THE VIKRAMĀDīTYA PROBLEM: A FRESH APPROACH

Author(s): K. B. Vyas
Source: Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute , 1946, Vol. 27, No. 3/4
(1946), pp. 209-236
Published by: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

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 Annals of the

Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute

Vol. XXVII ] July-October 1946 [Parts III-lV

THE VIKR AMÃDIT Y A PROBLEM:

A FRESH APPROACH*
BY

K. B. VYAS
I

We have so far discussed the various theories about the

identity of Vikramadi'ya, and noted how two groups of
theories - one assuming the authenticity of the legends and
considering that a Vik ramarli!;? a, king of Málwã, flourished
in the middle of the 1st C9ntury B. C., the other, held by several
eminent scholars, postulating that Candragupta II represented
the Vikramäditya of the traditions - are more in vogue than the,
others. The former, in the form in which it is usually put, cannot
stand, as it involves a serious conflict with the inscriptional
evidence, lhe second has the support of numismatical and;
some inscriptional evidence, and is corroborated by the general
cultural conditions prevailing in Gupta India. But it has to
set aside ruthlessly the ma*s of tradicional evidence regarding
Vikramäditya. In the form that several of the eminent scholars
have presente 1 it - namely, that Candragupta II, who assuiped
the title Vikramäditya, achieved remarkable military exploits,
was renowned for his munificence and patronage of learning and
* This article represents the concluding pcrtion of the author's mono*
grup1!, 4 Vikramäditya : A Historical Sudy', submitted and accepted for
the award of the Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji Gold Medal, 1944, by the
University of Bombay.

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% to Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research lnstitut$

culture, and became thus so endeared to the public memory that

it gratefully associated his name with the prevailing era ~ it
cannot be easily refuted.
We can, however, urge that it entirely ignores the mass of
Jain and Brahmanical traditions, and fails to explain the ques-
tion of the institution of the Vikrarna era and its earlier designa*
tions Krta and Mãlava. Moreover, even if we admit that
Candragupta II assumed the title Vikramãditya, there is hardly
any conclusive proof to show that Candragupta II was the first
emperor to assume the proud title. Samudragupta, Candragupta
II, Skandagupta and practically the whole dynasty assumed the
biruda Vikramãditya. Similarly it will be hazardous to rely too
much on the assumed similarity between the characters of Can-
dragupta II and the legendary Vikramãditya, for several great
Hindu emperors of ancient India- Samudragupta, Candra-
gupta II, Har9a, Bhoja and others so closely approach the Vikra-
mãdityan model that one is almost inclined to believe that they
all wera influenced by the character of the original Vikra nãditya
and tried to emulate it. So too the Brahmanical revival in the
Gupta period was not evidently the first one of its kind even
according to the staunchest protagonists of the Candragupta II
theory like Sir R. G. Bhandarkar and Dr. A. B. Keith, 1 both of
whom admit that there was a Brahmanical revival earlier in the
1st century. Candragupta II is renowned for his destruction of
the Šakas ? but the Indian history of the opening centuries of
the Christian era is a story of one perpetual struggle between
foreigners lika the Sakas and next the Hûnas on the one hand,
and the suzerain Indian powers, the Kal inga king of Garga
Samhitã, Gautamlputra Sãtafcarni, Candragupta II, Skanda-
gupta, Yasodharman or Bãlãditya, and other kings, on the other.
Thus even the argument that the éakãri epithet most appropriate-
ly applies to Candragupta II will not hold on closer examina*
tion.
There are other difficulties as well. The Chinese pilgrim
Yuan Chwang refers to a Vikramãditya as a great -Brahmanical
king, antagonistic to the Buddhists, renowned for his generosity,

1 A. B. Keith - A History of Sanskrit literature, 1928, p. 442.

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 The Vtkratnäditya Problem : ait
who was a contemporary of Vasubandhu. If Candragupta II is
Intended in this allusion, it is ratber strange that Chwang so
olose to him in time does not mention bis name, but merely
gives his title, which might apply with equal appropriateness to
several kings of the dynasty. Ch wang's description too appears to
be reminiscent of an age considerably anterior to his own times*
He mentions Vikramãditya as a king of SrãvastI, and Sr&vasti,
we know, was in ruins even in Fa Hien's time ( 399-414 A. D. ).
Vikramãditya is placed by Chwang about Vasuoandhu's time.
Now Vasubandhu's works were translated in distant Ciiina in
404-5 A. D., presumably after they had attained wide popularity
in India, which again must have taken considerable time indeed.
Authorities are not, therefore, unanimous in dating Vasubandhu.
Keith, 1 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, 2 Takakusu * place Vasubandhu
early in the 5th century ; while K. B. Patbak4 places him under
Kumäragupta and Skandagupta. Smith5 places him under
Candragupta I and Samudragupta, 280-330 A. D., while M.
Winternitz® would consider Vasubandhu as having lived
towards the end of the 3rd century A. D. These are some of the
difficulties that stand in the way of the Candragupta II theory»
and have been noticed by scholars7 who favour this view. If the
view is still maintained by them it is on account of the fact that
no alternative explanation is yet available in our present state
of knowledge.
II
Have we then to accept the theory that the Vikramãditya of
the tradition was a historical figure, ruling in Avanti in the
middle of the 1st century B. C., and was the author of the several
exploits associated with his name in the various Jaina pmbandhasi
In one sense, yes ; but not in the way that the protagonists of the
1 Keith, Ibid., p. 73.
* R. G. Bhandarkar, Journal of the Bombay Branoh of the Boyal Asiatie
Society, Vol. XX.
8 J. Takakusu, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society ( London ), 1905, 33 if*
4 E. B. Pat h a k, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XLI, 1912, 244.
* Vincent Smith, The Early History of Tudia, 4th edition, 1924, pp. otO*
325,346.
• Maurioe Winternits, A History of Sanskrit Literature, Vol. II,
Calcutta, 1933, p. 269n3.
* A* 8> jLHtfkart, 1 BahyQdri ' ( Macachi ), Ocrtobe?« 1943.

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artft Annals of the BkandarMar Omental' Research Institute

tìjejt&y- would maintain it. To command general acceptance, lit

must be reconciled with the available epigraphical evidence.
Before proceeding to work out the new outline of the theory we
should examine and assess afresh thee vid enee preserved in early
literature and see if it yields any indications about the date and
the identity of Vikramäditya.

To start with, GãthõsaptaialV alludes to the unbounded genero-

sity of Vikramäditya. Gãihãsaptaéali is definitely earlier than
Bäna who mentions Sãtavãhana as the author of the Oãthãkoêa.
The Sãtàvãhana dynasty ended about 238 A. D. and Hãla the
àuthorof this anthology is assigned to 17-21 A. D. by Jayaswal.8
Mm. Shastri is inclined to place the work in the 1st century
A. D. Keith and Jacobi are in favour of a later date on the
strength of the developed form of its MahãrãstrI Prâkrit. Keith
places it between 200-450 À. D/
Brhatkathã of GunSdhya, faithfully preserved in the abridged
versions like KathUsurit sugara is anterior to Subandhu, Dandin
and Bäna, i. e..c. 600 A. D. Brhatkathã belongs to a time when
legends about Pänini and Vararuci were still current.1 On its own
évidence* Gunãdby a was a court poet of Sãtavãhana. He gives the
latter's lineage,' records aneodotes about him,7 and desires to
win the latter's favour by his Paiáãcl tale.8 The cycle of
Udayana legends which were household tales in Kälidäsa's time
covers almost the entire span of brhatkatha. Thus Brhatkathã is
a Very early work indeed yrhich ought to be assigned to lst-3rd
Century A. D. at the latest. This Brhatkathã, judging of course
from its Sanskrit versions like the Kathãsaritsãgara, refers to a
Vikramäditya at numerous places, describing his great genero-
sity, undaunted valour and other qualities. This Vikramäditya
¿úst be assigned to a period earlier than the Gupta period. For,
If Brhatkatha was later than the 5th centul-y A. D., and the
Vikramäditya described in it represented Candragupta II, then
. 1 05 thã-8aptaiatl, V, 64,
' K. P. Jayaswal, Journal of the Bihar & Oris sa Research 3o®isty,
V»l.XVl, 1930, 280.
' Keith, Ibid. 223-224.
4 Kathífaritaãgara, Trans« C, H. Tawaey, Vol., 1, 1880,, pp. 10^1?,
» IWd, p. W. » 8V * IW¿. s p.ïbvi,88. p. 49.

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 The Vikramâditya Problem : at}

it would be indeed strange that instead of making speoifio refer

enee to the. Gupta emperors and giving their glorious ancestry,
it should give only a general appellation applicable to several
kings of the dynasty, and a totally false genealogy which would
be rather humiliating to the contemporary monarch. To avoid
such an absurdity, it becomes necessary to assign Brhcukathã to »
a much earlier period, and consider the Vikramftditya referred
to therein as representing a historical personality much anterior
to the Guptas.
Subandhu, the writer of the clever and highly paronomastio
romance Vãsavadattã, 5th century A. D., bewails the demise of
Vikramâditya as a recent event, whioh spelt an irreperable loss
to learning and the arts. If he intended to oompliment the
contemporary sovereign Candragupta, should we not expect him
to refer to him specifically and not by a general title, and in
a full praèasti, and not a stray oouplet? Hemacandra, the
originator of a great renaissance in early mediaeval Gujar&t,
glorified Jayasimhadeva in a series of praéastiélokas at the end of
the chapters of his Sidàha Hemacmdra. A single general allusion
would neither catisfy the patron, nor profit the protégé.
Yuan Chwang's testimony we have analysed and criticised
above. His description of a Vikramâditya will not apply to
Yaáodharman, and will need considerable straining to b»
applicable even to Candragupta II. Yuan Chwang's description
of a Vikramâditya is certainly reminiscent of a historical
personality considerably anterior to the Gupta emperors.
Rãjatarangiyi too, if closely scrutinized, will be found to
distinguish the Sakâri Vikramâditya from his historical name-
sake, 1 and imply that the Sakäri Vikramâditya flourished
earlier than the historical one2 (Vikramâditya Harfa), who
according to the interpretations discussed in the earlier chapters
might be considered as belonging to the first half of the 6th
century A. D.

' fiãjatarafiginl, ed, M», A. Stein, II 5-7 ( Vol. I, p. 17 )„

8 Ibid, III 125 ( Vol. I, p, 28 ). Compare also Al Beruni's statement that
1 the Vikramâditya from whom the era got its name i« not identical with
that one who killed the Sßkas, but only a namesake of hi#. V AlBttvuai's
fodfe, eld. Vr. Etfward 0. Öacfctw, VxA. II, p. 6,

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214 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research institute

We need not examine the later Brabtranical evidence, whieh

is not relevant for the purpose of deciding the historical anti-
quity of Vikramãditya.
The Jain evidence is indeed one of the most important planks
on which the historicity of Vikramãditya rests. 1 The Fat^ävalis»
though often confused, cannot, in the opinion of competent
authorities 8 be dismissed asa pure invention.
This survey of the early Brahraanical, Buddhistic, and Jain
evidence almost compels the conclusion that Vikramãditya was a
historical personality, and flourished in the middle of the 1st
century B. 0., inspite of the epigraphical difficulty ( which we
shall attempt to solve in the sequel ) involved in euch an assump-
tion. Several scholars have almost instinctively felt constrained
to admit the possibility of the existence of a historical Vikramã-
ditya in the 1st century B. C., though they could not bring
enough historical evidence to bear upon the problem. Thus
Bühler even before 1882 held that the Vikrama era was really
established by a king of that name in 56 B. C.* C. V. Vaidya*
and Mm. Haraprasad Sãstri5 asserted on the authority of Häla's
Saptašati that Vikramãditya did exist in the 1st century B.C.*
Sten Konow protested against the unjustifiably disdainful attitude
of scholars towards Indian tradition,7 showed how it agreed with
historical facts known from other sources,8 and affirmed that its
allusion to a éakãri Vikramãditya, who founded an era in 58 B. 0.

1 For tho purposes of the present essay, however, it has not been possible
to make full use of all this evidence. The author awaits the earliest
opportunity to investigate the bearing of all this material on the problem
under discussion.
a Sten Konow, J RAS, 1932, 955, & Corpus Insoriptionum Indioarum, Vol.
Ii, Pt. If 1929, lxxxvi ;
Franklin Edgerton, Harward Oriental Series, Vol. XXVI, 1926, lxiv;
M. Winternitz, H. S. L., II, 495.
8 F. Maxmlïller, India What it oan Teach Us? 1882, 285.
é O. V. Vaidya, • Indian Review', December, 19u9.
® Mm. Haraprasad Shastn, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XII, 1913-14, 3Z0.
8 This vi bw is also held by several reputed scholars like William Jones,
Prof. Rajvade, Prof. R. N. Apte, and others, Vide • Furuf&rtb* * ( M&rçthi )
February, 1944, p. 201.
• Sten Konow, E. I., XIV, 1918, 293 f.
* 8t*n Konow, Carpas I. i», II, Pi. I, lxxxvi.

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 Tfje Vikramůditya Problem : 21$
oould not be rejected.1 Smith2 corroborated him. He is constrained
to admit that 14 it is possible that such a Rãjã may have existed 99
at that time and place. Charpentier3 too is inclined to hold a
similar view. Edgerton too, convinced by Konow's argu-
ments, considers it possible, and even probable, that there
really existed a king of Mãlwâ named Vikramãditya, who
founded the era of 58-7 B. C.4 He aptly points out that
we do not yet know enough of the history of the period to reject
categorically the evidence of Jaina traditions.5 It is possible,
however, he admits, that the later kings who assumed the same
title, such as Candragupta II, may have been confused with the
original Vikramãditya in popular legends.6 Thus quite a number
of reputed orientalists are inclined to favour the historicity of
the traditional Vikramãditya of 58-7 B. 0.
HI

We shall now attempt to sift out the original historical nuo-

leus from the mass of later traditions, and interpret the same in
harmony with inscriptions! evidenca.
( 1 ) A close examination of the Kathüsaritsägara% which in its
original probably reaches as far back as the 1st century A. D. or
so, reveals that Vikramãditya was not a king but a member of
the Mãlava-gana, who had, for the time being when Ujjayinl
was invested by the Sakas, taken refuge in Pratistliãna in the
Deccan.7 Kathãsarit states that Vikramãditya was an incarna-
tion of Ttiï ( «ÎÇïïfWîi XVIII, i, 27 ; ita *TÓHTŤi?r Id.
33 ; *nT£rï nonWR! Id. 35 etc ). The description at once catches
our attention, for why, of all the ganas of Siva, should Vikramã-
ditya ba traced to ?
It is highly probable that m&Wl *TO is a Sanskrit resto
of it*8 and means originally * a merrber of the Mãlava
1 Sten Konow, J. R. A. S„ 1932, 9Ï5.
a Vincent Smith, Oxford History of India, 1919, 151.
4 Jarl Charpentier, Cambridge History of India, Vol. i, 192», 167 £
* F. Edgerton, H. O. S., XXVI, lxv-lxvir
6 F. Edgerton, Ibid, lxiv. 4 F. Edgerton, Ibid, lxvl.
1 Kathãsaritsãgara , Nirnayasägara, 1889, XVI II, i.
o wou^ Siye "se t0 a Patóací equivalent qrsyf ïh under the
operation of the phonetic processes mentioned in ojf ( Siddha Hema
Candra, VIII-4-306 ), 55: ( He VIII-l-308 ), ^ ( VI^I-4-323 ).

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at 6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

gaua ' When Somadeva set himself to the task of abridging ths
earlier Brhatkàthã, "the memories of the Mãlavan republic had
completely vanished, which led the Sanskrit redactor to restor#
the original general term ( = ) a3 a merecí of Siva,
with probably a story invented to explain it The imaginary
ancestry of Vikramfidity a also confirms the opinion that Soma*
deva invented it because he could not easily interpret the earlier
account, and because he possibly desired also to glorify the hero
of the labt lambaka.

( 2 ) It cannot be argued that the occurrence of nor if

an accident, „or a later interpolation of Somadeva, which was
missing in the original. There is no ground for such a doubt ;
for, at the beginning of the work 1 Gunãdhya, the writer of tie
original Brhatkoiha% is also mentioned as a Mãlyavat gana
( s Mâlavagaça ), and the translation nowhere states that the
Mfclyavat gapa of Siva was first lorn as Vikramãditya through
Siva's orders and later again as the PaisacI poet As a matter of
fact the Sanskrit redactor Somadeva has been considerably
exercised as to how to explain the word occurring in the Kathä«
pltha in the beginning, and has therefore to invent a fanciful
$tory that Mãlyavat gana interceded on behalf of Puspadaiita
gana, who was being cursed by the Goddess Gaurl, and was
himself cursed, for his friendly intercession, to descend to the
earth

flwrí «rarfgíftHTK ragé- ïï WTT m i

^ reirffif li 8
The poet, at another place, appears to have been at pains to
explain the term Mãlyavat. Siva is described as saying to
M&lyavat :

m fraisi** «nrar i

The apeeßtry of Gunãdhya, his fat

named Klrtisena, the son of Väsuki, l
substituted -in- place of the original authentic account lost or

1 Ktitkïï8arit$açQra, ì, i, 64-65. V Ibid, I, i. 56-57. 3 Ibid, Ir vii, Uh

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 The Vtkramâditya Probìm: a tf
unintelligible. 1 Gunädhya's story of how be was in the court of
a S&tav&hana king ; how he was compelled on account of a tow
to renounce the use of the three languages, Sanskrit and others,
and to resort to Paisãcl ; 8 how his Paiáãcl work Brhatkathã was
presented for patronage to Sãtavãhana, who derided it on the
ground that its language was barbarous ; 3 how Gunãdhya then
consigned a major part of the work to the fire, 4 when the king
returned to Gunãdhya, made obeisance to him and apologised,
and how at his request the last one of the seven books of one
lakh of verses each was spared from the fiery ordeal, to be read
out to him by Gunädhya's pupils 5 -the whole story reads
practically like a romance.
Historically, the above account should be reinterpreted
as follows. It appears that Gunãdhya was a celebrated popular
poet of Mãlava gana who composed the Brhatkathã in his
provincial speech Faiàãcl ' which was different from the
language ( Mägadhl in earlier and MahärästrI in later times )
of the Deccan and therefore failed to win the approval
of Sãtavãhana. Possibly Sãtavãhana was also reluctant to
patronise an outsider belonging to Mälawä, which was hostile to
Pratisthãna in immediately preceding times. Nevertheless
Brhatkathã went on to acquire great popularity and became a
celebrated classic. Sãtavãhana was in course of time inclined to
atone for his earlier indifference and invite the popular poetic
genius Gunãdhya to his court. But by this time the poet had
lost his Mss., had become broken-hearted, and was considerably
advanced in age. He, therefore, could send only his pupils to
Sãtavãhana' s court, while he passed away soon after. Though
» Ibid, I, vi, 8. 2 Ibid, I, vi, 12. 3 Ibid, I, vili, 10-15.
« Ibid, I, viii, 17-19. 3 Ibid, I, viii, 31-34.
€ The earliest specimen of FaisSc! we come across in the S&hbSzg&rhi
and Mansebra versions of Aéokan inscriptions, which, compared to the
general Prakrit MahärästrI, reveal a striking affinity to Sanskrit. The:
Girnar inscription is linguistically akin to the SShbãzgarhi version. We
conclude therefore that a dialect of PaiéSol ( or Paisäcl - Pali ) was current:
in Western and North-western India in the opening centuries of the Christian
era. The eastern Ralinga version and the southern Brahmagiri versions
show distinct dialectal and even paleographioal differences. Thus even from
the early times there must have been considerable dialeotal differences
between FaiéSo! : PSli of western India and MSgadhl : MahSrSstri of the
Deccân.
% [ Annals. B. O. R. I. J

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 ¿i8 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

the Kathasarit does not mention it, a considerable period must

have elapsed between Sâtavâhana's earlier indifference and the
later offer of patronage. It appears that at the time when Soma*
deva composed his version Paisàol was long out of use, and the
translator could not catch the proper import of the name Paiàâcï,
for he describes it as -

nwrorri Ht SF3TT ïït ^ SfT I

*r Trtg-fnrm u
tmrif wrasrmr %?TT *frc"ír SR": I
il 1

Somadeva is, naturally, at his distance of time, easily misled in

describing the Paisãcl language, and is constrained to weave an
imaginary, if ingenious, account of the Mãlyavatgana.
Thus in all probability the term Mãlyavatgana (Paiáâcl equi-
valent Molava garia ) applied in Kathasarit to both Gunädhya and
Vikramãditya signifies originally the same thing, namely, 1 a
member of the Mãlava gana ' edified later on into ' a gana of
Óiva named Mãlyavat '
This conclusion is confirmed indirectly by the Jaina tradi-
tion. For instance the Prabhavakacaritra 8, the Prabandhacinfä -
marfi of Merutuñgas, Yividhatirthikalpa of Jinaprabha,* Prabandha-
Jcoša of Rájaéekharasüri,5 all maintain a complete silence about
Vikrama's parentage, which is significant. If they knew that
Vikramãdifcya hailed from any well-known royal family they
would not have done so. Subhaslla6 mentions Gandbarvasena as
the father and a Brahman widow as the mother of Vikramãrka.
Some other Jain works, and Muslim historians like Abul Fazl 7

* Ibid, I„ v ii, 14-15,

8 Prabhavakacaritra , ed. Jinavijayaji Muni, Singhi Series, 1940, pp. 43,
49. 56, 58-60.
, * Prabandhacintdmani , tr. Durgashankar Shastri, Forbes Gujarati Sabha,
1934. po. 1-J3.
4 Vividha Tirthakalpo f ed. Jinavijayaji Muni, Sioghi Series, 1935, pp. 39,
8*-89.
* Prabandhakoka , ed. Jinavijayaji Muni, Singh i Series, 1935, pp. 16, 20,
66-68, 78-8 J.
« Subaéilagaçi, èri Vikrrma Caritram , Voi». I & II, HemacandrSclrya
Jaica Oranthamala, v. s. 1981.
1 Abui Faal, Allfimi, Ain-i-Akbari , Vol, II, tr* CoL H. S. Jarrett.
1891,21$.

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 The Vikramäditya Problem .* S19
mention that a supernatural being like Gandharba was Vikrama's
father. Thus the tradition is significanti? silent about Vikrama's
parentage or gives a vague and vwhistorioal account, which
indicates that he hailed not from any royal house but was very
probably a commoner .'
(3) Thirdly, it appears probable that Vikrama's original
name was Vikramaslla, wnioh later on expanded into Vikramä-
ditya. The name of a whole last lambaka of the Kathftsarit ,
( which is presumably a faithful translation of the Brhatkathä), is
Vifimaslla, and Vikramäditya is given there only as a fécond,
perhaps a later, appellation* It is very likely that fôwsft®
is a mislection for î%anr$fte, lor in the old Bràhml in the centu-
ries just preceding the Christian era 3» and ? are so similar* thai
they might be easily oonfused one for the other. Thus in old
Brfihml

í J" X ft a "
and

X A -
The difference between the two.forms is so slight th
scribe could easily have mislead Kr for ç, and tran
original Vikramaslla as Visamašlla. The mistake
covery because the mislection Visamaslla, accidenta
a meaning coming very close to that of the original w
élla. Even apart from the paleographical evidence s
are found by scholars of Prakrit and the old stage
Indian languages, in old Mss. in numbers.
1 Dr. V. S. Sukthankar in his lectures on •
auspices cf the Bombay University just befor
pointed out one important psychological f
oh ar ao ter« -Sukthankar pointed out that Ka
was not a temperamental quality, but a pose,
common parentage by emulating and even out
blood in charity and generosity, thus showing
superior to the princes of royal blood. Kama's
relation between his ancestry and his generos
Vikrama.
» Kathn$ariUngara% XVIII, 1.
• Vide Mm. G. H. Ojha, Indian Paleography, Plat« XV«

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áao Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

( 4 ) It stands to reason that the original Vikramašlla later on

assumed the full title Vikramãditya, even as Sherkhân Sur assum-
ed the imperial title Shershãh on ascending the imperial Mughal
throne.
The EathãsaritsSgara describes a Vikramašakti, who was a
general of Vikramãditya1 and a great conqueror whom Vikramä-
ditya respectfully refers to as a king ( nrpa ). We are naturally
inclined to consider this Vikramašakti as representing the original
Vikramašlla ( mislection, Visaniašlla), who must have been a
renowned general of the Mälava gana. Later tradition, which
found the adventurous general of a republic as not too
dignified a figure to serve as the hero of the legends,
created another and perhaps a rather shadowy figure out
of the original material and named it Vikramãditya. It is
significant this Vikramãditya has no personal conquests to
boast of. All the military achievements go to the credit of the
general Vikramašakti. Sakti and Sila are almost synonymous
so that it needs hardly any straining to assume that Vikrama-
šakti represents Vikramašlla ( misread Visamaslla ). So many
Vikramaprabandhas tell us that Vikramãditya was elected as a
king of Avanti, which was without a titulary ruler for a long
time due to the harassment of some supernatural power, that we
are inclined to assume that the great general Vikramašakti was
later on elected as a leader, or an elected ' king ' with powers
resembling those of a constitutional monarch or a republican
President, responsible to a body of the Mantrins for his actions.
On this occasion, perhaps, he assumed or was given the title
Vikramãditya.
Thus the foregoing discussion seeks to postulate that the
oldest tradition going back to the 1st century A. D. indicates
that Vikramãditya was a commoner, a member of the Mälava«
gana and subsequently its general, and his original name was
Vikramašlla, which was later on expanded into Vikramãditya,
when he was given the title rãjan ( nrpa of Kathãsarit ) by hie
.republic, in honour of his glorious victories which marked the
occasion of the institution of an era.

1 Kathnsaritsngara, XVIII, i, 69 ; 73-79.

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 The Vikramäditya Problem 12 1
IV

We must now attempt an explanation of the term Krta, which

designates the earliest records in the Vikrama era. It has been
a veritable puzzle.

Fleet attempted to explain it as representing the Kritiyas

( ' Ki-li-to ' in Chwang's records ) of Kashmir, whom Chwang
describes as cruel, low-born people, who occupied Kashmir after
the death of Kaniska. ' Raychaudhuri 8 leans to the same view.
But suoh an interpretation cannot be convincing as the Kritiyas
are, judging from Chwang's description, considerably posterior
to the institution of the Krta era, and besides, their relation with
a distant central power like Mãlwã has not been established.
The two theories of Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar - the theory which
equates Krta with ' made ', and the theory which considers Krta
as representing Krta yuga or the golden era initiated by Puçya-
mitra Suňga, and Mm. Shastri's theory that Krta id the 4-yearly
Vedic cycle, are now, as shown in earlier chapters, no longer
credited. The most recent view is that of Dr. Altekar, s which
explains Krta as the name of a leader or a king of M&lwS in the
1st century B. C. The suggestion implied in this explanation
that Krta ìb a distinct proper noun and not a mere general term
is certainly valuable. But in the detailed form that Dr. Altekar
has worked out the theory, it cannot be accepted, for Krta and
Vikramäditya have the same relative position, and if the
Vikramäditya theory is rejected because of insufficiency of
historical evidence authenticating his existence, so too should be
the Krta-theory for the identical reasoD. As in the case of
Vikramäditya, there is hardly any historical or insoriptional
evidence in favour of the existence of a king named Krta in the
given time and plaoe.

( 1 ) What then is the real meaning of the enigmatic term

Krta? The phraseology of transcriptions like WTSWTOiTKnir STSWT

1 Thomas Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. I 1904,

278-279.

8 H. C. Raychaudhuri, Political History of Anoient India, 1927, 385.

r> A. S. Altekar, E. I. XXIIÎ, 50; Sahy'ädri t October, 1943.

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àìi Annals of the Bbandarkar Oriental Research Institute

( Mandasor inscription of Erta 461 ), and 3^1$

Tífirní ( Nagari inscription of Krta 481 ), i

Erta and Mälava bave the same relative po
interpreted in a similar manner.

( 2 ) Turning to the provenance of the f

inscriptions we find that tbeir geographi
below

( i ) Bijayagadh inscription 50 miles south

( ii ) Badvä inscription 140 miles south-so
gadh.

( iii ) Nagari inscription 90 miles east of Badvä.

( iv ) Nandasâ inscription 40 miles north-north-east of Nagari.
Ab Dr. Altekar points out all the Erta inscriptions oome from
south-eastern Rajputänä, where the designation Krta Was pre-
dominantly used an& where, according to Dr. Altekar, there was
important revival of Vedio religion in this period.

( S ) ( i ) Now this ( S. E. Rajputana, where Erta designation

was most popular ) is the same region wLich in Yuan Chwang's
records is referred to as K'i-T'a and described as follows' 8 " From
Mälwä the pilgrim went north-west about 300 li3 ( or 3 day's
journey ) to the K'i-t'a country. This was above 3000 and its'
capital above 20 li in circuit. It was a rich district subject to
Mälwä to which it bore a resemblance. There were about 10
Buddhist monasteries with more than 1000 Brethren who were
adherents of both ' vehicles ', and there were numerous members
of other religions, with several tens of Deva-temples. " 4 " From
K'i-t'a 1000 li is Fo-la-pi ".s

« Cf. A. 8. Altekar, E. I. XXIII, 51.

* Waiters, Yuan Chwang, II, 245.
s =60 miles.
Cf. S. Beai, Buddhistic records of the Western world, Vol. II, 1906,
¡¿66. "This country ( Kie-Ch'a ) is 3000 li. ...The population is dense
establishments wealthy. There is no king amongst them; the country
appanage of MSlwS, and the climate, produots of the soil, and manners o
people are very similar in both oouotries. From this going north 1000
■o we come to Fa-la-pi ( Valabhi ). "
• W At tecs, Ibid, »46.

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 The Vtkramãittya Problem : 223
( li ) There is, of course, the difficulty that K'i-t'a ( of WatterY)
is restored a3 Kie-ch'a by Beai. Bat it could be pointed out in
this connection that the renowned Cinologist Takakusu notes
that Ch'a is often misprinted for t'u. 1 . Thus as the Chinese
characters ch'a and t'a are liable to be confused, and as such an
authority as Watters is inclined to transcribe the word as
K'i - t'a instead of Kie-ch'a, K'i-t'a in all probability represents
the proper transcription.
( iii ) Besides, Kie-ch'a would definitely point to Kaccha,
which does not fit into the context on account of its far greater
distance and its direct on relative to Mälwä and Valabhi. From
the Krta country the pilgrim might have mistaken the westerly
or slightly south-westerly direction of Valabhi for a northern;
perhaps he first went north and got on the highroads connecting
Binnamãla and Gujarät, and later turned to the south. But if
Kaceha is accepted at the intended meaning, then the northerly
journey of 1Ó00 li ( = 200 miles ) from Kaccha to Valabhi will be
a gross error on the part of the great Chinese savant, which is
improbable. Indeed scholars like Julien, Baal and Watters have
accepted K'i-t'a = Kaccha, but that is because the existence of a
Krta ( the exact term we shall give later on) country north-east
of Mälwä was not known to them. Some of them are aware of
the difficulty of the disparity between Chw'ang's estimate of the
distance between Mälwä and Kaccha and the actual distance
between them.
( iv) What country or people then is represented by Chwang's
K'i-t'a ? According to Watter's scheme of transcription K'i might
itacd for 1% or 1%(e. g. A-ye-mu-k'a Btands for 3PTg^, Kiao-
shang-mi stands for gfíçrraft. Mo-hi-lo-ku-lo represents ),
and t'a represents aspirated dental fT, approachiog v ( e. g. Mo-
t'u-lo stands for and Kah-pi-t'a stands for 9šTW ). Thus
K'i-t'a might roughly represent a Präkrit word like
T%?f are also possible ) or
( 4 ) Now the question arises whether this description of
Chwang is confirmed by contemporary and early history. In

1 Vide J. Takakusu, ' A Reo ord of the Buddhistic Religion at praotiied

in India and the Malay Archipelago' (671-695 A. D. ), by I-tsing, Tr.,
Çsford, 1806, p. jwxo.

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 Amais of the Bhandar kar Oriental Research Institute

other words, is there any authority for the existence of a Eatha

f or Eatha ) people in the centuries preceding the Christian
Era?
We have, fortunately, the testimony of the Greek writers to
support us. They mention Kathaians ( equated to Eathas by
Jayaswal ) as one of the most powerful ' nations ' of India. Their
capital in Alexander's time was Saňkala. . They enjoyed the
highest reputation for courage and skill in the art of war, and
shortly before their battle with Alexander they had defeated
both Foros and the king of the Abhis&ras. In their battle with
Alexander they did no!; submit even though they were tremend-
ously outnumbered.1 Their men and women married by choice.8
Beauty and strong physique in children was prized among the
Eathas, who ( like Saubhütis) tested the physique of the newly
born babies in the second month, and like the Spartans allowed
only those to grow into citizens who were physically strong/
Jayaswal thinks that the story in the Eathopanisad of Naciketas
offered to Death by his father and attaining immortality
represents an attempt of the Eatha philosophers to glorify this
practice.*. The Eathas and Madrakas were known for their
learning, as Esudrakas and Mälavas ( the latter then living on
Hydaspes, i. e. the Jhelum after its unity with the Chinab ) were
renowned for their bravery. s The Eatha recension of the
Yajurveda and the Eathopanisad owe their origin to the Eathas,
whose antiquity reaches back to the Vedic times.6 The Eathas
determined franchise by birth T and elected their ' king ' 8 in con-
tradistinction to Esudrakas and Mälavas who had no ' king '
consul, and were, therefore, required to send 100 to 150 representa-
tives to negotiate the treaty. 8 The Eathas were originally a
tribe, for Patañjali mentions and as meaning
' cf the Katha tribe ' and ' men of the Eatha country. ' 10
( 5 ) It might perhaps be urged that Eatha or E'i-t'a are nam
distinctly different from Erta. There is, however, strong eviden

1 K. P. Jay aiwal, Hindu Polity ( Vols. 1 & II combined ) 1924, Vol.

•4.
3 Ibid., Ii p. 64. s Ibid., I. p. 66. 4 Ibid., I, p. 82.
5 Ibid., 2, 138. « Ibid., 1, 188. ' Ibid., 1, 120.
» Ibid., I, 82. 9 Ibid., 1,81. w IbML, 1, 135,

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 The Vtkramûditya Problem : a f
to suggest that Krta is not an original word current in popular
speech, but a Sanskrit restoration of some Prakrit word, whioh
even in its Sanskrit garb has not been able to shake off the
Prãkrit Instrumental Plural termination in five copies of Kfta
inscriptions ( Krta inscription of 284, of 295, three copies, and of
335 ). The plurality of the inflections in whioh the word Kfta
appears, points almost certainly to its Präkritio origin. Suoh
restorations were indeed more rampant than many scholars
would tbink. For instance, Sk. bacome
fSRiíír, 1^3, and in general or MahärästrI Prakrit.
But mediaeval MägadhI will not tolerate these vulgar Prakritiza-
tions and sets about restoring them into pseudo-Sanskrit forms
like îîtost, UTO, 3T3T, and apparently imitating the
Sanskrit phonology and believing that it must have been Sanskrit
TO, and ^ which must have degenerated into Prakrit ?F«f ,
and g. It almost overdoes it when it restores a complete tatsamá
into TO? assuming that must be a vulgar mutation of the
classical ST,1 for is not Pr a vulgar deterioration of Sanskrit
Î Thus it is very likely that Kata was a Prakrit word
signifying the Katha people, the Kathaians of the Greek writers
and the K'i-ťa people of Yuan Chwang. In the early centuries of
the Christian era the Prakrit word also represented Sk fifT
( cf. ? ^šarr Ašokan Rock Edict II, Girnãr ), whioh helped
the' restoration. Thus the composer of the inscriptions ( dated in
Krta era) transformed the original word Kata (ta perhaps
aspirated ) into the respectable-looking Sanskrit Krta, though
the terminations still betrayed its real self.
Y

How, aré we, now, to correlate the terms Krta : Malava ••

V ikram a, which are found to have designated the Vikrama era
at different consecutive periods ? ,

• We are reminded here of Prof. N. B. Divátia's well-known joke in his

Wilson Philological lectures, whioh states how a half-baked Sanskrit Pandit
when asked how long sinoe he put on the Peccaci turban, answered with
gusto aft ¡ft 3TíT?5*fíjf Sfltrft ireST apparently thinking that
with a r interpolated, would look more respectable than the current word

3 I Annals, B. O. R.1» )

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iìè Annals of the Bhandarkar Orientai Research Institute

Is appears that originally, as legends like nrió^RÍ 3W , wçwr-

»raw 3Ttp appearing on Mãlwã coins on the 1st century B. G.
indio itp, a great victory was won by the Mâlavas and Krtas
(in alliance perhaps with other powers), which probably
emancira'fd them from the tyranny of a barbarous foreign
powe». Their armies were led by a great Mãlava general,
Yikramaálla, later on perhaps elected a ' king ' and given the'
title VikramSditya. This momentous event was naturally an
occasion for the initiation of an era, just as a future free India
might celebrate the anniversary of its emancipation from the
foreign yoke, which fact might later on lead to the development
of a new era. The era was known to outsiders as the era of
Mãl avagaría, for it was the Mãlavagana that led the war of
independence against the Sakas, and again it was there that the
era was generally current. In Mãlwã itself it might have been
designated by either names - Mãlava and Vikrama - one denot-
ing the republio and the other indicating the great leader
whose military genius made the victory possible.1 But according
to the practice in every republican state the name commemorating
the republic8 had naturally a greater vogue. The Krtas too, who
had offered a whole-hearted and vigorous co operation in thè
common battle of freedom, similarly celebrated their emancipa-
tion by counting an era from the date just like their brothers In
arms, the Mãlavas. It was of course identical with the Mãlava
( = Vikrama ) era. In the Krta oountry the era naturally took
the name Krta. Perhaps the neighbouring peoples christened
the era as Krta, from its general currency in that country. No
incongruity between these two .parallel designations Krta and
Mãlava struck the anoient people, as then Krtas ( or Kathas )
were^ almost iientified with the sister-tribe, . the Mãlavas.
Chwang's descript'on of the Krta as attached to the Mãlavas and
the contiguity of th3 Krta country to Mãlawã confirm this

1 An analogy may be found ia the present day Paflcaňgas, which desi-

f nate the Christian era either as fijjfr rïiffra or as i%r&fV HTÍte
8 This explains the abäence of contemporary numismatical and epigra-
phical evidence bearing on Vikrama. As Vikrama was not a king in the
usual sense h» remained unmentioned in the oontemporary inscriptions and
the Purãças« And the coins were issued only the tàslavagaça's name.

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 The Vikramãditya Problem : 2ÍJ
opinion.1 The amalgamation of both the people into a greater
Mãlwã must have commercaed sometime before Chwang and
ended sometime after him. Thus the subsequent documents refer
exclusively to the designation Mãlava era.
The numismatical evidence on Mãlava coins 5TO: etc.)
precludes the suggestion that the era was • originally founded
by the Krta, and was later on adopted by Mãlavas when they
expanded and absorbed the neighbouring Krta province.
In Mãlwã itself the memory of the great general-king Vikra*
ma must have lingered on for centuries and must also háve been
associated with the Mãlava era. We may in future come across
evidence showing a specific association of Vikrama's name with
the Mãlava era even in the opening centuries of the era. Then
gradually the^republic in Mãlwã disappeared before the rising
imperialism of the Guptas or perhaps even earlier. But even in
Gupta times Mãlawã remained a famous seat of culture, and
contributed to the general cultural renaissance of the Gupta
times. The Mãlava republic was gone, and was succeeded by a
series of celebrated emperors who held the title Vikiamãditya.
In popular mind the glory that was Vikramãditya got connected
with the splendour that was Gupta, who now ruled Mãlwã, and
the common appellation helped the process of identification. By
now the term Mãlavagana had lost its significance, the era came
to be designated as the Mãlaveáa era. Then gradually when
Mãlawã got inseparably mixed up in public memory with the
name of Vikramãditya whose seat it remained for centuries, the
Mãlaveáa era came gradually to be designated as the Vikrama
era. Later on, with the development of the Vikramãditya tradi-
tion and its perpetuation in numerous Vikrama-prabandhas,
which gave the story of Vikrama 's foundation of the era along %
with his numerous adventures, the era came to be specifically and
systematically referred to a Vikramãditya, described as its
founder. But very probably throughout the gradual process of
the evolution*of the Vikrama legends, based on the achievements
of several illustrious kings bearing that appellation, the memory

* Cf. Watters II, 245 : 14 It was a rich district subject to Mãlwã to which
it bore resemblance Also Beai II, 266 : " The oountry is an appanage of
Mãlwã and

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 ' ' 1 , i

228 An

of the
nucleu
Ví

Let us
carear
as rep
eviden
found

We fi
Kathãs
is a ju
allusion

, ( i )
Vikram
genera
ing lands :
... fàrSraì 1
frafriç: ^ l|
^ sptsNr ^rar ^ 1
T%hí: ^ ir
Tne names of the conquered kings are
rfr?: ^orrets^ i

ÏTTTT^: m-'JÍT'sñsq- fïrç

^tth: unmm sroï li2

This description is meant to apply undou

ditya in question. The question of its
discuss immediately.

(ii) At several other places in Kaihãs

Avanti bearing a closely similar name is mentioned. For
instance it describes a Vikramasimha as ruling at Avanti, 8 a

1 Kathãs arit sag ara, XVIII, i, 76-78, 8 Ibid.. XV III, iii, 3-4.
» Ibid., VI, i, 135-138,

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 The Vïkramùdïtya Problem i 2ž$
Vikramatunga reigning at Vikramapura, 1 and a Vikramasena,
equal to Indra in prowess, whose son Trivikramasena is the hero
in the Vetalapancavimèati. 2 All these kings are practically
reflections of one original figure Vikramãditya, who appears
thus in various different garbs.
(iii) There are several allusions in Kathãsaritsãgara , which
may be interpreted a9 pointing to Vikrama's authority or
suzerainty orer Pãtaliputra. For instance a king named
Vikramatunga3 is described as ruling at Pãtaliputra. He had a
mighty enemy in Narasimha, the king of Pratisthãna, who had a
powerful infantry force, and who routed Vikrama's aràay com-
pelling the latter to retire to Pãtaliputra.4 Another reference
speaks of king Vikramakesarin, ' a store-house of virtues as well
as jewels/ ruling in Pãtaliputra in old tilnes.5
( iv ) There are several indications in Kathâsaritsïïgara point-
ing to à relationship between Vikramãditya of UjjayinI and the
ruling house of Pratisthãna.

A story says how king Vikramasimha at Pratisthãna, attacked

all of a sudden by the combined foroe of his four relatives, MahS-
bhata, Vlrabãhu, Subhata and Pratãpãditya, was defeated and
compelled to retire to UjjayinI where he resided in thrhouse of a
hetaera.6 Similarly towards the close of Vetalapáñcaviméati a
famous king of Pratisthãna, Trivikramasena by name, son of
Vikramasena, who was equal to Indra in.might,7 is described asa
reincarnation ofVikramãdifcya, and created out of a portion of God
Siva himself. 8 Similarly the Vikrama tradition points at numer-
ous places to the relationship between Vikramãditya and the
Ändhra Sãtavãhana of Pratisthãna ( Sâlivôhana of legends ), and
adds that the latter had finally defeated Vikramãditya. That
there was a tradition of matrimonial alliance between the royal
houses of the Decoan and Mãlwã, is proved by the story of
Dharma in Kcithãsaritsãgara ,9 who was a ruler of a small pro*

1 Ibid., IX, iii, 182, a Ibid., XII, vili, îl-ïl.

8 Ibid., VII, i, 54-55. « Ibid., VII, iv, 3.
* Ibid., XII, X, 5. 6 Ibid., X, ii, 2-15,
» Ibid,, XII, viii, 21. ö Ibid., XII, xii, 33-34.
e Ibid,, XII, xxxi* 5-6.

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%^o Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

vince in the Deccan and married a wife named Candrãvatl who

hailed from a high family in Mälwä.
The account of Vikramäditya's conquests, read in conjunc-
tion with the above references, would favour the following
conclusions :

Vikramäditya after his memorable defeat of the Sakas became

the avowed lord of Mälwä, Central India, Surästra, Lata and
Gauda upto Pätaliputra1 . His marriage with Kaliiigasenã shows
that he had an alliance or sway over Kaluga too.2 The Äbhira
king of Sindha, the reigning sovereign of Kâshmîra, and the
aboriginal chief of the V indhy a are to be construed probably as
merely his allies5 , the former two valuing the friendship of the
renowned Řakari for the protection of their dominions which
bordered on the Scythian settlements. The Kaihàsarìtmgara des-
cribes him as a conqueror of the Daksinãpatha, but this descrip-
tion should be tempered by its references to Vikramäditya's hosti-
lity with the rulers of Pratisthäna, who are described as having
the better of him every time, We can only conclude, therefore,
that there was some, perhaps matrimonial, alliance between
Vikramäditya and the ruling house of Pratisthãna, which was
later on interpreted by the tradition as his conquest of the
Daksinãpatha, on the analogy of other conquered princes, who
gave tjieir daughters to the victor. The references in ( i v ) do
hint at such a state of affairs. But the alliance did not prevent
the rising power of the ájidhra Sätavähanas from attacking and
subjugating Mälwä which by its central position effectively
protected the upper Indian states and thus stood as a rock
against the surging flood of their ambition to be the suzerains-"
Cakravartins of Äryävarta, Finally of course Vikramäditya could
not effectively hold on and succumbed în a last onslaught which
ended bis career.
To sum up, Vikramäditya may be considered to have been
the avowed master of Aparänta, Mälwä, Madbyadeáa, Añga, and
Vanga, and probably Kaliňga, and had compelled the frontier

1 . It is not very material for the survey of VikramSditya's political career,

whether we consider him as a Mälava. Senapati or an actual sovereign, as
neither of the positions will materially affect our conclusions.
* JCatKüsarilsagara , XVIII, v, 32. S Ibid., XVIII, i, 77.

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 The Vikramiditya Problem : 231
chiefs of Sindha and Kãshmlr to the position of allies. Through-
out his career he was engaged in a contest of power with the
Ändhra house of Pratisthäna, in which ultimately he lost, and
the Ändhra power emerged successful.
VII
Let us now see if this reconstruction of Vikramäditya's
political career in any way conflicts with the known facts of
contemporary history. We know from history that the Sunga
line ended with Devabhuti Sunga, 73 B. 0., who was killed by
his minister Kãnva Vãsudeva.1 Väsudeva Kãnva founded a line
which continuedrupto 28 B, C., when the last Kãnva was killed
ina battle by an Ãndhra Sãtavãhana king.2 Smith observes
that the dynasty occupies a comparatively short period of
45 years, and its history is shrouded in mystery, probably
because the times were disturbed.2 The Sãtavãhana who over-
powered the last Kãnva liad dominions stretching across the
whole tableland of the Decoan from sea to sea. Smith considers
that Pãtaliputra was then taken over by the Ändhras, though no
Ändhra coins or monuments are yet forthcoming from that
area. 2
Now again there is a blank in history. After some time, dur-
ing the opening years of the Christian era, 0. 1-10 A. D., we find
Satrapa Bhümaka Kshaharãta, connected with the Saka line,
ruling over Western India, probably as a governor of one or the
other of the Indo-Partian kings. 3 Of his successors we know
only of Ksatrapa Nahapãna, A. D. 40-80. 4 Later, the whole
dynasty was exterminated by Ändhra Gautamlputra Sãtakarni,
119 Â. D., who is known to have restruck the Ksatrapa coins.
Gautamlputra was the master of the whole country watered by
the Godãvarí, Berar, Mãlwã, Surãstra, and Aparãnta (modern
Gujarat and north Konkan ). He restored the glory of the
Sãtavãhana race and proved to be a champion of the Hindu
religion. 5
VIII

This historical survey brings out certain significant indica-

tions.

1 Vincent Smith, Early History of India, 1924, 215.

2 Ibid,, 216. 2 Ibid,, 220, * Ibid.; 232. « Ibid., 221,

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 2$2 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Firstly, the fact that Kãnva rule was comparatively short

( 73-28 B. C ) and avowedly feeble is, as we shall presently
explain, rather significant. Secondly, we must account for the
failure of the Ãndhras, who were a strong power ever since
Pusyamitra's time, to conquer Magadha at the close of the Sunga
power or immediataly after it though the feeble Kãnva rulers
were no match for them. We cannot say that the Ändhra power
was then complacent or indifferent to ambitious expansion, for
their eager conquest of Pâtaliputra in 28 B. C. precludes such an
assumption. Evidently it appears that there was some strong
power during the intervening period ( 73-28 B. 0,), which had to
be first subjugated in order that an access to northern India
might be possible, and that the power was strong enough to resist
and arrest the Ãndhra march for the time being.

Thirdly, we find that the Sakas in Surãstra and Gujarat, who

were routed in 58 B. C., are able to make an appearance once
again only after about half a century, and then too under a pro-
tecting suzerain power.

We submit that all these indications point to the rise of a

strong Mãlava State in Central India which stemmed on the one
hand the onrush of the rising Ãndhra power and acted as a
buffer between it and the weaker northern states, and on the
other hand vigilantly checked every movement of the recuperat-
ing Šakas. The several allusions in Kathãsarit. to a personality
resembling Vikrämaditya in both name and character ruling at
Pâtaliputra, always threatened by the Ändhra power at Prati-
sthäna indicates that the ruler of Pâtaliputra had been an eager
vassal king of Vikramäditya, and perhaps governed his province
in the latter's name almost as a governor appointed by the suze-
rain. The Mãlava power was rising and was yet heaving from a
recent fierce contest with the barbarian Sakas. It could not with-
stand the tide of Ändhra Sãtavãhana power and finally succumbed
in about 28 B. C., when Vikramäditya fell in a battle with Sãta-
vãhana (Sälivähana of the legends), the Ändhras subjugated Mãlwã
and proceeded further northwards and easily conquered the Kãnva
kingdom. But Mãlwã and the northern provinces could not be

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 The Vikramãditya Problem : 233
retained by the Ãndhras.1 ït appears that as the tide of military
Ändhran march proceeded backwards to its native province, the
Sakas reasserted and reoccupied Aparänta and Mälwä, for we find
them occupying these territories soon after under Bhümaka
and Nahapãna.
Thus the existence of a powerful ruler - may be a general-
king, or may be a sovereign in the usual sense - in Mälwä
( whom we conjecturally identify with the Vikramãditya of the
tradition ) in the middle of the 1st century B. C. holding under
his effective suzerainty a substantial portion of northern India,
is authenticated and confirmed by accepted contemporary history.
IX

Let us now give a brief character sketch of Vikramãditya.

Vikrama hailed from an humble family, whose ancestry has
not been mentioned, and rose to the position of a chief or leader
of the Mãlava State Bheerly through his adventurous spirit.2 His
dashing, reckless, adventurous spirit caught the public imagina-
tion and earned him the epithet ctçctjf. He somehow came
across an invaluable treasure* which enabled him to extend un-
precedented patronage to learning and arts and redeem the
indebtedness of a poverty-stricken populace.4 His phenomenal
generosity has been repeatedly emphasised and held up as a
superb ideal in the traditions. His readiness to strive to the
utmost, even at the risk of his life, to relieve the misery of the
humblest of his subjects, without distinction of oaste or creed,
was his characteristic trait, which endeared him greatly to the
people and made his name a household word. He was thus
literally a king of the people, justifying Kälidäsa's description
THFTi sreftresrarat. Similarly his practice of going out at night
incognito to discover the grievances of his people was indeed a
1 This may have been perhaps due to the rising power of the Indo-
Parthians kings in the Punjab and north-western India. The KushSças
about a century later were the avowed masters of the whole of northern
India.
9 His dashing adventurousness has been recorded in the ÇFrqtff**?19 *n
various Vikramaprabandhas and - oaritas.
8 Vide ia Merutunga & other Vikraraaoaritas,
4 Cf. the prabandhas on f
4 [ Annals, B. O. B. I. ]

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234 Annals oj the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

novel institution unknown to Kautilyan polity,1 and caught the

fancy of the people. He restored to UjjayinI its former glory
and made it a famous seat of learning and culture. He was indeed
the king of the masses, whose life was one supreme dedication
to the service of the suffering humanity. To his people he was
verily a rear, the actual parents being merely He was,
naturally, deified by a grateful people.
X

Vikramäditya was almost an institution by himself and his

contribution to Indian culture was many-sided and immensely
valuable. In the centuries preceding, Brahmanism had lost royal
patronage, and with it the progress of the arts, sciences and
literature was completely arrested. This was not indeed due to
any persecution, Buddhistic or other, but to a combination of
circumstances. The over-ritualistic Brahmanism received a
set-back in the rise of Buddhism and went 011 losing ground
gradually in the succeeding centuries when Buddhism was the
predominant creed patronised by royalty. Then came foreign
invasions, and with them confusion and chaos. Until settled
conditions prevailed once again there was no hope of the resump-
tion of all cultural activities. Vikramäditya destroyed the myth
of Saka invincibility, which had carried everything before it so
far, routed the barbarous foreign invaders and inflicted such
crushing defeat on them that it took them more than two genera-
tions to recover from its effects, and thus brought peace and pro-
spexity to India if only for a brief space. His military achieve-
ments once again created an atmosphere which, both on account
of the peaceful conditions and the active imperial patronage, was
favourable to the progress of civilisation. Vikramaditya's
patronage to learning and the arts resulted in and pro-
moted a Brahraanical renaissance. Both Sir R. G. Bhandarkar
and Dr. A. B. Keith have been constrained to admit the
existence of a Brahmanical renaissance about the beginning
of the Christian era. The torch of learning once lighted
was never again extinguished for about a millennium and

' Vide Kautilya's ArthasSstra - 1, 18, 16 ( the chapter on ?fõTSTÍ*rfô ).

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 The Vikratnâditya Probhnt : 235
more. Vikramâditya's example inspired a number of his
illustrious successors in the several succeeding centuries to
consider it a royal privilege to encourage learning and culture,
and Sanskrit literature rose to an eminence hardly ever
witnessed in the history of any literature of the world.
Another of Vikramäditya's supreme contributions to Indian
culture is that he embodied in himself an ideal of a king which
every successive monarch was tempted to copy. Thus we find a
Sãtavãhana patronising men of letters, a Candragupta
appropriating Vikramäditya's name as a proud biruda , and
emulating Vikramäditya's generosity and adventurous spirit.
In later times we find celebrated kings like Muñja and Bhoja of
Dhärä and Jayasimha and Kumãrapãla of Gujarat consciously
holding Vikramãditya as their model. Muñja's patronage of
learning became proverbial.1 Bhojaprabandhas tell us that
Bhoja had celebrated literary gems in his court just like Vikramã-
ditya, was celebrated as a donor (?Rt) and kept Vikrama's
* vahl 9 ( account-book ) in his treasury to see how his charities
compared with the munificence of his illustrious predecessor.
Famous legends, like those which have gathered around Vikrama's
name, grew up round the name of Jayasimhadeva Solanki of
Gujarat,2 indicating that the latter imitated the character of the
Vikramãditya of the legends. A Jaina prabandha tells us in a
pseudo-prophetic vein that Kumãrapãla Solanki would resemble
Vikramãditya. Thus Vikramãditya supplied an ideal which
inspired and guided every succeeding monarch in promoting the
material and cultural welfare of the people.
Vikramaditya's highest service to the cause of suffering
humanity was his emphasis on the king's complete responsibility
for the condition of his people, and his prime duty of promoting
the spiritual and temporal welfare of his subjects. And this was
not to be left to the . tender mercies of the officers of the state.
The king himself was to go round and keep a ceaseless vigil over
the affairs of the state, redress the wrongs and relieve the

1 Cf. the celebrated saying xf?r gsr I

2 Cf. the story of Vìravara in Kathãsarit ( Xll-xi ), and that of Jagad
Paramara in Siddharãja-prabandhas. Similarly Vikrama's subjugation of
Agnivetãla is reminiscent in Jayasimha's conquest of Barbaraka.

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2$6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Resèarch Institute

distress of the suffering, wherever and whenever found, without

any distinctions of caste or creed. Thus Vikramãditya by his
example turned the institution of despotic monarchy into a
trusteeship of the people. This new orientation of kingly duties
appealed to many of the succeeding monarchs - Candragupta II,
Harsa, Bhoja, Jayasirhha and others. Perhaps the ambition to
win an immortal name like Vikramäditya's was the impelling
motive in this emulation. But the fact remains that from the
1st century B. C. till the advent of the Muslims every illustrious
sovereign sought to emulate Vikramãditya by patronising
learning and culture, promoting welfare of the people, and
relieving the miseries of the suffering. If they wanted to be
considered worthy of a comparison with Vikramãditya, they
could not well afford to lose themselves in the enjoyment of
riches and power but must always persevere in their kingly
duties, as exemplified by Vikramãditya. Such was the influence
of Vikramãditya on the life of ancient Hindu India embracing
all its many-sided aspects, political, social, cultural.
Vikramãditya has been thus completely woven into the fabric
of Indian culture. He is the luminous figure shining out of the
dim forgotten past, evoking memories of a glory that was ' Ind V
rising as a loadstar to guide the destinies of India for cen-
turies. With us today he is an impelling conception, a living
faith, strong, unbending before the insolent might of the fo-
reigners, inspired by a rich cultural heritage resting always on
Dharma. He is today " our Pillar of Fire, leading us from the
bondage to the land of Promise.0 2

1 Sri K. M. Munsbi's note on the Bi-millennial Anniversary of Vikramã-

ditya, The Social Welfare. 9-4-1943.
8 Srí K. M. Munshi, ' Vikramaditya, Our Pillar of Fire', The Social
Welfare, 10-12-1943.

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