over political and governmental power for the

sake of defending and advancing members' interests at the expense of the general populace is

mostly highlighted by the manipulative and self-centered characteristics of elites. In the

Nigerian context, elites are known to manipulate the populace in order to maintain their

political hegemony and rule over society through the continuation of political violence,

ethnicity in politics, political corruption, hijacking of the public policy process, and

deinstitutionalization of governance institutions (Okoh, 2010; Omodia, 2011). The elites of

Nigeria, however, have fundamental agreements with elites in industrialised democracies

which accommodate the interests of the masses within the framework of party politics and

free and fair elections, notwithstanding their lack of sophistication and politeness (Omodia,

2011).

In a summarised context, following is when the theory is applied to the study: The first

reason this theory is appropriate for our study is that it illustrates how elites in governance

use all available means to manipulate the populace toward self-serving ends, underscoring the

predominance of the control of political and state authority. In other words, the elites,

particularly political leaders in democracies, use state authority to advance and protect their

own interests at the expense of the general public. By doing this, political leaders impeded

the growth of the populace that democratic governance fosters in favour of fostering the

growth of a select few individuals during their tenure in office. Second, it is helpful for

comprehending how democratic institutions operate under the direction of a state's political

authorities. Therefore, the theory explains why and how political leaders conceal their true

52
motivations in order to present themselves as democratic and foster public interest in

government, when in reality, they are working against the interests of the general populace in

order to subject them to the whims of the ruling class.

The elite class that manipulates public sentiment to win elections and maintain control over

the state includes the political leaders of Nigeria. The state power that they possessed was not

to be employed to advance a state's development from which the populace would profit, but

rather a state from which they would. They keep fostering all types of differences in the

governance process to eliminate non-conformists and include those who do, in order to

maintain their hold on power. Therefore, the targets of their manipulations are the masses.

The political elite continue to benefit from the perks that come with holding the reins of state

power, leaving the general populace helpless and impoverished with little real progress.

Political leaders in Taraba state are a group with overlapping interests, but they split when

those interests change. The masses who are subjected to oppression and repression in the

process are the victims.

53
 CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This chapter of the study gives a detailed explanation of the methods used to carry out the

study. It specifically describes the research design, the target population, the sampling

procedure and population size, the instruments of data collection, the validity and reliability

of the data collection instruments, and the method of data analysis.

3.1 Research Design

A single case study design serves as the foundation for this investigation. It is focused with

questioning a specific person, group, or phenomena to provide a thorough understanding of

their historical growth, trajectory, and manifestations, which might result in the formation of

hypotheses. Thus, it is regarded as exploratory research. This design is helpful since it,

among other things, saves time and money (Cooper and Schindler, 2008).

Despite its design's benefits, it has received a lot of negative attention. Schrank (2006)

highlighted that critics of this design claim that it is wholly unscientific and does not advance

or support theories. He refuted their arguments, arguing that the design is just as crucial today

as it was then in social science research. He argued that when there are no cases to compare

and fundamental understanding of a particular group is needed, the one-shot case study

design is quite helpful. It is also helpful when the phenomenon being studied can be used,

among other things, to prove or disprove an existing body of theory.

3.2 Area of the Study

Taraba State will be the location of this study. Nigeria's north-eastern region includes Taraba

State. The state was established on August 27, 1991, by General Ibrahim Badamasi

Babangida's military government. Sixteen local government districts make up the state, which

54
has a total size of 60291.82 square kilometres. Jalingo serves as the state capital.

Additionally, the state is bordered to the north by the states of Bauchi and Gombe, to the east

by the states of Adamawa and Plateau, to the west by the states of Nasarawa and Benue.

Along the Mambilla Plateau, the state also shares a border with the Republic of Cameroun to

the south and southeast.

The multi-ethnic and cultural environment of Taraba state is reputed to have about a hundred

ethnic groups speaking various languages. While some ethnic groups are related historically,

culturally, and linguistically, others are not. The State also has followers of traditional

religions, Christianity, and Islam. Since the state is an agrarian one, farming has historically

been the main occupation of the people living there, although due to diverse climatic

conditions, some groups are cultivated in nearly every region of the state. The state's

abundance of crops, including yam, millet, groundnut, maize, and palm oil, has drawn

agriculturalists and organisations from all over the nation as well as neighbouring Cameroun.

3.3 Method of Data Collection

Data from the study's field are gathered using the qualitative method. It is thought that

qualitative approaches, like interviews, offer a "deeper" understanding of social processes

than would be questionnaires. Therefore, interviews are most suitable when little is known

about the research topic or when specific participant insights are needed. Additionally, they

are particularly suitable for discussing delicate subjects where participants would be reluctant

to do so in a group setting (Gill, et. al., 2008).

Structured interviews with the interviewees were used to produce the qualitative data.

Structured interviews are simply verbally presented questionnaires with little to no variation

and little room for follow-up questions in response to answers that call for more in-depth

discussion. As a result, they are quick and simple to administer and might be especially

55
helpful if certain questions need to be clarified or if the respondents are likely to have literacy

or numeracy issues. But because of their limitations in terms of participant replies, they are

not very useful when "depth" is needed. Structured interviews were conducted between 1999

and 2007 with both inside and outside the government stakeholders.

To obtain information for this study, it also used a survey of secondary literature that

included observations and textual analysis of government papers, national dailies, and other

relevant documents in both public and private realms. In-person interviews were done as part

of an ex post investigation. In order to supplement primary field data, secondary literature

data was also gathered. Before being used in the study, all data were routinely compared to

confirm their validity and dependability. In this study, the data were utilised along with

supporting materials. Separate data was additionally used as necessary to fill in the

information that respondents were unable to record.

3.4 Population of the Study

The target population is the total set of persons who possess the data the researcher is looking

for and about whom inferences are drawn (Zikmund, Ward, Lowe, Winzar, & Babin, 2011).

According to the National Population Commission's 2006 official census, Taraba State's total

resident population, which served as the basis for this study, was 2,126,150 (National

Population Commission, 2006).

3.5 Sample Population and Sampling Procedure

To choose the study's sample population, purposive sampling was used. The purpose of

utilising purposive sampling is to isolate the groups that must possess the traits in order to get

the necessary data for the study. This indicates that the group studied for this study was

56
specifically chosen so that it could offer the necessary data on democratic governance and

political leadership between 1999 and 2007.

Purposive sampling was utilised in the study to choose the sampled population. In this case,

the study only examined a small number of populations that had been arbitrarily or

selectively chosen for sampling in order to create data for analysis. According to the criteria

that they had to have lived in Taraba State on or before 1999, kept up with current events, and

observed or participated in the government administration either as key players or opposition

to the government at that time, the study sampled 20 people, mostly politicians and a small

number of other citizens. Procedure-wise, representation based on senatorial district was not

taken into account because, at one time, snowball (based on the referral of interviewee) was

utilised to find additional interviewees for this study.

Although these sampling techniques have drawn criticism for being unrepresentative of the

study's population, prone to bias and data manipulation, among other things, their selection

for this study was driven by their low margin of error, ability to collect data from a variety of

population extremes, targeting of specific niche demographic groups, examination of

averages in the data, and opportunity for generalisation (Editor-in-Chief, Connectus, 2019).

Because referrals come from trustworthy sources, they make it simple and quick to find

subjects, hence the snowball method is used (QuestionPro, 2022).

3.6 Research Instrument and Administration

The study adopts the interview protocol; developed to generate data from the field of study.

The protocol comprises of a set of questions that bothers on the nature of political leadership

of the Nyame administration and its impact on democratic governance in Taraba State; the

performances of the government in the delivery of democratic governance and the challenges

of the government resulting in the socioeconomic development of the state. Closed-ended

57
questions or items were provided on the questionnaire to generate the data for the study. The

essence is to ensure that responses are uniform be more scientific in data processing and

drawing of generalization. Regarding the in-depth interview, both face-to-face and telephone

interviews were adopted for interview administration, depending on the convenience of each

of the selected interviewees.

3.7 Validity of the Instrument

Validity concerns whether the findings are really about what they appear to be (Cooper and

Schindler 2008). In this study, the validity of the instrument was actualised by providing

adequate coverage of the interview protocol and the review of related literature. Also, the

research instrument was validated for structure and content by the research supervisor and

other two qualitative research experts in Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria.

3.8 Method of Data Analysis

Given that researchers work with qualitative data, an analytic approach for the study's data

was chosen. Thematic data analysis was performed to translate the quantitative data obtained

from the study's field into wordings that were then employed as needed. Additional

secondary data from the body of literature was incorporated into the study, with a focus on

tables for clarity and explanation.

58
 CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

In this chapter, this study, details data presentation and analysis. It discusses and analyses the

data presented and the findings arising from them. The presentation and analysis of the

findings of the study is done thematically reflecting on the contents of field and textual data

that allows for inferences to be drawn from them. The thematic organisation of the analysis is

based on the themes generated from the objectives of the study.

4.1 The Nature of Political Leadership and Democratic Governance in Taraba State

Leadership play important roles in the governing of a people in both traditional and modern

societies. In modern societies, with the establishment of statehood, leadership becomes a

critical factor to achieving the purpose of governance irrespective of the kind of the system of

government established in that society. Democracies present a potent political arrangement

that necessitates the election of leaders to govern the state. Elected or appointed individuals

through the instrumentality of politics are political leaders, because their decisions and

actions in the governing process are dictated and guided by established democratic principles.

In Nigeria, the transition to civil rule brought about democratic governance in 1999 at both

national and sub-national levels with political leaders elected to represent their people at the

various levels in government. While the transition produced various elected leaders in other

states of the federation with their legislatures, the case was not different for Taraba State.

Following the successful transition democratic government, Reverend Jolly Nyame was

sworn-in as the governor of Taraba State on the May 29, 1999. Although the election of

Nyame in 1999 was not the first time, he was first elected on the platform of the Social

Democratic Party (SDP) as the governor of the state on January 2, 1992 until the November

59
17, 1993 when the military were deployed to take-over the states after the June 12, 1993

presidential election was annulled. Table 1 provides the list of executive governors of Taraba

State.

Table 1: List of Executive Governors of Taraba State since 1999

S/N NAME PARTY ZONE YEAR

1 Rev. Jolly Nyame Social Democratic Party Northern 2nd January, 1992-17th
November, 1993

2 Rev. Jolly Nyame People Democratic Party Northern 29th May 1999-29th
May 2003

3 Rev. Jolly Nyame People Democratic Party Northern 29th May 2003-29th
May 2007

4 Pharm Danbaba D. People Democratic Party Central 29th May 2007-29th

Suntai May 2011

5 Pharm Danbaba D. People Democratic Party Central 29th May 2011-29th

Suntai May 2015

6 Arch. Darius D. People Democratic Party Southern 29th May 2015-29th

Ishaku May 2019

7 Arch. Darius D. People Democratic Party Southern 29th May 2019-Date

Ishaku

Source: Agbu, Mohammed and Joseph, 2020, p. 25.

From the foregoing Table 1, it reveals that Rev, Jolly Nyame is the only person elected three

time governor of Taraba State. Field study reports and reports in the grey literature are mixed

about the nature of the political leadership and democratic governance under the Nyame’s

60
administration. According to a participant interviewed in Jalingo, the capital city of the state

noted that:

To be true, the election of Reverend Jolly T. Nyame as a three-time governor of

Taraba State was for me the people’s choice. You could recall that when the Head of

State, General Ibrahim Babangida decided to transit the country to democracy, in

1992 the people were given the opportunity to elect their leaders democratically.

Nyame of the SDP was elected as the governor of the newly created state. Even

though the democratic process was halted, he was elected again in 1999 and 2003

respectively. Therefore, I have the feeling that he was a people’s choice that was why

he enjoyed the privilege of becoming governor three-times. This is a privilege that no

politician has enjoyed or would ever enjoy in Taraba state (Interview with a Former

PDP member in Jalingo, June 2021).

Deducing from this assertion, it is evident that democratic governance between 1999 and

2007 expressed people’s choice of a political leadership that is centred on the people who are

themselves the makers of democratic government through the electoral process. However,

another interviewee in contrast revealed that the nature of political leadership of the Nyame’s

administration was even though not autocratic, it laissez-faire leadership nature undermined

the purpose of democratic governance. According to the interviewee:

The nature of political leadership between 1999 and 2007 was full of ups and downs

due to the character of Governor Jolly Nyame. Nyame is a man with an impeccable

personality who wanted to carry many people along, perhaps, through a

demonstration of love but ended up undermining why the people elected him as the

governor of the state. His cabinet members, including Commissioners, Chairpersons

of local government, Aides and Directors which he appointed to different Ministries

61
 and institutions started abusing their positions. Nyame, instead of exerting power and

authority provided by the constitution on them, they were allowed freely to exercise

power and authority without recourse to the constitution and other statutory laws of

the state. Some of them became powerful than the governor, and sometimes, acted as

if they were the governor of the state (Interview with an Elder Statesman in Zing, July

2021).

While the government is criticised for such a laissez-faire leadership, others considered it as

a means of providing the opportunity for the various groups in the state to experience

democratic governance in practice. Without enabling the subordinates to freely exercise

power and authority within their domains of responsibility, it would have amounted to the

use of coercion which is no longer democracy (Interview with a stakeholder in Jalingo,

August 2021). This assertion is weak in that democracy or democratic governance is not

without rules and regulations governing it practice. Democratic governance makes meaning

when it is rule by law and the rule of law takes effect in the governing process. Without

subjection to the rule of law, democratic government loses its essence. The political leaders

must ensure the rule of law is followed and all political office holders are supposed to adhere

to the prescribed responsibilities and operate within the established limits to prevent the

abuse of power and authority provide by the constitution to political leaders.

The use of power and authority as important variables in the exercise of political leadership

was not relevant in the democratic governance practice of the state. Muller (2019) noted that

power and authority are two most relevant ingredients in exercising political leadership. They

are twin ingredient to use in governing people, no matter the system of government.

Therefore, when the political leader loses control of power and authority, the essence of the

government is rendered powerless and allows for frivolities by the subordinates.

62
The concept of power and authority implies a unidirectional hierarchy of political decision

making (Kellerman, 1984). This implies subordinates at all levels are expected to follow the

orders of the political leader provided it does not contravene constitutional provisions. To

concur to the assertion by an elder statesman, a scholar noted that “Jolly Nyame may not

have been aware of the power and authority the constitution endowed him as a governor. If

he was aware of those power and authority, he may not have understood the gravity of such

power to exercise over his subordinates and the people in the state. This explains why certain

individuals in the government were having over bearing influence over the political leader

and the government generally” (Interview with a scholar at the Taraba State University,

Jalingo, September 2021).

In a democracy, political leadership derives from the reciprocal process between the leaders

and the followers, in which individual leaders exert influence rather than coercion

(Kellerman 1984). As Scholars argued, the holding an office may grant authority and

resources, but an institutionally weak office does not a priori preclude the exercise of

leadership by its incumbents (Tömmel 2019; Müller, 2019). Political leadership, therefore,

should be a type that establishes bond between the leader and the follower. The bond

between the leaders and followers can take the form of a transactional relationship that bring

about the exchange of valued material and non-material resources, and can also be

transformational which aims at transforming the conditions of the people (Burns 2010; Van

Esch 2017).

In this context, relating the foregoing to political leadership in Taraba State, an interviewee

revealed that the government during the period had people’s interest in the exercise of

democratic governance. In other words, the Nyame’s administration was people oriented.

Accordingly, the interviewee noted:

63
 The government led by Jolly Nyame, with the understanding Taraba State is a salary

dependant state, was always prompt with the payment of salaries. Although the

payment of salaries could not been seen as an achievement as it is public sermonised

by the present administration, as a statutory responsibility of the government seek the

welfare of the people, the Nyame’s administration by its nature never took lightly the

payment of workers’ salaries in the state. However, while the government never

delayed in the payment of salaries, it had challenge in the management of state’s

finance (Interview with a politician in Mutum-Biyu, Gassol, June 2021).

Despite the government effort in meeting the welfare of the citizenry, the lack of competence

in the management of state finance demonstrated irresponsibility and recklessness of the

government towards people’s demands. Adeyemo (2018, online) reported the

administration’s financial irresponsibility by the government that brought the former

governor, Nyame to respond to a 41-count charge of fraud by Economic Financial and

Crimes Commission. He noted that:

Shortly after his tenure expired, he was confronted with criminal charges arising from

a petition by Umar Baba and Kelas Obadia titled ‘Taraba State in a Mess; the

Commissioner of Finance goofed’. In May 2007, the former governor was charged by

the EFCC for allegedly diverting N1.64 billion. Also, in a 41-count charge of fraud.

In June 2007, the ex-governor admitted to the EFCC that he took N180 million of the

N250 million he approved for the purchase of stationery as his share of the

unexecuted stationary contract, and that he was ready to refund same.

Field data revealed that the political leader of the administration was entangled in the

financial mismanagement as it was the Ministry of Finance, particularly the then

Commissioner of Finance, Ahmad Yusuf was saddled with the responsibility of financial

64
management of the state. Despite this fact, the governor was responsible for any

maladministration under his leadership. The reason is because the political leader is expected

by every standard is expected to show strong financial leadership to finance function in the

state. In this context, Elected or appointed political leaders holding public offices are

supposed to be prudent in the effort to administer governance, including governance related

to public finance. The government enjoy popular support when the value of good democratic

governance is displayed by the political leaders through its policies, interests, institutions,

and implementations of policies. The pattern of political leadership of the Governor Nyame’s

administration which allowed few individuals to operate without adherents to democratic

values and principles demonstrated that it was rather elitist.

4.2 The Performances of Political Leadership in the Delivery of Democratic Dividends

in Taraba State

Political leaders have an important role in creating alternatives and displaying opportunities

to choose between rival strategies for the public realm. The alternative conceivable can be

demonstrated through the performances of the political leadership in the process of providing

democratic dividends to the citizens. Democracy, as defined by Abraham Lincoln to mean a

government of the people, by the people and for the people, implies that it is a representative

government that enables the electorates act indirectly through their elected representatives.

The performances of a representative government are manifested in the policies, programmes

and actions it takes towards the growth and development of the state.

According to Dugba (2016), the government of Taraba State under the leadership of

Reverend Jolly Nyame invested heavily on capital development using available resources at it

disposal. One important area the government did well was creating a niche for itself on the

agricultural map of Nigeria. Williams (2015) revealed that Nyame’s administration was one

65
of the best in Taraba State. Accordingly, the performance of the democratic government led

by the governor cannot be rated low compared to the successive administration. Nyame’s

administration transformed a rural state to a modern state by providing its people with social

amenities necessary for good life. Some of the performances of the Nyame’s government,

according to Williams, included the construction of the some of the major roads in Jalingo,

Wukari and Zing local government areas; construction of the Jalingo Modern Market;

construction of 1000 Housing Estate at Mile six, Jalingo; construction of the Jolly Nyame

Stadium Jalingo; the established of the School of Nursing and Midwifery at Jalingo; the water

project at Jalingo and some selected LGA in the state and the establishment of Specialist

Hospital Jalingo (Williams, 2015).

In addition to the foregoing, the Nyame’s government in delivery of dividends of democracy

also started the Jalingo Airport and bought several aeroplanes for flight operation. He

renovated some of the Government Secondary Schools in the state; planned, applied and

documented the establishment of the Taraba State University, Jalingo, which came into

reality under the Governor Danbaba Danfulani Suntai’s administration. It also established

mechanised farming of Rice, Beans, Cassava, and Groundnut in some selected LGA in the

state; constructed the current Government House in Jalingo, Presidential Lodge in Jaling, the

Taraba State Guest house in Abuja and the Liaison Office in Kaduna, and upgraded the

Gashaka Gumti Part to National Park among others (Williams, 2015; Agbu et al., 2020).

During this period, the government consistently paid stipends as bursary to students to assist

or alleviate parents whose children were in tertiary institutions. This was also a direct

performance of the government in delivering democratic dividend in the state.

In a similar context, Agbu et al. (2020) affirmed Williams’ claim that there were remarkable

achievements by the Nyame’s administration during the period of his governance between

1999 and 2007. These scholars concentrated on what they referred to as development projects

66
carried out by the administration. Some of the development projects recorded as

achievements by government these scholars are presented in Table 2.

Table 2: Some of the development projects by Jolly Nyame’s administration, 1999-2007

S/N DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS YEAR

1 Taraba Motel, Jalingo 1999

2 Taraba Investment and Property Limited, Jalingo 1999

3 Specialist Hospital, Jalingo 2007

4 Taraba Air 2007

5 Jalingo Airport 2007

6 Technobat Housing Estate, Mile Six, Jalingo 2007

7 Jolly Nyame Stadium, Jalingo 2007

8 Jalingo Ultra-Urban Market Kpantinapu 2007

9 Referral Hospitals, Gassol 2007

10 Referral Hospital, Gembu 2007

11 Referral Hospital, Takum 2007

12 National Youth Service Corps Camp, Zing 2007

Source: Agbu, Mohammed and Joseph, 2020, p. 36-37.

According to a one-time Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) leader during the Nyame’s

administration: “The government-led by Governor Nyame was more responsible to the

people of Taraba State than what we are experiencing now. Taraba State among several states

was backward in terms of development, the Nyame’s government brought development to

the people. The government gave the state developmental foundation, or what I can say,

roadmap necessary for future development of the state. Danbaba Suntai built on that

foundation but was shortlived because he died in the process. Currently, we are experiencing

67
the backwardness of have never anticipated since the state was created. I am saying this

because the government at that time make use of the meager allocation form the federtion

account to achievement some of the development projects we have today in Taraba State. If it

the government was still in power today, Taraba State and its people would have seen more

development. This is not the case in today’s government.” (Interview with the PDP leader in

Jalingo, January 2022).

An interviewee who identified herself as a businesswoman revealed that the Nyame’s

government understood the plight of Taraba State’s people: “Between 1999 and 2007, we all

know that Taraba State depend on salary for their living. This man, Reverend Jolly Nyame, as

the governor of Taraba State always ensured that the salaries of civil servants was paid

promptly and when due for them. As business people, when the salaries are paid to workers,

it also come to us because they come to buy goods we are selling in the market. If it were

today, our business would have collapsed with what we are experiencing now in Taraba

State. To me, I will rate the performance of the government of Jolly Nyame one of the best

we have had since the creation of Taraba State.” (Interview with a Businesswoman in Jalingo,

November 2021).

A critic of the Nyame’s administration revealed that the government performed less

comparable to the monthly allocation given to the government from the federation account.

according to the crtic, the Nyame’s administration failed to provide the political leadership

people in the state expected. Although the government make some effort to engage in the

construction of development projects in the state, it was also extravangant in spending. The

principal challenge the critic identified about the Nyame’s government was that “the

challenges the government experienced was not directly about him, but his aides and other

surbordinates working in his government” because he failed in governing his aides and

appointed surbodinates who worked to ensure the government failed. According to him, The

68
government would have achieved more if the people working with and for Nyame were

upright in their assigned responsibilities. These people were never upright; they were

interested in syphoning to enrich themselves and to be powerful personalities in the state”

(Interview with a Critic of the Nyame’s government, November 2021).

To be certain of the claim by the critic of the Nyame’s administration, the monthly financial

allocation from the Federal Account Committee to Taraba State between 1999 and 2007 is

provided in Table 3 to measure the performance of the government.

Table 3: Federal Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) to Taraba State, 1999-2007

YEAR AMOUNT OF MONEY

1999 ₦3,075,221,560.44

2000 ₦6,775.026,901.61

2001 ₦10,324,601,812.10

2002 ₦11,055,815,228.50

2003 ₦13,301,256,134.26

2004 ₦17,209,156,234.36

2005 ₦20,983,409,561.09

2006 ₦21,961,332,092.22

2007 ₦26,177,099,838.81

Source: Onuoha, et al. 2021; Taraba State Planning Commission, 2014.

How the state government managed the finances accruing as state allocation from the Federal

Account Allocation Committee from 1999 to 2007 has been a source of concern for most

people in the state. Although it appears the government provided the people with

development projects and consistently paid salaries of its workers, there was much to be

desired. Ganchok (n.d) recounted the leadership performance in Taraba State by citing

69
Rikwen A. Kwatiri to state that “there is virtually no single functional infrastructure in the

entire state despite the generosity of the monthly federal allocation to the state. On a few

counts, we have no roads, no potable water, no functional hospital and clinics and worst of

all; the vibrancy of our people in agricultural activities is slowly and painfully being killed by

our leaders in government. Arising from the foregoing, Ahmad Tafida (n.d) assertion about

the performance of the government is noteworthy. He stated:

The state that is called (Natures gift to the nation) has always been without electricity

both day and night, in even the headquarters, no pipe borne water for both animals

and humans, the gentle souls that are that disadvantaged to be residents, indigenes or

posted there on national assignments, are bedeviled by a high spate of state

sponsored insecurity. Taraba was in the 1st dispensation (1999 - 2003) governed in a

typical military junta style, by a section of the state executive, who walk the streets in

the Italian mafia Dons manners, favor those who they so see in their myopic views as

supporters as of his excellency, casting those who earn their wrath in the crudest of

forms, most of the times so much so petty that even distance uncles of critics are not

spared, any time a citizen voice out any thing contrary to the whims of the ruling

Mafioso his far away uncle may end up being dismissed from work, denied fertilizer

or have some nieces send home from school.

The investigation by the Tell Magazine reported by Dayo Aiyetan in 2006 revealed that the

much lauded development projects as dividends of democracy was rather inadequate given

financial mismanagement or embazzlement by government officials during the Nyame’s

administration. According to Aiyetan (2006:20):

…the financial management style employed by the Nyame government easily exposes

the state to the possibility of pilfering public funds by greedy state officials. For

example, due process, transperency and accountability never featured in the

70
 government’s financial management lexicon. As standard practice, contracts were

awarded without competitive bidding or tender process. The governor just asks a state

official to raise a memo for the award of a contract to a particular contractor for a

specified sum and money is approved. In some cases, money was paid to contractors

without contractual agreements.

Some of the alledge corruption cases unearth and reported by Aiyetan (2006) are presented in

Table Table 4. “

Table 4: Incidences of corruption by the Taraba state government, 1999-2006

S/N ALLEDGED INCIDENCE OF CORRUPTION
1 Haphazard award of a ₦826 million contract for the construction of a multi-
purpose satelite camp in Zing, the governor’s hometown. The camp was meant
for use as orientation camp for National Youth Service Corps, NYSC.
2 The award of contract to Cyprus Aviation Limited to supply a Dornier 228
aircraft to Taraba State government for ₦225 million. 50 per cent of the contarct
sum was paid but was never supplied.
3 The award of contract to the Pinnacle Communications to supply 30kw UHF
transmitter, among other equipment. 10kw or 4kw transmitters, antennas, masts,
generators and air conditioners were recommended for Zing, Takum and
Gembu. The detailed contract awards were ₦225,050,000.00 for Jalingo main
station; ₦208,500,000.00 for Gembu Booster station; ₦222, 250,000.00 for Zing
Booster station; all totaling ₦894,300,000.
4 The award of contract for the stablishment of Jalingo International Airport to
Tarmac Works Limited in early 2005 for ₦2,462,353,276.92 for which the
contractor was paid ₦500,000,000 to the contractor, first in August and October
2005 without contractual agreement between the parties.
5 Farm Impliments Nigeria Limited was awarded the contract for the supply of 50
tractors to the state at the sum of ₦292 million representing 80 per cent of the
contract sum. There was no evidence of the supply of the tractors to the state.
6 Taraba state award of contract to Salman Global Ventures for the purchase of a
special dome tent, which was supplied but at the cost of ₦400 million.
7 Between January 2004 and July 2005, there was a deduction of 8.6 billion from

71
 the funds due to local governments in Taraba state. Certain was also deducted to
share to member of the House of Assembly. Each local government contributed
the sum of ₦800,000 monthly, bringing the total to ₦12 million per year to be
distrubted to the legislators.
Source: Aiyetan, 2006, pp. 18-25.

On the account of corruption which investigation by the anti-corruption agency, EFCC,

started in the period of 2006, showed that the Nyame administration performed less in terms

of the delevery of democratic dividends when compared to the alledged corruption charges

leveled against the government. Alledged financial corruption rocked the political leadership

of the Nyame administration thereby undermining the government’s democratic governance.

While the imprisonment of Nyame over corruption and mismanagement of funds caused an

outraged, it also caused celebration when he was granted presidential pardon by President

Muhammadu Buhari. The reason is that Nyame administration in terms of democratic

governance was far better compared to the present admnistration in Taraba State.

4.3 The Roles of Political Leadership on the Socio-Economic Development Difficulties in

Taraba State

The provision of socio-economic development requires an equitably regulated socioeconomic

context in which social services, social securities and opportunities are within the reach of the

teeming population without discrimination. Democratic governance has been credited with

the improvements living conditions of the people. Therefore, democratic governance presents

a range of processes that brings about the implementation of regulations, human rights, laws

and policies that ensures justice, welfare and environmental protection. This view is

predicated on the fact that democratic governance is a social contract framed around the

primacy of the people in the decisions and actions of government (Almond et al, 2000).

72
The quality of democratic governance in contemporary times is not only determined or

measured by the institutions, structures and the processes that lead to its existence, but also

by the social services the government provide to the people. Social services are mainly

welfare programmes that have a direct and indirect positive impact on the quality of life of

the people (Umar & Tafida, 2015). The performance of democratic governance should also

be reflected at the subnational level through the provision of socio-economic development

that improves people livelihoods and societies.

Largely, political leadership in democratic governance impact less the people because of

several factors that negotiate the pattern political leadership in Nigeria (Onuoha, et al., 2021).

Agbu et al. (2021) revealed some of the challenges undermining socio-economic

development in democratic government in Taraba State. The socio-economic development in

Taraba State has been as a result of the roles political leaders play in the political process and

governance of the state. The roles of political leaders during the Nyame’s administration are

responsible for the condition of the socio-economic development presented in Table 5.

S/N POSITIVE (DEVELOPMENT) NEGATIVE (DEVELOPMENT)

1 Social cohesion Ethno-religious conflict

2 Universal suffrage Election rigging

3 Growing political participation Political apathy and defections

4 Independence of the judiciary Telephone justice

5 Tolerance of opposition Violation of human rights

6 Separation of powers Competition for power

8 Freedom of the press Muzzling of the press

9 Decentralization of powers Politicization of appointments

73
Agbu, et al. 2021, p. 38.

While it is conceivable that socioeconomic development should stem from the political

leadership with the characteristics of the positive development, the negative development has

prevailed in the democratic governance of the state since 1999. According to an interviewee,

“the emergence of the political leaders in Taraba State between 1999 and 2007 were marred

by a process that was in essence not democratic. What characterised the political process

during the Nyame era was election rigging and political thuggery which rendered the essence

of democratic governance useless. People lived in fear of criticising the government even

though it claimed to be democratic. There were violation of human rights and politicization

of appointments during the Nyame’s administration” (Interview with a Citizen in Jalingo,

May 2022).

Another observer of the political process during the political leadership of the Nyame’s

administration noted that “during the period government was unable to handle the conflicting

situation across the state. In particular, the Tiv-Jukun conflict continued to linger during the

administration without remedy. The Mambilla-Fulani conflict was also another challenge for

the government. There are several challenges that affected the socio-economic development

of Taraba State” (Interview with a public commentator in Jalingo, September 2021). While

these challenges contributed to the socio-economic development difficulties in the state,

others included the weak leadership of the Nyame’s administration to govern his appointees,

the political corruption of which the political leaders, their subordinates and the legislators

were culprit, and the recklessness in financial management among others affected negatively

the development of Taraba State between 1999 and 2007.

74
 CHAPTER FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

5.1 Summary of Findings

The study started with providing a comprehensive insight on the background of the study,

considering political leadership as being at the core of democratic governance in Taraba

State, which has not received adequate attention in the academic cycle. The background

provided the basis of the study and the problematic that informs the research. Three research

questions were essential to identifying the roles of political leadership in democratic

governance in the state.

In chapter two, the study concentrated on the literature review taking into consideration both

conceptual and thematic reviews of scholarly discourse on political leadership and

democratic governance in Nigeria. It identified gap in the literature which this study thrived

on to provide the understanding on the dynamics and manifestations of political leadership

and democratic governance in Taraba State between 1999 and 2007. It also adopted the elite

theory as theoretical framework for the study and showed that elites are political leaders who

manipulate the sentiments of the people to accept their role in democratic governance as

providing them with democratic dividends in Taraba State.

The chapter three covered the methodology of the study. The study adopted a one-shot

research design, population of the study, sampled population, sampling procedure and

technique and the method of data collection and analysis. This chapter provided the process

through which data were generated for the purpose of presentation and analysis.

Nevertheless, in chapter four, presented and analysed data collected using both primary and

secondary data. The primary data used was the interviews and the secondary data were from

75
the available literature on political leadership and democratic governance in Nigeria and

Taraba State. This section revealed political leadership have not done enough in democratic

governance to bring about democratic dividends in Nigeria and specifically in Taraba State.

5.2 Conclusion

Democracy is a system of government that permits the coming to into existence political

leadership through the process of election by the people. The political leaders are people’s

representatives and are expected to be responsive and accountable to the people who voted

them into the leadership rostrum. Often, political leaders, especially in developing

democracies have fallen short of the essence of democratic governance. In Nigeria,

specifically in Taraba State, democratic governance has not yielded the need socio-economic

development due to the roles played by political leaders. From this context, this study

concludes as follows:

1. The nature of political leadership and democratic governance in Taraba State was

elitist because it was the elites surrounding the power rostrum that determined the

direction of democratic governance. Therefore, the political leader operated laissez-

faire leadership style that allowed subordinates (government officials and aides) to

behave and act in a manner that undermined the administration of Governor Nyame

from delivering democratic dividends to the people.

2. The performances of the political leader in providing democratic dividends were

evident given the several development infrastructures constructed by the government

between 1999 and 2007. The problem with the effort of the government was the

processes for the awards of contracts and the over invoicing of contracts that rendered

the political leadership corrupt, falling below the standard of the principles governing

democratic government.

76
 3. The roles of political leadership on the socio-economic development difficulties in

Taraba State was characterised by several challenges which include corruption, ethno-

religious conflicts, rigging of elections and the policization of appointments among

others, which combine to undermine democratic governance in Taraba State.

5.3 Recommendations

Arising from the foregoing, this study recommends the following:

1. Political leadership in democratic governance employed every form of leadership

styles in governance, depending on the condition warranting the usage, to mitigate

behaviour that would undermine the purpose of the government which is to provide

service to the people who voted them to the leadership rostrum in Taraba State.

2. There is a need for political leaders to build and strength institutions, for example, the

State House of Assembly and the civil service system, and setting out transparent

system of doing government businesses in Taraba State, and

3. Lastly, the political leader should govern in a manner that no any parts of the state is

worse-off and respond to early warning signals that may undermine democratic

governance in Taraba State.

77
 REFERENCES
Abdullahi A. (2012) “Nigeria –1914 to Date: The chequered journey so far (2).”Vanguard,
May 15, 2012. http://www.vanguardngr.com/2012/05/nigeria-1914-to-date-the-
chequered-journey-so-far.
Achebe, C. (1983). The Trouble with Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers.
Achebe, C. (2012). There was a country: A personal history of Biafra. London: Penguin
Books.

Adamolekun L. (2011), Governance Context and Reorientation of Government in

Adamolekun, ed. Public Administration in Africa Main Issues and Selected Country
Studies. Evans Brothers Ltd. Ibadan.
Ademola, A. (2011). Endangering good governance for sustainable democracy: The
continuing struggle against corruption in Nigeria. Journal of Research on Peace,
Gender and Development. 1(11). 307-314.

Ademoyega A. (1981) Why we Struck. Ibadan: Evans Brothers.

Adeosun, A. B. (2012), Nigeria@50: The Role of Good Governance and Effective Public
Administration Towards Achieving Economic Growth and Stability in Fledgeling
Democracy. International Journal of Politics and Good Governance Volume 3, No.
3.3 Quarter III , pp1-17
Adeyemo, I. (20180. Jolly Nyame: 13 things you may not know about jailed ex-governor.
Premium Time, June 2, https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/270716-
jolly-nyame-13-things-you-may-not-know-about-jailed-ex-governor.html
Agbu, A. D., Mohammed, I., and Joseph, M. P. (2020). The Political Development of Taraba
State 1991-2019. Wukari International Studies Journal, 3(2), 20-42.
Aisedion, R. and Osimen, G. U. (2021). Democracy, Good Governance and Political
Leadership Misconception in Nigeria. Journal of Advances in Social Science and
Humanities, 7(10), 1947 -1956.
Akinola, A. B., Adebisi, K. S. and Oyewo, O. O. (2015). Leadership and Democratic
Governance in Nigeria. Developing Country Studies, 5(6), 83-89.
Alabi, Mojeed. Olujinmi. A. and Fashagba, Joseph. Yinka. (2010). The Legislature and Anti-
corruption Crusade under the Fourth Republic of Nigeria: Constitutional Imperatives
and Practical Realities, International Journal of Politics and Good Governance, 1(1.2)
Quarter II: 1 – 39.
Aliu, M. (2013). Legislative Corruption and Democratic Consolidation in the Nigerian Fourth
Republic, Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa, 15(6): 101 – 112.
Aliu, M. (2014).The State, Development and Governance in Africa: The Nigerian
Experience, IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences (IOSR-JHSS) 19(4)
Ver. I (Apr. 2014): 21-32
Almond, G.A.; Powell, G.B.; Strom, K. & Dalton, R.J. (2000). Comparative Politics Today:
AWorld View. Singapore: Pearson Education, Inc.

78
Aniekwe, C. C. and Kushie, F. 2011. Electoral Violence Situational Analysis: Identifying Hot
Spots in the 2011 General Elections in Nigeria, National Association for Peaceful
Elections in Nigeria (NAPEN) and IFES, Pp 1 – 47.
Arowolo D.E. and Aluko O. A. (2012). Democracy, political participation and good
governance in Nigeria. International Journal of Development and Sustainability.
Special Issue: Development and Sustainability in Africa –Part 1. Vol 1 N0 3: Pages
797-809
Barker, R. A. (2001). The Nature of Leadership. Human Relations, 54(4), 469-94.
Bass, B. M. (1990). “From transactional to transformational leadership: Learning to share the
vision”. Organizational Dynamics. Winter, 19-31.
Bass, B. M. (2008). The Bass handbook of leadership: Theory, research, & managerial
applications (4th ed.). New York, NY: Free Press.
BBC. 2012. Former Nigeria governor James Ibori jailed for 13 years.
www.bbc.co.uk/news/worldafrica-17739388, 17 April, 2012.
Bello-Imam, I. B. & Obadan, M. I. (2004). Democratic Governance and Development
Management in Nigeria‘s Fourth Republic 1999 – 2003: The Prologue. In Bello-
Imam, I. B and Obadan, M. I. (eds), Democratic Governance and Development
Management in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic 1999 – 2003, Ibadan: Jodad Publishers.

Bello-Imem and Obadan (2003). Democratic Governance & Development Management in

Nigeria’s Forth Republic 1999-2003 in Bello-Imem and Obadan eds Jolad Publisher
Ibadan.
Benjamin, S.A (2004). The Executive in Democratic Nigeria: Problems and Prospects. In
Bello-Imam, I. B. and Obadan, M. I. (eds), Democratic Governance and Development
Management in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic 1999 – 2003, Ibadan: Jodad Publishers.
Bennis, W.G., and Townsend, R. (1995). Reinventing leadership. Collins Business Essential,
New York.
Buhari, M. (2005). Challenges facing democracy in Nigeria. Remarks delivered at the
international conference on sustainable democracy in Nigeria: Challenges and
prospects Organised by the foundation for good governance and development in
Nigeria Held at Imperial College, London, South Kessington campus on Saturday
25th, June 2005.
Burns, J. M. (1978). Leadership. New York: Harper and Row, 1978.

Campbell, J. (2011): Nigeria: Dancing on the Brink. Lanham, Maryland: Council on Foreign
Relations, Rowman and Littlefield.

Campbell, J. (2013). Former Nigerian President Obasanjo’s Letter to President Goodluck

Jonathan. http://blogs.cfr.org/campbell/2013/12/13/former-nigerian-president-ob Letter-
to-president-goodluck-jonathan/
ChannelsTV (2013) Former US Envoy Blames Corruption, Bad Leadership For Nigeria’s
Economic Woes. (available at http://www.channelstv.com/2013/10/21/the-former-
united states-ambassador-to-nigeria-walter-carrington-has-identified-corruption-lack-

79
 of-good-leadership-and-foresight-as-responsible-for-most-of-the-economic-problems-
confronting-the-country).
Charlick, R. (1992). Governance Working Paper. Washington, Associates in Rural
Development.

Charlick, R. (1992). Governance Working Paper. Washington, Associates in Rural

Development.
Chigbu U. (2007) Viewing Nigeria's Bad Governance in the Context of Bad Followership.
(available at http://nigeriaworld.com/articles/2007/dec/031.html).
Collinson, D. L. (2005). Dialectics of Leadership. Human Relations, 58(11), 1419-1442.
Cooper, D., & Schindler, P. (2008). Business research methods (10th Ed.). New York,
McGraw-Hill/Irwin.
Dada, J. A., Udoaka, E. E. & Dada, E. O. (2013). The Imperative of good governance for
sustainable democracy in Nigeria. African Journal of Social Sciences. 3(2): 45-60.

Dada, J.A; Udoaka, E.E.; & Dada, E.O(2013), The Imperative of good governance for
sustainable democracy in Nigeria. African Journal of Social Sciences.Vol.3 No.2 pp 45-
60.
Daily Independent. (2014). Democracy Day: What Benefits for Nigerians? (Online),
http://dailyindependentnig.com/2014/05/democracy-day-benefitsnigerians/
David, S. (2010). The Impact of Good Governance on Development and Poverty in Africa:
Botswana – A Relatively Successful African Initiative. African Journal of Political
Science and International Relations 4(7).
Dion, L. (1968). The Concept of Political Leadership: An analysis, Canadian Journal of
Political Science 1(1), 2-17.
Editor in Chief, Connectus (2019). 18 Advantages and Disadvantages of Purposive Sampling.
Connectus, April 2, https://connectusfund.org/6-advantages-and-disadvantages-of-
purposive-sampling
Ene E. I., Abam A., Williams J. J. & Dunnamah A. Y. (2013). “Corruption Control and
Political Stability in Nigeria: Implication for Value Re-Orientation in Politics”.
Global Journal of Human Social Science Interdisciplinary. Vol 13 Issue 1
Erunke, C. E (2012). Reconsolidating democratic governance in Nigeria: Analysis and
suggestions. African Journal of Social Sciences. 2(2): 67-73.

Fagbadebo, O. M. (2009). Nigeria and the Perennial Problem of Governance. Unpublished

Seminal Paper: Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University
of Benin.
Fayemi, A. K. (2009). A Philosophical Appraisal of Leadership and Development in Nigeria.
In Edoh, T. et al. (Eds.). Makurdi, Aboki Publishers.

Ganchok, L. P. (n.d). The Challenges of Leadership In Taraba State-100 Days After, What
Hope For People In The State? http://www.gamji.com/article6000/NEWS7434.htm

80
Gill, P., Stewart, K., Treasure, E. et al. (2008). Methods of Data Collection in Qualitative
Research: Interviews and Focus Groups. British Dental Journal, 204, 291-295.
https://doi.org/10.1038/bdj.2008.192
Grint, K. (2000). The Arts of Leadership. New York: Oxford University Press.
Hah, C. D. and F. C. Barto l(1983) “Political leadership as a causative phenomenon: some
recent analyses.” World Politics, Vol. 36. No.1. 100-120
Held, D. (1996) Models of democracy. Cambridge: Polity.
Higley, J. (2008). Elite theory in political sociology, University of Texas at Austin. 13.
Human Rights Watch. 2007. Criminal Politics: Violence, ‘Godfathers’ and Corruption in
Nigeria, New York, HRW Report, Volume 19, No.16 A, October 9, Pp 1 – 121.
Human Rights Watch. 2011. Corruption on Trial? The Record of Nigeria’s Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission, New York, USA: Human Rights Watch, August, Pp 1-
64.
Hyden, G. (1992). Governance and the Study of Politics in Africa in Hyden G and Bratton M.
eds 1992. Governance and Politics in Africa. Lynne Rienneer Publisher. London.
Ibe, U. (2014). Gains from Democratic Governance, (Online),
http://nigerianobservernews.com/06052014/features/features2.html#.VABZK6KOCIg
Idada, W and Uhunmwuangho, S.O.(2012). Problems of Democratic Governance in Nigeria:
The Way Forward. Journal of Sociology and Social Anthropology, 3(1): 49-54.
Igba, A. ( 2012), An Assessment of Dividends of Democracy in Nigeria: A Study of Buruku
Local Government Area of Benue State (1999 – 2011). A B.Sc Project Submitted to
Department of Sociology, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria.
Ihonvbere J. (2009) “Leadership and Sustainability of Democracy in Nigeria.” Text of
Lecture delivered to mark the Inauguration of the Edo State Chapter of the
Yar’Adua/Jonathan Solidarity Forum, at the Oba Akenzua Cultural Centre, Benin
City, Edo State. June 27.
Ihonvbere J. (2014) “Good Governance and Democratisation: Wither Nigeria.” Nigerian
Observer Online Edition, 8thJanuary.(available at
http://www.nigerianobservernews.com/).
Imhonopi D. and Ugochukwu, M. U. (2013). Leadership Crisis And Corruption In The
Nigerian Public Sector: An Albatross Of National Development. The African
Symposium: An Online Journal of the African Educational Research Network.Vol.13,
No.1.

Jev A.A. (2011) Ethics and Accountability in Governance. Imperatives for National
Development. Makurdi: Trinity Publishers.
Julius-Adeoye R. J. (2011). Nigerian Economy, Social Unrest and the Nation’s Popular
Drama. Afro Asian Journal of Social Sciences Volume 2, No. 2.3 Quarter III. Pp 1-11
Kaufmann, Daniel, Kraay, Aart and Mastruzzi, Massimo (2006) Governance Matters V:

81
Kellerman, B. (1984). Leadership as a Political Act. In Barbara Kellerman (ed.), Leadership:
Multidisciplinary Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 63–90.
Kotter, J. (1988). The leadership factor. Free Press, 1st Edition

Kukah, M. H. (2013). ““In This Era of Epistolatocracy (Government by Letter Writing)”

http://saharareporters.com.
Lawal T. and Owolabi D. (2012). Leadership Debacle: The Bane of Good Governance in
Nigeria. Afro Asian Journal of Social Sciences, Vol 3, No. 3.3, pp: 1-12.
Levitsky, S. and Ziblatt, D. (2018). How democracies die: what history reveals about our
future. Madeleine Albright, New York, Harper Collins Publisher Inc.
Lipset, S. M. 1960. Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, Garden City New York:
Doubleday.
Lord, P, Martin, K., Atkinson, M. and Mitchell, H. (2009). Narrowing the Gap in Outcomes:
What is the relationship between leadership and governance? (LGA Research Report).
Slough: NFER.18
Madu, A. Y., Yusof, R., Ladiqi, S. (2015). Democratic Government and Rural Development
in Taraba State North-East Nigeria: A Pilot Study Report. Public Policy and
Administration Research, 5(10), 24-28.
Majekodunmi, A. (2012). “Democratization and Development in Nigeria: The Fourth
Republic in Perspective”. International Journal of Academic Research in Economics
and Management Sciences. September, Vol. 1, No. 5. Pp 62 –74.
Mangu, André Mbata B. (2008) “State reconstruction, Leadership Legitimacy and democratic
governance in Africa.”PoliteiaVol 27 No 2 pp: 1-24
Mangu, André Mbata B. (2012) “Good governance and democratic leadership for an African
Renaissance: A reflection on AU member states’ compliance with the AUCPCC.”
International Journal of African Renaissance Studies.Vol. 7 (2). pp. 18–37.
Maserumule, Mashupye Herbert and Gutto, Shadrack B.O. (2008) “A critical understanding
of good governance and leadership concepts written in the context of the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the challenges to contextual
discourse on Africa’s development paradigms.” International Journal of African
Renaissance Studies Vol. 3. No.2. pp:63-101
McCleskey, J. A. (2014). “Situational, transformational, and transactional leadership and
leadership development”. Journal of Business Studies Quarterly, 2014, Volume 5,
Number 4, pages 117- 130.
Mohammed, I. and Oruonye, E. D. (2021). Development Question and Abundant Natural
Potentials of Taraba State: The Need for Paradigm Shift. SSRG International Journal
of Humanities and Social Science, 8(1), 41-48.
Mokuolu, O. and Abubakre, F. (2013) Carrington Blames Nigeria's Woes on the Neglect of
the Agric Sector. UNILORIN Bulletin, October 28. Vol.5 No.98.
Morrell, K., & Hartley, J. (2006). A model of political leadership. Human Relations, 59(4),
483-504.

82
Müller, H. (2019). Political Leadership and the European Commission Presidency. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Nigro F.A and Nigro LG (1977). Modern Public Administration. Harper & Row Limited.
Nnablife, N. K. E. (2010) “Defining and enforcing ethical leadership in Nigeria.” African
Journal of Economic and Management Studies. Vol.1. No.1. pp: 25-41.
Noel, S. (Ed.) (2005) From Power Sharing to Democracy: Post-Conflict Institutions in
Ethnically Divided Societies (Montreal, QC: McGill-Queen's University Press.
Nwekeaku, C. (2014)“The Rule of Law, Democracy and Good Governance
inNigeria.”Global Journal of Political Science and Administration Vol.2, No.1, pp.26-
35, March.
Nwokike, C. and Chidolue, D. N. (2017). Democratic Principles and Political Leadership in
Nigeria: Problems and Prospects. Available at SSRN:
https://ssrn.com/abstract=3080442 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3080442.
Ocheni S. and Nwankwo B.C. (2012) “Analysis of Colonialism and Its Impact in Africa.
Cross-Cultural Communication.” Canadian Academy of Oriental and Occidental
Culture (CAOOC). Vol. 8, No. 3, pp: 46-54.
Odo, L. U. (2015). Democracy, Good Governance and Development in Nigeria: The
Challenges of Leadership. Journal of Humanities and Social Science. 20(6): 01-09

Odock, C. N. (2006). “International Relations: Background, Trends and Perspectives”. In

Political Science: An Introductory Reader, eds. Bassey, C. O. and Ozumba, G. O.
Calabar: Wusen Publishers.
Odusanya A.O.J. (2013) The Challenge of Democratic Governance in the African Region:
The Nigerian Experience. OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development,
Vol.06 No. 06, p11-22.
Ogundiya, I. S. 2010. ‘Corruption: The Bane of Democratic Stability in Nigeria’, Current
Journal of Social Sciences, 2(4): 233 – 241.
Ogunjimi, D. A. and Ogundeji, A. A. (2020). Leadership and Substances of Democracy in
Nigeria: Problems and Prospect. Nigerian Journal of Social Studies, 23(1), 241-258.
Ojo E.O. (2000), Towards sustaining Democratic Values in Nigeria in Saliu H.A. ed. Issues
in Contemporary Political Economy of Nigeria Sally and Associates, Ilorin.
Okadigbo, Chuba (1987) Power and Leadership in Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension
Publishing Company Limited.
Okau, A. (2014). A Keynote Address Delivered at a National Conference on Nigeria since
the 1914 Amalgamation held at IBBUniversity, Lapai, Niger State from 4-7 May.

Okeke, M.I and Obiorah, C.C (2009). Reinventing social mobilization for improved political
participation: The NOA-media challenge. Oko Journal of Communication &
Information Science, 1(2), 123-137.

83
Okeshola, F. B., & Igba, A. (2013). An Assessment Of Dividends Of Democracy In Buruku
Local Government Area of Benue State Nigeria (1999 – 2011). European Scientific
Journal, ESJ, 9(19). 550-561.
Okoh, A. O. (2010). Religious Cleavages, Inequalities and Unitarism vs Federalism in
Nigeria. In R.F. Ola and J.E. Imhanalahimi (Eds) Nigerian Political System: Trends
and Perspectives (pp. 166-191). Benin City: University of Benin.
Olaitan, W.A. (2005). Elections: The Making and Unmaking of Democracy, in G. Onu and
A. Momoh (eds) Elections and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria, (43 – 54) Lagos:
Triad Associates.

Omodia, S. (2013). Democracy and Development in Africa: The Nigerian Experience.

Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 4(1) 569-573.
Omodia, S. M. (2011). Political Elites and the Challenge of Free and Fair Elections in the
Nigerian Fourth Republic, Canadian Social Science, Vol. 7, No. 5, 2011, pp. 111-115
Omodia, S.M. and Aliu, M. (2013). Governance and Threats to National Security in
Emerging Democracies: A Focus on the Nigerian Fourth Republic, Research on
Humanities and Social Sciences, 3(4): 36 – 42.
Omotola, S. (2008). Explaining Electoral Violence in Africa’s ‘New’ Democracies, Revised
Version of a Paper on Electoral Reform, Political Succession and Democratisation in
Africa, Presented at the27th Annual Conference of the Nigerian Political Science
Association (NPSA), Held at Benue State University, Makurdi, Benue State, Nigeria,
16–19 November 2008.
Omoyibo, K. U. (2013) “Leadership, Governance, and Poverty in Nigeria”. Mediterranean
Journal of Social Sciences. Vol 4 No 6 July. Published by MCSER-CEMAS-Sapienza
University of Rome. Doi:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n6p29
Onuoha, J. I., Lawi, R. A., Onuh, P. A., and Onuoha, I. J. (2021). Democratic Governance
and Social Service Delivery in Africa: the case of Taraba State, Nigeria. European
Scientific Journal, ESJ, 17(28), 35-55. https://doi.org/10.19044/esj.2021.v17n28p35
Onwudiwe, E. and Berwind-Dart, C. (2010). Breaking cycle of electoral violence in Nigeria,
United States Institute of Peace, Special Report 263, December.
Osaghae , Eghosa E. (2010) “The limits of charismatic authority and the challenges of
leadership in Nigeria.”Journal of Contemporary African Studies. Vol. 28, No. 4. pp:
407-422
Osaghae E. (1992), “Ethnicity and Democracy” Ayo Fasoro, et al (eds), Understanding
Democracy. Ibada: Bookscraft Ltd.
Osayande P. B. O. (2008) “Factors Inhibiting Police Performance In Nigeria”. A Paper
Presented At The Occasion of the Retreat With the Theme: "Understanding the
Mandate and Operations of the Police Service Commission in Context of the Rule of
Law".
Osumah, O. and Ikelegbe, A. (2009). The People’s Democratic Party and Governance in
Nigeria, 1999-2007. Journal Social Science: Kamla-Raj, 9(3), 185-199.

84
Othman, Z. and Rahman, R. A. ( 2014). Attributes of Ethical Leadership in Leading Good
Governance. International Journal of Business and Society, Vol. 15 No. 2. pp: 359 –
372.
Owusu- Bempah, J. (2014). “How we can best interpret effective leadership? The case for Q-
method”, Journal of Business Studies Quarterly, 2014, Volume 5, Number 3, pages
47- 58.
Oyewo O.O. (2012), Neopatrimonialism and Democratic Governance in Nigeria: A Final
Push for Collapse. A Paper Presented at the Department of Public Administration.
The Polytechnic Ibadan, Ibadan on the 25th of July, 2012.
Pollitt, C. (2003). The Essential Public Manager. London: McGraw Hill.
QuestionPro (2022). Snowball Sampling: Definition, Method, Advantages and
Disadvantages. https://www.questionpro.com/blog/snowball-sampling/
Roberts, G. and Edwards, A. (1991). A New Dictionary of Political Analysis. London and
New York.
Roper, J. (1989), Democracy and its Critics: Anglo, American Democratic though in the
Nineteenth Century. Winchester, M.A: Unwin Hyman.
Rost, J. (1993). Leadership for the 21st Century. Praeger
Rotberg, R. I. (2009) “Governance and Leadership In Africa: Measures, Methods and
Results.” Journal of International Affairs. Vol. 62, No. 2. pp:113-126
Shanum, S. (2013) Democracy and Bad Leadership in Nigeria. Premium Times,March
27th(http://www.premiumtimesng.com/opinion/127105-democracy-and-bad-
leadership-in-nigeria-by-simon-shanum.html#sthash.v8wjxU0b.dpuf).19
Smah, O. S. (2008) ‘Money Politics and Electoral Violence in Nigeria’, in V. A. O Adetula
(ed) Money and Politics in Nigeria, International Foundation for Electoral System
(IFES), Nigeria. Pp 65– 84.
Soludo,C. C. (2007) “Creating Effective Governance and Leadership for Sustained National
Prosperity.” Paper Presentation at the 12th Murtala Muhammed Memorial
Stogdill, R.M. (1974). Handbook of leadership: A survey of theory and research. New York:
The Free Press.
Tafida, A. (n.d). Chasing Wild Geese in Taraba.
http://www.gamji.com/article4000/NEWS4717.htm
Tannenbaum, R., Weschler, I. R., and Massarik, F. (1961). Leadership and organization: A
behavioral science approach. New York, McGraw- Hill Company.
Thompson, J. D. (1967). Organizations in Action. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Tömmel, I. (2019). Political Leadership in Times of Crisis: The Commission Presidency of
Jean-Claude Juncker. West European Politics. doi:10.1080/01402382.2019.1646507

85
Ubochi T.C. and Benedict N. (2009) “The Failure of Governance and Leadership in Nigeria:
Abia State as a Pictorial Case Study (1)”. Nigeria World, January 15,
http://nigeriaworld.com/feature/publication/ubochi/011509.html.
UNDP (2009). Democratic Governance Reader: A Reference for UNDP Practitioners.
www.Undp.org/undp/…/democratic-governance/…govern…/democratic governance.
Uzodike U.O. and Whetho A. (2011), Exhausted Nationalism, (Mis)Governance and
Ascendant Pentecostalism in Nigeria. Loyola Journal of Social Science, Jul-Dec, Vol.
25 Issue 2. p217.
Uzondu, I. C. (2019). Assessing Nigerian Political Leadership with a Democratic Paradigm.
OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies, 15(1), 25-72.
Van Esch, Femke A. W. J. (2017). The Nature of the European Leadership Crisis and How to
Solve It. European Political Science, 16(1), 34–47.
Volckmann, R. (2012). “Fresh perspective: Barbara Kellerman and the leadership industry”.
Integral Leadership Review, 2012-06-08.
Weibrich, H. and Koontz, H. (1993). Management: A Global Perspective, 10th ed. New
York: McGraw Hill.
Williams, K. T. (2015). List of Projects Executed By Former Governor, Jolly Nyame. Taraba
in Focus, https://List Of Projects Executed By Former Governor, Jolly Nyame By
Kpanti Tome Williamsfree.facebook.com/TarabaInFocus/posts/748605708578247/?
_rdc=2&_rdr

World Bank (1994). Governance. Washington DC: The World Bank Experience.

Zaleznik, A. (1977). Managers and leaders: Are they different? Harvard Business Review,
55(3), 67-76.
Zikmund, W. G., Ward, S., Lowe, B., Winzar, H., & Babin, B. J. (2011). Marketing
Research. (2nd Asia-Pacific Ed.) Cengage Learning.
Fritz, V. and Menocal, A. R. (2007). Developmental States in the New Millennium: Concepts
and Challenges for a New Aid Agenda. Development Policy Review, 25 (5), 531-552.
Liberty, A. N., John, I. N., and Onawunreyi, I. B. (2017). Democratic Governance and the
Poor: Adjusting to the New Realities in Nigeria. International Journal of Development
and Management Review, 12(1), 125-133.

86
Agba et al., (2008,
Ajagun (2003,
Akinbi, 1999
Akinkuotu (2011,
Momoh, 2010
Annan, 2014:36
Appadorai (1978, p187)
Bedeian, 1986,
Burns 2010;
Chambers dictionary, 1993).
Dahl (1982, p11),
Dahl, 1989;
Dugba (2016)
Egbo, 2001
Elgie (1995)
Fritz & Menocal (2007
George-Genyi, 2013)
Gregory (2007)
Huntington (1991),
Ibude (2008)
Igbuzor, 2010;
Koppell (2005,
Lord and Maher (1993, 11)
Madukovich (2014)
Ninalowo (2003
Ninalowo 2003, 1-32;
Nnonyelu (2013
Omona 2010,
Osayande, 2008

87
OSCE, 2017
Osimen and Uwa (2021)
Ozor, 2009;
Pierre and Peter (2000:2
Richardson (2008, 1
Schmidt (1968:282)
Schrank (2006)
Sorkaa, 2001).
Thomas 1998;
Udo (2007
Uga et al. (2005)
Umar & Tafida, 2015
Usaini (2010)
Utomi (2014)
Wart (2003)
Yunusa (2009

88