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Amsterdam University College

Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts & Sciences


Capstone Issue Vol. 16 2021

Published by
AUC Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts & Sciences
Capstone Issue Vol. 16 2021, published by InPrint

The Amsterdam University College (AUC) Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts and Sciences is a biannual, interdisci-
plinary publication showcasing outstanding undergraduate academic papers. The Journal aims to demonstrate the strength
of undergraduate scholarship at AUC, to reflect the intellectual diversity of its academic programme, to encourage best
research and writing practices, to facilitate collaboration between students and faculty across the curriculum, and to provide
students with opportunities to gain experience in academic reviewing, editing and publishing. The Editorial of the Journal
is composed of members of the InPrint board, a registered AUCSA committee.

Editorial Board (InPrint)

Aditi Rai Sia | Editor-in-Chief & Chair


Aada Kallio | Head Editor Sciences
Céline Paré | Head Editor Social Sciences
Casey Ansara | Head Editor Humanities
Lola Collingbourne | Editor Humanities, Secretary & Treasurer
Eleonora Hartzuiker | Editor Social Sciences & Head of PR
Sarah Martinson | Editor Sciences
Ava Frohna | Editor Sciences
Miriam Crane | Editor Social Sciences
Grayson Nanda | Editor Humanities

Formatting

Sarah Martinson | Head of Formatting


Aditi Rai Sia
Aada Kallio
Céline Paré
Casey Ansara
Lola Collingbourne
Eleonora Hartzuiker
Ava Frohna
Miriam Crane
Grayson Nanda

Photographers (RAW)

Daria Roman
Iacob Postavaru
Richard Essink
Stef Deuring

i
Copyright: All texts are published in this journal edition with the full consent of their authors. Every effort has been made to contact the rightful
owners of all content with regards to copyrights and permissions. We apologise for any inadvertent errors or omissions. If you wish to use any
content please contact the copyright holder directly. For any queries regarding copyright please contact inprint@aucsa.nl.
Foreword

It is my great pleasure and privilege to introduce the 16th


volume of Amsterdam University Colleges’s (AUC) Under-
graduate Journal of Liberal Arts and Sciences.

The articles in this Issue are selected from AUC students’


Capstone thesis - the final independent research undertaken
by the undergraduate students. With three distinct depart-
ments: Sciences, Social Sciences, and Humanities, the Issue
presents two of the most remarkable Capstones from each
department. This Issue begins with Gesa Mueller’s detailed
primary research into the diel variation of macroinvertebrate
assemblages in the coasts of Greece. Following that, Karla
M. Rojas’s compelling discussion of the recently-discovered
galaxy NGC1052–DF2, and its implications in re-sparking the
modified gravity debate. Then, Carolina Resigotti’s illumi-
nating thesis on the role of Rwandan youth in the diffusion of
reconciliation norms. Next, Salomé Petit-Siemen’s fascinat-
ing exploration into the socio-political implications of algo-
rithmic power in social media. Following this, Lisa Philippo’s
ingenious paper that deconstructs the gentrification of on-
line sexuality through analyzing OnlyFans. And finally, Miglė
Ger aitė’s intricate case of counter-monumentality in Soviet
Lithuania. While the research focus runs the gamut, all these
papers are all tied together by their depth of critical analysis
and innovation of thought.

The Issue would not be possible without the efforts of all


the editors, who rigorously collaborate with the authors to
continually raise the bar of excellence in the Issue. Special
thanks go to the Head Editors of each department, Aada
Kallio, Céline Paré, and Casey Ansara for their meticulous
and tireless contributions. I would also like to express heart-
felt thanks to the authors for their continued engagement
and revision of their research. Finally, I would like to thank
the continual support of all the AUC staff, specifically Wade
Geary the Capstone Coordinator, and the Academic Writing
Skills and Advanced Research Writing teams, whose support
we are grateful for.

I am humbled by the level of academic excellence in this


Issue. It is my sincere hope that you, the reader, will come
away from this Issue inspired by the thought-provoking anal-
ysis presented by each of the theses, and perhaps feel inclined
to contribute to our next Issue!

Aditi Rai Sia, Editor-in-Chief

ii
A note from the photographers Dissolution of Victory by Daria Roman and Richard
Essink for Miglė Ger aitė’s Remembering Soviet Lithuania
in Grūtas Park. Under Soviet rule, Soviet realist sculptures
InPrint has a long-standing collaboration with RAW to
served to underline the clear superiority of the communist
take cover photographs for each paper. The abstracts of all
political system. Now, in the post-communist era, guided
six papers published in this issue were sent to the photog-
by sites of remembrance and reevaluation, like Grüntas Park,
raphers as inspiration for their photographs. The captions
these statues lose that clarity. It dissolves into a more nu-
below give a short explanation of the artists’ thought process
anced evaluation of their meaning. This is mirrored in the
and interpretation of their work.
visual dissolution of the victory statue.
Diel Fade by Stef Deuring for Gesa Mueller’s A quan-
titative analysis of diel variation in macroinvertebrate assem-
blages in the coastal waters of Lipsi island, Greece. In order
to visually represent the night and day cycle, the picture fades
from the dark blue of murky nocturnal waters to the bright-
ness of full daylight. The macroinvertebrates loom larger
than they are in real life, trying to visualise their often un-
derestimated importance for the marine environment.

Homemade Galactic Development by Iacob


Postavaru for Karla M. Rojas’s NGC 1052–DF2: The
galaxy re-sparking the modified gravity debate. This diffuse
galaxy lacks more than half of its expected dark matter. This
means that the galaxy would not have formed through the
traditional hierarchical process of galaxy formation. How-
ever, this is very different from NGC1052–DF2’s case since
its dynamics can be explained without studying outer space
but instead with the fluid mechanics of oil and water.

Beyond Here by Richard Essink for Carolina Resig-


otti’s Young Entrepreneurs of Reconciliation. The burned
out husk of a tree represents the collective trauma of the
Rwandan Genocide. Candles burn in mourning vigil and col-
lective reappraisal of this tragic event. Finally, leaving the
desolateness of this tragedy behind, the young entrepreneur
climbs upwards, towards hope.

Erased by Richard Essink for Salomé Petit-Siemens’s


Social Media Platforms and a New Regime of (In)visibility.
Blurred, stuck between this reality and their digital presence,
the figure in the picture loses their identity. Unidentifiable,
maligned, he is supposed to represent the potential of social
media to effectively erase the voices of suppressed communi-
ties.

Moulin Rouge by Daria Roman for Lisa Philippo’s


Digital Whores Doing Pay-Per-View Chores. Elements that
are commonly associated with sex workers, seduction, and
aestheticism are combined. In order to achieve a mysterious,
seductive aesthetic, decisions about the lighting, exposure,
and composition were made. I incorporated a deep red light,
minimized the exposure, and decided to only focus on a part
of the leg being touched by the hand in a sensual manner
instead of photographing someone and including a face. I be-
lieve this helped achieve a picture that is more about beauty
and aestheticism rather than promoting the same ideas and
image that people usually associate with sex workers.

iii
Contents
Sciences
A quantitative analysis of diel variation in macroinvertebrate assemblages in the coastal waters of Lipsi island, Greece:
The importance of day and night data for marine invertebrate biodiversity assessments
– Gesa Carolin Mueller (pp. 1-29)

Sciences
NGC 1052–DF2: The galaxy re-sparking the modified gravity debate:
A systematic literature review of the ultra-diffuse galaxy, NGC 1052–DF2, and its significance for the cold dark matter
(CDM) and modified Newtonian dynamics (MOND) paradigms
– Karla M. Rojas (pp. 30-45)

Social Sciences
Young Entrepreneurs of Reconciliation:
The Role of Rwandan Youth in the Diffusion of Reconciliation Norms
– Carolina Resigotti (pp. 46-68)

Social Sciences
Social Media Platforms and a New Regime of (In)visibility:
Exploring the Socio-political Implications of Algorithmic Power
– Salomé Petit-Siemens (pp. 69-95)

Humanities
Digital Whores Doing Pay-Per-View Chores:
Deconstructing the Gentrification of Online Sexuality Through an Analysis of OnlyFans
– Lisa Philippo (pp. 96-116)

Humanities
Remembering Soviet Lithuania in Grūtas Park:
A Case for Counter-monumentality
– Miglė Ger aitė (pp. 117-136)

iv
Sciences

A Quantitative Analysis of Diel Variation in Macroinvertebrate


Assemblages in the Coastal Waters of Lipsi Island, Greece
The Importance of Day and Night Data for Marine Invertebrate Biodiversity Assessments

Gesa Carolin Mueller

Supervisor
Dr. Alison Gilbert (AUC)
Reader
Dr. Michiel van Drunen (AUC)

Photographer: Stef Deuring


Abstract

Marine macroinvertebrates make up over 95% of all marine animal species, occupying important ecological niches in
coastal marine ecosystems and forming the basis for a majority of ecosystem services. However, most macroinvertebrate
species are ‘out of sight, out of mind’ and largely underrepresented in science, policy, and conservation. This is of
particular concern for nocturnally active species and raises the question of whether biodiversity and status assessments
underestimate species richness and abundance by neglecting diel variation in activity patterns. Therefore, this study
aims to contribute to the macroinvertebrate baseline inventory in an ecologically important yet understudied region and
to investigate diel variation by (1) reporting all mobile and sessile species, and (2) quantifying differences in recorded
species richness and abundance between day and night. Primary data were collected in the coastal waters around Lipsi
island, Greece, during winter and early spring (February to April 2021) using underwater visual census. A total of 94
macroinvertebrate species from eight phyla were recorded, with an increase in species richness of 30.14% during night
surveys compared to day surveys. Diel variation in visible macroinvertebrate assemblages was confirmed by the statistical
analysis, which revealed that mobile species were more than twice as abundant during the night. Lastly, a number of
the recorded species were selected to review and illustrate their ecological importance, ecosystem services provided, and
implications for policy and conservation. The findings of this study emphasize the need to conduct both day and night
surveys to account for nocturnally active species and increase representation in status assessments and conservation
efforts.
Keywords: Marine macroinvertebrates, biodiversity, diel variation, Mediterranean Sea

Suggested citation: Mueller, G. (2021). A quantitative analysis of diel variation in macroinvertebrate assemblages in
the coastal waters of Lipsi island, Greece: The importance of day and night data for marine invertebrate biodiversity
assessments. AUC Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts and Sciences, 16 (1), 1-29.

2
Contents

1 Introduction 6

2 Research Context 6

2.1 Marine macroinvertebrates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6

2.1.1 Ecosystem functions and services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

2.2 Diel variation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

2.2.1 Circadian rhythms in the animal kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

2.2.2 Time as an ecological niche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

2.3 Status assessment and policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

2.4 Mediterranean Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

2.4.1 The Aegean Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

3 Methodology 10

3.1 Survey sites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

3.2 Data collection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

3.3 Data analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

3.3.1 Biodiversity estimation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

3.3.2 Diel variation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

4 Results 12

4.1 Species richness and diversity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

4.2 Diel variation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

5 Discussion 13

5.1 Marine macroinvertebrates diversity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

5.2 Diel variation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

5.2.1 Beyond biodiversity – relevance of selected species . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

5.2.2 Ecological functions and ecosystem services . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

5.2.3 Time as an ecological niche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

5.2.4 Status assessment and policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

6 Conclusions 16

6.1 Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

6.2 Future research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

3
List of Figures and Tables

Ecosystem services provided by marine invertebrates. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Description of the four survey sites around Lipsi island. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

Wilcoxon Rank Sum output performed for each species on the aggregated dataset (mobile species only). . . . . . . 8

Day and night comparison of the Shannon Diversity Index for mobile species using the Hutcheson t-test. . . . . . . 9

Protected and non-indigenous or invasive species recorded during day and night surveys around Lipsi island. . . . . . 10

Graph visualizing the simplified concept of endogenous circadian clocks. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

Comparison of day and night reef assemblages around the Easter Islands, supporting the hypothesis of temporal
partitioning. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

IUCN Red List assessment of marine invertebrates. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

Map visualizing the geographic boundaries of the Aegean Sea, Greece. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Lipsi island, in the Eastern Aegean Sea, Greece, and the location of the four survey sites. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Location of the 50 m transect lines at each survey site. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Mean abundance (count) of each phylum across all surveys. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

Representation of locomotor activity and species richness across all surveys. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

Boxplot visualizing the aggregated mean data of all mobile species observed. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

Bar chart visualizing the average number of mobile individuals observed during a day and night survey. . . . . . . . 13

Shannon Diversity Index H comparing day and night for mobile species. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

Abbreviations

CBD Convention on Biological Diversity


CoE Council of Europe
DD Data Deficient
EC European Commission
EEA European Environment Agency
EU European Union
GES Good Environmental Status
IPBES Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity
IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources
MA Millennium Ecosystem Assessment
MAA Mycosporine-like Amino Acids
MEGR Greek Ministry of the Environment, Energy and Climate Change
MPA Marine Protected Area
MSFD Marine Strategy Framework Directive
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
SAC Special Areas of Conservation (designated by the EU Habitat Directive)
UN United Nations
UVC Underwater Visual Census

4
Definitions

Biodiversity or biological diversity is defined as “the variability among living organisms from all sources [. . . ]” by the UN
Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD 1992, p. 3). In this study, biodiversity is assessed in terms of species richness,
Shannon diversity, and evenness of macroinvertebrates (Wilsey and Potvin 2000).

Biogenic habitats are habitats formed by benthic organisms adding to the structural complexity of an ecosystem (Dunham
et al. 2018).

Diel variation refers to changes in environmental factors (e.g., light, temperature) and activity patterns of organisms within
a 24-hour period. For the purpose of this study, the term describes changes in the observed presence of a species between
day and night surveys.

Ecological niche refers to a set of environmental conditions under which a species can exist indefinitely (Hutchinson 1957).

Ecosystem engineers are species that modify or maintain habitats and modulate the availability of biotic and abiotic materials
to other species, either directly or indirectly (Jones et al. 1994).

Ecosystem functions refer to the biological properties and processes of an ecosystem (Costanza et al. 1997).

Ecosystem services are services for humans provided by biological diversity (provisioning, regulating, cultural, and support-
ing). These services emphasize that “biodiversity and human well-being are inextricably linked” (MA 2005, p. iii).

Flagship species are referred to as charismatic species that may serve as an ambassador or symbol for conservation campaigns
to stimulate action (Heywood 1995).

Good environmental status refers to Article 3(5) of the MSFD and describes a productive, healthy, and diverse environmental
status of oceans and seas, which requires the sustainable use of marine waters. The GES is evaluated based on eleven
qualitative descriptors (EU 2008).

Macroinvertebrates are (predominantly) bottom-dwelling animals without a backbone visible to the naked eye (Brusca and
Brusca 2003).

Non-indigenous species are defined as species introduced into habitats outside of their native range (MEECC 2014).

Oligotrophic describes an environment that is characterized by low nutrient levels (Ignatiades 1998).

Primary production forms the base of marine food webs and can be defined as the conversion of inorganic matter into new
organic matter by primary producers (autotrophs) through the process of photosynthesis or chemosynthesis (Webb 2019).

Secondary production refers to the formation of biomass by consumers (heterotrophs), driven by the transfer of energy in
the form of organic materials between trophic levels (Benke and Huryn 2006).

Sublittoral zone refers to the marine area below the intertidal zone, extending to a depth of 200 m. The sublittoral zone is
permanently covered by seawater but sunlight still reaches the sea bed (Lincoln Smith 1988).

Protected areas are geographically defined areas that are regulated and managed for specific conservation strategies and
aims (CBD 1992).

5
“The truth is that we need invertebrates but they the following research objectives:
don’t need us. If human beings were to disap-
pear tomorrow, the world would go on with little
1. Assess macroinvertebrate diversity1 and species rich-
change. [. . . ] But if invertebrates were to disap-
ness around Lipsi island and contribute to the baseline
pear, I doubt that the human species could last
inventory of an understudied yet ecologically important
more than a few months. Most of the fishes,
region.
amphibians, birds, and mammals would crash to
extinction about the same time. [. . . ]" 2. Quantitatively investigate diel variation in mobile
— Wilson 1987, p. 345 macroinvertebrate species richness and abundance us-
ing statistical analysis and address the question of
whether diurnal sampling efforts are sufficient for status
1 Introduction assessment, conservation, and monitoring programs.

3. Qualitatively assess the implications of reported biodi-


Invertebrates inhabiting the marine biome were among versity and diel variation with respect to species’ eco-
the first metazoan life on Earth, dating back to the Ediacaran logical importance, their provision of ecosystem ser-
period 635 million years ago. Molecular fossils suggest that vices, and implications for policy and conservation.
these early animals were sponges (Gold et al. 2016), and by
the end of the Ediacaran period, invertebrates of the mod- It is hypothesized that species richness and abundance are
ern phyla Porifera, Cnidaria, and Mollusca were already well underestimated when neglecting nocturnally active species.
established in the oceans (Brusca et al. 2016). During the While spatial, seasonal, and lunar variation may also influence
Cambrian explosion, roughly 539 million years ago, inver- activity patterns of invertebrates, this study focuses on diel
tebrates continued to evolve into a highly diverse group of variation; the examination of other environmental factors is
animals, still constituting the only multicellular life in the beyond the scope of this study.
sea (Brusca et al. 2016). The vast diversity of inverte-
brate species was already documented by the Greek philoso- The present study can be divided into four main sections
pher and scientist Aristotle based on his observations in the following this introduction. The first section contextualizes
Aegean Sea over 25 centuries ago (Voultsiadou and Vafidis the research by reviewing the existing literature on marine in-
2007; Voultsiadou et al. 2010). Today, marine invertebrates vertebrates, biodiversity assessments, and associated policies
account for over 95% of all marine animal species (Collen with a focus on the Mediterranean and Aegean Seas. Section
et al. 2012). They are fundamentally important for marine two details the study area, the survey methodology employed
ecosystems, supporting biodiversity and key ecological func- to collect in situ primary data, and the data analysis per-
tions. formed. Section three outlines the findings of the study, first
in an empirical manner (i.e., species and phyla observed),
Humans rely on the regulating and provisioning services and then quantitatively by calculating biodiversity and ap-
of marine invertebrates, often unknowingly (Prather et al. plying statistical analyses. The fourth section addresses each
2013). ‘Out of sight, out of mind’ may be one of the greatest research objective and situates findings in the context of ecol-
threats to this diverse group of species, hindering conserva- ogy and conservation. The final section summarizes the re-
tion and monitoring efforts (Collier et al. 2016; Eisenhauer et sults of the study, reflects on the research limitations, and
al. 2019). There is a general lack of awareness and knowledge considers further needs for research.
of the importance and ecological role of marine invertebrates
in comparison to the charismatic megafauna (Collier et al.
2016). This is of particular concern for the wide range of
nocturnally active species that remain concealed during the
2 Research Context
day as they are rarely seen by the public and missing from
many scientific reports. Species are threatened by habitat 2.1 Marine macroinvertebrates
loss and fragmentation (Coll et al. 2010), overexploitation
(Tsikliras et al. 2013), and ocean acidification (IPCC 2019),
The term ‘invertebrate’ refers to those species in the
yet their representation in status assessments, policy plans,
kingdom Animalia that lack a vertebral column (Brusca et
and conservation strategies is insufficient (Collen et al. 2012;
al. 2016). Their size ranges from Loriciferans, as small as
IUCN 2021).
0.085 mm, to the giant squid (Architeuthis dux), reaching
The present study aims to investigate biodiversity and a size of 18 m (Brusca et al. 2016). ‘Macroinvertebrates’
patterns of diel variation in marine macroinvertebrate assem- describe species visible to the naked eye and are the focus
blages around Lipsi island, Greece, during winter and early of the present study. Marine macroinvertebrates (hereafter
spring (February to April). Primary data on the day and night ‘macroinvertebrates’) can be categorized by their location in
species richness and abundance of macroinvertebrates were 1 Diversity, in this study, refers to alpha diversity, i.e., the diversity

collected using underwater visual census surveys to address within a particular habitat or sample (Whittaker 1972).

6
the water column: Benthic organisms live on the sea bot- and Cnidaria since the 1990s. Oysters, shrimp, squid, and
tom and can be further distinguished into sessile (attached other species are commercially fished and consumed, provid-
to the substratum; e.g., barnacles), sedentary (unattached ing food and income for many countries (Collen et al. 2012).
but largely inactive; e.g., crinoids), and errant (active; e.g., In 2018, Greek fisheries produced seafood (fish, molluscs,
crabs) species, depending on their locomotor capabilities (Br- crustaceans) with a value of USD 158.8 million, creating em-
usca et al. 2016). Pelagic organisms inhabit the water col- ployment for approximately 20.000 people (OECD 2021).
umn, either drifting with the water movement (e.g., jellyfish)
or actively swimming (e.g., octopus and squid). For the pur-
pose of this study, pelagic and sedentary or errant benthic
species will be referred to as ‘mobile invertebrates.’ Species
that are attached to the substratum will be referred to as
‘sessile invertebrates.’

2.1.1 Ecosystem functions and services

Marine invertebrates are fundamentally important to eco-


logical processes and ecosystem services (Prather et al.
2013). As a highly diverse group of organisms, invertebrates
occupy a correspondingly wide range of niches, thus facili-
tating the coexistence of many specialized species (Wilson
1987). Additionally, numerous species are considered ecosys-
tem engineers, providing complex habitats and modulating
the availability of biotic and abiotic materials to other species,
either directly or indirectly (Jones et al. 1994). In the
Mediterranean Sea—the second largest marine and coastal
biodiversity hotspot (Gabrié et al. 2012)—benthic organisms 2.2 Diel variation
such as sponges, which are highly abundant in the region,
modify the seascape and form biogenic reefs, providing mi-
2.2.1 Circadian rhythms in the animal kingdom
crohabitats for other species (Bell 2008). Besides having
evolved as some of the earliest animals, marine sponges also
carry out a significant number of functional roles. For exam- The natural environment is a complex system influenced
ple, sponges facilitate carbon flow between the benthic and by the periodicity of the sun and the moon, resulting in circa-
pelagic environments (De Goeij et al. 2013) and increase dian, seasonal, lunar, and tidal rhythms, with the daily light-
both primary and secondary production (Wulff 2006). Like- dark cycle as one of the most important cycles in the phys-
wise, other marine invertebrates such as echinoderms and bi- ical environment (Rosbash and Hall 1989; Tessmar-Raible
valves increase nutrient quality through decomposition, mak- et al. 2011). Rosbash (2017) defined circadian rhythms as
ing detritus easily consumable by microorganisms (Prather et “biochemical, physiological, behavioural adaptations to ex-
al. 2013). ternal daily oscillations" that have evolved over millions of
years to anticipate daily external change. Simplified, while
Countries rely on their ‘natural capital’ – ecological re- the endogenous clock in animals (including humans) does
sources and environmental assets in the form of ecosystems, not exactly resemble the 24-hour periodicity of the exter-
species, and habitats that benefit humans in various ways, nal environment (hence circadian rhythm), it is entrained by
both directly and indirectly (Collen et al. 2012). Coastal ma- input signals such as light and temperature, also referred
rine ecosystems, in particular, are characterized by high pro- to as ‘zeitgeber’ (Fig. 1; ref; Rosbash 2017), thus estab-
ductivity, supporting the livelihood of local fisheries (OECD lishing a rhythm that closely mimics the length of the day.
2021), protecting shorelines (Rife 2014), and sequestering Negative feedback loops within the endogenous oscillator, or
carbon (Beaumont et al. 2014). These ecosystem services pacemaker, control the circadian timekeeping through the
can be categorized into supporting, provisioning, regulating, transcription of a ‘clock gene’ and the translation of its RNA
and cultural services (Table 1), as defined by the Millen- into protein (Hardin et al. 1990). If external cues change,
nium Ecosystem Assessment (MA 2005). Marine inverte- organisms tend to align to the new rhythm as a result of the
brates form the basis for a majority of goods and services, yet coupling between the endogenous and exogenous oscillatory
they remain largely unseen in comparison to the more charis- systems (Roenneberg et al. 2003). The synchronicity of an
matic marine megafauna (Collier et al. 2016). According to organism with both its internal and external stimuli is cru-
an analysis by Costa Leal et al. (2012), more than 75% of cial for survival in an environment with complex ecosystem
marine natural products, including pharmaceuticals treating dynamics (Rosbash 2017).
chronic diseases, have been sourced from the phyla Porifera

7
tion of species may have evolved as a strategy to reduce food
web interactions, either as a predator-avoidance mechanism
(Hammond 1982) or a strategy to reduce resource compe-
tition (Kronfeld-Schor and Dayan 2003), depending on the
trophic group of a species. Across all studies, the nocturnal
emergence of mobile marine invertebrate species was found to
result in significant species turnover between day and night,
affecting ecosystem dynamics and predator-prey interactions
(e.g., Hinojosa et al. 2020; see Fig. 2). However, despite
the significant differences between day and night species as-
semblages reported in the studies mentioned above, research
on biodiversity conducted in the past decade has largely ne-
Research suggests that all marine species show patterns
glected diel changes (Ryu et al. 2012; Bumbeer et al. 2016),
of rhythmicity generated by the endogenous oscillator within
perhaps due to the increased logistical efforts associated with
an organism and by external cycles such as the light-dark
conducting night surveys. Excluding nocturnally active inver-
cycle (Aguzzi et al. 2012). The location of pacemakers in
tebrates from sampling procedures may result in the under-
the nervous system of invertebrates is species-dependent, and
estimation of biodiversity and thus compromise conservation
multiple endogenous oscillators may exist within an organism
efforts and the understanding of ecological processes.
(Aréchiga et al. 1993). For example, experiments found
pacemakers located inside the retina of several molluscs and
inside the brain (supraesophageal ganglion) of arthropods
(Aréchiga et al. 1993). In numerous marine invertebrates
such as flatworms and the sea star Echinaster brasiliensis,
endogenous melatonin production has been identified as the
primary mechanism regulating the circadian rhythm with a
nocturnal peak (Itoh et al. 1999; Peres et al. 2014). How-
ever, these patterns are still poorly understood in the majority
of marine invertebrates (Aguzzi et al. 2012).

2.2.2 Time as an ecological niche


2.3 Status assessment and policy
Kronfeld-Schor and Dayan (2003) describe time as an
ecological niche axis facilitating the coexistence of organ- Despite their value for ecosystem functioning and ser-
isms. Ecological niches are a fundamental concept proposed vices, marine invertebrates are underrepresented in monitor-
by Hutchinson in 1957, describing a set of environmental ing programs and conservation targets (Collier et al. 2016;
conditions under which a species can exist indefinitely. How- Eisenhauer et al. 2019). In the 1999 conference ‘The Other
ever, the traditional niche concept is largely focused on the 99%’, it was already recognized that governments, society,
idea that biotic and abiotic factors influence population dy- and scientists have placed “far too much significance on
namics on a spatial scale (Holt 2009). Time as a niche with the remaining 1%” (Reid 2000, p. 178), referring to flag-
changing biotic and abiotic factors may lead to the ‘tem- ship species that are considered ‘charismatic’ by the west-
poral partitioning’ of species, reducing resource competition ern culture and thus used as ambassadors for conservation
and predator-prey interactions in communities, thus poten- campaigns (Heywood 1995; Barua 2011). While the use
tially explaining the evolutionary significance of endogenous of flagship species, which are predominantly larger bodied
rhythmicity (Schoener 1974). The ability to anticipate en- mammals, may be effective in engaging the public, their use
vironmental changes such as light and darkness enables an should improve rather than compromise the protection of the
organism to choose the most optimal time for a given be- large diversity of invertebrates—the other 99%. This unbal-
haviour or activity (Kronfeld-Schor and Dayan 2003). ance is also reflected in the European’s funding instrument
of the environment LIFE (EU 2013), as revealed in an anal-
Studies investigating circadian feeding and activity pat- ysis by Mammola et al. (2020): Between 1992 and 2018,
terns in marine invertebrates found that many benthic and financial investments were six times higher for vertebrates
pelagic invertebrate taxa seek refuge during the day and only than for invertebrates, underlining the unequal distribution
emerge at night (Blackmon and Valentine 2013; Brewin et al. of conservation efforts. In global assessments by the IUCN
2016; Hinojosa et al. 2020). For example, nocturnal activity Red List, 27% of invertebrates are “Data Deficient” (referred
patterns were found in shrimps (Ory et al. 2014), urchins to as DD in Fig. 3; see also IUCN 2021). This is of particular
(Dee et al. 2012), holothurians, and echinoids (Hammond concern given that marine invertebrates are among the most
1982). These studies suggest that the nocturnal specializa- commonly overexploited species (MA 2005).

8
2.4 Mediterranean Sea

The present study was conducted in the north-east of


the Mediterranean Sea, which is the largest semi-enclosed
basin on Earth, with a surface area of 2.5 million km2 and a
coastline stretching over 46,000 km (Coll et al. 2010; San-
tinelli 2015). The Mediterranean Sea is the second-largest
marine and coastal biodiversity hotspot and a global priority
ecoregion (Gabrié et al. 2012) with significant environmen-
tal, economic, and cultural value for coastal communities
(MA 2005; MEGR 2014). It is connected to the Atlantic
Ocean through the Strait of Gibraltar, significantly affecting
the oceanographic circulation in the region (Béthous 1979).
As a concentration basin, the Mediterranean Sea is charac-
terized by high evaporation exceeding precipitation, making
it one of the saltiest seas on Earth (Lionello et al. 2006). In
a broad sense, the circulation within the basin results from a
Targets under the Convention on Biological Diver-
pressure gradient from west to east, where cold, low-salinity
sity (CBD) and the Marine Strategy Framework Directive
water from the Atlantic is pushed across the Mediterranean
(MSFD) have been established to address the global de-
basin (Coll et al. 2010; Schroeder et al. 2012). Temper-
cline of biodiversity and achieve “Good Environmental Sta-
ature and salinity increase as the water flows eastwards to-
tus" (GES) in EU waters (EU 2008). Among other targets,
wards the Levantine Sea, where the dense, saline water sinks
the GES aims to maintain biodiversity (Descriptor 1) and sea-
and circulates back towards the West. Here, it exits the
floor integrity (Descriptor 6), which requires ongoing assess-
basin through the Strait of Gibraltar back into the Atlantic
ments of ecosystems, habitats, and communities (EC 2010).
Ocean (Coll et al. 2010). Because of its enclosed nature
However, marine invertebrates are omitted from reports un-
and relatively small size, the Mediterranean Sea is sensitive
der the MSFD (Palialexis et al. 2018) and the European
to environmental and anthropogenic stressors such as cli-
Commission (EC 2018). The reports cover marine mammals,
mate change, overexploitation (Schroeder et al. 2012), and
fish, birds, and reptiles but limit invertebrate assessments to
non-indigenous species (Zenetos et al. 2009). An analysis by
cephalopods. The “invertebrate bottom fauna" targeted by
Giorgi (2006) identified the Mediterranean as one of the most
Descriptor 6 (EU 2008 Annex III) is largely underrepresented
prominent climate change hotspots, threatening coastal ma-
in the reports (CoE 2006; EC 2018). According to Article
rine ecosystems through sea level rise, increasing sea surface
8(1) of the MSFD, all member states are requested to “im-
temperatures, and acidification (Coll et al. 2010).
plement coordinated monitoring programs for the ongoing
assessment of the environmental status of their marine wa-
ters” (EU 2008). However, regional reports on Greece and 2.4.1 The Aegean Sea
the Aegean Sea are lacking data as Greece failed to submit
information on monitoring programs (Dupont et al. 2014).
The region is an important habitat for many species that are The Aegean Sea, located in the north-eastern Mediter-
protected under the Habitats Directive (1992) and although ranean between Greece and Turkey (Fig. 4), is considered
the network of protected areas has been expanded in Greece a hotspot with particular ecological importance (Coll et al.
(Gabrié et al. 2012), there is a lack of policy reinforcing bio- 2010). Geographically, it is connected to the Black Sea
diversity protection and management (Apostolopoulou and through the Marmara Sea in the northeast, and bound by
Pantis 2009). For example, management plans for the Spe- the Greek mainland to the west, the Anatolian peninsula to
cial Areas of Conservation (SAC) Lipsi, Arki, Agathonisi, and the east, and Eastern Macedonia to the north. The south-
Vrachonides in the Eastern Aegean Sea currently do not exist ern boundary is roughly marked by the deep trough south of
(EEA 2020). As a result, critically endangered invertebrate Crete and Rhodes (Sini et al. 2017). The region covers ap-
species such as Tonna galea and Pinna nobilis (CoE 2018) proximately 191,000 km2 and hosts a large number of islands,
continue to be harvested for commercial use without legal divided into seven island groups, including the Dodecanese
consequences (Katsanevakis et al. 2011). Consequently, sta- and Cyclades. The climate in the region is characterized by
tus assessments and ongoing monitoring programs for marine cool and rainy winters from November to March, and dry, hot
invertebrate biodiversity are needed to highlight the impor- summers from May to September, with April and October
tance of increased conservation and legal protection. exhibiting intermediate climate (Poulos et al. 1997). While
species richness and marine diversity in the Mediterranean
Sea largely show anorth-western to south-eastern gradient
with decreasing productivity towards the east, the Aegean
Sea constitutes an exception with high numbers of inver-

9
tebrates and marine mammals, including concentrations of
threatened or endangered species (Coll et al. 2010). The high
biodiversity in the otherwise oligotrophic Eastern Mediter-
ranean may result from the Aegean deep water formation
bringing nutrient-rich water to the surface (Sini et al. 2017).
The region is also of historical interest and importance, as
some of Aristotle’s earliest work on marine biodiversity was
based on his experience and observations on the island of
Lesbos in the Aegean Sea (Voultsiadou and Vafidis 2007).
Nevertheless, the Aegean Sea is still largely understudied
and underrepresented in assessment reports and conservation
strategies (Dupont et al. 2014).

The present study is an empirical effort to collect primary


data on mobile and sessile macroinvertebrate species in the
historically and ecologically important Aegean Sea around
Lipsi island. The study thereby complements previous biodi-
versity assessments, which have largely focussed on a single Habitats Directive (1992), with rocky substrates providing
phylum in a wider region rather than providing an overview complex habitats for diverse benthic communities. Human
of the macroinvertebrate diversity in a confined area. More- presence was absent to low at all sites due to the reduced
over, this work is among the few biodiversity assessments to tourism in the winter season and COVID-19 related travel
quantify diel variation in macroinvertebrate species richness restrictions, limiting biases caused by anthropogenic distur-
and abundance by conducting day and night surveys, thus bances (Usseglio 2015).
targeting nocturnally active species.

3.2 Data collection

Each study site was replicated five times, resulting in a


total of 20 day and night survey pairs conducted between
February and April 2021. Survey pairs consisted of a day and
night survey carried out at the same site within a 24-hour
3 Methodology cycle to allow for accurate replication. Daytime surveys were
carried out between 10:00h and 13:00h (UTC +2); night-
time surveys were carried out after sunset (between 18:00h
3.1 Survey sites and 21:00h; UTC + 2). Data were collected using standard-
ized, non-invasive underwater visual census (UVC) methods
Primary data were collected at four sites around the is- (Brock 1954; Hinojosa et al. 2020). UVC techniques are the
land of Lipsi (37°18’ N, 26°45’ E) to investigate diel variation most widely used method in ecological surveys conducted in
in marine macroinvertebrate assemblages. Lipsi island is lo- shallow and clear water as they are suitable for a wide range
cated in a Natura 2000 SAC in the Eastern Aegean Sea, of species and habitats (Cheal and Thompson 1997; Edgar
Greece (Fig. 5). The survey sites were selected based on et al. 1997). Additionally, the method can be employed in
previous protocols used by the Archipelagos Institute of Ma- marine protected areas (MPAs) due to its non-destructive
rine Conservation (Archipelagos Institute 2021), taking fac- nature (Garcia Charton et al 2000), making it appropriate
tors such as depth and wind exposure into consideration to for the data collection in the Natura 2000 SAC around Lipsi
include a wider variety of environmental conditions (Table island. For safety reasons and to reduce inaccuracies caused
2). The selected survey sites are classified as “large shallow by low visibility (Usseglio 2015), surveys were only conducted
inlets and bays” (Natura 2000 code 1160) according to the when weather conditions were favorable (Æ Bft 4).

10
Two 50 m belt transects with a fixed width of 5 m were variance was excluded from the analysis. For the principal
set up on rocky substrate in the sublittoral zone of each sur- analysis of diel variation, only mobile species were included
vey site (Fig. 6), resulting in a total census area of 225 to avoid biased results, as the presence and abundance of
m2 at each site with a depth range of 1.0 to 3.7 m. Start- sessile species does not change between day and night. For
and endpoints of each transect were defined prior to the first the estimation of marine invertebrate diversity, both mobile
survey to ensure consistent GPS coordinates. Environmental and sessile species were included to represent the macroin-
parameters (time, sea state, depth, and temperature) were vertebrate community inhabiting the coastal waters of Lipsi
recorded at the beginning of each survey using a Mares Smart island.
Air dive computer. Surveys were carried out by two freed-
ivers trained in the identification of marine invertebrates to
minimize intra-observer biases (Bernard et al. 2013). The 3.3.1 Biodiversity estimation
freedivers swam parallel to each other along both sides of
the transect line, recording all visible macroinvertebrates (Æ Invertebrate assemblages were assessed in terms of di-
1 cm in size) using a GoPro Hero 7 with a minimum resolu- versity, species richness, and evenness, which are among the
tion of 2.7k. The videos allowed for subsequent analysis of most widely used metrics of biodiversity in ecological studies
mobile and sessile species to increase the accuracy of species (Thukral 2017). The diversity of mobile and sessile inverte-
identification and counting. During night-time surveys, free- brate assemblages was calculated using the Shannon Diver-
divers were equipped with a diving LED flashlight (165 lm), sity Index H, defined as
only recording mobile species as sessile species assemblages
are not expected to vary between day and night. s
ÿ
H=≠ pi ln pi (1)
i=1

where s is the total number of species (i.e., species rich-


ness) and pi describes the proportion of the total sample to
species i community (Shannon 1948). The index is a param-
eter commonly used in ecology to express the diversity of a
given community (Seymour 2003). Evenness E describes the
relative abundance of the species recorded in a given area
(Wilsey and Potvin 2000) expressed as

H
E= (2)
Hmax

where Hmax is the maximum diversity possible (based on


equation 1), given the number of species present.
Surveys were followed by subsequent analysis of the
recorded videos to identify and count observed species. In-
3.3.2 Diel variation
dividuals were identified to species or, in some cases, genus
level if identification to species was not possible. The iden-
tification was based on the regional macroinvertebrate ID Statistical analysis was performed using R software 4.0.2
guide compiled by the Archipelagos Institute for internal use (R Core Team 2020). Data were tested for normality using
(Archipelagos 2021). Additional species observed during the the Shapiro-Wilk Normality Test (Royston 1982). The test
data collection that were not yet recorded in the ID guide revealed that the dataset did not meet the assumptions of
were identified based on peer-reviewed literature (e.g., Chin- normality (p < 0.001); hence, the two-sided Wilcoxon Rank
tiroglou et al. 2005; Voultsiadou 2005). Unidentified species Sum Test (Neuhäuser 2011), a non-parametric alternative
were excluded from the dataset. Taxon details were retrieved to the t-test, was performed to test for statistically signif-
from the World Register of Marine Species (WoRMS 2021). icant differences in the presence and abundance of mobile
macroinvertebrates between day and night. A pairwise mul-
tiple comparison test using the Wilcoxon Rank Sum Test was
3.3 Data analysis performed to examine which species exhibited significant dif-
ferences in diel activity patterns. Multiple comparison tests
tend to be prone to statistical errors; hence, P-values were
Primary data were treated as incidence data, where N
examined to determine the risk of Type I error before drawing
is the total numerical abundance (individual counts) across
conclusions (Sato 1996).
all surveys and N is the mean abundance (Seymour 2003).
Data from the different study sites were combined as spatial

11
In addition to the Wilcoxon analysis, a Hutcheson t-test The most abundantly observed phyla (Ø 10% of ob-
was performed to compare day and night biodiversity for mo- served species) were Bryozoa, Echinodermata, and Cnidaria
bile species, as calculated using the Shannon Diversity Index. (Fig. 7). The phyla Mollusca, Porifera, and Echinodermata
The Hutcheson t-test is given by had the highest species richness of 37, 15, and 13 species,
respectively. This finding is consistent with overall biodi-
H a ≠ Hb versity estimations of the Mediterranean Sea (Coll et al.
t= Ò (3) 2010). Bryozoa comprised almost half (47%) of the aver-
s2Ha + s2Hb age species count. However, the highly abundant bryozoan
species Schizobranchiella sanguinea (N = 62.65 ± 79.14;
where H represents the Shannon Diversity Index of two see Appendix II, Fig. 1AI) and Reptadeonella violacea (N
samples and s refers to the variance of each sample (Hutch- = 210.8 ± 169.86; see Appendix II, Fig. 1AF) are colonial
eson 1970). The variables a and b correspond to day and invertebrates, and spatial coverage assessed through quadrat
night. sampling is a more accurate sampling method to estimate
their abundance (Sullivan and Chiappone 1992). Therefore,
the abundance of these species may have been overestimated
4 Results in the present study. Since all colonial species recorded in
this study are sessile macroinvertebrates excluded from the
statistical analysis of day and night differences, the inaccu-
4.1 Species richness and diversity racy in estimating their abundance only affects the biodiver-
sity assessment and not the quantification of diel variation.
The present study collected primary data to contribute The abundance of the phylum Echinodermata (12.4%) can
to the biodiversity inventory of marine macroinvertebrates largely be attributed to the sea urchin Paracentrotus lividus
around Lipsi island. A total of 94 species from eight dif- (see Appendix II, Fig. 1AC), a species that was recorded
ferent phyla (Fig. 7) were identified, of which 34 can be in high abundance during both day and night surveys (N =
classified as sessile and 60 as mobile species (Fig. 8). While 248.5 ± 217.7). Similarly, the solitary coral B. europaea (see
the observed species richness was higher in mobile species, Appendix II, Fig. 1C) made up the majority of the phylum
sessile species were recorded in higher overall abundance Cnidaria (N = 58.7 ± 44.82).
(N sessile = 52.8%, N mobile = 47.2%; see Fig. 8). To quan-
tify the overall diversity of the macroinvertebrate community
found across all sites, the Shannon Diversity Index was cal- 4.2 Diel variation
culated, revealing a value of H = 3.01. The overall species
evenness was E = 0.66. The observed marine invertebrate abundance increased
during night surveys, as visualized in Figure 9. Mobile inver-
tebrates were more than twice as abundant during nocturnal
surveys (N = 755.65 ± 335.17 indiv. per survey) compared
to diurnal surveys (N = 340.8 ± 210.91 indiv. per sur-
vey; Fig. 10). This finding was confirmed by the statistical
analysis, which revealed that day and night differences were
statistically significant (Wilcoxon, p < 0.001).

Statistically significant diel variation was found for 21 mo-


bile species recorded during all day and night survey pairs
across five taxonomic groups (p < 0.05; Table 3). The risk
of a type I error was considered low due to consistently low
p-values. With the exception of the nudibranch Elysia timida
(see Appendix II, Fig. 1N), which was observed in higher

12
to diurnal surveys (Hday = 1.58).

abundance during daytime sampling, all species were signif-


icantly more abundant during nocturnal survey efforts. The
overall species richness increased by 30.14% between day and
night, with a total of 44 mobile species observed during the
day and 57 species observed at night. Sixteen species were
observed exclusively at night and three exclusively during the
day (Table 4). However, for seven of the nocturnally observed
and all three of the diurnally detected species, observations
were insufficient to draw conclusions about their temporal
activity patterns (Æ 5 observations across all surveys). How-
ever, for seven of the nocturnally observed and all three of
the diurnally detected species, observations were insufficient
to draw conclusions about their temporal activity patterns
(Æ 5 observations across all surveys).
5 Discussion

5.1 Marine macroinvertebrates diversity

Diversity and ecology of marine macroinvertebrates re-


main largely understudied in comparison to most vertebrate
groups (Collier et al. 2016; Eisenhauer et al. 2019), sug-
gesting the need for baseline inventories and monitoring pro-
grams. This study provides a comprehensive list of marine
macroinvertebrates focusing on an island in the Natura 2000
SAC Arki, Lipsi, Agathonisi, and Vrachonisides. Biodiversity
was expressed in terms of species richness and Shannon di-
versity. Across all 20 pairs of day and night surveys, a total
of 94 macroinvertebrate species were observed around Lipsi
island, with an overall Shannon diversity of H = 3.01. In
ecological studies, the Shannon index generally lies between
1.5 and 3.5, with a high value representing greater diversity
and evenness in a community (Wilsey and Potvin 2000). In
comparison to other ecological studies quantifying inverte-
brate diversity using the Shannon index (e.g., Van Nguyen et
al.; Wang et al. 2020), the diversity recorded in this study
can be interpreted as medium to high (Chainho et al. 2007),
reaffirming the ecological importance of coastal habitats in
the region (Coll et al. 2010). The overall species evenness
was E = 0.66, with only a few species recorded in particularly
The Hutcheson t-test revealed statistically significant dif- high abundances relative to the average species count (e.g.,
ferences in day and night Shannon Diversity for mobile P. lividus and R. violacea with mean abundance counts of
species, t(579) = 5.723, p < 0.001 (Table 4; Fig. 11), with > 200 per survey), and numerous rare species (observed less
observed mobile species assemblages showing higher biodi- than five times across all surveys, e.g., Flabellina affinis and
versity during nocturnal surveys (Hnight = 2.18) compared Thuridilla hopei; see Appendix I, Table 1 and 2).

13
Previous biodiversity studies in the Aegean Sea focussed of moon phases, which are suggested to influence species as-
on single phyla rather than reporting the overall macroin- semblages significantly (Fingerman 1957). These findings en-
vertebrate diversity in a confined area. For example, Voult- courage further in-depth investigations of macroinvertebrates
siadou (2005) and Zenetos et al. (2005) published reports and ecosystem dynamics around Lipsi island.
on the diversity of sponges and molluscs in the Aegean Sea,
which increased taxonomic knowledge and accommodated a The results presented in this paper suggest that diel vari-
wider range of natural variability but failed to provide in- ation is a significant factor that should be accounted for in
formation on overall invertebrate community structures and biodiversity assessments. Nevertheless, most studies collect-
activity patterns. In comparison, the present study reports ing baseline data on marine invertebrate diversity are largely
all phyla observed on rocky substrata in the sublittoral zone, based on diurnal sampling efforts (e.g., Ryu et al. 2012;
however, it was limited to four study sites and thus possibly Bumbeer et al. 2016), neglecting species that only emerge
underestimates species richness. at night. While statistical methods have been developed
to account for “downward-biased” abundance estimations
(Magurran and McGill 2011), undetected, nocturnally active
5.2 Diel variation species cannot be monitored and will be neglected in con-
servation and status assessments. Hence, the present study
confirms the initial hypothesis that both day and night data
With respect to the second objective of this report, the
collection is required to account for diel variation in activity
quantitative analysis of diel variation in mobile macroinver-
patterns of macroinvertebrates.
tebrate species richness and abundance, the present study
showed significant differences in macroinvertebrate assem-
blages between day and night using statistical analyses. The 5.2.1 Beyond biodiversity – relevance of selected
mean abundance of macroinvertebrates was more than twice species
as high during nocturnal surveys compared to diurnal surveys.
Notably, twenty mobile species were significantly more abun-
A wide variety of mobile and sessile species were recorded,
dant at night, while only one species was reported in higher
ranging from small, benthic species such as the highly abun-
abundance during the day. Overall species richness increased
dant gastropod Pyrene scripta (see Appendix II, Fig. 1AE)
by 30.14%, with 16 species exclusively observed at night.
or the nudibranch Elysia timida (approximately 1.5 cm in
Similar trends were reported in recent studies conducted in
size) to larger, pelagic species such as the octopuses Octo-
the South Atlantic and the south-eastern Pacific: Brewin et
pus vulgaris (see Appendix II, Fig. 1AB) and Callistocopus
al. (2016) found that invertebrate density increased by an av-
macropus (reaching up to 150 cm; see Appendix II, Fig. 1F).
erage of 53.5% between diurnal and nocturnal surveying, and
Many of the observed species had already been recorded and
Hinojosa et al. (2020) similarly reported a three-fold increase
classified by Aristotle, such as sponges of the genus Sarco-
in invertebrate abundance and richness at night. Both stud-
tragus spp (see Appendix II, Fig. 1AH), the sea anemone
ies followed similar sampling procedures to the present study,
Actinia equina (see Appendix II, Fig. 1A), the fireworm Her-
using underwater visual census to record all visible species. In
modice caranculata (see Appendix II, Fig. 1Q), the highly
contrast, Blackmon and Valentine (2013) used day and night
abundant sea urchin Paracentrotus lividus, and numerous
plankton tows in seagrass habitats to assess benthic macroin-
Molluscs (Voultsiadou and Vafidis 2007). The species dis-
vertebrate emergence at night. While their study confirmed
cussed in greater detail below were selected to address the
the previously discussed results reporting a 20-fold increase in
third objective of this research, highlighting the ecological im-
macroinvertebrate density, towing techniques limit the data
portance, ecosystem services provided, and/or the relevance
collection to species in the water column and neglect species
of marine invertebrates for policy and conservation.
on the benthos. Therefore, they are unsuitable for biodiver-
sity assessments of benthic and pelagic species, particularly
for those with rocky substrate habitats.
5.2.2 Ecological functions and ecosystem services
Previous studies included numerous environmental fac-
tors that were excluded from the scope of the present study, While it would likely be possible to associate ecologi-
including seasonal variation, trophic dynamics, and lunar cal functions and ecosystem services with a majority of the
phases. For example, Brewin et al. (2016) collected data species encountered, this section only deals with a small se-
over a period of nine months, reporting strong seasonal pat- lection of commonly observed species to exemplify the impor-
terns in addition to diel variation. Additionally, Brewin et al. tance of the macroinvertebrates recorded around Lipsi island.
(2016) and Hinojosa et al. (2020) analyzed both fish and in- The phylum Porifera was highly abundant across all survey
vertebrate assemblages, revealing significant species turnover sites (see Appendix I, Table 1) and fulfils critical ecological
between day and night (see Fig. 2 in section 2.2.2) and un- functions (see section 2.1.1). Sponges such as Ircinia vari-
derlining the importance to gain a better understanding of abilis (see Appendix II, Fig. 1S) increase the secondary pro-
food web interactions and predator-prey dynamics. Lastly, duction in a habitat as they are consumed by gastropod sea
Blackmon and Valentine (2013) controlled for the influence slugs and other species (Wulff 2006). Similarly, the detritus-

14
feeding sea cucumbers Holothuria forskali and H. tubulosa was active both during the day and night. This finding cor-
(see Appendix II, Fig. 1T and Fig. 1U) are important com- responds with the results from a laboratory experiment by
ponents of the benthic ecosystem as they stabilize bacterial Meisel et al. (2006), who compared the activity patterns of
communities in the sediment and contribute to nutrient re- both species and found that O. vulgaris changed from noc-
cycling (Amon and Herndl 1991). The large keratose sponge turnal to diurnal rhythmicity within three days in the labora-
Sarcotragus spinosolus (see Appendix II, Fig. 1AH) modu- tory setting, possibly due to entrainment of the endogenous
lates the seascape and improves the water quality through its clock to human activity (e.g. feeding times). In contrast,
filtering activity. A study by Trani et al. (2021) found that S. C. macropus did not change activity patterns in the labora-
spinosolus removed 99.72% of Vibrio spp., a pathogen that tory setting and remained strictly nocturnal. This observa-
is highly prevalent in aquaculture, from the water. Water fil- tion suggests that O. vulgaris may be adaptive to external
tration as a regulating ecosystem service is also performed by cues such as light, providing a possible explanation for the
other suspension feeders recorded during this study, including diurnal foraging behavior observed around Lipsi island. Tem-
bivalves and the highly abundant bryozoans Reptadeonella vi- poral partitioning in slow-moving species can also function as
olacea and Schizobranchiella sanguinea (Officer et al. 1982). a predator-avoidance mechanism, as suggested in a study on
As reported in section 4.1, the phylum Bryozoa made up a holothurians by Hammond (1982). Consistent with findings
significant part of the overall abundance counts (see Fig. 7), by Hammond (1982), the abundance of holothurians reported
however, it also illustrates the underrepresentation of cryp- in the present study (Holothuria forskali and H. tubulosa) in-
tic species in science and conservation (e.g., Pagès Escolà creased drastically after sunset (see Table 3 in section 4.2),
2019). Provisioning ecosystem services (see Table 1 in sec- and individuals observed during daytime were usually hidden
tion 2.1.1) can be illustrated by species including the sponge in caves or under rocks. However, Wheeling et al. (2007)
Hamigera hamigera (see Appendix II, Fig. 1P) and the sea proposed an alternative explanation for diel activity patterns
anemone Actinia equina, which provide biologically active in holothurians, namely the avoidance of UV radiation in
compounds used for pharmaceuticals (Hassan et al. 2004; warm regions with clear water. Mycosporine-like amino acid
Stabili et al. 2015). In Greece and other Mediterranean (MAA), a biochemical defense blocking harmful wavelengths,
countries, the value of marine macroinvertebrates as ‘natural was found in very low concentrations in Holothuria spp., sug-
capital’ becomes evident in coastal communities that rely on gesting that the species observed around Lipsi might be sen-
the exploitation of molluscs such as Octopus vulgaris or the sitive to UV radiation. In comparison, species in other studies
gastropod Hexaplex trunculus (see Appendix II, Fig. 1R) as (e.g., Pearsonothuria graeffei), which displayed higher activ-
a source of food and income (Koutsoubas et al. 2007). ity rates during the day and remained exposed at all times,
had among the highest concentration of MAA (Shick et al.
1992). Additionally, some of the main predators of holothuri-
5.2.3 Time as an ecological niche ans, such as sea stars (Francour 1997), display predominantly
nocturnal activity patterns (for example, Astropecten spinu-
Literature dealing with the 21 mobile species that showed losus and Marthasterias glacialis, see Table 3 in section 4.2;
statistically significant differences between day and night (see see also Appendix II, Fig. 1B and Fig. 1W), suggesting
Table 3 in section 4.2) provides biological and ecological clar- that predator-avoidance may not be the primary reason for
ification for the observed activity and emergence patterns the nocturnal emergence of the holothurians observed in this
(e.g., Hammond 1982; Meisel et al. 2006). The only species study.
that was significantly more abundant during the day was the
gastropod Elysia timida, a sacoglossan (i.e., solar-powered) The examples illustrated above highlight that circadian
sea slug that lives in a kleptoplastic relationship with algal rhythms and the underlying reasons for diel variation in ma-
symbionts, incorporating chloroplasts from algal prey directly rine invertebrates are still poorly understood, and further re-
into its cell cytosol to utilize their photosynthetic function search is needed to better understand ecosystem dynamics.
(Pelletreau et al. 2011). Hence, predominantly diurnal ac-
tivity is required for the species to obtain energy (Giménez-
5.2.4 Status assessment and policy
Casalduero et al. 2011).

From the perspective of time as an ecological niche The Aegean Sea was identified as a biodiversity hotspot
(Kronfeld-Schor and Dayan 2003), the coexistence of the two with high concentrations of endangered or vulnerable species
octopuses observed during this study, Callistoctopus macro- (Coll et al. 2010). Of the species recorded across all day
pus and Octopus vulgaris, illustrates how temporal parti- and night survey pairs around Lipsi island, five species are
tioning can reduce resource competition. Both species are protected or strictly protected under the Bern Convention
predators with overlapping habitats (Meisel et al. 2006) (Table 4; CoE 1979 Annex II and III) and/or the European
and are reported to be predominantly nocturnally active in Habitats Directive (92/43/EEC). However, publications re-
the Mediterranean Sea (Boletzky et al. 2001; Brown et al. port that species such as Lithophaga lithophaga and Tonna
2006). However, in this study, only C. macropus exhibited galea (see Appendix II, Fig. 1V and Fig. 1AJ) are still ille-
exclusively nocturnal activity patterns, whereas O. vulgaris gally exploited and served in local restaurants in the region

15
(Katsanevakis et al. 2011), highlighting the need for stricter veys. The main aim of the study was to investigate biodi-
enforcement of policies. versity and diel variation in macroinvertebrates, posing the
question of whether biodiversity and status assessments un-
Two non-indigenous species were recorded, Diadema se- derestimate species richness and abundance when noctur-
tosum and Chama pacifica (see Appendix II, Fig. 1M and Fig. nally active species are neglected. The aim was addressed
1H), with the long-spined sea urchin D. setosum recorded at by (1) assessing diversity and species richness of both sessile
all survey sites. Both species are considered invasive in the and mobile species, and (2) quantifying differences in species
region (Zenetos et al. 2010; Bronstein et al. 2017). While richness and abundance between day and night. Lastly, rel-
not recorded during this study, the invasive sea cucumber evant species were discussed from the perspective of their
Synaptula reciprocans (Antoniadou and Vafidis 2009) was ecological importance, the provision of ecosystem services,
observed outside of the transect lines as well as during the and conservation and policy implications.
previous summer (Archipelagos 2021, pers. comm.), empha-
sizing that the species recorded within the sampling area only Ninety-four species from eight different phyla were iden-
constitute a subset of the total macroinvertebrate diversity tified during the data collection between February and April
around Lipsi island. 2021, providing an overview of the macroinvertebrate diver-
sity on rocky sublittoral substrata in the Aegean Sea. Fur-
thermore, the quantitative assessment of diel variation pro-
vided strong evidence to support the hypothesis that species
richness and abundance are underestimated when neglect-
ing nocturnally active species. Visible mobile macroinver-
tebrates were more than twice as abundant during night-
time compared to daytime data collection. Twenty mobile
species showed statistically significant increases in abundance
at night; in contrast, only one species was significantly more
abundant during the day. The comparison of species richness
and diversity across all sites and surveys showed a nocturnal
increase in species richness of 30.14%, demonstrating that
Coll et al. (2010) found that introductions of the diurnal sampling efforts need to be augmented by nocturnal
phyla Mollusca (33%) and Arthropoda (18%) are most fre- sampling for accurate estimation of macroinvertebrate biodi-
quently reported in the Mediterranean Sea. However, the au- versity.
thors noted that overall data on non-indigenous invertebrates
While the present study is unable to encompass a larger
are likely downward biased as information on many smaller
geographical area, it contributes to the biodiversity inven-
species is “entirely absent” (p. 9), suggesting that the data
tory of macroinvertebrates around Lipsi island. Moreover,
deficiency on marine invertebrates impairs the monitoring of
the reported findings on diel variation and nocturnal activity
ecosystem health with regard to ecological invasions. Sim-
patterns are relevant for conservationists and policy-makers
ilarly, the overall status assessment of the species recorded
as they contribute to the knowledge on a largely understudied
was compromised by inadequate treatment of marine inver-
group of animals and emphasize the need to re-evaluate sam-
tebrates in policy reports (Dupont et al. 2014) and the IUCN
pling procedures and reduce research biases in future status
Red List (Cardoso et al. 2011; IUCN 2021). While the IUCN
assessment and monitoring programs.
Red List is among the most extensive resources on the pop-
ulation status of species, the majority of macroinvertebrates
observed in this study are not present in the database, no-
6.1 Limitations
tably all species of the phyla Porifera and Bryozoa, and many
species of the phyla Annelida, Mollusca, and Echinodermata.
This exemplifies the previously discussed underrepresentation The findings of this report are subject to a number of
of marine invertebrates in policy frameworks and status as- limitations concerning both the data collection and analy-
sessments (see section 2.3) and underlines that data gaps sis. Firstly, observational studies are considered “downward-
and taxonomic biases ultimately must be addressed in EU biased estimators” of the total population size in an area
biodiversity targets. (Seymour 2003) because they commonly underestimate
species richness and abundance. In the present study, the
data collected were limited to visible species within the sur-
vey area; hence, the ‘false absence’ of species (i.e., species
6 Conclusions
are present but remained undetected) was a potential source
of underestimation. There are statistical methods to correct
The present study was among the first to collect day for biased estimations; however, this study solely reported
and night winter data on marine macroinvertebrate assem- and quantified observations and did not correct for potential
blages around Lipsi island, Greece, using UVC transect sur- underestimation due to time limitations.

16
Secondly, in visual studies, observer bias due to limited variation. Additionally, studies by Brewin et al. (2016) and
diver efficiency cannot be excluded (Williams et al. 2006; Hinojosa et al. (2020) investigated diel variation in coastal
Bernard et al. 2013). Bias derives from inter- and intra- ecosystems by recording both invertebrate and fish species.
observer biases, as well as factors such as experience level Including fish in the data collection could be expected to
and/or physical constraints under cold conditions. Inter- increase the understanding of predator-prey dynamics and
observer bias, (i.e. variation among observers) was mini- temporal partitioning.
mized by having the same two observers, similarly trained in
marine macroinvertebrate identification, conduct all surveys.
Intra-observer bias (e.g., missing cryptic species) was reduced Acknowledgements
by videoing each survey and performing subsequent analysis
of the footage collected. Nevertheless, transparent or well-
concealed species such as Eupolymnia nebulosa could have First and foremost, I would like to thank my friend, sur-
been easily missed. Combined with the difficulty of identi- vey partner, and talented photographer, Janika Sander. Jan
fying certain species (particularly of the phyla Mollusca and - I don’t know what I would have done without you. Thank
Porifera), this study solely provides a snapshot of the overall you for 50 + hours underwater filming invertebrates, for your
biodiversity around Lipsi island. help with my analysis, for good memories in very cold water,
and for the beautiful photos you took during our surveys. I
Thirdly, bias resulting from behavioral responses by ma- would also like to express my gratitude to the people from
rine organisms (escape or attraction; see MacFarlane and the Archipelagos Institute of Marine Conservation that sup-
King 2002; Usseglio 2015) cannot be excluded but was min- ported me, especially Alice Malcolm-McKay and Laura Mac-
imized by limiting site replications to one day-night survey rina. Alice, thank you for having been an amazing on-site
per week. There was no indication that species reacted to supervisor and for introducing me to the world of marine in-
the presence of the freedivers; hence, biases due to observer vertebrates. My AUC supervisor, Dr. Alison Gilbert, had to
presence are unlikely. A number of octopuses were encoun- keep up with many stories about changing topics, frostbites,
tered several times at the same survey site and individuals and more. Thank you, Alison, for your patience and support.
interacted with the divers. However, time gaps between repli- I am very grateful for the constant advice and feedback you
cations to minimize familiarity of the animals with divers, as provided. I would also like to thank my lecturers at AUC
well as studies on octopus behavior (Kuba et al. 2003), sug- for the knowledge and skills they shared with me in the past
gest that the species may simply be curious animals. three years, and my wonderful friends and family for support-
ing me throughout my degree. I am beyond grateful for the
Lastly, a number of logistical restrictions must be ac- people I met during my time on Lipsi. This island has truly
knowledged. Night-time surveys were conducted shortly after become a very special place for me, and it has been a beau-
sunset; hence, data on nocturnal macroinvertebrate assem- tiful and rewarding experience to collect my data in the bays
blages in this study do not consider activity and emergence around the island. I would like to thank my dear friend Lea
peaks later at night. Furthermore, as mentioned in section for keeping me sane when I was stressed out about deadlines,
4.1, the sampling procedure for colonial organisms such as and Ebba, who taught me some great wisdom about life (“If
sponges and bryozoans can be improved by using quadrat you feel too stressed to take a coffee break, then you should
sampling methods to estimate spatial coverage (Sullivan and take an even longer break”). Finally, thank you, Kostas, for
Chiappone 1992). Finally, the study was limited to the shal- giving me a home on Dimitri’s Farm while I was writing my
low sublittoral zone at four survey sites, and the proposed capstone. You have created the most magical place on this
fifth survey site, Tourkomnima, was excluded from the study island, and I cannot think of a better place to finish my the-
due to its exposure to strong winds during the sampling pe- sis. The Sea holds a very special place in my heart, and I am
riod. While inter-site differences are likely minimal due to eternally grateful for the glimpse into the underwater world I
their geographic proximity, increased spatial coverage may got to experience during my day and night surveys. Learning
reveal greater invertebrate diversity. about the species I encountered has truly changed the way I
look at the seascape and has taught me to pay attention to
the small details. I hope, and I am determined, that my time
6.2 Future research working on Lipsi was just the beginning of a long journey
committed to the conservation and protection of the ocean.
This study focussed on day and night data collection at
four study sites during winter and early spring, leading to
an initial assessment of biodiversity and diel variation around
Lipsi island. Previous research on rhythmicity in marine inver-
tebrates suggests that the presence/absence of species may
also be influenced by other factors such as seasonal variation
and lunar cycles. Hence, a natural progression of this work
is the quantitative comparison of seasonal, annual, and lunar

17
Appendix

I Recorded species

18
19
20
II Species photographs

21
22
23
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29
Sciences

NGC 1052–DF2: The Galaxy Re-sparking the Modified Gravity


Debate
A Systematic Literature Review of the Ultra-Diffuse Galaxy, NGC 1052–DF2, and its Significance for the
Cold Dark Matter (CDM) and Modified Newtonian Dynamics (MOND) Paradigms

Karla M. Rojas

Supervisor
Dr. Gianfranco Bertone (UvA)
Reader
Dr. Margriet van der Heijden (AUC)

Photographer: Iacob Postavaru


Abstract

This thesis discusses the novel finding that the ultra-diffuse galaxy (UDG) NGC1052–DF2 lacks dark matter in the
context of Cold Dark Matter (CDM) and Modified Newtonian dynamics (MOND). At the time of writing, no paper
in the literature provided a comprehensive review of this UDG despite its significance for both models and its unusual
characteristics. However, understanding the true nature of dark matter and dark-matter-deficient galaxies is vital to
determine the formation and evolution of galaxies and, ultimately, the universe’s fate. To that aim, this thesis introduces
the reader to three brief sections on CDM, MOND, and UDGs, followed by an analysis of NGC1052–DF2 within the
modified gravity debate using a systematic literature review. This paper finds that both CDM and MOND are in
agreement with observations. However, recent findings concerning the separation of NGC1052–DF2 from another UDG
might challenge MOND if the suspicion that one of them is isolated is proven.
Keywords: NGC 1052–DF2, CDM, MOND, ultra-diffuse galaxy, dark-matter-deficient galaxy

Suggested citation:
Rojas, K. (2021). NGC 1052–DF2: The galaxy re-sparking the modified gravity debate: A systematic literature review
of the ultra-diffuse galaxy, NGC 1052–DF2, and its significance for the cold dark matter (CDM) and modified
Newtonian dynamics (MOND) paradigms. AUC Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts and Sciences, 16 (1), 30-45.

31
Contents

1 Introduction 33

2 Research Context 33

2.1 The Cold Dark Matter (CDM) model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33

2.2 The Modified Newtonian dynamics (MOND) model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

2.3 Ultra-diffuse galaxies (UDGs) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

3 Methodology 36

4 Discussion 36

5 Summary and Conclusions 39

Abbreviations

Cold dark matter (CDM)


Cosmic background radiation (CMB)
External field effect (EFE)
Globular clusters (GCs)
High surface brightness (HBS) galaxies
International System of Units (SI)
Low surface brightness (LSB) galaxies
Matter power spectra (MPS)
Modified Newtonian dynamics (MOND)
Navarro-Frenk-White (NFW) profile
Pisces Stellar Stream (PSS)
Stellar-to-halo mass ratio (SHM)
Strong equivalence principle (SEP)
Surface brightness fluctuation (SBF) technique
Tensor-vector-scalar gravity (TeVeS)
Tidal dwarf galaxies (TDGs)
Tip of the red giant branch (TRGB) technique
Tracer mass estimator (TME) method
Ultra-diffuse galaxies (UDGs)

32
1 Introduction model due to problems with cosmic structure forming top-
down (Primack & Gross, 2001). The latter process refers to
large structures (i.e., superclusters) forming first and smaller
Dark matter is perhaps the most prominent open mystery
ones later on through fragmentation; however, this opposes
in physics. Thanks to studies of the mass of galaxy clusters
what is inferred from galaxy distribution observations (Tasit-
(Smith, 1936; Zwicky, 1933) and of galactic rotation curves
siomi, 2003). One of the biggest challenges in high-energy
(Babcock, 1939; Rubin & Ford, 1970), where orbital velocity
physics is to find the particle that makes up dark matter.
is plotted as a function of radial distance, it is well-established
While there are many possibilities, some popular candidates
that ordinary or baryonic mass (i.e., stars, planets, gas) can-
include axions, inert Higgs doublets, sterile neutrinos, and
not account for all the inferred dynamical mass, which is the
weakly interacting massive particles (WIMPS) (Feng, 2010).
total mass that contributes to gravity. This discrepancy be-
came known as the missing mass problem (for a review see
Gunn (1980)). Consequently, there have been proposals that
dark matter is the most probable solution to this problem.
Dark matter consists of a new type of elementary particle.
These particles faintly interact with each other and with the
rest of matter through only gravitational force.

However, the failure to detect these particles (Crisosto


et al., 2020; Ma et al., 2020; SENSEI Collaboration, 2019;
XENON Collaboration, 2020) has led some scientists to be-
lieve that the problem lies in our understanding of gravity.
This has led to the development of several modified gravity
theories. While large-scale data better fits dark matter mod-
In the CDM framework, as Blumenthal et al. (1984) sum-
els (Bahcall, 2015) galaxy-scale data favors modified gravity
marize, it assumed that the universe: 1) originated from the
theories (Lisanti et al. 2019). Thus far, no single model has
Big Bang, 2) follows the cosmological principle, which holds
been able to explain all the observational data.
that space is homogeneous and isotropic on cosmic scales,
While the debate continues, an intriguing new piece of ob- 3) is almost spatially flat, in which case Euclidean geometry
servational data came into play. In 2018, Pieter van Dokkum is valid even at large scales, 4) exhibits a cosmological ex-
and his team reported the first dwarf galaxy, NGC1052–DF2, pansion, where the distance between gravitationally unbound
lacking dark matter. Such a discovery has profound implica- parts of the universe is increasing with time, and 5) under-
tions for galaxy formation and dark matter models. How- went a period of rapid expansion, known as inflation (Guth,
ever, despite its significance, there is no literature review 1981), where it grew by a factor higher than 10 (National
26

focused on NGC1052–DF2 yet. Hence, this paper aims to Aeronautics and Space Administration, 2010). Consequently,
analyse NGC1052–DF2 under the two leading paradigms of the quantum-mechanical fluctuations present in the early uni-
dark matter and modified gravity—cold dark matter (CDM) verse were amplified, resulting in the energy density varia-
and Modified Newtonian dynamics (MOND)—with the ob- tions observed today on astrophysical scales shown in Figure
jective to attempt to elucidate which model better explains 1 (Planck Collaboration, 2018). Additionally, Einstein’s Gen-
the observational data in this context. eral Theory of Relativity is deemed as the correct description
of gravity.

This model excels at explaining the origin and evolution


2 Research Context of large-scale structures in the universe. Galaxies are dis-
tributed along filaments and those, in turn, form a percolat-
ing network (Shandarin et al., 2010). However, simulations
2.1 The Cold Dark Matter (CDM) model
show that baryonic matter processes have almost no impact
on large-scale structures (Cui et al., 2017) and are thus un-
In the early 1980s, the CDM cosmological model was put able to produce such networks. Instead, cosmic systems are
forward independently by three teams (Blumenthal, 1982; formed and maintained thanks to the gravitational attraction
Bond et al., 1982; Peebles, 1982). It states that cold dark of CDM particles that start a clustering process. This process
matter is a hypothetical type of particle that moves slowly begins with small overdensities that prevail over the cosmo-
compared to the speed of light; hence, it is considered ‘cold’. logical expansion and create dark matter halos. Numerical
It only interacts with baryonic or ordinary matter through simulations suggest that these halos exhibit a universal den-
gravitational force, and does not emit, absorb or reflect light; sity profile often modelled with the NFW (Navarro-Frenk-
it is ‘dark’. White) profile, which calculates the density of dark matter
In comparison, the hot dark matter model is based on par-
ticles that move at relativistic speeds, but some disregard this

33
as a function of the radius (Navarro et al., 1997): Milgrom noticed that the difference between the observable
” c pc baryonic mass and the dynamical mass, which is the total
p(r) = r mass predicted using Newton’s inverse square law, did not
rs (1 + rs )
r 2
appear in large systems but in systems of low acceleration.
where rs is the scale radius; ” c is the characteristic density, Hence, he modified Newton’s second law of motion by intro-
which is a dimensionless constant; pc is the critical density, ducing an interpolating function µ(x):
which refers to the density required to stop cosmological ex- 3 4
3H 2 a
pansion and has a value of pc = 8fiG ; H is Hubble’s constant F =µ a
a 0
with a value of 70 sM km
pc ; and G is the gravitational constant
with a value of 6.67 kgsm3 which replaces F = ma. In the previous expression, mg is the
2.
body’s gravitational mass; a is its gravitational acceleration;
These initial dark matter halos merge with other halos re- a0 is a new fundamental constant which Milgrom originally
sulting in the ideal environment for galaxy formation; baryons determined to have a value of 2x10≠8 cm s2 . Lastly, µ(x) is the
are trapped in these regions and then forced to cool and col- so-called interpolating function, which does not have a deter-
lapse within them. Consequently, structures form hierarchi- mined value but rather must exhibit an asymptotic behaviour
cally: galaxies formed first, clusters of galaxies followed, and µ(x) x = 1 when x ∫ 1 and µ(x) = x when x ∫ 1 to be
today superclusters are just becoming bound (Pearson & Ba- in agreement with Newtonian mechanics and due to astro-
tuski, 2013). This process assembles larger and larger objects nomical constraints, respectively. The interpolating function
with time and explains the present ongoing galaxy formation. can take many forms, but there are two popular formulations
In addition, the CDM model is in impressive agreement with (Gentile et al., 2011).
a wide range of physical observations: the primordial abun- 3 4
a 1
dance of deuterium (Burles et al., 2001), the age of the uni- µ =
a0 1 + aa0
verse based on the oldest stars (Chaboyer et al., 1998), and
the cosmic microwave background (CMB) radiation (Net- is known as the simple interpolating function. In comparison,
terfield et al., 2002), which is the remnant electromagnetic the standard interpolating function has a root square, and
radiation from the very early universe. This is particularly one of the terms in the denominator is quadratic:
relevant, as agreement with physical observation among the- 3 4 Û
ories in physics confers validity to the theory as a whole. a 1
µ =
a0 1 + ( aa0 )2
Despite its success on large scales, the model has inconsis-
tencies on the galactic and subgalactic scales. In the past, the In both of these two formulations, the fundamental constant,
results of high-resolution cosmological N-body simulations re- a0 , delimits the boundary between Newtonian and MOND
vealed two main issues. Firstly, CDM collapse produces cuspy dynamics (Milgrom, 2014): at high accelerations, Newto-
dark matter halos, whereas observations of galaxy rotation nian’s dynamics are recoverable (i.e., in the limit of a0 æ0),
curves hint at a constant density core (Oh et al., 2015). This and at low accelerations (i.e., a π a0 ), the so-called deep-
is known as the cusp-core problem and is still an issue particu- MOND regime is entered, where dynamics are space and time
larly within the dwarf galaxy population (Oman et al., 2015). scale invariant—that is, the system remains unchanged when
However, the inclusion of baryonic effects into CDM-only sim- multiplied by suitable scaling factors. It is worth noting that
ulations might greatly alleviate the issue (Weinberg et al., the original MOND model is only applicable in fields with
2015 and references therein). Secondly, simulated halos pos- weak relativistic effects.
sess a large amount of substructure—hundreds or thousands A unique property of the nonlinearity of the MOND model
of subhalos—formed by previous collapses on smaller scales is its external field effect (EFE), which goes against gen-
(Moore et al., 1999), yet observations initially found only eral relativity’s strong equivalence principle (SEP). The latter
a few satellite galaxies around larger ones (i.e., around 10 holds that while there are no isolated bodies in the Universe,
for the Milky Way). This tension was known as the missing the internal dynamics of a subsystem are independent of any
satellites problem. However, this is no longer an issue (Kim external fields of which the subsystem might be part; that is,
et al., 2018) thanks to recent astronomical surveys that have it effectively decouples from its parent’s field. In contrast,
counted the correct number of satellites. in a MONDian universe, the subsystem does not always go
through such decoupling. MONDian effects are visible if the
absolute value of the internal gravity g and that of the exter-
2.2 The Modified Newtonian dynamics nal gravity g is less than a . There are two scenarios here
0
(MOND) model
e
(Famaey, 2012). Firstly, if g is bigger than ge the system
exhibits the expected MOND effects. If instead ge is bigger
In 1983, Milgrom proposed an alternative to the dark than g, the system is Newtonian but has a renormalized grav-
matter paradigm motivated by the “large number of ad hoc itational constant Gnorm . Finally, as previously mentioned,
assumptions concerning the nature of the hidden mass and if ge is bigger than both a0 and g, the system is simply New-
its distribution in space” (p. 365). While studying galaxies, tonian.

34
mass problem.

However, the theory recently regained attention thanks


to Skordis and Zlosnik’s (2020) promising relativistic MOND
reformulation. It reproduces TeVeS theory and, in addition,
agrees with important observables like the cosmic background
radiation (CMB) and the matter power spectra (MPS), which
describe the difference between local and average density in
the universe. Their theory still needs to be developed further
since they deem it a “limiting case of a more fundamental
theory” (p. 6). Nonetheless, it shows that the debate be-
tween dark matter and modified gravity is still unsettled.

2.3 Ultra-diffuse galaxies (UDGs)

In the last few decades, we began to explore an unfath-


Arguably, MOND is unrivalled at explaining the dynam- omed world: one of low surface brightness (LSB) galaxies.
ics of spiral and elliptical galaxies. The model can success- These objects are vital to understanding galaxy evolution
fully explain key observations like the galaxies’ rotation curves since they dominate the galaxy number density (Martin et
(Sanders & McGaugh, 2002) and the fitted mass-to-light ra- al., 2019). Furthermore, as Kaviraj (2020) highlighted, our
tio ML (Sanders & Verheijen, 1998), which refers to the ratio
ú

current physical models might be biased towards a smaller


between the total mass of a volume and its luminosity. Fur- sample of high surface brightness (HBS) galaxies. Van den
thermore, as Figure 2 shows, the model fits well with the em- Bergh published the first catalogue of LSB objects in 1959.
pirical correlation between luminosity and rotational velocity This was limited to low-mass galaxies primarily located in
of spiral galaxies, known as the Tully-Fisher relation (Tully the Local Group—the galaxy group that contains the Milky
& Fisher, 1977). Notably, MOND predicted the line shown Way and Andromeda. However, thanks to deep-wide surveys
in Figure 2 before the data even existed (McGaugh, 2020), like 2MASS (Skrutskie et al., 2006) or UKIDSS (Lawrence
illustrating that this model is quite strong at the galactic et al., 2007), we are increasingly discovering LSB objects of
scale. different mass ranges within cosmological distances.
Nevertheless, the original formulation of MOND did not
constitute a complete theory. As Milgrom pointed out, peo-
ple should regard his modification as an effective working
equation. The model violated some of the fundamental laws
of physics—the conservation of momentum, angular momen-
tum, and energy—making it incompatible with general rel-
ativity (Bertone & Hooper, 2018). However, this changed
when Bekenstein (2004) proposed a relativistic generalisation
of MOND known as Tensor-vector-scalar gravity (TeVeS).
This relativistic theory could explain conservation laws and
gravitational lensing, and could reproduce MOND results in
the limits of a weak gravitational field.

Despite its relativistic reformulation, MOND still faces


crucial hurdles on the galaxy cluster scale. For instance,
it is unable to explain the phenomenon seen in the Bullet
cluster (1E 0657-56), where the location of baryonic matter
does not match the distribution of matter obtained through
gravitational lensing (Clowe et al., 2004). If the cluster was
composed only of baryonic matter, as MOND proposes, these
Of particular interest for this paper are ultra-diffuse galax-
two locations should be identical. Milgrom (2007) informally
ies (UDG), shown in Figure 3. These are a subtype of
argued that MOND could still explain the Bullet cluster if
LSB galaxies that have very low surface brightness (µ >
undetected baryonic matter (i.e., faint stars, cold gas clouds,
24.5 arcsec
mag
2 ) with masses like the ones of dwarf galaxies
neutrinos) were present in the same proportion as visible mat-
(M = 108§ ) but with sizes comparable to giants, like the
ter. However, most of the scientific community saw this as
Milky Way (Re ≥ 1.5 ≠ 5kpc) (van Dokkum et al., 2015).
a significant strain on the theory (Paraficz et al., 2016) and
These systems have served to study the mass distribution of
considered this to be a less likely explanation to the missing

35
galaxies and their stellar feedback processes (Di Cintio et al., lar formation, and can thus be considered the ‘boundary’ or
2017). These galaxies have intrigued scientists due to their ‘edge’ of the galaxy. As Figure 4 shows, the overlap between
complex formation mechanisms as they have been detected UDGs and Milky Way-like galaxies disappears. Under these
in both inside (Mancera Piña et al., 2018) and outside galaxy circumstances, van Dokkum et al.’s (2015) formation mecha-
clusters (Román & Trujillo, 2017). Recently, interest surged nism seems less plausible. Nevertheless, as Lim et al. (2020)
with van Dokkum et al.’s (2018a) claim that a UDG lacked emphasise, more research and data collection are needed be-
dark matter. This claim further puzzled the scientific com- fore any option is ruled out as the data sets used to study
munity because it was unclear how a system dependent on UDGs so far have been incomplete and heterogeneous.
dark matter for its formation observed a depletion of non-
baryonic matter.
3 Methodology
The formation mechanism of UDGs, however, is still not
well-understood. There are at least three possible scenarios
outlined in the literature. On the one hand, van Dokkum This thesis used a systematic literature review and the
et al., (2015) put forward the idea that UDGs are L* galax- ultra-diffuse galaxy NGC1052–DF2 as a case study to anal-
ies (galaxies with a stellar-mass similar to the Milky Way’s), yse the predictions of the MOND and CDM paradigms. The
which have massive dark matter halos that failed to retain research question was: Which model can better describe the
their stellar components. Under this hypothesis, UDGs can observational data and behaviour of NGC1052–DF2, MOND,
survive in very dense environments (e.g., close to cluster cen- or CDM? As Figure 5 displays, the journals considered were:
tres) because of their high mass. On the other hand, Amor- Nature Astronomy, The Astrophysical Journal, The Astro-
isco & Loeb (2016) proposed that UDGs follow the standard physical Journal Letters, Research notes of the AAs, Astron-
model of disk formation, where the size of galaxies is deter- omy & Astrophysics, and Monthly Notices of the Royal Astro-
mined by the spin of their dark matter halo. This process nomical Society. Searching for the terms “NGC1052–DF2,”
resembles that which LSB dwarfs undergo but with different “dark matter,” “MOND,” “CDM,” “Standard Cosmology,”
initial conditions (i.e., a high angular momentum content), and “ultra-diffuse galaxy” in the combinations outlined in
which leads to an extended disk. Di Cintio et al.’s (2017) Figure 5 generated 31 results. After an eligibility screening,
simulations supported this hypothesis. Lastly, Román & Tru- only the 28 papers explicitly discussing NGC1052–DF2 were
jillo (2017) suggested that UDGs form outside clusters and considered.
become part of such systems through the infall of galaxy
groups.

Whilst the previously outlined scenarios all operated under


4 Discussion
the assumption that UDGs are Milky Way sized, Chamba et
al. (2019) recently challenged this notion. They found that
most UDGs are in the size scale of dwarf galaxies (i.e., 10
times smaller than the Milky Way). These discrepancies stem
from measuring galaxies based on the effective radius, Re ,
which is the radius that captures half of the total light emit-
ted by a system. The team argued that the effective radius
is unable to reach the physical boundaries of a galaxy since
the measured radius depends on how light is concentrated
in the system. Hence, using the effective radius would lead
to unfair comparisons with UDGs considering that a fainter
configuration produces a higher radius. The team measured
the galaxy size based on the gas density threshold required
for star formation to avoid this problem. The threshold re-
flects the physical boundaries of a galaxy since outside the Van Dokkum et al. (2018a) reanimated the debate be-
threshold the gas density is so low that it cannot start stel- tween the cold dark matter (CDM) and modified Newtonian

36
dynamics (MOND) paradigms when they announced that the This result shows that NGC 1052–DF2 is a significantly dark-
UDG NGC 1052–DF2, shown in Figure 6, lacked dark matter. matter-deficient galaxy since, for comparison, the Milky Way
This section will provide an in-depth analysis of the charac- has an SHM ratio of approximately 20 (McMillan, 2011)
teristics of the UDG system, which will serve as a case study and low-mass galaxies have an SHM ratio greater than 30
to compare and contrast the predictions of both models. (Behroozi et al., 2013; Sardone et al., 2019).

First, however, I present a simplified derivation of van


Dokkum et al.’s (2018a) result. The team conducted a kine-
matic study, which consists of measuring the motions of
celestial objects, based on ten globular clusters— spherical
gravitationally bound groups of stars that orbit a galaxy—to
obtain a velocity dispersion value of less than 10.5 km s . If
a galaxy is approximated as a sphere, the velocity dispersion
can be used rather than the velocity to derive the so-called
dynamical mass of the system. While the team used the
sophisticated tracer mass estimator (TME) method, I will
provide a simple order of magnitude estimate of the total
mass using the virial theorem:
2T + U = 0
which is applicable only to gravitationally bound systems.
Here T denotes the total kinetic energy, which is described by
1
2 Mtot v ; and U the total potential energy, which is described
2

GM 2
Besides its deficiency in non-baryonic matter, the
by ≠ 12 Rtot
tot
. For a full derivation of the virial theorem see galaxy NGC 1052–DF2 exhibits other unusual characteristics.
Collins (1978). Then, it follows that: Firstly, Abraham et al.
3 4 2
1 1 GMtot
2 Mtot v 2 ≠ =0 (2018) suggested that this galaxy possibly contains a thin
2 2 Rtot
cold stellar stream (Figure 6), which is the remnant of a dwarf
2
1 GMtot galaxy or globular cluster pulled apart by tidal forces. If con-
Mtot v 2 =
2 Rtot firmed, it would replace the Pisces Stellar Stream (PSS),
2Rtot v 2 located at a distance of 35kpc (Martin et al., 2013), as the
Mtot =
G furthest cold stellar stream discovered. Secondly, its popula-
Now, using the reported values of van Dokkum et al. (2018a) tion of globular clusters (GCs) is very bright with an absolute
of a 7.6kpc radius and a velocity dispersion of 10.5 km magnitude of ¥ ≠9.1 (van Dokkum et al., 2018b), differ-
s and
converting the units to International System of Units (SI) ent from the expected value of ≠7.5 (Rejkuba, 2012). Since
base units: the 1970s, empirical evidence had lead to the general belief
that the magnitude of old globular clusters peaked at M≥
2(7.6kpc)(3.0857 ◊ 1019 kpc
m
)((10.5 km
s )(1, 000 km ))
m 2
Mtot = 3
≠7.5 (Rejkuba, 2012) across different types of galaxies. This
6.6740 ◊ 10≠11 kgs
m
2 became known as the so-called Globular Cluster Luminosity
2(2.3451 ◊ 1020 m)(10, 500 m
s )
2 Function and has been used as a secondary distance indica-
Mtot = 3 tor. Hence, NGC 1052–DF2 demonstrates that the luminos-
6.6740 ◊ 10≠11 kgs
m
2

3
ity function of metal-poor GCs is not a general law. Lastly,
5.1709 ◊ 1028 m
s2 Sardone et al. (2019) found that the galaxy is extremely
Mtot =
gas-poor, with a value of less than 1% of neutral atomic
3
6.6740 ◊ 10≠11 kgs
m
2

hydrogen, which is comparable to gas-poor elliptical dwarf


Mtot = 7.7479 ◊ 1038 kg
galaxies. A low neutral hydrogen content has been linked to
Or expressed in solar masses, M § ¥ 1.9884x1030 kg: dense and crowded environments (Jung et al., 2018), thus
revealing hints of NGC 1052–DF2’s surroundings.
Mtot = 3.8965 ◊ 108 §
which is in the same order of magnitude as van Dokkum However, most of these irregularities would disappear if
et al.’s (2018a) result of 3.4x108 § using the TME method. the UDG was located significantly closer to Earth than the
This serves as a quick order of magnitude verification of their 20 Mpc initially reported. Trujillo et al. (2019) argued that
results. Lastly, the stellar-to-halo mass ratio (SHM), M
Mhalo
, van Dokkum et al. (2018a) used the surface brightness fluc-
can be computed using the reported stellar mass value of
stars
tuation (SBF) technique (see Blakeslee (2012) for a review)
2x108 §: to calculate the distance in a calibration range where its ap-
plicability is untested. Instead, Trujillo’s team used redshift-
Mhalo 3.8965 ◊ 108 § independent techniques and concluded that NGC 1052–DF2
= ¥ 1.95
Mstars 2 ◊ 108 §

37
is located at 13 Mpc. In response, van Dokkum et al. (2018c) sections 1 and 2.
explained that Trujillo et al. (2019) used a colour-magnitude
diagram giving erroneous distances due to blends. Using an- Within the CDM model, dark matter deficient galaxies are
other distance ladder method, van Dokkum et al. (2018c) theorised in the dual dwarf galaxy theorem (Kroupa, 2012).
obtained a value of 18.7 Mpc. Furthermore, an independent This theorem predicts two different types of dwarf objects:
study by Blakeslee & Cantiello (2018) agreed with the orig- primordial and tidal dwarf galaxies (TDGs). Primordial galax-
inal distance. It seems that this original value is the correct ies are formed via the usual clustering process of CDM, where
one since, as of late, Shen et al. (2021) further agreed with such particles collapse into halos and those, in turn, trap
these findings when they reported a distance of 22 Mpc with baryonic matter. Hence, these types of structures are dark
the tip of the red giant branch (TRGB) technique (see Salaris matter-dominated. In comparison, TDGs form through the
& Cassisi (1997) for an introduction) using the Hubble Space dynamical interactions of gas-rich massive galaxies, causing
Telescope. powerful tidal forces that eject stellar and gaseous content.
Haslbauer et al. (2019a) explained that this expelled mate-
rial forms “tidal tails and arms” (p. 1), which continues to
orbit its host galaxy and grow in mass, eventually becoming a
dwarf. Two key characteristics of these TDGs are their dark
matter-deficiency and low metallicity values if formed long
ago (≥ > 6Gyr ago) (Hunter et al., 2000). NGC 1052–DF2
meets the criteria with an estimated age of 8.9Gyr and a
low metallicity of [M/H] = ≠1.63 (Fensch et al., 2019).
Hence, I argue that this UDG, which is probably dwarf-scale
sized (Chamba et al., 2019), could be considered a TDG.
Consequently, the existence of the UDG NGC 1052–DF2 is
in agreement with the CDM model.

The results of N-body simulations, nonetheless, show


mixed results. Haslbauer et al. (2019a) found dark matter-
deficient galaxies in the Illustris simulation, albeit in only
0.17% of all galaxies. Similarly, Jing et al. (2019) found
While typical UDGs might form either through the failed
only 2% of such objects in the EAGLE and Illustris sim-
giant galaxy scenario (van Dokkum et al., 2015) or the ex-
ulations. However, in a follow-up paper, Haslbauer et al.
tended dwarf galaxy scenario (Amorisco & Loeb, 2016), as
(2019b) claimed that, in fact, in the TNG100-1 simulation,
discussed in the previous section, NGC 1052–DF2 requires
the probability of finding a UDG like NGC 1052–DF2 is much
additional mechanisms to explain its lack of dark matter.
lower—a mere 4.8 ◊ 10≠7 . In contrast, Shin et al.’s (2020)
The first possibility is that the galaxy lost its non-baryonic
collision-induced simulations successfully found dark matter-
content through tidal stripping (Ogiya, 2018), which occurs
deficient galaxies with the ENZO and GADGET-2 codes. In-
when a galaxy tears apart material from a less massive one
triguingly, given a dense initial environment, Macciò et al.’s
due to hefty tidal forces. Another possibility is that the UDG
(2020) high-resolution cosmological hydrodynamical simula-
initially formed as a dwarf galaxy in a gas cloud, expelled
tions, enhanced with direct interactions, were able to repro-
due to energetic outflows from a quasar (Natarajan et al.,
duce “all key properties” (p. 699) of NGC 1052–DF2.
1998) or tidal interactions (Duc et al., 2014). Lastly, NGC
1052–DF2 could also have formed through the collision of Despite the ambivalent results of simulations, NGC
gas-rich galaxies at high velocities (Silk, 2019). As Figure 1052–DF2 is in good agreement with the theoretical prin-
8 shows, Shin et al. (2020) communicated that—using the ciples of the CDM model. Furthermore, the announcement
ENZO and GADGET-2 codes—dark matter deficient galax- that a second UDG lacks dark matter (van Dokkum et al.,
ies with masses up to 108 § can form if two gas-rich galax- 2019) strengthens the idea that these galaxies probably con-
ies collide at a velocity of 300 km
s . Hence, there are several stitute a new class of objects, namely TDGs, and are not
methods to remove the dark matter contents of a UDG, and merely exceptions, as they were previously considered.
they might not be mutually exclusive. Furthermore, while all
the previous formation mechanisms rely on dynamical inter- I will now discuss NGC 1052–DF2 in the context of a
actions (i.e., collisions, mergers, expulsions) to explain the MONDian universe. Notably, primordial galaxies and TDGs
deficiency of dark matter, non-baryonic matter is essential are now undistinguishable since baryonic matter alone de-
for UDG formation, albeit removed at a later stage. termines the characteristics of a galaxy. The lack of dark
matter in this scenario means that the formation and devel-
Having discussed the characteristics of the NGC opment of galaxies depend only on baryonic matter. Conse-
1052–DF2 galaxy, I will now compare and contrast the pre- quently, primordial galaxies—which are DM-dominated—and
dictions of CDM and MOND for this system. For a review TDGs—which are DM-deficient—are undistinguishable for
of the basic tenets of each paradigm, I refer the reader to the MONDian theory. Renaud et al. (2016) argued that

38
where G is Newton’s gravitational constant; M is the total
mass of the system; ai is the internal acceleration of the ob-
ject; and a0 refers to the MONDian fundamental acceleration
constant. Taking the reported values of a0 = 1.21◊10≠10 sm2
and ai = 0.15a0 from Kroupa et al. (2018), it follows that:
3 4
0.15a0
x = log10 = ≠0.8239
a0

4 m3
‡M = ( (6.6740 ◊ 10≠11 )(6.76 ◊ 1038 kg)
81 kgs2
m 1
(1.21 ◊ 10≠10 2 ) 4 (1 + 0.56exp(3.02(≠0.82339)))0.184
s

3 4 14
m4
‡M = 2.6958 ◊ 1017 4 (1 + 0.0465)0.184
s
3 4 14
TDGs arise more naturally in a MONDian context since there m4
‡M = 2.6958 ◊ 1017 4 (1 + 0.0465)0.184
is more substructure created in tidal tides, and they are more s
resistant against the tidal forces of their hosts. Furthermore, m
‡M = 22, 786.20(1.0465)0.184
Haslbauer et al. (2019a) claimed that TDGs arise less nat- s
urally in the CDM model because they are more likely to be m m km
‡M = 22, 786.20 (1.00840) = 22, 977.6 = 22.97
destroyed in dynamical interactions, like mergers, due to the s s s
dynamical friction of dark matter halos.
We then arrive at a value for ‡M of 22.97 km
s , which was van
Another point worth clarifying is van Dokkum et al.’s Dokkum et al.’s (2018a) original conclusion. Nevertheless, as
(2018a) premature calculation of a velocity dispersion that Figure 9 depicts, Shen et al. (2021) were careful to contem-
falsified MOND. As Haghi et al. (2019) rightfully pointed plate a scenario where NGC1052–DF2 is under the influence
out, the external field effect (EFE) should always be included of NGC 1052, and NGC1052–DF4 under that of NGC 1035,
in the calculation of the velocity dispersion when dealing with as has been proposed in the literature (Montes et al., 2020).
a non-isolated body. This is the case for NGC 1052–DF2 as it There are, nonetheless, difficulties with this scenario since
is 80 kpc away from its massive host NGC 1052. Accordingly, it would mean that the two UDGs formed independently,
Haghi et al. (2019) arrived at a theoretical velocity dispersion despite their “near-identical morphologies, kinematics, and
value of 14 km extreme globular cluster population” (Shen et al., 2021, p.
s , thoroughly consistent with the observations,
as shown in Figure 9. 10). Still, unless either NGC1052–DF2 or NGC1052–DF4 are
proven to be isolated, MOND agrees with observations.
However, it is still possible that NGC 1052–DF2 is isolated
after all, in which case its separation from any massive galaxy
is > 300kpc. Shen et al.’s (2021) recent findings demon- 5 Summary and Conclusions
strate that NGC 1052–DF2 and NGC 1052–DF4 are 2.1 Mpc
(2100kpc) apart. This separation implies that one of these
UDGs is probably not bound to the group since the virial The study of dark-matter-deficient galaxies is essential
diameter—the diameter up to which the virial theorem is to understand galaxy formation and the true nature of non-
valid—of NGC 1052 is 780kpc. Hence, either NGC1052–DF2 baryonic matter. This thesis introduced the reader to the
or NGC1052–DF4 is bound to the system, but not both, as recent debate that arose following the discovery that an ultra-
this would require a larger virial diameter than the one ob- diffuse galaxy (UDG) lacks dark matter, and is the first sys-
served (see Figure 10). Forbes et al. (2019) suggested the tematic literature review that focuses on the galaxy NGC
possibility that NGC 1052–DF2 is unbound due to its high 1052–DF2. This galaxy exhibits remarkable characteristics:
recession velocity, and noted that the real 3D recession ve- for example, it is extremely gas-poor, it harbours a popula-
1
locity value could be even 32 2 times larger. If NGC 1052-DF2 tion of unusually bright globular clusters, and it might contain
is indeed isolated, its predicted velocity dispersion can be cal- the most distant cold stellar stream known so far. Further-
culated through the following expression (Haghi et al., 2019): more, it has important implications within the Cold Dark
Matter (CDM) and Modified Newtonian dynamics (MOND)
3 4 14
4 paradigms.
‡M = GM a0 (1 + 0.56exp(3.02x))0.184
81
ai This paper concluded that, currently, both paradigms are
x © log10 ( ) in agreement with observations. On the one hand, CDM’s
a0

39
modified gravity debate.

Acknowledgments

To begin with, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr.


Gianfranco Bertone, for introducing me to the thrilling world
of dark matter. This thesis project could not have come to
fruition without his valuable comments and guidance.

To all my lecturers, including my tutor Dr. Bart Ver-


heggen, thank you for giving me the knowledge and tools
needed to complete my undergraduate degree.

I am very grateful to the ASF AUC Scholarship Fund


for funding my studies and allowing me to be part of the
genuinely enriching and close-knit community of AUC.

I would also like to thank my family and friends who


encouraged me to follow my wild dream of changing careers
and studying physics abroad. To my brother and sister, thank
you for your companionship that transcends borders. To my
parents, I owe you all my successes, and I am only here thanks
to your unconditional support. Finally, to William, thank you
dual dwarf galaxy theorem predicts the existence of primor- for your relentless encouragement and for always believing in
dial galaxies and TDGs. Since the accurate size of NGC me.
1052–DF2 is probably in the dwarf galaxy scale, and because
it meets the key characteristics of TDGs, it was argued that
it should be considered a TDG. Hence, the existence of NGC
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Social Sciences

Young Entrepreneurs of Reconciliation


The Role of Rwandan Youth in the Diffusion of Reconciliation Norms

Carolina Resigotti

Supervisor
Dr. Siniöa VukoviÊ (AUC)
Reader
Dr. Erica Pasini (AUC)

Photographer: Richard Essink


Abstract

This research expands on existing literature merging norm diffusion and reconciliation, by exploring the role of young
people as norm entrepreneurs spreading norms of reconciliation. In order to do so, it examines the post-genocide context
of Rwanda, and analyzes data drawn from semi-structured interviews with young Rwandans involved in the reconciliation
process. The paper provides an overview of the globally recognized norms of reconciliation advanced by the Rwandan state,
with the purpose of understanding the ways in which the new Rwandan generation engages in national and international
norm promotion. Findings illustrate that youth actors localize norms of truth and memory, and internalize unity and a
common identity. In line with global youth trends, they advance a stronger focus on a shared future marked by a “never
again” narrative, and they also encourage empathy, critical thinking, and responsibility. By using innovative methods
like art, dialogue, and media, the youth actors increasingly interact with the state’s transitional justice institutions and
the education system, as they stand between norm emergence and cascade. Their impact is also visible between cascade
and internalization, as they form networks of norm entrepreneurs beyond national boundaries. Such results implicate the
relevant agency of young people within the norm diffusion cycle, by virtue of their ability to reconstruct post-conflict
societies. Lastly, findings contribute to emphasizing their essential role during reconciliation processes.
Keywords: Norm diffusion, reconciliation, youth actors, norm entrepreneurs, Rwanda

Suggested citation:
Resigotti, C. (2021). Young entrepreneurs of reconciliation: The role of Rwandan youth in the diffusion of
reconciliation norms. AUC Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts and Sciences, 16 (1), 46-68.

47
Contents

1 Introduction 50

2 Research Context 51

2.1 Norm Diffusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

2.2 Reconciliation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52

2.3 Merging Norm Diffusion and Reconciliation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52

2.4 Youth Actors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

2.4.1 Bottom-Up Youth Initiatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

2.4.2 Top-down Approaches: National, Transnational and International Levels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

3 Methodology 55

4 Findings/Analysis 55

4.1 Case Study – Norms of Reconciliation in Rwanda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

4.1.1 Transitional Justice Institutions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

4.1.2 Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

4.2 Interviews – The Role of Youth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

4.2.1 Preconditions for Youth Influence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

4.2.2 Youth Norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

4.2.3 Youth Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

4.2.4 Youth Impact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

5 Conclusion 65

List of Figures and Tables

The role of youth within the norm diffusion cycle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53

Youth norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

Interplay between preexisting norms and youth norms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61

Youth impact within the normative realm of reconciliation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

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Abbreviations

CNLG National Commission for the Fight against Genocide


DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo
EU European Union
ICC International Criminal Court
ICTR International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
NGO Non-Governmental Organization
NURC National Unity and Reconciliation Commission
PLP Peace and Love Proclaimers
SD Sustained Dialogue
TAN Transnational Advocacy Network
TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission
UN United Nations
UNESCO United Nations Educations, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNOY United Network of Young Peacebuilders
UNSC United Nations Security Council
UNSCR United Nations Security Council Resolution
YPS Youth, Peace and Security

49
1 Introduction cesses (De Graaf, 2014; Dragija, 2020; Kasherwa, 2019;
Kosic & Tauber, 2010; Kurze, 2016; McEvoy-Levy, 2006;
Nguyen-Marshall, 2015; Prisca et al., 2012; Shipler, 2008;
Reconciliation is an indispensable requirement for the re-
Thapa, 2009; Wienand, 2013; Wollentz et al., 2019). By
construction of society in the aftermath of a violent con-
examining youth action within norm diffusion, it is possible
flict. By virtue of its power to restore social relationships
to acknowledge the impact of bottom-up youth initiatives
and modify societal beliefs, attitudes, motivations, and emo-
in diffusing specific norms of reconciliation, namely unity
tions (Bar-Tal & Bennink, 2004; Rosoux, 2009; 2015; 2017),
and inclusivity across difference, social justice and human
reconciliation is internationally viewed as an essential con-
rights preservation, and an orientation towards a shared fu-
dition for the attainment of stable peace (Rosoux, 2017).
ture. These norms are advocated by youth actors across
This global consensus around the significance of reconcilia-
the globe through the use of innovative tools, such as art
tion hints at its association with norm diffusion.
(Dragija, 2020; Kosic & Tauber, 2010; Kurze, 2016; Peace
The latter indeed relates to the emergence, propagation, Direct, 2019; Wollentz et al., 2019), sustained dialogue (Life
and internalization of “standards of appropriate behavior” & Peace Institute, 2017), and peace education (Kasherwa,
(Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998, p. 891) within the international 2019; Peace Direct, 2019). Their impact is visible at differ-
realm. According to Finnemore and Sikkink’s (1998) norm ent stages of the norm diffusion cycle: at the national level,
life cycle, norms are created by norm entrepreneurs,“cascade” governments are adopting youth-related policies and includ-
across nation-states through the work of international orga- ing youth in representative bodies (Mengistu, 2017), as well
nizations and networks and are internalized within national as implementing peace education programs in educational
and local social discourses. In order to explain how norms systems (UNESCO, 2013); at the transnational level, youth
can be dynamically negotiated between the global and the transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and youth NGOs
local, existing literature has analyzed processes of norm con- are becoming prominent and influential in promoting norms
testation (Stimmer, 2019; Wiener, 2004; Wiener, 2017), and engineered by youth actors; at the international level, influ-
norm localization (Acharya, 2004; Capie, 2008; Groß, 2015; ence of the youth is observable in the adoption of the UNSCR
Tholens & Groß, 2015). 2550 on Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) of 2015, which has
contributed to producing a normative shift on a global scale,
The link between norm diffusion and reconciliation be- enabling extensive youth participation and increasing young
comes clear through the acknowledgement of seemingly in- people’s effect in diffusing their norms.
ternationally agreed-upon norms of reconciliation, or stan-
dards for its effectiveness, such as justice (Bar-Tal & Ben- Within the norm diffusion framework, little has been done
nink, 2004; Rosoux, 2009; Staub, 2013; Weinstein & Stover, to trace the role of young people involved in reconciliation.
2004), truth and collective memory (Bar-Tal & Bennink, Therefore, this research aims to illustrate the ways in which
2004; Kelman, 2004; Rosoux, 2009; Staub, 2013), and for- youth actors contribute to diffuse norms for the promotion
giveness (Auerbach, 2004; Bar-Tal & Bennink, 2004; Rosoux of reconciliation. In other words, it seeks to delineate young
& Brudholm, 2009; Rosoux, 2009; 2015). These normative people’s norm entrepreneurship. In doing so, it examines the
elements are reinforced through the process of transitional post-genocide context of Rwanda, and draws its data from 10
justice, which itself is globally considered a post-conflict norm semi-structured interviews conducted with young Rwandans
(Ben-Josef Hirsch, 2014; Boesenecker & Vinjamuri, 2011; involved in the reconciliation process. The study specifically
Kostovicova & Bicquelet, 2017; MacKenzie & Sesay, 2012; focuses on exploring the norms they promote and the strate-
Ottendörfer, 2013; Sikkink & Kim, 2013; Subotic, 2015) Ev- gies they use , and on evaluating their impact within and
idence for this global conception is offered by the establish- beyond national borders. The first part of the paper is ded-
ment of international tribunals in order to ensure legal justice icated to the analysis of existing norms of reconciliation in
(Ben-Josef Hirsch, 2014; Sikkink & Kim, 2013), the institu- the country, as well as the methods employed by the state
tionalization of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs) to promote such norms. In conformity with international
for the exposure of truth and the necessity to forgive (Ben- norms aimed at reconciliation, Rwanda has advanced justice,
Josef Hirsch, 2014; Rosoux & Brudholm, 2009, p. 34), and truth, forgiveness, and collective memory, and additionally,
the implementation of museums and memorial sites for the unity and a common identity, through the implementation
propagation of collective memory (Sikkink & Kim, 2013, p. of transitional justice institutions, namely the ICTR (Des
270). Forges & Longman, 2004; Tiemessen, 2004), the Gacaca
courts (Tiemessen, 2004; Meyerstein, 2007; Rettig, 2008),
Bearing the connection between reconciliation and norm the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC)
diffusion in mind, this research aims at more thoroughly ex- (Clark, 2010; Mgbako, 2005), and the National Commis-
ploring the role of local actors, specifically the youth. Even sion for the Fight against Genocide (CNLG) (Korman, 2014),
though youth agency is often disregarded in the national and along with the use of the education system (Russell, 2015;
international spheres (De Graaf, 2014; McEvoy-Levy, 2006; 2018; 2019). The second part relies upon data obtained
Mengistu, 2017), their role has proven to be crucial in post- through qualitative interviewing, and serves to identify the
conflict areas, during peacebuilding and reconciliation pro- work of Rwandan youth as norm entrepreneurs within the

50
present context. First, it looks into the preconditions that by “norm emergence,” “norm cascade,” and “norm internal-
determine their influential action: being the majority, hav- ization” (p. 895). In the first phase, norms are built by norm
ing the resources, being innocents and victims at the same entrepreneurs, who persuade their community to adopt new
time, and having different, more open mindsets and perspec- principles of appropriateness, with the help of organizational
tives. Second, it dives into the norms they promote. Here, platforms (e.g.,NGOs); in the second phase, other countries
it emerges that youth-led norms mainly pertain to two over- or regions are pressured to adopt these new legitimate norms,
lapping categories: the analysis of the past and the focus on notably through the work of international organizations and
the future. The former includes norms of acknowledgement networks; in the final phase, norms are accepted and internal-
(of the past) and acceptance (of the truth), while the lat- ized by the international community, thus achieving a “taken-
ter involves norms of unity, a common identity, and a “never for-granted” character (Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998).
again” narrative. In between these two groups, young Rwan-
dans also emphasize critical thinking, empathy, and respon- Of particular significance is the notion of norm en-
sibility. To different extents, such norms are a result of norm trepreneurs. Such individuals are often described as “meaning
localization by the hands of the Rwandan new generation. managers” or “meaning architects” (Finnemore & Sikkink,
Third, the research offers an overview of the methods used 1998, p. 897), because of their ability to reshape social mean-
by youth to advance such norms. These approaches, which ing within broader society. In the latter, norm entrepreneurs
are clearly connected to global patterns of youth-initiated usually encounter initial contestation, considering their use
methods, are categorized into three groups: dialogue, conver- of non-normative approaches to diffuse norms (Finnemore
sation, and debate; art, writing, and storytelling; and media & Sikkink, 1998, p. 897). Nonetheless, such inappropri-
and technology. Fourth, the last section seeks to illustrate ateness is employed to ensure that their voices are heard,
the concrete impact of Rwandan youth as norm entrepreneurs with the greater aim to divulge their ideas among a wider
at national, transnational, and international levels: between public. Finally, the motivations behind the action of norm
norm emergence and cascade, youth-led initiatives are widely entrepreneurs range from altruism and empathy to ideational
recognized within Rwandan society, especially through their commitment (Finnemore and Sikkink, 1998, p. 898).
extensive interaction with the state’s institutions aimed at
Other scholars have problematized the norm life cycle by
norm promotion; between cascade and internalization, youth
analyzing norm contestation (Stimmer, 2019; Wiener, 2004;
actors are expanding their communities and forming webs of
2017). In particular, Wiener (2004) focuses on instances of
norm entrepreneurs across the globe.
“contested compliance,” while Stimmer (2019) complicates
This research contributes to the scholarship on norm dif- the binary understanding of contestation and acceptance by
fusion and reconciliation. On the one hand, it sheds light on offering four distinct contestation outcomes, namely norm
the under-recognized agency of youth actors in norm diffu- clarification, norm recognition, norm neglect and norm im-
sion, as it permits conceiving them as norm entrepreneurs; passe.
on the other hand, it enlarges existing knowledge surround-
Another substantial body of research examines norm lo-
ing the role of young people in contexts of reconciliation. In
calization (Acharya, 2004; Capie, 2008; Groß, 2015; Tholens
terms of social relevance, this paper emphasizes the youth’s
& Groß, 2015), defined by Acharya (2004) as a pro-
ability to (re)construct social discourses in post-conflict so-
cess through which “norm-takers build congruence between
cieties, and to go beyond national borders. Consequently,
transnational norms [. . . ] and local beliefs and practices” (p.
it seeks to encourage the inclusion and recognition of youth
241). Most significantly, Acharya (2004) expands on existing
agency at a national level, where young people should be
literature around norm diffusion by emphasizing the agency
equipped with the physical spaces and means to be able to
of local actors in reinterpreting and adapting outside norms
achieve meaningful outcomes. Given the rising acknowledge-
to their social contexts. Groß (2015), who analyzes the con-
ment of youth action and potential in Rwanda, the Rwandan
struction of local meaning regarding international norms of
case serves as an example for the world.
democracy and minority rights in Kosovo, provides an ex-
ample of such local agency. Finally, the role of local actors
is taken forward by Acharya (2011), who develops the con-
2 Research Context cept of “norm subsidiarity” in Third World countries. Here,
local actors create norms with the aim of maintaining local
autonomy.
2.1 Norm Diffusion
Lastly, a wide range of literature concentrates on con-
Norm diffusion in international relations has been exten- textualizing norm diffusion, contestation, and localization,
sively explored on the basis of a constructivist theoretical as well as exploring the role of specific norm entrepreneurs
framework offered by Finnemore and Sikkink in 1998. Ac- and norm-takers (Acharya, 2013; Björkdahl, 2006; Boese-
cording to these scholars, norms, which they define as “stan- necker & Vinjamuri, 2011; De Almagro, 2018; VukoviÊ, 2020;
dard[s] of appropriate behavior for actors with a given iden- Williams, 2009). On the one hand, Björkdahl (2006) and
tity” (p. 891), undergo a three-stage process characterized VukoviÊ (2020) focus on external norm entrepreneurs, re-

51
spectively the UN and EU mediators. On the other hand, Transitional justice has come to be internationally viewed
Acharya (2013), De Almagro (2018), Williams (2009), and as a norm of reconciliation (Ben-Josef Hirsch, 2014; Boese-
Boesenecker and Vinjamuri (2011) examine internal dynam- necker & Vinjamuri, 2011; Kostovicova & Bicquelet, 2017;
ics of norm diffusion and the agency of norm-takers in shaping MacKenzie & Sesay, 2012; Ottendörfer, 2013; Sikkink &
and localizing external norms. For instance, Williams (2009) Kim, 2013; Subotic, 2015). Post-conflict states are ex-
and Acharya (2013) investigate the circulation of the “Re- pected to implement justice through the institution of dif-
sponsibility to Protect”-norm in Africa. ferent mechanisms which ensure legal accountability, with
regard to individuals engaging in substantial human rights
violations (Sikkink & Kim, 2013). This “individual criminal
2.2 Reconciliation accountability model” (Sikkink & Kim, 2013, p. 276) first
emerged with the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials, due to an ide-
Reconciliation, which Bar-Tal and Bennink (2004) claim ological change stemming from the human rights movement
is “the necessary condition for stable and lasting peace” (p. (Sikkink & Kim, 2013). Indeed, these post-World War II tri-
17), has been largely conceived as “an agreed upon norm of als laid the foundations for the so-called “justice cascade”
conflict resolution” (Rosoux, 2015, p. 48). In other words, (Ben-Josef Hirsch, 2014; Sikkink & Kim, 2013), which in-
reconciliation is internationally viewed as an essential require- volved the establishment of international tribunals, such as
ment for the successful settlement of violent conflicts and the the ICTY, the ICTR, and ultimately the ICC, for a global and
achievement of peace and stability. decentralized prosecution of perpetrators. The justice cas-
cade then influenced national policies across the globe, par-
Reconciliation is broadly defined by Rosoux (2017) on the ticularly through the work of TANs and peer pressure (Sikkink
basis of three levels: structural, psycho-social, and spiritual. & Kim, 2013).
The first indicates the development of political and economic
collaboration between two parties; the second relates to the Truth is also viewed as an inherent, indispensable com-
improvement of emotional understandings between the two; ponent of the path to reconciliation (Rosoux, 2009, p. 555).
the last one refers to the rehabilitation of ruptured spiritual The normative and systematic relationship between recon-
connections between victims and perpetrators. ciliation and truth can be observed in the institutionaliza-
tion of truth and reconciliation commissions (TRCs), which
Another significant aspect of an effective reconciliation act as transitional justice tools to expose the truth and
process consists in the simultaneous mobilization of top- shame perpetrators. TRCs originated in Latin America in
down and bottom-up approaches (Bar-Tal & Bennink, 2004; the 1980s, and later acquired international recognition as a
Rosoux, 2009; 2015; 2017) As Rosoux describes (2009; 2015; means to generate effective reconciliation and social recon-
2017), reconciliation must involve political leaders at a macro struction (Ben-Josef Hirsch, 2014).
level, local institutions and NGOs at a meso level, and indi-
viduals at a micro level. Only through this threefold, compre- Other than diffusing the norm of truth, TRCs also en-
hensive involvement of society can an effective reconciliation courage forgiveness by hands of ‘the victim’ towards ‘the
process take place. perpetrator’ (Rosoux & Brudholm, 2009, p. 34). The emer-
gence of forgiveness as a norm is underlined by Auerbach
A substantial amount of research focuses on the social, (2004), who associates it with the influence of Christianity
psychological, and spiritual level of reconciliation through the and Western cultures (p. 153). Today, forgiveness is advo-
identification and problematization of the following key com- cated by governments, NGOs, religious leaders, and media-
ponents: justice (Bar-Tal & Bennink, 2004; Rosoux, 2009; tors (Rosoux & Brudholm, 2009, p. 34), and the forgiver has
Staub, 2013; Weinstein & Stover, 2004 ), truth and collective acquired a privileged image, considered a model of humanity
memory (Bar-Tal & Bennink, 2004; Kelman, 2004; Rosoux, and morality. (Rosoux & Brudholm, 2009).
2009; Staub, 2013), and forgiveness (Auerbach, 2004; Bar-
Tal & Bennink, 2004; Rosoux, 2009; 2015; Rosoux & Brud- Finally, implementing collective memory is also regarded
holm, 2009). as a crucial requirement of a successful reconciliation process.
Lemarchand (2006) hints at the understanding of memory as
a norm by mentioning the universal popularity of the phrase
2.3 Merging Norm Diffusion and Reconcilia- “the duty to remember” (p. 21). The diffusion of collective
memory as a norm of reconciliation is especially visible in the
tion
institutionalization of museums and memory sites in post-
conflict states (Sikkink & Kim, 2013, p. 270).
The link between components of reconciliation and norm
diffusion can be perceived especially in the international nor- Nonetheless, scholars have shown how these norms, in-
mative significance attributed to justice, truth, forgiveness, cluded in the transitional justice process, have encountered
and collective memory. These elements, which are generally contestation, reinterpretation, and localization (Boesenecker
included in the process of transitional justice, are considered & Vinjamuri, 2011; Kostovicova & Bicquelet, 2017; MacKen-
as the appropriate standards of reconciliation. zie & Sesay, 2012; Ottendörfer, 2013; Subotic, 2015). Con-

52
testation refers to the resistance and tension created by the
application of a norm in a given state (Stimmer, 2019);
reinterpretation, which occurs as a consequence of contes-
tation, implies the association of a new norm with a pre-
existing norm (Acharya, 2004); localization, which also set-
tles norm contestation practices, involves an adaptation pro-
cess between international norms and local understandings
(Acharya, 2004). In particular, contestation, resistance, and
normative divergence have occurred in the Balkans (Kos-
tovicova & Biquelet, 2017; Subotic, 2015), in Sierra Leone
(MacKenzie & Sesay, 2012), and in Timor Leste (Ottendör- Figure 1: The role of youth within the norm diffusion cycle.
fer, 2013), where agreed-upon international norms and tools relations (Wienand, 2013) and the Vietnam War (Nguyen-
of reconciliation were inconsistent with their mindsets (Ot- Marshall, 2015). In the former, German university students
tendörfer, 2013, p. 25). initiated German-Israeli study groups; they intended to over-
come prejudices, modify the conception of the “other” and
envision “a joint future by means of reconciliation” (Wien-
2.4 Youth Actors and, 2013, p. 207). In the second case, students in Viet-
nam formed associations and organized peaceful protests to
In post-conflict areas undergoing processes of reconcilia- achieve social justice, fight for religious freedom, and uphold
tion and peacebuilding, youth actors are often “othered,” la- freedom of speech (Nguyen-Marshall, 2015, p. 53). In both
beled as “dangerous subjects” (Kasherwa, 2019, p. 2), “per- contexts, diverse youth actors assembled and cooperated de-
petrators of violence,” and “problematic” individuals (Life spite their differences in nationality, political affiliation, or
& Peace Institute, 2017, p. 4), and youth action is dis- religion, for the promotion of core ideas and values, namely
missed, seen as irrelevant. For this reason, the youth faces unity and inclusivity, justice and human rights preservation,
multiple challenges in exercising its agency within global and an orientation towards a shared future. These three prin-
and national political discourses (De Graaf, 2014; McEvoy- ciples, in particular, acquired the character of norms as they
Levy, 2006; Mengistu, 2017). Nonetheless, youth actors are began to be prioritized and advanced by youth actors in dif-
gaining momentum in the context of international norms of ferent contexts of reconciliation, through the use of hands-on
reconciliation, as they are increasingly acting as norm en- and ingenious methods. The reasons behind a common fo-
trepreneurs. Scholars have widely explored the significant role cus on these three norms in particular are threefold. Firstly,
of young people in post-conflict areas (De Graaf, 2014; Drag- unity across difference is emphasized as young people in post-
ija, 2020; Kasherwa, 2019; Kosic & Tauber, 2010; Kurze, conflict societies are often not involved in past atrocities, un-
2016; McEvoy-Levy, 2006; Nguyen-Marshall, 2015; Prisca et like older generations, and thus feel equipped and qualified
al., 2012; Shipler, 2008; Thapa, 2009; Wienand, 2013; Wol- to accept and include the “other” (Wienand, 2013, p. 206-
lentz et al., 2019). In particular, McEvoy-Levy (2006) high- 207). Secondly, the commitment for social justice, which
lights youth actors’ potential by describing them as “peace appears to be closely tied with human rights protection, is
resources” (p. 12) and stresses their effectiveness in promot- viewed as a priority as youth activists “are the product of
ing healing and reconciliation by virtue of their desire “to do a global spillover effect of international human rights prac-
good, to make contributions, to change systems, and to re- tices” (Kurze, 2016, p. 2). Finally, a common commitment
dress wrongs” (p. 21). Similarly, De Graaf (2014) underlines towards a shared future is advocated as young people see
the importance of giving a voice and providing agency to themselves as builders of a new world (UNOY, n.d.), and, by
youth actors in order to build peace and transform entire so- learning from the older generation’s mistakes, are more prone
cieties. The following sections serve to illustrate the concrete to strive for a better future.
role of young women and men within the norm diffusion cycle
In the Balkans, the youth pioneered the use of artis-
elaborated by Finnemore and Sikkink (1998), in relation to
tic performances and installations as an alternative to the
reconciliation practices (see Figure 1).
traditional transitional justice mechanisms (Kurze, 2016).
These bottom-up initiatives, initially implemented in Bosnia-
2.4.1 Bottom-Up Youth Initiatives Herzegovina, were aimed at creating spaces for victim con-
frontation, denouncing human rights violations, and com-
memorating the past (Kurze, 2016). In doing so, young
At a local level, youth actors are increasingly contributing
people in the Balkans have acted as “insider proponents”
to the promotion of new norms of reconciliation by spreading
(Acharya, 2004, p. 248) of an alternative norm to the exist-
innovative ideas and values. Early signs of youth involvement
ing transitional justice norm and its implications. They at-
aimed at reconciliation, as well as their capacity to positively
tempted to “localize a normative order” (Acharya, 2004, p.
influence post-conflict discourses, were apparent during the
249), namely transitional justice and its tools (e.g., TRCs),
1960s and the 1970s, in the contexts of the German-Israeli
by using artistic means as the alternative. This practice was

53
consequently amplified to the region: for instance, Wollentz and activities of peace education. This is occurring exten-
et al. (2019) illustrate how young people in the divided city sively across African regions: in Burundi and DRC, a myriad
of Mostar have creatively rebuilt a monument dedicated to of youth organizations are promulgating a culture of long-
workers’ rights, in which everyone could participate, thus us- lasting peace and overcoming ethnic and political divides
ing art to minimize ethnic divides, create a sense of togeth- (Kasherwa, 2019, p. 19), while in Madagascar, the youth
erness, and conceive a shared future. Similarly, NGOs in peacebuilding organization “Act in Solidarity” has launched
Vukovar, Croatia have contributed to legitimize this practice the program “Youth Students for Peace,” which provides
by bringing young Serbs and Croats together through cre- peace training and mentoring to university students (Peace
ative and artistic activities like painting and dancing (Kosic Direct, 2019, p. 33). Through these peace education-related
& Tauber, 2010, p. 87). The use of art within reconciliation activities, youths across Africa and the rest of the world are
processes soon spread to other post-conflict contexts, espe- divulging the importance of envisioning a shared peaceful fu-
cially through online platforms and social media, and Balkan ture, marked by unity across difference and human rights
youth became “a role model for other youth movements protection.
across the globe” (Dragija, 2020, p. 65) For example, the
Colombian youth-led organization BogotArt promotes unity
and acceptance between ex-combatants and civilians in the 2.4.2 Top-down Approaches: National, Transnational
aftermath of the 2016 peace agreement (Peace Direct, 2019, and International Levels
p. 22). In all these cases, youth actors prioritized the ad-
vancement of the same core values, namely unity, justice, At the national level, governments are increasingly pres-
and the visualization of a shared future, through the use of sured to recognize the role of young actors in peacebuilding
art as an original reconciliation medium. and reconciliation, and to involve them in social and po-
litical decision-making. In several African countries, these
Another innovative tool of reconciliation used by youth efforts are evident in the adoption of national youth policies
actors to encourage, above all, unity and inclusivity across and the establishment of national youth representative bod-
ethnocultural barriers, is the use of peer-to-peer dialogues ies (Mengistu, 2017, p. 3), such as the Youth and Sports
and interactions. An example would be the Ethiopian “Sus- Ministry (Prisca et al., 2012, p. 188). As such, youth ini-
tained Dialogue” (SD) initiative, a method of post-conflict tiatives for reconciliation are gaining ground, paving the way
social transformation which enabled participants to “system- for new principles and methods of reconciliation to spread as
atically probe and gradually deal with the causes of deep- national and international norms. The assimilation of such
rooted human conflict” (Saunders, 2011, p. 1). The SD norms at a national level is particularly visible in the institu-
practice was initially applied to the Arab-Israeli-Palestinian tionalization of peace education in educational systems across
peace process of the 1970s (Saunders, 2011), and was later Africa (UNESCO, 2013). Propagated simultaneously by lo-
extended to Ethiopian youth in 2009. Once extended to other cal youths and the UN, reconciliation norms (i.e., unity and
states of the Horn of Africa, namely Sudan and Kenya, it be- tolerance, human rights preservation, culture of peace for
came a tool for reconciliation among youths of the region the future) are thus cascading to national governments, the
(Life & Peace Institute, 2017, p. 10). Here, young women latter increasingly persuaded to adopt these norms through
and men started to engage in SDs to build and improve social the inclusion of peace education in school curricula. At the
relationships beyond identity markers of ethnicity, religion, same time, the growing national attention towards youth ac-
gender, or economic status (Life & Peace Institute, 2017, tors enlarges young people’s opportunities to reinforce the
p. 8). In doing so, Ethiopian, Sudanese and Kenyan youths emergence and diffusion of such norms.
were able to develop mutual trust and learn to cooperate in
unity despite diverse ethnic boundaries (Life & Peace Insti- Youth TANs and regional NGOs are largely contributing
tute, 2017, p. 10-11). to the circulation of norms for reconciliation developed by
local youth initiatives. These organizations take the “new
Additionally, young people usher the visualization of a norms,” along with innovative tools and methods, out of
shared future of peace and cooperation through peace edu- the national sphere and gradually push for their international
cation activities. The purpose of peace education is to “pro- recognition and incorporation into global policies as well as
mote understanding, respect, and tolerance toward yester- national governments. The United Network of Young Peace-
day’s enemies” (Salomon, 2002, p. 4), as well as advancing builders (UNOY), a TAN of 128 youth organizations operat-
human rights, spreading a culture of peace, and providing ing in 71 countries (UNOY, n.d.), promotes core values like
skills for managing and preventing violence and conflict in inclusivity and creativity, thus illustrating once again how
the future (Salomon, 2002, p. 5). Peace education pro- norms engineered by youth actors enter norm cascade pro-
grams were created and implemented in multiple contexts of cesses. In turn, this network, among many others, influences
intractable conflict and/or interethnic tension, but also dur- international policies.
ing periods of experienced tranquility (Salomon, 2002, p. 5-
6). Inspired by these programs, young people in post-conflict Thanks to the extensive work of youth TANs and NGOs,
areas have taken it upon themselves to organize workshops the international community is pressured to recognize the po-

54
tential and willingness of youth actors with regard to building ity and live in Kigali, the Rwandan capital, except for two of
peace and reconciliation through the elaboration and circu- them, who are studying abroad. The interviews took place
lation of inventive norms and tools. One of the greatest virtually within a period of two months, and were each ap-
achievements at a global level is the adoption of UNSC Res- proximately 20 minutes long. Data analysis was conducted
olution 2550 on YPS in 2015, which states that “young peo- through thematic coding, and findings were grouped accord-
ple play an important and positive role in the maintenance ing to the following classification: preconditions for youth
and promotion of international peace and security” (UNSC, influence, youth norms, youth methods, and youth impact.
2015). This resolution has contributed to increase young The first part of the findings section illustrates the reasons
people’s visibility in the context of reconciliation and con- which render them effective norm entrepreneurs of reconcil-
sequently, facilitated the promotion of norms engineered by iation; the second part offers an overview of the variety of
youth actors across the globe. Additionally, it has resulted in norms promoted by youth actors; the third part shows the in-
a normative shift within the international realm, as it pushes novative ways in which young people are able to advance such
member states to enable youth participation at local, na- norms; and the last part demonstrates the concrete impact of
tional, regional, and international levels (UNSC, 2015). Rwandan youth at national, transnational, and international
levels.

3 Methodology
4 Findings/Analysis
The methodological approach used in this research is
twofold: it consists of a case study analysis and qualitative 4.1 Case Study – Norms of Reconciliation in
interviewing. Rwanda
The first approach is used to apply the norm diffusion
framework to the context of reconciliation in post-genocide In the aftermath of the 1994 genocide, where 800,000
Rwanda, with the purpose of exploring which norms of rec- Tutsis were massacred in just a hundred days, Rwanda em-
onciliation have been promoted at a national level and how barked on a long-lasting and intricate journey of reconcil-
the state has advanced them. In particular, the section ex- iation. In line with the international norms of reconcili-
amines the establishment of transitional justice institutions ation, the state initiated a process of transitional justice,
aimed at the propagation of justice, truth, forgiveness, col- seeking to promote justice, truth, forgiveness, and collective
lective memory, unity, and a common identity, as well as the memory. Additionally, the promotion of unity and a com-
use of the education system to promote a common identity, mon identity was also viewed as a priority in the Rwandan
citizenship, and human rights. The analysis of these gov- context. All these norms were implemented in the coun-
ernmental mechanisms for reconciliation sheds light on the try through the establishment of various institutions, namely
extent to which Rwanda has internalized, localized, or con- the ICTR for retributive justice (Des Forges & Longman,
tested specific norms. 2004; Tiemessen, 2004), the Gacaca courts for truth, restora-
tive justice, and forgiveness (Meyerstein, 2007; Rettig, 2008;
The second approach is employed to examine the role Tiemessen, 2004), the NURC and the Ingando camps for
of youth within the norm diffusion framework of Rwanda. unity, a common identity, and forgiveness (Clark, 2010; Mg-
For this purpose, the findings of this research are based bako, 2005), and the CNLG and memorial sites for the con-
on 10 semi-structured interviews with youth actors involved solidation of an official collective memory (Korman, 2014).
in reconciliation in Rwanda. The definition of youth taken Another significant institution used by the Rwandan govern-
into consideration by this research derives from the National ment as a tool for reconciliation is the education system,
Youth Policy, according to which Rwandan youth ranges from which primarily serves to propagate a common identity, citi-
15 to 35 years old (Ministry of Youth, Culture and Sports, zenship, and human rights (Russell, 2015; 2018; 2019).
2005). In accordance with this criterion, participants’ age
varies between 21 and 33 years old. Respondents, who were
chosen through snowball sampling, are included in the fol- 4.1.1 Transitional Justice Institutions
lowing categories: eight of them are founders, directors, or
members of youth NGOs (i.e. Peace and Love Proclaimers As a result of the “justice cascade” (Ben-Josef Hirsch,
(PLP), Global Radiant Youth, Youth Literacy Organization, 2014; Sikkink & Kim, 2013), the international community
iDebate Rwanda, Iteka Youth Organization, Seven United for pressured for the establishment of the ICTR in 1994, as a way
the Needy, and the Aegis Youth Champions program, which to administer transitional retributive justice and denounce
is part of the international NGO Aegis Trust); two of them human rights violations. The ICTR, which was modeled on
are artists involved in artistic initiatives (i.e. Yan Events, the basis of the already existing ICTY (Des Forges & Long-
Generation 25, African Artists for Peace Initiative); two are man, 2004, p. 52), illustrates how the Rwandan state has
university students; and one is the founder of the online jour- internalized the process of transitional justice as an interna-
nal The Kigalian. All participants have a Rwandan national-

55
tional norm of reconciliation. Nonetheless, the tribunal faced arguments about the truth (Clark, 2010, p. 141). Instead,
multiple institutional challenges and turned out to be quite the aim of this institution was to advance the new norm
ineffective in its reconciliatory action (Des Forges & Long- of national unity through the creation of a national identity
man, 2004; Tiemessen, 2004). Since it was architected by (Clark, 2010). In order to do so, the NURC took over the
the international community, its work was not recognized by Ingando initiative, which had started in 1996. The Ingando
Rwandans (Des Forges & Longman, 2004, p. 62), due to were solidarity camps in which Rwandans from all walks of
widespread skepticism derived by the country’s colonial past. life were brought together for weeks or months (Mgbako,
Most notably, the main purpose of the tribunal was not in 2005, p. 202), to learn about Rwanda’s history and issues,
line with the need to reconcile: in compliance with the global and about their rights and duties as Rwandan citizens (Clark,
human rights regime, the international community principally 2010, p. 139). Despite these efforts, the urge to propagate
sought to “end a culture of impunity” (Tiemessen, 2004, p. national unity encountered complex problems derived by the
60). In turn, the focus on punishing the key criminals of impossibility to define oneself in ethnic terms in the after-
the genocide overshadowed the priorities of restorative jus- math of the genocide (Clark, 2010): ethnic distinctions were
tice and healing among Rwandan society. indeed legally obliterated by the Rwandan government after
the conflict (Clark, 2010). The paradox of internalizing a
Another transitional justice mechanism implemented in common identity based on the denial of ethnicity thus re-
Rwanda consisted in the local initiative of the Gacaca sulted in a superficial unity (Clark, 2010), on the basis of a
courts. Established by the Rwandan government in 2001 as a general difficulty to identify oneself. Moreover, the Ingando
“uniquely Rwandan solution to a Rwandan problem” (Mey- solidarity camps were criticized for alleged political indoctri-
erstein, 2007, p. 503) and facing the shortcomings of the nation (Mgbako, 2005).
ICTR, the Gacaca courts were mainly intended to determine
the truth about genocide accountability (Tiemessen, 2004, The state also instituted several memorial sites across
p. 62), to blend retributive and restorative justice (Meyer- the country to promote an official collective memory. These
stein, 2007, p. 468), and to emphasize forgiveness (Rettig, memorials were constructed according to the model of those
2008, p. 44). The Gacaca system was a “community event” created after the Holocaust (Korman, 2014), thus demon-
(Rettig, 2008, p. 25), inspired by a precolonial method of strating Rwanda’s internalization of the norm of memory.
dispute resolution (Karekezi et al., 2004, p. 69): a great part The normative character of memory was further authenti-
of Rwandan citizens were engaged as judges or witnesses in cated through the establishment of the CNLG in 2008, which
the trials. While the ICTR contributed to the internaliza- took charge of the propagation of memory across the country
tion of the norm of transitional justice, the Gacaca courts (Korman, 2014, p. 98). The diffusion of an official collective
represented a way to localize this norm to the national con- memory brought about certain difficulties such as the over-
text, as a consequence of the ICTR failures. The Gacaca generalization of the history. The possibility of remembering
mechanism was effective as it accelerated the trial process of was only granted in relation to the experience of the Tutsi,
imprisoned perpetrators, allowing for the participation and in- who qualified as victims, as opposed to the Hutu, who were
clusivity of Rwandan citizens, but it also presented drawbacks generalized as perpetrators, and whose memory were then
and criticisms. Most significantly, the Gacaca courts received forbidden by law (Lemarchand, 2006). The limitations of the
international disapproval regarding its procedures, which did Rwandan official memory are still visible during Kwibuka, the
not comply with normative human rights laws (Meyerstein, annual commemoration period, where remembrance seems to
2007, p. 503), as well as being accused of exercising victor’s be legitimate only for Tutsi survivors (Baldwin, 2019).
justice (Rettig, 2008, p. 26). The latter refers to the wrong-
ful prosecution of the losing party in favor of the winning Lastly, forgiveness was promoted in Rwanda as a neces-
party. The truth promoted through the Gacaca courts was sary norm of reconciliation. Influenced by international NGOs
one-sided (Des Forges & Longman, 2004, p. 63), as it was and the Church, government officials, the president, and in-
indeed based on the assumption of Hutu guilt and Tutsi inno- stitutions like the NURC and the Gacaca courts all advocated
cence (Tiemessen, 2004), thus undermining impartial judg- unconditional forgiveness as an essential requirement to move
ment and fostering disputes. Moreover, research has shown on (Brudholm & Rosoux, 2009; Rettig, 2008). However,
that a large part of Rwandans expressed concerns regarding many survivors resist this norm, refusing to forgive and un-
Gacaca’s competence to foster reconciliation (Zorbas, 2009; derstand perpetrators as they lack energy to express empathy,
Rettig, 2008). which is viewed as an unimaginable possibility (Brudholm &
Rosoux, 2009, p. 45). Other research shows that forgiveness
In addition to the aforementioned judicial mechanisms, is not viewed as an indispensable requisite for reconciliation
the Rwandan government institutionalized the NURC in in Rwanda (Zorbas, 2009, p. 134).
1999, as a complementary tool to the justice-focused works
of the ICTR and the Gacaca courts (Clark, 2010, p. 139).
Through the creation of the NURC, the Rwandan state
adapted the traditional model of the TRCs to its own lo-
cal context, with the intention of refraining from intricate

56
4.1.2 Education 4.2 Interviews – The Role of Youth

The role of education in promoting norms of reconcilia- In Rwanda, the youth is increasingly affecting the dis-
tion has been widely examined by Russell (2015; 2018; 2019). course surrounding norms of reconciliation. The following
The scholar examines how the Rwandan government uses the sections, which are based on data collected through 10 semi-
education system to advance a common identity (Russell, structured interviews with youth actors, illustrate the role of
2019), global citizenship (Russell, 2018) and a human rights youth within the existing framework of norm diffusion in the
discourse (Russell, 2015). In addition to these norms, educa- country. The first part explores the preconditions that al-
tion also acts in line with transitional justice institutions and low young people to exert influence, and that inform the
serves to promote an official truth and an official collective kinds of norms that they promote; the second dives into
memory (Russell, 2019). the multitude of norms of reconciliation diffused by Rwan-
dan youth, and shows how these norms are interlaced; the
Firstly, the education system is employed to “propagate a third focuses on the innovative methods and approaches em-
new sense of national unity” (Russell, 2019, p. 55), through ployed by young people to spread such norms; and the last
the diffusion of common identity as a norm. This newly demonstrates the tangible impact of the youth’s actions at
formed national identity excludes ethnicity, which is taught the national, transnational, and international levels.
to be “an identity externally imposed on Rwandans, rather
than as a precolonial characteristic” (Russell, 2019, p. 73).
The complete eradication of ethnic identity, as well as the im- 4.2.1 Preconditions for Youth Influence
possibility to discuss and explore identity in terms of ethnicity,
led to the adoption of different identity indicators based on Before examining the variety of norms of reconciliation
the experience of one’s family during the genocide (Russell, promoted by Rwandan youth, it is necessary to explore some
2019, p. 76). For instance, Rwandan youths started to define of the factors which determine their ability to exert influence.
themselves as children of génocidaires or children of survivors It emerged from the interviews that young people’s power to
(Russell, 2019, p. 76), thus implying further divisions on a diffuse norms is induced by the following elements: first, they
societal level. represent the majority of the population in Rwanda; second,
Secondly, education also incorporates models of global they have more and better resources than the previous gen-
citizenship for the formation of the Rwandan identity (Rus- eration; third, they are all innocent, by virtue of their non-
sell, 2018). The international influence on the newly devel- involvement in the genocide, but at the same time they are
oped notion of citizenship in Rwanda is especially noticeable all victims of their parents’ heartaches; finally, they offer a
in the civic education curriculum, which involved the help of different perspective and an open mindset, once again due to
UNESCO and UNICEF (Russell, 2018, p. 390). As a re- their lack of participation in the 1994 atrocities.
sult, the curriculum includes global norms related to human When asked about the significance of young people in
rights, with an emphasis on gender equality (Russell, 2015). reconciliation, most participants mentioned the youth’s per-
Nonetheless, these norms are not merely internalized, but are centage of the population in the country. Rwandans below
edited and adapted at the local level (Russell, 2015). In par-the age of 25 make up 67% of the total population (Ministry
ticular, the human rights discourse is “generally mentioned of Youth, Culture and Sports, 2005), reaching almost 80% if
in reference to gender equality rather than to ethnic groups” considering Rwandans between the age of 25 and 35. This
(Russell, 2015, p. 608). This strategic modification is con- aspect enhances young people’s potential to have an impact
tingent to the eradication of ethnic markers in the Rwandan on society, while also giving the incentives, at a national level,
identity. to include them in the political sphere and to support their
Finally, the education system is used to promote official programs. In Rwanda, there is a strong awareness related to
narratives of what represents the truth and who should be the plurality of young people and their intrinsic importance
remembered through collective memory (Russell, 2019). In for the country:
the teaching of history, truth and memory are molded in a
way that leaves no space for discussion and debate of the “Youth in Rwanda are the majority of the coun-
past. This way, “the state has suppressed critical thinking” try. So, leaving them behind would actually
(Russell, 2019, p. 25) and the experience of young people mean leaving the country behind."
coming from a perpetrator background is fully disregarded – Shema, PLP executive director
(Russell, 2019, p. 135). These individuals are consequently
denied the chance to reflect on their own experience of pain. Another precondition is the abundance of resources. In
terms of material resources, young people are more exposed
to the Internet, which grants them the possibility to carry
out more research. They have the ability to gather infor-
mation, but also to discuss it with their peers in a language

57
that they can all understand. These resources indeed enable people have mostly experienced a peaceful environment gives
young people to better connect to each other and engage in them the advantageous possibility to provide fresh ideas, as
dialogue, thus fostering the diffusion of ideas: well as more positive and liberal perspectives. On the other
hand, the distance between them and the genocide events
“For example, there are kids in their house that leads them to acquire an unbiased, open mindset which is
are told that all of these things [genocide events] free of stereotypes and “us vs them” narratives. In turn, this
are a lie, from the beginning. [. . . ] When young allows them to analyze the past and question assumptions in
people are saying these things, they are telling a critical and objective way:
them to their peers, and peers have the ability to
question. They’re like, okay, this is not what I “We have an opportunity, we have a negative
heard, this is what’s been happening. And then past and now, we have to compare, and then
you know, it creates those spaces. [. . . ] And they we’ll have the opportunity of making a choice.
can actually speak a language more young people I think there’s a previous generation who never
can understand. And for things like reconciliation had this opportunity because they could only see
to work, it needs to be understood.” a single side, a single story of thinking of reality,
– Yannick, professional dancer of the history, a single way to look at things.”
– Dieudonné, Global Radiant Youth founder
In addition, the youth has the energy to initiate, explore,
debate, and understand. This resource places them in a fa- “When you didn’t go through it live, there’s a lot
vorable position to develop empathy and engage in conversa- of things you can question. [. . . ] And younger
tion. On the contrary, the previous generation of survivors is people are more open to that, younger people are
conditioned by an “immense fatigue” (Brudholm & Rosoux, more open to be like, okay, what’s happening?
2009, p. 45), which prevents them from listening to and What is this? How did it start? Why did you
comprehending the ‘other’. guys do this?”
– Yannick, professional dancer
Since they were not involved in the genocide, young peo-
ple ascribe to themselves a condition of innocence, which
in turn, determines the fact that they carry less emotional
4.2.2 Youth Norms
weight than their parents’ generation:

The norms of reconciliation diffused by Rwandan youth


“The new generation are innocent. Because they
actors can be divided into two overarching and overlapping
never participated in the in the politics or ideol-
categories: the analysis of the past and the focus on the
ogy which led to the genocide.”
future. In relation to the former, young people promote ac-
– Dieudonné, Global Radiant Youth founder
knowledgement (of the past) and acceptance (of the truth).
Included in the latter are the norms of unity, a common
“We are in a unique position where we know the identity, and the “never again” narrative. Furthermore, they
wounds and the pain that history has caused, but emphasize critical thinking, empathy, and responsibility,
we don’t feel it as deeply as our parents do, which which serve both to examine the past and to shape the
means that we have a chance to also do the work future. Figure 2 illustrates the interlaced character of youth
that [. . . ] allows us to create new knowledge for norms.
other people, in a way in which some of these
ideas affect people.”
– Jean Michel, iDebate and PLP founder

Nonetheless, they also consider themselves as victims of a


legacy they did not create. This shared circumstance allows
them to acknowledge that everyone, despite their identifica-
tion as children of survivors or perpetrators, carries on their
parents’ traumas in different ways. In doing so, they are able
to overcome the binary division between the survivor identity
and the génocidaire identity which usually evolves in schools
(Russell, 2019, p. 76), and which undermines unity. Figure 2: Youth norms
Finally, their detachment from the wounds of the past
allows them to offer a different perspective and a generally
more open mindset. On the one hand, the fact that young

58
Analyzing the Past the experience of the “other.” Thus, on the one hand, they
strive for the acceptance of historical facts, in line with the
narrative fed by the government through institutions; on the
“Priority is on the root of things, not on the leaf
other hand, their acceptance does not only accommodate
of symptoms.”
young people with a survivor background, but also addresses
– Shema, PLP executive director
the hardship of youth coming from a perpetrator background:

As illustrated by the quote above, part of the work of the


“We are working with children from all families,
Rwandan youth as norm entrepreneurs consists of analyzing
so it’s regardless of who is who.”
the past. Young people propagate the necessity of learning
– Samuel, Seven United for the Needy and Iteka
from past mistakes as an essential requirement to achieve
Youth Organization member
reconciliation:

In order to do so, young people promote empathy as an


“When we train people, what we do is we go
essential skill:
back into history, and look where things did not
go well.”
– Marc, PLP founder and Aegis Youth Champi- “Understanding people’s experience, even
ons Program manager though history is there, but people experienced
it differently, right? And it hurts each person
differently, meaning we don’t see one hurt
The value attributed to the past is necessarily influenced by
being bigger than the other. [. . . ] So, it takes
norms of truth and memory promoted by the state through
humility to accept that history happened to you
the education system (Russell, 2019). In schools, students
differently. And then, because history happened
are taught about the ‘official’ history of Rwanda and the
to you differently, it allows me to also listen to
truth about the genocide, and are given an ‘official’ collective
you.”
memory to uphold, but are not offered the chance to discuss
– Jean Michel, iDebate and PLP founder
and critically examine these events (Russell, 2019, p. 25).
Rwandan youths today are actively exploring and questioning
past actions, as they utilize critical thinking to understand the In relation to memory, young people question their re-
past and to avoid repeating the same mistakes: sponsibility to remember something they did not experience,
and instead, they diffuse the responsibility to acknowledge
the past, in order to tackle genocide ideology in the country
“When you look at one of the things that most and abroad. This way, the contested “duty to remember”
perpetrators say, is that the reason why they did (Lemarchand, 2006), which only applies to the experience
something is because they were taught by people of Tutsi survivors, evolves into the responsibility to acknowl-
in leadership to do it. So, we’ve had a culture edge all kinds of experiences, thus overcoming the limits of
that is very obedient. [. . . ] We are creating a the existing official collective memory.
culture in a way that is the opposite of the kind of
culture that was there before. [. . . ] I’m hoping
that once we have young people who have the “The idea of remembering is also a very key thing
critical thinking skills, [. . . ] they will be able to that we talk about: how do you remember some-
think for themselves.” thing you’ve never experienced? [. . . ] There’s a
– Jean Michel, iDebate and PLP founder lot of, you know, alternative stories, they say it
was not a genocide, it was a double genocide,
it was war, it was this, it was that. And the
Nonetheless, the youth is careful in ensuring the accep-
idea of continuously [. . . ] looking back at some-
tance of the truth:
thing you haven’t experienced, because most of
us didn’t necessarily see the genocide, but re-
“I think that when you accept what happened, membering, putting your voice to it, like saying,
you see the bigger view in front of you, [which okay, this is what happened, [. . . ] this is my
allows you] to move on with your life.” responsibility towards the country today, the so-
– Sandra, university student ciety today, myself today, my family today. And,
to be honest, that is it, that is commemoration,
While the norm of truth encounters contestation among that is remembering, to us.”
the previous generation of survivors and perpetrators, as it – Yannick, professional dancer
is often perceived as single-sided (Des Forges & Longman,
2004; Tiemessen, 2004). However, the youth is more careful
in framing it in such a way that involves the recognition of

59
Focusing on the Future “If you look back into the history that led to the
genocide, we used to have what became ethnic-
“We are a bridge between [the older] generation ity, was once social classes, you know, it wasn’t
and our children. And if we do not take this ethnicity, but then the colonizers and the mis-
responsibility now, that means you’re going to sionaries, because they wanted to divide and rule,
carry on [the violence] in your hearts, and then converted what was social classes into ethnicity
you’re going to transfer it to our children, which and then started dividing people.”
means the circle will never end. So, we need to – Shema, PLP executive director
end the circle of violence now. [. . . ] I take the
bitter pill now as a young person, [. . . ] so that As a consequence, they push for the recognition and in-
my children can live better.” ternalization of this pre-colonial common identity, as a way
– Marc, PLP founder and Aegis Youth Champi- to unify Rwandan society. While endorsement of this norm
ons Program manager might have been painful and complicated for a previous gen-
eration affected by the “us vs them” narrative (Clark, 2010),
today’s young people, influenced by a condition in which eth-
“There is a power I have, to shape the future.” nicity is meaningless, are more prone to explore the meaning
– Dieudonné, Global Radiant Youth founder of this newly-developed identity:

Youth responsibility does not only involve acknowledging “What is our identity? What do we become when
the past, but also, and most importantly, committing to a you’re born after something like that? How do
brighter future. All respondents stressed their duty to build a you identify yourself? From your parents being
better society for them and for future generations, a society classified Hutu, Tutsi or Twa or whatnot, then
that is free of violence and conflict. In order to do so, they seeing where it led them. Then also understand-
promote a “never again” norm. Here, youth actors seem to ing that it was all something that they learned,
have a more powerful word on the subject, as they prioritize something that they were taught. Now, how do
their responsibility to shape the future rather than remem- you come back and be Rwandan today? What
bering the past, which they acknowledge and analyze with a does it mean? Like, what does it feel like to be
critical mind, to avoid history repeating itself. Rwandan today? What are the responsibilities?
What goes with this new identity? Well, it is not
“Our impact is stronger than our parents’ on the new, because we’ve always been Rwandan. But
“never again” story.” this is a new way of looking at Rwandanness.”
– Sandra, university student – Yannick, professional dancer

The prevailing norm advocated by the youth in view of In consonance with global norms of citizenship and hu-
the future is unity: man rights that students learn in school (Russell, 2018), the
“new Rwandanness” seems to imply a strong openness and
acceptance towards differences. As demonstrated by the fol-
“I’d say that 70% of the youth in Rwanda is aware lowing quotes, young Rwandans today consider themselves
and is on the fight for [. . . ] full unity. [Young first as human beings,and view their contrasting backgrounds
people] are teaching unity, they’re pressing for or characteristics as a positive asset to unity:
unity and reconciliation, they’re into it.”
– Eunice, university student and PLP committee
“To promote the value of humanity means to
member
treat all human beings with respect, fairness, and
dignity, independently of their age, gender, na-
This emphasis on unity is clearly induced by the state’s tionality, religion, or background. [. . . ] If you
efforts to promote national unification through the propa- have that, the value of humanity, whatever hap-
gation of a common identity (Clark, 2010). In particular, pened to you, you still have this courage to know
young people are taught in school about their pre-colonial, that we are still human beings. Yes, we can, [. . . ]
non-ethnic, shared identity (Russell, 2019), and they uphold we need to remember that we are all humans.”
and diffuse it as a complementary element to the notion of – Yannick, Iteka Youth Organization and Yan
unity. As shown by the following quote, their understand- Events founder, professional artist
ing of ethnicity and identity is in line with what they learn
in school, namely that ethnic markers were only social con- This way, youth actors are able to move beyond the “frag-
structions imposed on them by the colonizers (Russell, 2019, ile, superficial unity” (Clark, 2010, p. 144) propagated by the
p. 73): government and the state’s institutions. Their notion of unity
is reframed, as it is not only based on identity, but informed

60
by the idea of humanity and by their empathic skills. These and state’s institutions, the new generation fully upholds the
elements allow young people to disseminate a more sustain- Rwandan identity and the need for unity. Their views are in-
able and resistant unity for a future society. formed both by global citizenship ideals present in Rwandan
school curricula and international youth norms of social jus-
“[Reconciliation happens when] they start devel- tice and human rights protection. These young Rwandans’
oping empathy for one another, when they start understanding of unity does not only entail the notion of
looking at each other as a human being more “Rwandanness,” but a humanistic openness towards differ-
than what they went through in their previous ences beyond national boundaries. Thus, in essence, Rwan-
experiences. And then eventually, that builds a dan youth is largely contributing to shaping global norms of
bigger community [. . . ] that people can share.” reconciliation into “international-local hybrids” (Tholens &
– Marc, PLP founder and Aegis Youth Champi- Groß, 2015, p. 251) on the ground.
ons Program Manager

4.2.3 Youth Methods

When asked about the different kinds of methods they use


to foster reconciliation, interviewees revealed a multitude of
innovative and original approaches, which might be classified
into three groups: dialogue, conversation, and debate; art,
Figure 3: Interplay between preexisting norms and youth writing, and storytelling; and media and technology.
norms
Firstly, these quotes show how youth actors organize di-
This section has illustrated that, overall, most of the work
alogues, conversations, and debates, as well as create the
of Rwandan young people as norm entrepreneurs consists in
spaces to do so:
the localization of existing international and national norms
(see Figure 3). Most notably, “the trajectory of localization”
(Acharya, 2004, p. 251) applies to the existing norms of “We have a voice festival where people just share
truth and memory, which are redefined respectively as accep- their ideas, their thoughts, their voices for them
tance and acknowledgment. In the “prelocalization” phase to be heard by decision makers and policy makers
(Acharya, 2004, p. 251), local youth actors resist and con- and also promote their thoughts in rural areas.”
test the limited, single-sided normative truth, as it does not – Dieudonné, Global Radiant Youth founder
account for the experience of those coming from backgrounds
other than the ‘survivor’ one. Similarly, they do not fully en- “We use what we call participatory methodology.
dorse the norm of memory, as the notion of remembrance is And this has been really working for us, because
incompatible with a generation that was not directly involved when you engage with someone, and they also
in the genocide events. In the second phase, local actors engage with you, it gives them space, it gives
“frame external norms in ways that establish their value to them a feeling that they’re being heard. [. . . ] So,
the local audience” (Acharya, 2004, p. 251). In relation to we’re not doing lectures, [. . . ] we would gather
truth, young Rwandans expand its applicability to the whole around and, you know, bring speakers around as
of society, through empathy and critical thinking. Similarly, well, but also try to initiate discussions and not
memory is reframed to accommodate the experience of the lectures. That way, people get to tell you what’s
post-genocide generation. In the “adaptation” phase, youth going on in their lives and what’s not going, the
actors “redefine the external norm” (Acharya, 2004, p. 251): issues they have, they are free to talk. We’re
truth is reformulated as acceptance, while memory is rede- trying to create a safe space for young people to
fined as acknowledgment. Moreover, the widely contested talk and have a conversation.”
norm of forgiveness is not necessarily addressed by the Rwan- – Shema, PLP executive director
dan youth, who concentrate on spreading empathy instead.

Other norms are internalized with slight modifications. In By using these techniques, young people stimulate critical
line with global youth trends regarding an orientation towards thinking and empathy, in order to spread norms of acknowl-
a shared future, Rwandan youth internalize the responsibility edgement and acceptance. By coming together, discussing,
for a nonviolent future, with a stronger focus on the “never and sharing ideas, the youth is invested in looking back and
again” norm. Furthermore, the norms of unity and common examining the past, in such a way that everyone gets the
identity, which are heavily encouraged by the Rwandan gov- chance to learn the truth, to critically reflect, and to recog-
ernment, are not necessarily localized by youth actors, but nize and support each other’s experiences:
seem to be propagated “to enhance the legitimacy and au-
thority of their extant institutions and practices” (Acharya, “I started working with my peers, with people of
2004, p. 248). In agreement with the education system my age, creating groups of conversation. It has

61
proven that most of us don’t have this type of “Literacy and communication breed empathy.
conversations with our parents. Our parents are And, to me, that’s central to the power of lit-
literally broken, you know. [. . . ] There’s so many eracy, of being able to read, so the more I read,
things happening that it is easy to think that a lot for example, what you’ve written, it’s me trying
of things have been covered, and young people to put myself in your shoes, looking at the world
really used to look at it from afar. And now, my from your point of view. And literature does that.
contribution personally was trying to have more And the more I do that, the more I see the world
of my people, people of my age, people that were from your perspective, it breeds empathy. So,
born after the genocide, to really go into thinking I think it’s an important step in getting people
about it, having conversations around it.” to talk to each other, feel for each other, under-
– Yannick, professional dancer stand each other, [. . . ] and to reconcile.”
– Gilbert, Youth Literacy Organization and The
In this context, a meaningful example is the iDebate Kigalian founder
organization, which brings debate activities and competi-
tions to Rwandan schools and abroad, thus “encouraging An example of such writing initiatives is that of the Youth
a young generation of critical thinkers” (Queen’s Common- Literacy Organization, which seeks to spread literacy among
wealth Trust, 2018) in view of the future. the youth:

Another original category of methods to diffuse reconcil- “We are one of the very few pioneers of encourag-
iation norms includes the use of art, which involves dance, ing, especially young people, to write about the
music, theater, and painting. The Rwandan artistic scene is genocide, and write about the experiences, even
particularly prolific in addressing reconciliation through the if you were born after the genocide, but how did
advocacy of unity, empathy, and identity, other than reflec- you experience it? How did your community ex-
tions surrounding the past. One example is the Generation perience it, what do you think about this whole
25 initiative of 2019, a youth-led play which represented the commemoration events?”
experiences and burdens of the post-genocide generation and – Gilbert, Youth Literacy Organization and The
brought together diverse Rwandan youths (Ikilezi, 2019). Kigalian founder

“I have been trying to use art as a tool for human- Thirdly, young people use storytelling as a tool to promote
ity and to promote peace around the continent, empathy and responsibility towards the future:
in the country, and around the world. [. . . ] Art
can speak loud. And it can effectively reach as “By using these stories, we show them those
many people as possible.” steps, where people who were different, people
– Yannick, Iteka Youth Organization and Yan who hated one another, take one step, a step
Events founder, professional artist of responsibility. And because they’ve taken the
step of responsibility, it opens up all the other
“Art is the medium, art is the channel. You things, and eventually leads into a community.
know, there’s a lot of things that will be hard So we choose to use the storytelling approach,
to bring up in a normal conversation, in a speech because people relate to stories, and they can
type of style. But, I mean, art touches not only feel the emotions in the story, they can feel the
the brain, but also the heart, you know, and empathy in the story, they can see the critical
sometimes that’s what you need.” thinking in the story.”
– Yannick, professional dancer – Marc, PLP founder and Aegis Youth Champi-
ons Program manager

However, the use of artistic means is not only reserved


The final type of methods through which young people
for artists themselves: it is also implemented in the programs
are able to make their voices heard is the use of digital tech-
of other youth-led organizations and initiatives. For instance,
nologies and social media. Within the online realm, they
PLP offers an artistic arena, the Anda Arts Festival, for free
organize virtual dialogues, share their artistic performances,
expression and unification, while the Aegis Youth Champions
and write their thoughts and ideas. Especially in times of
Program also organizes activities regarding painting, acting,
pandemic, young people are taking the lead in finding alter-
and music.
native, digital reconciliation activities. For instance, PLP has
Secondly, writing is encouraged among Rwandan youth as weekly virtual conversations, as well as online seminars and
a way to explore different ideas and, above all, to cultivate conferences, such as the Oath conference, with young people
empathy: from Rwanda and abroad. In addition, The Kigalian is an in-
dependent, youth-led, future-oriented online journal in which

62
young writers publish articles and stories related to different appearing on national television and other media, and engag-
topics. One final peculiar example is the Aegis Youth Cham- ing with the education system. PLP are notably influential:
pions Program’s interactive voice system, which is explained
in the following quote: “[Our first campaign] was on radio. It was ev-
erywhere. We got support from the government
“IVR is an interactive voice response system. and we got support from the Truth and Recon-
[. . . ] So what we did was to create those sto- ciliation Commission.”
ries, put them on a phone line platform where – Marc, PLP founder and Aegis Youth Champion
people can dial in, and then they listen to the Program manager
stories, and it can ask them questions, and then
they interact with it. So that shows us which “We’ve been having an impact. In the commem-
level people are at, [. . . ] how they understand oration period, we have been going from tv sta-
[reconciliation]. [. . . ] Because I said, it’s a pro- tions to tv stations.”
cess, so people will be at step 10, when others – Eunice, PLP committee member and university
are still at step one. [. . . ] We divide them in student
groups, we have the content that is for young
people, but also we have those who are in school
In particular, one of their activities, called Walk to Re-
and those who are out of school, so that it can
member, has been instituted as a national tradition. Con-
reach their context. But also, we have parents,
ceived in 2009 by the PLP founders, Walk to Remember
decision makers, and we also have teachers, and
occurs every year during the commemoration period, and it
all this is the same content, but delivered differ-
involves a large deal of Rwandan citizens, decision-makers,
ently to these people so that it can reach that
politicians, people from abroad, and even the president:
context.”
– Marc, PLP founder and Aegis Youth Champi-
“Walk to Remember is a walk which is done on
ons Program manager
the occasion of commemorating the victims of
the 1994 genocide against Tutsi, and basically
The results provided in this section highlight the link be- the lessons that we want to give to young people
tween methods of reconciliation used by Rwandan youth and who attend Walk to Remember, all Rwandans
global youth-initiated models to bring about peace and rec- who attend or even foreigners, is that when you
onciliation (see Dragija, 2020; Kosic & Tauber, 2010; Kurze, walk you have a source and a destination, and
2016; Life & Peace Institute, 2017; Peace Direct, 2019; Wol- we have a past, as Rwandans we have a past,
lentz et al., 2019), thus hinting at the normative character however bad it is, it is ours, but we also have
that they have acquired at a global level. In particular, the a destination, we also have a future. [. . . ] You
role of artistic tools and media is increasingly recognized in have a past, you cannot erase it, but you can
the country, as they are being utilized both as an alternative learn from it and use that to reach your destina-
to official methods (i.e., transitional justice institutions) and tion. [. . . ] It has now become a national thing.
as a complement to them (CNBC Africa, 2019). The po- And it’s those things that cannot stop for any
tential of such innovative methods has been largely explored reason. [. . . ] [The president] always comes, and
in other settings (see Dragija, 2020; Kosic & Tauber, 2010; we have different conversations with the presi-
Kurze, 2016), but is reinforced specifically in the Rwandan dent.”
context, where media and art played a crucial role in the – Shema, PLP executive director
1994 genocide. As young people dive into the analysis of the
past, they learn about the ways in which perpetrators created
Other nationally prominent youth-led initiatives are artis-
music, paintings, and poems, and used radio stations and
tic performances. In 2019, the Generation 25 play was staged
newspapers to spread hate and incite killings (CNBC Africa,
multiple times in the country, premiering at the Kigali Geno-
2019), thus understanding the significance of such tools in
cide Memorial (Opobo, 2019), and acquired momentum on-
their society. On the basis of this knowledge, Rwandan youth
line, on social media and virtual newspapers. Finally, youth
is reclaiming these mechanisms for opposite purposes, namely
actors are growingly shaping their national context by imple-
the promotion of norms of reconciliation.
menting their activities in national schools: PLP members
are often students who form clubs in their high schools and
spread the word. iDebate, which operates within a rising
4.2.4 Youth Impact
number of national high schools, illustrates how norms and
ideas initiated by Rwandan young people are cascading to
The impact of Rwandan youth as norm entrepreneurs of neighboring countries: the organization has effectively imple-
reconciliation is especially visible at a national level, where mented debate programs in schools in Uganda, Kenya, Tan-
they are gaining increasing recognition by the government, zania, and Burundi, and has started an East African debate

63
competition. Their vision is to create an “iDebate Africa”
(Queen’s Commonwealth Trust, 2018). This is only one ex-
ample of how Rwandan youth is reaching the international
level, spreading their ideas to young people all over the world.
With an open-minded, global orientation, they are diffusing
unity, the “never again” narrative, and genocide acknowl-
edgement across the globe:

“PLP has more than 3000 members in Rwanda


and around the world.”
– Eunice, PLP committee member and university
student

“We thought, what if we’re able to take the story


of Rwanda to the world? So, we went to the US,
we spoke for almost 3-4 months, we would go
doing a speaking tour and get students to debate
against different people.”
– Jean Michel, iDebate and PLP founder Figure 4: Youth impact within the normative realm of recon-
ciliation
“We now have communities in the US, which is & Sikkink, 1998, p. 897), youth entrepreneurs frame norms
now registered as friends of Seven United. We and methods of diffusion to render them appropriate in re-
have a community in China, [. . . ] we have friends gard to existing standards. For instance, the implementation
of Seven in the UK.” of debate programs in Rwandan schools was possible as a re-
– Samuel, Seven United for the Needy and Iteka sult of an adaptation process, which served to present those
Youth Organization member initiatives as if they were in the best interests of the educa-
tion system and broader society. The following quote explains
As a further example, the Oath conference was a PLP- such adaptation process:
led online event held during the 2021 commemoration period,
which involved several Rwandan and international young peo- “At first you have a lot of people who are very
ple and organizations, as well as representatives of national skeptical, and it is as if you’re training young
institutions like the CNLG and the NURC - around 500 people people to be rebels, or that you’re training them
in total. This virtual conversation was open to anyone who not to listen. [But] when they saw that these
had the intention of learning and talking about the past, other young people were more articulate, that they
than discussing young people’s issues for the future. Multi- were smarter, and that they were also doing well
ple projects have been organized by Rwandan youth with the in university, then I was able to convince them. I
aim of spreading their voices internationally: the Walk to Re- call it audience adaptation. Many of them were
member has also become a popular initiative among youths not really interested in the critical thinking ele-
in diverse areas of the world, representing the PLP’s great- ment, but they were really interested in the com-
est achievement. In 2014, the event was organized in 60 munication aspect.”
cities across the globe for a total of 60,000 participants (The – Jean Michel, iDebate and PLP founder
Independent, 2018). In relation to artistic programs to dif-
fuse youth’s norms, the African Artists for Peace initiative
Through their engagement with the education system, youth
is an African movement invested in spreading a culture of
actors are increasingly shaping one of the government’s most
peace and unity through creative means in the whole conti-
influential tools for diffusing norms of reconciliation. Addi-
nent. Generation 25 also went beyond national borders as
tionally, with the purpose of “invoking a logic of appropri-
it was staged in New York and involved international artists
ateness” (Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998, p. 898), Rwandan
(Opobo, 2019).
youth also acts in conjunction with official national institu-
Findings related to the impact of Rwandan youth at na- tions aimed at reconciliation: for example, the Walk to Re-
tional, transnational, and international levels demonstrate member is now annually organized with the help of the CNLG
how their norms are entering the normative realm of reconcil- (Peace and Love Proclaimers, n.d.), while the Generation 25
iation (see Figure 4). Between norm emergence and cascade, premiere at the Kigali Genocide Memorial in 2019 implies
youth actors strategically persuade the national government that such institution, whose aim is to advocate official col-
and the state’s institutions to adopt their new standards. lective memory, has embodied youth-led artistic methods of
Within this “highly contested normative space” (Finnemore norm diffusion. This way, youth norms are acquiring legiti-

64
macy at a state level. low them to overcome multiple challenges faced by the previ-
ous generation. Most importantly, Rwandan youth localizes
Between norm cascade and internalization, the diffusion existing national and international norms of reconciliation.
of Rwandan youth’s norms at a transnational and inter- The state’s norms of truth and memory are indeed local-
national level is occurring through a process of “socializa- ized, thanks to the promotion of empathy, which substitutes
tion,” which is “the dominant mechanism of a norm cascade” the contested norm of forgiveness, as well as critical think-
(Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998, p. 902). Through this mech- ing. These norms are reframed respectively as acceptance
anism, young people form “networks of norm entrepreneurs” of the truth and acknowledgment of the past, in order to
(Finnemore & Sikkink, 1998, p. 902) as they enlarge their incorporate everyone’s experience despite survivor or perpe-
communities to reach multiple countries, as illustrated in the trator backgrounds. Redefinition of such norms allows for
above section. In turn, all these networks strengthen the a wider inclusivity and a more effective norm promotion, as
validity of norms of reconciliation initiated by the new gener- opposed to the work of existing institutions. In consonance
ation of Rwanda, as well as the legitimacy of their innovative with broader global youth-led norms, Rwandan youth espe-
methods, thus paving the way for a new normative framework cially propagates norms aimed at the conceptualization of a
of reconciliation. shared and peaceful future, marked by a “never again” nar-
rative: they internalize national norms of unity and a com-
mon identity, but also incorporate notions of humanity and
5 Conclusion human rights, thus developing a stronger, more meaningful
unity, which appeared to be unattainable by the older gen-
eration. Furthermore, findings illustrate diverse innovative
This research has illustrated the role of youth actors
methods used by youth actors to promote their norms: influ-
as norm entrepreneurs within the context of reconciliation,
enced by global youth initiatives, they use dialogue, debate,
through the analysis of the Rwandan case. In post-genocide
and conversation; art, writing, and storytelling; and media
Rwanda, the state has advanced internationally-recognized
and technology. Such tools are gradually being embedded
norms of reconciliation, namely justice, truth, forgiveness,
within traditional mechanisms used by the state, thus acquir-
and collective memory - which may all be included in the
ing more and more legitimacy with time. Lastly, the impact
overarching norm of transitional justice -, but also prioritized
of Rwandan young people within and beyond national bor-
new norms of unity and common identity. Such norms have
ders highlights their involvement in the norm diffusion cycle.
been promoted through the establishment of transitional jus-
As they integrate their initiatives within the national educa-
tice institutions: the ICTR exemplifies the internalization of
tion system and engage with national institutions aimed at
retributive justice (Des Forges & Longman, 2004; Tiemessen,
reconciliation, they persuade Rwandan society to adopt new
2004); the Gacaca courts were a localized tool for restora-
appropriate standards. On top of that, the Rwandan new
tive justice, truth, and forgiveness (Meyerstein, 2007; Rettig,
generation is spreading their norms abroad through the cre-
2008; Tiemessen, 2004); the NURC and the Ingando camps
ation of networks, which contribute to enhancing the validity
emerged to diffuse unity, a common identity, and forgiveness
and recognition of youth norms of reconciliation.
(Clark, 2010; Mgbako, 2005); and the CNLG and memo-
rial sites demonstrate the state’s internalization of an official In light of these findings, this paper sheds light on the rel-
collective memory (Korman, 2014). In addition, the Rwan- evance of the youth in post-conflict areas, in which they have
dan government has used the education system as a tool to the potential to reconstruct and shape societies by engag-
spread unity, common identity, truth, and collective memory, ing in norm diffusion. The case of Rwanda, in which young
as well as human rights and global citizenship (Russell, 2015; people are active participants in the reconciliation process,
2018; 2019). Despite these efforts, norms of reconciliation represents a model for other contexts torn by atrocities and
encountered significant challenges within society: truth and divisions. Nonetheless, the present research is based on a
memory were perceived to be one-sided (Baldwin, 2019; Des restricted amount of data, which was collected remotely. In
Forges & Longman, 2004; Lemarchand, 2006; Tiemessen, that regard, it acts as a starting point for broader, on-the-
2004), the Rwandan identity was dependent on the denial of ground analyses of youth actors involved in reconciliation,
ethnicity, thus leading to the diffusion of a superficial unity and on the whole in the framework of norm diffusion. In
(Clark, 2010), while unconditional forgiveness was seen as an addition, it relies upon the understanding of youth as a gen-
impossible option for an exhausted generation of survivors eral category, thus obscuring other possible identity markers
(Brudholm & Rosoux, 2009). such as gender and class, which might have repercussions on
youth action. With such limitations, future research might
In this context, data obtained through semi-structured in-
consider intersectional differences for greater accuracy, other
terviews with young Rwandans unveiled how Rwandan youth
than using a larger, more comprehensive set of data. In con-
is progressively engaging with and impacting the national
clusion, this paper calls for a more attentive consideration of
norm diffusion framework aimed at reconciliation. To be-
young people, who should be placed at the center of societal
gin with, their demographic value, their access to resources,
reconstruction.
and their non-involvement in the genocide place them in a
unique position to exert influence, as these preconditions al-

65
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68
Social Sciences

Social Media Platforms and a New Regime of (In)visibility


Exploring the Socio-Political Implications of Algorithmic Power

Salomé Petit-Siemens

Supervisor
Stacey Vorster (UvA)
Reader
Dr. Anne de Graaf (AUC)

Photographer: Richard Essink


Abstract

The suspension of Donald Trump’s Twitter and Facebook accounts after the violence on Capitol Hill has rekindled
discussion on the expansive social role of internet platforms and their control over public discourse online. Social media
companies are designing networks, powered by algorithms, which can sort, rank, and censure human experience and
people. This suggests that networked experience is being configured through visibilities. In light of this phenomenon, this
thesis conceptualises a new regime characterised by the management of visibility through algorithmic systems. So as to
explore the broader significance of the regime, the concept of (in)visibility is introduced to interrogate questions of power
and, ultimately, the socio-political implications of algorithms. The term is theorised through Foucauldian themes of
power, subjection, and resistance. Methodologically, several case studies are examined to explore a set of questions: How
do algorithms, as techniques or forms of power, become means to produce, order and manage visibilities? "How," not in
the sense of "How does power manifest itself?" but "By what means is it exercised through social media architecture?"
and "What happens when individuals choose to resist it?" In essence, this paper explores how the concentration of power,
enabled by social media architecture, is giving rise to symbolic forms of control through (in)visibilisation.
Keywords: (In)visibility, algorithms, power, social media, resistance

Suggested citation:
Petit-Siemens, S. (2021). Social media platforms and a new regime of (in)visibility: Exploring the socio-political
implications of algorithmic power. AUC Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts and Sciences, 16 (1), 69-95.

70
Contents

1 Introduction 73

2 Research Context 74

3 Methodology 76

4 Chapter 1: Architecture, (In)visibility, and Technique 77

5 Chapter 2: Interaction, Co-Production, and Algorithmic Imaginaries 80

6 Chapter 3: Resistance 85

7 Conclusion 92

List of Figures and Tables

Sketched diagram for the theoretical trajectory proposed in this study. It combines and relates the main thematics
of the paper together. The heading of power relates to the concept of control and in the same manner,
subjection and resistance are two faces of the same coin— resistance already exists as a facet of subjection.
Yet, the diagram can also be read in circular motion: Power-Subjection-Control-Resistance. . . . . . . . . . 74

Network map without interconnectivity. Created with NodeXL using Twitter search with terms “#RIPTwitter” and
“algorithm.” The blue nodes represent users. Nodes in orange or red amass the highest interaction and are
therefore the most visible users in the network. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77

Network map with medium interconnectivity. The nodes towards the periphery of the map have little to no interaction
with the users at the centre of the conversation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78

Network map with high interconnectivity. The node at the centre of the red interaction has the highest visibility in
the network and is usually the main interlocutor in the conversation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78

Screen used to train the hate speech algorithm. Facebook trains algorithms to censor and delete hate speech against
‘protected categories’ such as white males, but allow attacks on ‘subsets’ such as female drivers and black
children. Source: ProPublica. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

Covid-19 fact-checking labels on Twitter. Source: Google. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

Trend suggestions on Twitter. This feature proposes topics of discussion that are popular in the user’s geographical
location. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81

Topic suggestions on Twitter. This feature allows users to select and follow trends they might be interested in. This
also enables Twitter to tailor its suggestions to users. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

User suggestions on Twitter. This feature lists friend suggestions based on the type of profiles a user follows as well
as on their extended network (friends of friends). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

’On this day’ feature on Facebook. The purpose of this tool is to remind a user of uploads or tags from years ago to
encourage them to repost their memories. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

71
Semantic map surrounding the conversation on the algorithmic censorship of pro-Palestine content. The labels are
sized according to the usage of words: the more times it is used, the bigger the label. Links represent
connections between words. For instance, “posts” is being used with “censored”’ but also with “Instagram.”
Created with NodeXL by searching “Palestine” and “algorithms” or “algorithm.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

Tweet denouncing algorithms as biased in the context of the conflicts in Colombia and Israel/Palestine. . . . . . . . 85

Tweet criticising Instagram’s algorithm for hiding stories related to issues in the MENA region. . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

Tweet denouncing Instagram’s censorship of Palestine-related content on stories. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

Tweet explaining how to use Cyrillic alternatives to avoid censorship of certain words. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Tweet using Cyrillic letters to avoid censorship of the word ’fuck’. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Facebook post which uses dotless Arabic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

’F*ck your algorithm’ dotless Arabic illustration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Tweet containing human-like neural attack with alternative spellings “Israhell” and “G@za.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Facebook post explaining alternative spelling for “white.” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

Tweet containing the alternative “yt” spelling. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

Picture of K-Pop artist with #WhiteLivesMatter hashtag. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

Tweet commenting on the #ProudBoys LGBTQIA+ takeover. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

Tweet denouncing Israeli violence on Palestinians using the #VisitIsrael hashtag. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

Image before and after adding noise. The image is still visible to the human eye, but confuses algorithms. . . . . . . 89

Tweet in Spanish that reads: ’Creating a free memory without censorship. Mention @ArchivandoChile when you share
an image or video, and it will be kept for public record and without bias of what is happening in Chile today’ 90

Tweet explaining the sandwiching technique. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

User reporting that the sandwiching technique is no longer effective. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

72
1 Introduction (Brighenti, 2010).1 As conceptualised within media studies,
regimes of visibility are patterns of interaction that “estab-
lish orders and modes of seeing and being seen, of exposure
The Covid-19 pandemic has both revealed and fuelled
and concealment or invisibility” and which inevitably elicit
our dependency on online platforms, generating an unprece-
mechanisms of power (Krasmann, 2017, p. 11). This is not
dented semblance of hyperconnectivity. There lies great
to say that algorithmic systems are agencies of power, but
power in the design of the communication technologies that
rather that they can be thought of as techniques enacting a
constitute a large part of our daily lives. Large companies
new form of visibility regime online.2 Through this config-
such as Facebook and Twitter are single-handedly controlling
uration of visibility, the socio-political implications of social
the architecture of vast digital spaces, deciding on the rules
media algorithms can be questioned, and their power effects
to access them as well as choreographing the social interac-
examined. These effects are not so much concerned with vis-
tions they host. Consequently, they confer the possibilities of
ibility solely in terms of seeing but rather with the question
visibility for billions of users; first by determining what users
of visibility with regards to its connection to knowledge and
can see in terms of content and who they can see in terms
power—the knowable and the unknown—, a rapprochement
of other users, and second, by deciding on the platforms’
to Jacques Rancière’s conceptualisation of the “distribution
configurations, namely how the possibilities of visibility are
of the sensible” (2013, p. 12). Following a similar line of
conferred. Since social media platforms have become the
thought, scholars examining algorithmic control are primarily
milieu where an important part of our experience with polit-
concerned with the processes through which our social real-
ical life unfolds (Beer, 2017), concerns have arisen over the
ity is curated online (Beer, 2017; Bucher, 2012; Cristiano &
expansive social role of internet platforms and their control
Distretti, 2020; Musiani, 2013; Zuboff, 2021). Dynamics of
over public discourse online (Zuboff, 2021).
data extraction enable algorithms to order content accord-
Notably, the dawn of internet platforms has transformed ing to patterns of user consumption (Cristiano & Distretti,
the pace and scale of online interaction. With it, the archi- 2020). Although this extraction becomes “willing” through
tecture of platforms has evolved to accommodate growing in- the voluntary participation of users with the platform, algo-
teractivity. In this web of interactivity, users and their subjec- rithmic mechanisms remain largely opaque (Beer, 2017), cre-
tivity are turned into nodes: end objects, usually represented ating visibility asymmetries between user and platform. The
as circles in network maps, that amass information about the process of data extraction coupled with visibility management
individual user and their interaction pathways. Social media on social media seems to point to a decline in individual au-
platforms like Facebook, Instagram or Twitter consist of webs tonomy online, a concept that underlines the main theoretical
of nodes, or users, connected by “vectors”—relational lines discussions on resistance in the field of critical media studies
with dialectical flows of visibility through which nodes have, (Beer, 2017). By exploring strategies of resistance against
in principle, the capacity of seeing one another (Brighenti, algorithms, this thesis aspires to counteract the asymmetries
2010, p. 45). Yet, based on profit-driven logics of engage- of power by unveiling the ways in which, mediated by tech-
ment, companies have instituted algorithmic systems into the nologies, knowledge circulates under a veil of invisibility.
design of platforms in order to sort, rank, and censure content
While the concept of visibility is explicitly employed or
(Gillepsie, 2014). Through these mechanisms, certain flows
alluded to in critical media scholarship, it has rarely been
become hypervisibilised while others are invisibilised and re-
theoretically conceptualised with regards to algorithmic con-
stricted. Take, for instance, the events leading up to and
trol. Therefore, a new understanding is necessary, especially
after the Capitol Hill incident on January 6th, 2021. In-
in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic where most daily
flammatory tweets by former United States president, Donald
activities take place online. This research departs from previ-
Trump, on electoral fraud, were amplified and made hyper-
ous conceptualisations focused on media theory, and instead
visible through high engagement—retweets, comments, re-
grounds the algorithmic management of visibility in its socio-
actions. However, in the aftermath of the Capitol attack,
political ramifications. Through the concept of (in)visibility,
Trump’s account was suspended for incitement of violence
this thesis offers a theory for a new form of visibility regime
and his presence was thereby rendered invisible on several
in social media platforms. It does this by dissecting Fou-
platforms. As this case illustrates, algorithms do not solely
cault’s (1982) theory of subjection, power, and control, but
produce and order networks of nodes and vectors, but actually
carry political implications whereby human experience and 1 “The styles of visibilisation thus correspond to certain visibility

people are subjected to processes of visibility and invisibility regimes, which are constitutive of the domain of the public, and how
bodies enter this domain” (Brighenti, 2010, p. 52). Media and com-
through platforms’ shifting socio-technical norms (Brighenti, munication studies have examined regimes of invisibility in the past.
2010). This suggests that networked experience is ultimately In broadcasting and other traditional media, media outlets function as
managed through (in)visibility. the gatekeepers of information where “many see one” (Brighenti, 2010,
p.52). This is different from new forms of media in the information age
In line with theories on media power, critically engag- where “many can see many.”
2 I refer to techniques because they are not agential but rather semi-
ing with questions of (in)visibility—whom/what should see automated, ultimately created and tweaked by human beings. As such,
whom/what—resonates with theories on visibility regimes they become techniques through which to exercise power. This will be
further conceptualised in Chapter 1.

73
also of resistance, to answer the following questions: How do ical ways.
algorithms, as techniques or forms of power, become means
to produce, order and manage visibilities? "How" is not em- Despite the emphasis on the material politics of algo-
ployed in the sense of "How does power manifest itself?" but rithms in Chapter One, materiality cannot be detached from
rather "By what means is it exercised through social media the domain of the social. This is because algorithms func-
architecture?" and "What happens when individuals choose tion in socio-technical assemblages of people and political
to resist it?" economies. Thus, Chapter Two expands on the previous
chapter by positioning itself at the intersection of the tech-
nique, human bodies and experiences: what happens when
human lives are the input and the output? This chapter
touches upon political economies and data extraction, fur-
ther delving into subjection and what it means to be a
“good” (data) subject on social media platforms. In addi-
tion, it revolves around the concept of production, not only
co-production of humans and machines but also production
of reality by algorithms and its socio-political implications.
Finally, a layer of analysis will be added to the network maps.
The semantics of "human encounters with algorithms" will be
addressed through an examination of the meaning of "algo-
rithmic imaginaries" as a first step towards algorithmic con-
sciousness and towards resistance.

Finally, through a theoretical engagement with Michel


Figure 1: Sketched diagram for the theoretical trajectory pro- Foucault and case studies on algorithmic resistance, Chapter
posed in this study. It combines and relates the main themat- Three develops the concept of algorithmic resistance. It be-
ics of the paper together. The heading of power relates to gins by grouping algorithmic strategies of resistance in active
the concept of control and in the same manner, subjection and non-compliant categories and then delves into examples.
and resistance are two faces of the same coin— resistance The types of active resistance include semiotic resistance,
already exists as a facet of subjection. Yet, the diagram can which involves changing words to acronyms or types of code
also be read in circular motion: Power-Subjection-Control- language to avoid censure, hashtag takeovers, redeployment
Resistance. of algorithms for antagonist use and lastly, instances of non-
compliant resistance include disconnection or obfuscation.
To answer these questions, this study devises a tripar-
tite regime of visibility (see Figure 1). The online regime of This thesis aims to contribute to a deeper understand-
visibility is constituted and enabled by the architectural and ing and demystification of how algorithms on social media
interactional aspects of social media platforms. Furthermore, work. The socio-political grounding of this research can yield
this research takes on another mode of studying regimes of greater awareness of the exploitative dynamics of social media
visibility, as proposed by Foucault, through an empirical in- and take part in the process of demanding more transparency
vestigation of power relations and strategies of resistance. and accountability from these platforms.
The structure of the paper follows the same logic, taking
form in three separate chapters, also in par with the tripar-
tite research question. After laying out the theoretical dimen- 2 Research Context
sions of the paper in the research context and methodology
section, the remaining part of the paper proceeds as follows:
A large and growing body of literature in social science
Concerned with the architectural aspect of the regime, research has examined the expression of power in the context
Chapter One focuses on the materiality of social media plat- of algorithmic work (Beer, 2017; Brunton & Nissenbaum,
forms. Through an analysis of social media network maps, 2015; Bucher, 2017; Cristiano & Distretti, 2020, Musiani,
patterns of (in)visibility become apparent, shedding light on 2013; Nissembaum, 2011). Among different lines of scholarly
the implicit rules of arrangement within platforms. These inquiry, three salient themes have dominated the conversa-
rules of arrangement, implemented by algorithmic work, con- tion. First, the theme of online visibility is an overarching
fer the possibilities of visibility for billions of users. Ulti- scholarly preoccupation. Literature on visibility is most con-
mately, it is argued, the creation of behavioural patterns and cerned with exploring how algorithms manage visibility online
subsequent ordering of reality, create systems of governance and consequently assemble online social reality. Second, lit-
that ultimately shape social order, one of the main preoc- erature on governance expands on the subject of visibility
cupations of this study at large. In this way, algorithms, by adding themes of data extraction and profit maximisa-
as techniques of power, are first politicised in this chapter tion by social media companies, which further problematise
through how they order users and content online in mechan- questions of transparency and the power of algorithms to

74
order social reality online (Beer, 2009; Beer, 2017). The 4) and ultimately holding the function of constructing reality
third theme ties into resistance, which examines different an- online. This reasoning resonates within established theoret-
tagonisms individuals develop to challenge algorithmic power ical frameworks on social reality. For example, Berger and
(Brunton & Nissenbaum, 2015; Ettlingler, 2018; Treré et al., Luckmann (1967) theorise that social order is based on a
2020; Velkova & Kaun, 2021). By examining power through shared social reality that emerges from real or symbolic in-
these themes, the social and political implications of social teractions. In this sense, the online reality produced by algo-
media algorithms are being written out. This paper mirrors rithmic work can certainly influence behaviour and action in
and expands on these themes in the subsequent chapters. everyday life. Indeed, software shaping the everyday experi-
ences of users becomes an expression of power, not only over
Drawing on visibility as the central tenet to their research, us, but fed and reproduced by human engagement online
Cristiano and Distretti (2020) have scrutinised the ability of (Beer, 2009). Precisely, the naturalisation of data extrac-
algorithms, as semi-autonomous agents,3 to manage visuali- tion, the creation of behavioural patterns, and the ordering
ties. They argue that algorithms act as mediators of reality, of reality, create systems of governance that ultimately shape
in essence managing what is and is not seen online (Cris- social order (Cristiano & Distretti, 2020). Most concerning
tiano & Distretti, 2020). Backed by underlying themes of is the fact that algorithms are designed for private compa-
data extraction and the profit-driven nature of social media nies’ profit maximisation, which, coupled with the lack of
platforms, they illustrate the power asymmetries embedded in transparency, makes algorithms hardly fit to govern spaces of
networks (Cristiano & Distretti, 2020). Algorithms function social interaction (Just & Latzer, 2017). As noted by Just
as invisible mechanisms that render users’ data hypervisible and Latzer (2017), the decision-making powers of technolo-
without their full knowledge (Cristiano & Distretti, 2020). gies generate questions concerning human agency on social
This issue underlines a wider preoccupation in the field, con- media platforms. For instance, should the public have a say
cerning the ways in which algorithms function under a veil of in how platforms are governed?
invisibility. Some writers have propounded theories on this
concern. For instance, Thrift (2004) put forth the concept Another field that tackles the technological challenges to
of the “technological unconscious” (p. 213)—the operation human agency focuses on the notion of resistance. Scholarly
of invisible and powerful information technologies that come methods for analyzing expressions of algorithmic power do
to produce everyday life. In recent years, a broader perspec- not only involve visibility and governance but also an exam-
tive has been adopted by Pasquale (2015). In his book The ination of antagonisms: individual and collective instances
Black Box Society, he explains how the internal workings of of algorithmic resistance. Neumayer et al. (2021), for exam-
the algorithms that pervade a great part of our lives, remain ple, suggest that online visibility wavers between empowering
hidden for commercial purposes. Precisely, algorithms cre- and disempowering poles. While some people, for instance
ate power asymmetries between the technology and the user, activists, might manipulate algorithms to become more vis-
manifested in the opacity of algorithmic work but also in the ible, other, more vulnerable, groups might seek to resist al-
ways algorithms manage visibility. Expanding on this, Mu- gorithmic visibility. Either way, resistance seems to consti-
siani (2013) contends that algorithms produce political and tute a zero-sum game. The mere interaction with social
social hierarchies online by prioritising topics of discussion media platforms creates a dynamic of human-machine co-
as well as certain users over others. Undoubtedly, hierar- production and therefore a certain user compliance to data
chies of content also create asymmetries between users, an extraction (Cristiano & Distretti, 2020). As such, discon-
issue that has generated scholarly discussion around visibil- nection, anonymity, and invisibility, are budding ways to opt
ity and recognition (Brighenti, 2010; Cristiano & Distretti, out of algorithmic power (Treré et al., 2020). Yet, most users
2020; Zuboff, 2021). Brighenti (2010), in particular, reflects still choose complicit ways of resistance—resisting while stay-
upon the consequences of visibility for the public sphere and ing connected—because the offline state can lead to conse-
digital citizenship. If political visibility and recognition is at quences such as loss of contact or job prospects.
play on social media platforms, the implications of algorithms
go well beyond the ordering of visualities. Nevertheless, resistance also presents an empowering po-
tential and can uncover, through the strategies that individu-
Visibility asymmetries become more problematic when als use to resist them, the workings of algorithms. According
considering that most of our political experience online is to Vickers and McDowell (2021), the idea of resistance to
being mediated by algorithms (Beer, 2017). Consequently, algorithms also reveals an important paradox: social media
scholars like Beer (2017) and Just and Latzer (2017) have companies have mechanisms in place that function on ex-
chosen to conceptualise the power of algorithms through the clusion, but making platforms more inclusive might be detri-
theme of governance. For one, Beer (2017) is concerned mental to those who wish to remain invisible to algorithmic
with how “software may be taking on some constitutive or power. This paradox demonstrates that visibility regimes are
performative role in ordering that world on our behalf” (p. in fact controlled by technologies of power, which can bring
3 I refer to them as semi-autonomous agents because they function about socio-political consequences for users.
with little to no human intervention apart from the initial coding and
periodic tweaks to ameliorate effectiveness.
By mirroring and expanding on these themes in the rest

75
of this paper, I merge adjacent fields of media and algorith- terise our interpretation of a new mode of visibility regime
mic studies, philosophy, and science and technology studies online, which, enabled by the architectural and interactional
to contribute to the academic objective of bringing more vis- character of social media platforms, exerts political influence
ibility to the “black box” conundrum (Pasquale, 2015), es- over the way we interact online. This is not to say that so-
sentially to uncover the technical and socio-political workings cial phenomena online can be interpreted solely in terms of
of algorithms. visibility. Rather, this paper utilises visibility as an overarch-
ing analytical tool to understand new technologies of power.
For this, new diagrams of power are needed to trace how
3 Methodology they operate in new architectures like social media. As a
novel mode of analysis, this paper proposes the examination
of network maps, which are important tools that can help
There are a number of instruments available to investi- us visualise patterns of (in)visibility. Network maps are able
gate the dynamic of power present in algorithmic functioning. to show differences in interactive density or interconnectiv-
Recent social science research has examined algorithms in an ity and, therefore, delineate the implicit rules of arrangement
isolated manner, that is, studying algorithms as single arte- within platforms.
facts (i.e., examining the code, reverse engineering, investi-
gating input and output). However, because algorithms func- According to Foucault (1982), the study of power con-
tion in highly dynamic platforms, solely unveiling algorithm flates to analysing the new modes through which humans
code would fail to account for the relational, contingent, are made subjects; through these processes of subjectifica-
and contextual environment in which they function (Kitchin, tion, one can uncover power relations. In the context of al-
2017). Indeed, the limited knowledge that exists on social gorithmic control, the mode of subjection is enabled through
media algorithms often relegates the socio-political realities rendering things visible (Krasmann, 2017). In effect, on so-
of these technologies to a second plane, disregarding how al- cial media, there only exists what has been ordered and ren-
gorithmic systems in social media are entangled with human dered visible by algorithms. Thereby, the user, as a subject of
experience and political economies (Kitchin, 2017). As Fou- power, is constituted online by the algorithmic mechanisms of
cault (1978) contends in his lecture The Birth of Biopolitics, seeing and knowing (Krasmann, 2017). What is paramount
the role of social research is “not to discover what is hidden here is to interrogate the ways in which knowledge circu-
but to render visible what precisely is already visible, so inti- lates and functions—by sorting, ranking, and censuring—and
mately linked to ourselves, that as a consequence, we don’t how these functions relate to power. Indeed, the question of
see it” (p. 540). Therefore, this paper re-conceptualises power concerns how rather than what is made visible, and
algorithms within the wider context of their socio-technical through which specific infrastructures of arrangement. Fol-
assemblages, referring to social media as polycentric environ- lowing this line of thought, Foucault sought to explain the
ments in which linkages and mediations occur in a milieu of regulatory force of power inherent in specific architectural
human experience, political economies, and technologies of configurations. As mentioned, the architecture of social me-
power. dia encompasses nodes and vectors that do not merely create
a network but have socio-political implications, where peo-
The concept of (in)visibility, central to this work, con- ple and their experiences are made visible or invisible. Simi-
joins the sensorial field of the visual and the broader socio- lar to other modes of classification infrastructures that have
technical field of visibility. This is to say, the term is able to been scrutinised in the past (e.g., bureaucracy), algorithms
interlink algorithmic mechanisms of ordering and ranking to have demonstrated the ability to assemble social and material
its larger significance in terms of knowledge and, ultimately, worlds online.4 Undoubtedly, the management of visibility
power. In particular, the concept of (in)visibility captures online involves a certain power over the representation of in-
the ordered but contingent and opaque effects of algorithmic dividual online realities for billions of people (Zuboff, 2021).
visibility. I propose this concept as open-ended, an element As explained by Berger and Luckmann (1967), this has con-
in which the social occurs, and through which to analyse sequences on a shared social reality and consequently, the
the complicated interplays between autonomy/subjection and formation of social order.
power/resistance embedded in algorithmic work. In this way,
the concept aims to capture the ambivalent experience of Mechanisms of subjection cannot be examined without in-
the user with social media platforms.To be clear, these dyads terrogating their relation to mechanisms of exploitation and
are not mutually exclusive but rather coexist and interact, domination, as all forms interact in complex and interlinked
producing visibility asymmetries. Once organised in regimes, ways (Foucault, 1982). The naturalisation of data extraction
visibility asymmetries reproduce the power/knowledge asym- and commodification of human experience on social media
metries of which they are a product (Brighenti, 2010). For platforms follows logics of exploitation. The voluntary partic-
instance, the algorithms can create self-perpetuating loops 4 A “world” in this sense is also very much in line with Jacques Ran-
whereby users who are less visible are less often objects of cière’s conceptualisation of the “distribution of the sensible” (2013, p.
interaction, therefore, further decreasing their possibilities of 12). Although beyond the scope of this paper, this analysis could be en-
visibility. These cyclical and interrelated dynamics charac- riched by engaging with Rancière since many of the arguments overlap
with his theory.

76
ipation of users with Internet platforms might indicate prior online, the platform becomes a site of circulation of vectors
consent, but as Foucault (1982) contends, power relations in different directions, which are defined both top-down,
are not by nature a product of consensus— this would as- through platform norms, and bottom-up, shaped by user
sume a passive subject. Yet, in his revision of his prior text interaction. Platforms are decentralised and ontogenic
on discipline (Foucault, 1995), Foucault regards the subject digital infrastructures that “facilitate and shape personalised
as active (Foucault, 1982). In fact, Foucault declares that interactions, organised through the systematic collection,
action is the very condition that enables subjection, which processing, monetisation, and circulation of data” (Poell
is ultimately the basis of the power relation. In this sense, et al., 2019, p. 3). This data is managed through algo-
the voluntary engagement of users with platforms actively rithmic sorting, prioritising certain metadata over others,
generates data, input without which algorithms cannot func- hence shaping what information and which users become
tion. In this human-machine co-production, users contribute visible, and therefore deciding what is left unseen. These
to their own subjection. important processes of prioritisation and marginalisation
are often invisible, relegating the definition of algorithms
The new understanding of subjects as active agents in to a broad understanding of them as “encoded procedures
The Subject and Power allows for new conceptualisations of for transforming input data into a desired output, based
power relations (Foucault, 1982). Foucault (1982) suggests on specified calculations” (Gillespie, 2014, p. 167). A
investigating forms of resistance as a starting point of anal- limited understanding of the workings of algorithms, makes
ysis. As such, to understand algorithmic power, this paper understanding how they confer visibility complicated: under
lays the theoretical basis in the first two chapters and then, what conditions is a user made visible? Answering this
contextualises it in the last chapter, through case studies question requires examining what input is fed into the
of active and passive algorithmic resistance. Therefore, this algorithm, what meta tags (likes, retweets, mentions, etc.)
paper engages with the Foucauldian thematics present in al- are drawn upon to make connections between users, and
gorithmic work: subjection, power and control, but also resis- how personalisation determines what individuals encounter
tance, to answer the following questions: How do algorithms, online. Diagrammatics of algorithms, like the ones in
as techniques or forms of power, become means to produce, Figures 2, 3 and 4, are useful tools for understanding these
order and manage visibilities? "How," not in the sense of processes, as they portray user interactivity around a topic.
"How does power manifest itself?" but "By what means is In this respect, the visualisation of big data offers a tangible
it exercised through social media architecture?" and "What dimension where nodes and edges do not simply create a
happens when individuals choose to resist it?" network but represent politics, in which users are deliberately
made visible or invisible.

4 Chapter 1: Architecture, (In)visibility, and


Technique

To characterise the interpretation of a new online regime


of visibility and its socio-political influence, this chapter in-
vestigates the architecture mediating the visibilities encoun-
tered online. While a detailed technical explanation of algo-
rithms seems unnecessary, this work engages the logics of so-
cial media architecture, illustrated in this chapter by network
maps, in order to lay the grounds for an informed theoreti-
cal discussion. Accordingly, the emphasis of this chapter is
the materiality of online socio-technical assemblages, thereby
setting out to explore some of the many ways in which al-
Figure 2: Network map without interconnectivity. Created
gorithms express power. By questioning how online visibility
with NodeXL using Twitter search with terms “#RIPTwitter”
is constrained or enabled—and through which arrangements,
and “algorithm.” The blue nodes represent users. Nodes in
techniques and modes of governance—we can begin to un-
orange or red amass the highest interaction and are therefore
derstand an online regime of visibility that unfolds through
the most visible users in the network.
social media architecture, and moreover, further develop the
concept of (in)visibility.
Figures 2, 3 and, 4 are network maps that represent in-
Social media architecture is a composite of nodes or teraction on Twitter surrounding the hashtag #RIPTwitter.
users, connected through relational and dialectical lines #RIPTwitter was the backlash response of users to a Buz-
through which everyone has, in principle, the capacity zFeed article that claimed Twitter was going to modify the
of intervisibility—when users are mutually visible to one organisation of its timeline from simple chronological order
another (Brighenti, 2010). As it hosts social interaction (new to old) to an algorithmically determined one, based

77
density and interconnectivity. For instance, Figure 4 details
a cluster around a certain user. This concentration signals a
key user, often a person leading the conversation. The con-
tent these users create and share is often the most popular
and widely reproduced in these networks. In contrast, nodes
towards the periphery of the network and black circles reflect
relatively unconnected Twitter users who tweet about a topic
but hardly interact with others in the discussion.

The differences in behaviour patterns and interaction


are not arbitrary. They elicit a series of normative ques-
tions about modes of governance online, namely whom/what
should see whom/what. In fact, asking what algorithms re-
Figure 3: Network map with medium interconnectivity. The flect by observing the output of an algorithmic process pro-
nodes towards the periphery of the map have little to no vides an inkling about their functioning. This involves deny-
interaction with the users at the centre of the conversation. ing and allowing, incentivising and disincentivizing possibil-
ities of visibility (what can or cannot see or be seen) and
configurations (how something or someone can or cannot
see or be seen) (Brighenti, 2010). For instance, inscribed in
Facebook’s EdgeRank6 and Twitter’s Trending Topics7 are
algorithms that prioritise some topics and people over oth-
ers (Bucher, 2018). Facebook’s algorithm is automatically
inclined towards emotive and reactive answers to a subject
(Bucher, 2018). Along similar lines, Twitter’s Trending Top-
ics feature enables users to boost certain topics by consis-
tently tweeting about a specific event, while retweets and
mentions can heighten the visibility of a specific tweet. How-
ever, Twitter also actively pushes promoted tweets—paid for
by companies and personalised via algorithms to fit specific
user profiles (Bucher, 2012; Dijck & Poell, 2013). This type
of interaction is paramount. While some users become vis-
Figure 4: Network map with high interconnectivity. The node ible through modes of reception (i.e., likes, shares, posts,
at the centre of the red interaction has the highest visibility retweets), other not so active profiles fade into the back-
in the network and is usually the main interlocutor in the ground (Brighenti, 2007; Neumayer et al., 2021). Though in-
conversation. ternet platforms were initially designed as democratic spaces
of participation (Web 2.0: see Beer, 2009), the workings of
on relevance to each user (Kantrowitz, 2016). This change
algorithms suggest that desirability can be mapped in the
implied that users would no longer have the autonomy to
specific mechanisms of visibility (Bucher, 2018). In this way,
choose what information was relevant to them since the al-
the diagrammatics of algorithms exemplify patterns of in-
gorithm would do that for them, exposing users only to the
clusion and exclusion, partly revealing the metrics that de-
content established—by unknown parameters—as relevant.
termine what is not only relevant, but also appropriate and
The news prompted a reaction on Twitter, with users post-
legitimate.
ing the hashtag #RIPTwitter as a form of protest. While
the semantics of the movement—that is, the language of the A close examination of Facebook’s algorithm that censors
tweets—is revealing in itself, this stage of the analysis fo- content and polices political expression in 2017, revealed the
cuses solely on the materiality of the network maps. The map favouring of elites and governments over activists and racial
shown above was created by searching the terms “#RipTwit- minorities (Angwin, 2017). Based on principles of equality,
ter” and “algorithm.” Orange and red nodes signal the most
6 EdgeRank is an algorithm that is embedded in Facebook and is
popular users in the conversation, while black circles repre-
utilised to order the News Feed on the platform based on what type of
sent single tweets. Mentions,5 which constitute a great part content the user interacts with (e.g., liberal or conservative content),
of the activity in these maps, are depicted in purple. By how they engage with it (through which functions e.g., likes, comments,
clicking on different nodes, one can distinguish variations in mentions, etc), and the newness of the content. For more information
on how the algorithm functions, see Bucher (2012).
user visibility evidenced by the relational vectors that light 7 According to Twitter’s FAQs, the trending topics that appear on
up in red. Evidently, the maps show differences in interactive users’ feed “are determined by an algorithm and, by default, are tailored
5 A mention is a type of interaction between two users in Twitter for you based on who you follow, your interests, and your location. This
algorithm identifies topics that are popular now, rather than topics that
where one user uploads a post containing another account’s Twitter
have been popular for a while or on a daily basis, to help you discover
username, preceded by the "@" symbol. This type of interaction usually
the hottest emerging topics of discussion on Twitter.”
involves responding to the other user’s post.

78
the algorithm was trained to censure posts if they mentioned
“protected categories”—based on race, sex, gender identity,
religious affiliation, national origin, ethnicity, sexual orien-
tation, and serious disability/disease (Angwin, 2017). Yet,
posts containing composite categories, for instance “black
children” or “female drivers” were recognized by the algo-
rithm as appropriate (Angwin, 2017) (Figure 5).

Figure 6: Covid-19 fact-checking labels on Twitter. Source:


Google.
ner workings of algorithms as techniques that put the very
power into effect. This research broadly defines algorithms
as techniques instead of the standard science and technology
studies technical definition for two reasons. Firstly, tech-
niques are essential to architectural compositions; they are
complicit in the mechanic and calculated modes of ordering
multiplicities that sustain architectures of power (e.g., disci-
pline as the technique of the Panopticon). Secondly, through
the concept of technique, we can aggregate the themes of
Figure 5: Screen used to train the hate speech algorithm.
capitalist extraction, deregulation, and standardised means
Facebook trains algorithms to censor and delete hate speech
of governance, which are present in the social media regime
against ‘protected categories’ such as white males, but allow
of visibility.
attacks on ‘subsets’ such as female drivers and black children.
Source: ProPublica. According to Ellul (2006), technique refers to “any com-
Consequently, posts containing categories such as “white plex of standardized means for attaining a predetermined re-
men” were being taken down, while expressions like “radical- sult” (p. 7).8 Theoretically stated, it converts spontaneous
ized Muslims” were left free to roam the digital space. The and unreflective behaviour into behaviour that is deliberate
fact that “white men” is considered a protected category by and rationalised through a set of norms or instructions (El-
these algorithms reveals that the regime of visibility online lul, 2006). Algorithms, as techniques, establish what Lash
is reflective of societal biases and inequalities. Essentially, (2007) considers “algorithmic generative rules” (p. 70), a
the algorithmic rules hold the power to differentiate between set of standards modelled on societal ideas of efficiency and
hate speech and legitimate political expression online. Simi- fairness. Nonetheless, algorithms are not neutral, objective
larly, Facebook and Twitter also introduced a measurement technologies. They are mechanical and procedural insofar as
of legitimacy on their platforms, with fact-checking labels they strive for the best approximation to their predetermined
appearing next to posts during the presidential elections, objective (instructions), results that users interpret in a sub-
and more recently during the pandemic (Figure 6). However, stantive manner (Cardon, 2018). Therefore, these techniques
though these mechanisms arbitrate relationships between are not powerful in themselves but only to the extent that
users and content around contentious public issues, the they are designed and tweaked by humans, thereby reflect-
standards for appropriateness or legitimacy of content ing social norms. Notably, although the coding of algorithms
remain ambiguous. demands the rigour and objectivity characteristic of scientific
advancement, when applied to social media platforms, the
functioning of algorithms seems to move away from those
In this way, by managing the visibility of users and top- demands.9 This is exemplified in the previous example where
ics, algorithms can encourage and discourage discussion while “white men” is categorised in algorithmic training as a “pro-
setting the political and social agenda as well as designating tected category.”
the interlocutors that are central to the conversation (Mu- 8 Scott Lash (2007) sets forth the moderative and commercial imper-
siani, 2013). In essence, algorithms structure behaviour by atives of algorithms. He explains that the engagement logics of covert
enabling and constraining decisions, and by making certain algorithms are conduits of capitalist power, making power increasingly
users or topics visible and thus, knowable. However, build- embedded in the algorithm. As such, for Lash, power in society be-
comes ontological, embedded in code, and hence more difficult to resist
ing on the Foucauldian sensitivity for the “microphysics” of through traditional means.
power (Foucault 1979: 92-102), this study reinstates that the 9 Langdon Winner, on the other hand, argues in his article “Do Ar-

question of algorithmic power ultimately concerns how rather tifacts have politics?” (1986) that political ideologies are embedded in
than what is made visible. This requires dismantling the in- technologies, making them inherently political.

79
Furthermore, algorithms express power in how they func- our everyday lives. Online reality provides a picture of what
tion under a veil of invisibility and in how they run largely can be conceived of and discussed, and thereon structures
unscrutinised. Indeed, algorithmic work involves the mobili- possibilities for thought. Algorithms invisibly enclose users,
sation of specialised knowledge and the mastering of calcula- through personalisation, in very limited spheres of informa-
tive and communication technologies (Hansen & Flyerbom, tion which prevents them from accessing complex or con-
2015). Thus, their understanding is out of reach for most tradictory information online. Consequently, it takes away
people. As such, techniques of classification and their crucial from the processes of critical thought, hampering any reality
role in the building of information infrastructures have been beyond the one imposed online. Evidently, technology is not
core preoccupations of science, technology, and social science deterministic, and users have the potential to access complex
scholars for several years (Beer, 2009; Lash, 2007). In the information outside the social media environment. However,
past, many different systems and techniques have been de- the ordering of reality online becomes problematic when its
veloped to break down, order, and control multiplicities (e.g., mechanisms are made invisible and the information is thereby
bureaucratisation). Foucault (1980), for one, in his concep- presented as truth.10
tualisation of the dispositif (p. 194), broadened the defini-
tion of power beyond rules or ordering to an understanding The preceding considerations imply that algorithms,
of relations of power entangled in infrastructures and mech- rather than being a simple set of code instructions, in ac-
anisms. The examination of the techniques of classification tuality put into practice a specific vision of social order and
and infrastructures of arrangement has become increasingly truth. The effects of the techniques of classification and in-
relevant in the digital age. frastructures of arrangement can only be detected through
an overview of the system. In this light, reviewing the logics
Thinking of techniques of classification is conceptually of social media platforms and engaging Foucault’s theory lay
useful for understanding the ways in which the distribution ground for understanding the socio-political implications of
of the sensible is governed in social media platforms. Yeung inclusion and exclusion: (in)visibility. Rendering things visi-
(2017) uses the term “choice architectures” (p. 120) to de- ble, it is argued, is both a precondition and a tool of exercising
scribe how forms of algorithmic governance structure users’ power. If algorithms are altering our experience online, how
choices through what information, options, and suggestions do we ensure that different ontologies are present in how we
are presented to them. Architecture is, and has histori- experience social reality? For this, it is paramount to uncover
cally been, used to describe modes of governance (Brighenti, the patterns of interaction of the different actors on social
2010). For instance, Foucault’s architectural model of power media that help sustain the regime of (in)visibility.
investigates the ways in which spaces are designed to make
things visible in specific ways, and offers a useful parallel to
analyse algorithms in social media architectural configura- 5 Chapter 2: Interaction, Co-Production,
tions. Foucault’s configuration of power points to the multi-
and Algorithmic Imaginaries
ple processes, measurements, calculations, and techniques,
at play in organizing and arranging sociality—distributing
bodies, lights, and gazes (Ziewitz, 2016). Analytically, this Algorithms do not function in isolation but are instead
makes the sorting, ranking, and censuring, functions of al- entangled in sociotechnical assemblages. “Assemblages” is a
gorithms specific techniques. Yet, this study also deviates useful word for capturing the dynamics of the digital playing
from Foucauldian conceptualisations in some ways. While the field. This is precisely because technology is so embedded
regime of visibility inherent in the Panopticon is premised on within a multifaceted environment of social, cultural, and
the threat of constant visibility (Ziewitz, 2016), the regime political interactions that it becomes a political concern, as
of visibility online concerns the threat of (in)visibility —the it reflects particular ways of conceiving the world. Therefore,
unequal and uncertain distribution of visibility. Regardless, despite the previous chapter’s emphasis on the material pol-
the management of visibility is undoubtedly an expression of itics of algorithms, the materiality of platforms can never be
power, not of one person over another in the Foucauldian detached from the domain of the social. As such, a sensitive
sense, but rather of a technique of power making choices socio-technical understanding is needed, to account for all
that shape the everyday experiences of billions of users. This the actors at play on internet platforms. A careful examina-
realisation arguably diverts attention away from the merely tion might provide some indication about how mechanisms
functional understanding of algorithms, to an understand- of power come into being through platforms and their algo-
ing of software as reality ordering. Moreover, through social rithms. At the intersection of algorithmic techniques, humans
media architecture, algorithmic governance also takes on an and experiences, this chapter is an approximation to the po-
institutional character and becomes naturalised, constantly litical and the bridge to the final chapter on resistance.
working in the background of our online space of interac-
tion (Cristiano & Distretti, 2018; Flichy, 2013; König, 2019). Social media platforms have become spaces where most
This form of governance, first shaped by the processes of 10 Split Screens, a research project from The MarkUp, illuminates

(in)visibilisation of users or information, orders reality online. how Facebook’s recommendation algorithm siloes information on the
platform by collecting, analysing and putting side by side screenshots
This construction of reality shapes thought and action in
from the feeds of Democrat and Republican users in the United States.

80
of our sociality occurs online. Standardised modes of social the imagined and idealised user (Velkova & Kaun, 2021). To
relatedness across internet platforms include following other remain visible, a “good” user must engage with algorithmic
users, uploading everyday thoughts or experiences, reacting preferences, thereby participating on the platforms frequently
to other users’ content (e.g., liking or retweeting), and tag- and substantively. Investigating what kind of behaviours
ging other users on pictures, to name a few. Social media social media suggests and affords enables transcendence
platforms’ penetration of the social fabric has gone in tandem from the materiality of the platforms, so as to focus on
with an increased significance of social media companies in the interactional outcomes. Bucher and Helmond (2017)
the wider digital economy (Alaimo & Kallinikos, 2019). The propose the concept of “perceived affordances” (p. 5) to
shift towards datafication, the process of turning many as- suggest that the designers of platforms should indicate how
pects of daily life into data, has led to the transformation the user is meant to interact with the platform. This usually
of social life into quantified online data (Cukier & Mayer- materialises in features available on the platform such as
Schoenberger, 2020). In this way, internet platforms have buttons, screens, or word limits on posts. Suggested forms
become data-based organisations that exploit for profit the of behaviour on social platforms give an indication of the
very sociality they host. In fact, the dynamics of data extrac- operation of these spaces. Take for instance suggestions on
tion have become so naturalised that they have become part Twitter: these include “trends for you” (Figure 7), “topics to
of the inner workings of all social media platforms (Couldry follow” (Figure 8) and “who to follow” (Figure 9). Similarly,
& Mejias, 2019). More concretely, the platforms extract the Facebook and Instagram suggest “people you may know”
“everydayness” from individuals’ computer-mediated actions and allow you to choose from a number of emojis with which
including Facebook “likes,” text, photos, videos, location, to engage—e.g., love, sad, angry, surprised, wow, haha, and
communication patterns, purchases, and so on. Users’ dig- care.
ital footprint is used to train algorithms with human data.
These algorithms are dependent on the data to rank, or-
der, and personalise content for engagement. More generally,
the interaction that social media encourages, through vari-
ous forms of user involvement, is collected to later be sold
to advertising companies for targeting purposes (Alaimo &
Kallinikos, 2017). Data extraction does not only make social
relations profitable for corporations, but also allows for a new
model of social governance through behavioural steering, es-
sentially structuring the field of action of users (Couldry &
Mejias, 2019). This, coupled with the imperative of data
extraction for profit, creates systems where platforms aim
to engage users constantly, with little regard for the con-
tent of the posts. This is particularly concerning because,
as noted, algorithms create buzz around certain topics that
attract high engagement, usually inflammatory posts. This
type of content riles up people’s reactions and therefore ham-
pers in part the capacity of social media to become a space
for constructive discussion on important topics. In fact, this
became an important issue during the 2016 US presidential
election’s disinformation campaign. Russian trolls and bots
designed posts with affective undertones, knowing that algo-
rithms would make controversial content visible and that the
content would heighten divisions between Republicans and
Democrats ahead of the elections (Inkster, 2016).11

As touched upon in the previous chapter, algorithmic


maps delineate patterns of user desirability, underlining Figure 7: Trend suggestions on Twitter. This feature pro-
questions about what behaviour is desirable online and what poses topics of discussion that are popular in the user’s geo-
being a “good” user implies. Designers of social networks graphical location.
project specific meanings onto their platforms, “configuring”
Certain features such as the “like” button allow users to
11 The disinformation campaign during the 2016 US Presidential elec- communicate with each other. For advertisers, these features
tions is thought to have been carried out by Russian hackers with con-
nections to the Russian intelligence Service (Inkster, 2016). During
facilitate preference data in order to tailor personalised ads
this campaign, Russian operations on social media supposedly took ad- and for platforms. For platforms on the other hand, the data
vantage of Facebook’s power for the distribution of information and allows them to measure engagement in order to personalise
algorithmic logics so as to increase the scourge of “viral” hoaxes and
create social divides ahead of the elections (Inkster, 2016).

81
ics firms and partners (Alaimo & Kallinikos, 2017). This new
form of capitalism is what Zuboff (2015) describes as ‘surveil-
lance capitalism’, a system that aims to predict and modify
human behaviour to produce revenue. When human experi-
ence is the input and output of these capitalist processes, it
becomes problematic and raises questions about the power
of platforms to exploit user interaction. The process of data
extraction has been largely dehumanized when in reality, it
is users’ social and political engagement online that is being
commoditized.

According to Foucault (1982), questions of power and


exploitation cannot be studied in isolation to mechanisms
of subjection, as they are intertwined in complex and circu-
lar ways. The extractive process that enables social media
occurs in the absence of dialogue, typically running in the
background of social interaction (Zuboff, 2015). In fact, the
mere term extraction renounces any rationalisation of con-
sent or reciprocity between social media companies and their
users. Behavioural data online travels hidden paths of aggre-
gation and translation to be decontextualised in code, even
though it is immediately tied to actual people and human
experience (Nissembaum, 2011). In this process, subjectivi-
ties are converted into objects that repurpose the subjective
for commodification. Users’ preferences and activity online
is becoming increasingly visible to advertisers and platforms
Figure 8: Topic suggestions on Twitter. This feature allows
while the process of extraction remains largely invisible, only
users to select and follow trends they might be interested in.
vaguely present in the terms and conditions of the platforms.
This also enables Twitter to tailor its suggestions to users.
In this way, visibility is a precondition for engaging in social
media. In a Foucauldian vein, relationships of power on so-
cial networks are not necessarily a product of consent. Users
are not directly agreeing to platforms shaping their possibil-
ities of actions nor are they giving up full ownership of their
data to be sold to private companies. In a similar manner,
when cookie notifications pop up on a website, it is easier
for users to accept them in passing instead of spending time
setting their privacy preferences. However, accepting cook-
ies is rarely an indication that users consent to their data
being mined, rather it speaks more to the fact that cook-
ies are often deceptive or confusing to the everyday user.
Likewise, perhaps the voluntary participation of users with
Internet platforms can be argued to indicate some form of
prior consent. However, the relationship of power that plays
Figure 9: User suggestions on Twitter. This feature lists out on social media is by no means the manifestation of a
friend suggestions based on the type of profiles a user follows consensus (Foucault, 1982).13
as well as on their extended network (friends of friends).
Nonetheless, the digital subject breaks away from Fou-
each user’s feed12 (Bucher & Helmond, 2017). Hence, social cauldian conceptualisations of the passive object of disci-
media platforms are characterised by an architecture for en- plinary power. Instead, the digital subject is thought of as
gagement and their economic model, connecting user data to active, making decisions and producing data, leaving digital
advertisers. More concretely, platforms enable and design the 13 This also echoes Jacques Rancière’s theorisations by Jacques Ran-
modes of sociality around their business model. In this way, cière. In his book Disagreement (1998), he states: “There is an order in
social media platforms serve not only users but a plethora society because some people command and others obey, but in order to
of actors, including platform owners, marketers, data analyt- obey an order at least two things are required: you must understand the
order and you must understand that you must obey it. And to do that,
12 The feed refers to the main screen on social media platforms which you must already be the equal of the person who is ordering you” (p.
includes constantly updated posts from the people you follow as well as 16). This is difficult in the case of social media where visibility asym-
(product) advertisements. metries “invisibilise” the mechanisms of power embedded in platforms,
thereby making consensus inconceivable.

82
traces that power social media (Krasmann, 2017). In fact,
action is the very condition that enables subjection, which is
ultimately the basis of the power relation. The visibility man-
agement of algorithms creates a ‘fear of invisibility’ in users
which, paradoxically, seems to push users to continually en-
gage with platforms’ imperatives. According to Couldry and
Turow (2014), platforms function as a public space. Pre-
cisely, visibility in social media allows users to participate in
the construction of collective discourse and a political ac-
tion, and this in turn, feeds the construction of users as so-
cial beings. Thus, invisibilising processes at the hands of
algorithmic work entail the potential loss of recognition, and
therefore the possibility of “mutual acknowledgement that
orients us at least to recognise each other . . . as members
of a common social and political space” (Couldry & Turow,
2014, p. 1,711). Therefore, the only way to escape from
invisibility seems to be to participate in the capitalist logics
these platforms promote. For example, users can buy fol-
lowers or pay to create professional accounts on Facebook,
Instagram, or Twitter, which ensures a greater diffusion of
certain products, peoples, ideas, etc. More generally, users
can choose to follow the platforms’ suggestions, like follow-
ing trends in “suggested for you.” In this sense, the voluntary
engagement of users with platforms actively generates data.
Without this input,algorithms and ad personalisation cannot
function. Algorithms have the ability to decide on what and
who becomes visible on the feed. Moreover, algorithms cat-
egorise the individual, attaching to them their own identity
and preferences, and impose a reality which users must recog-
nise as true. In this manner, the power of algorithms brings
subjects into being.

Yet, algorithmic power does not exist independent of


subjects; they both interact and feed off each other to co-
produce online reality. User-generated data must be pro-
duced and aggregated so that algorithms can make deci-
sions on what appears on the feed (Ananny, 2016). For in-
stance, the Facebook feature “On this day” (see Figure 10)
employs an algorithm that continuously measures whether Figure 10: ’On this day’ feature on Facebook. The purpose
users interact with suggestions, as well as which memories of this tool is to remind a user of uploads or tags from years
the user would like to see on their feed (Bucher & Helmond, ago to encourage them to repost their memories.
2017). Similarly, the sorting, ranking, and censoring of con-
tent on Twitter is based on a “best Tweets first” logic built mutually exclusive, but instead interact in complicated ways.
on users’ own interaction with accounts they liked, tweets For instance, although users are growing more aware of the
they retweeted, hashtags they used, etc. By clicking and lik- extractive and privacy invasive logics of platforms, they still
ing, users feed the algorithms, which in turn, generate the find pleasure in engaging online, sharing content, and gain-
information flows fed back to users. This generates a type of ing online popularity. This expresses the tension between
machine and human co-production where the algorithm and visibility and invisibility that characterises the paradoxical re-
platform functions enable and restrain possibilities of visibil- lation of users with social media platforms. The relationship
ity for users. At the same time, users, while engaging with between power and freedom cannot be divorced since this
social media, also influence algorithms, and in turn, what is would imply, according to Foucault (1982), “voluntary servi-
going to appear on their feed. By engaging with platforms, tude” (p. 790),14 a state that negates the possibility of power
users enable algorithmic work and contribute to their own to constantly be renegotiated.
subjection. Yet how can we formulate questions of power
Nonetheless, underlying power asymmetries are still
when reality online is co-produced?
14 Foucault (1982) rejects the idea of voluntary servitude because, as

According to Foucault (1982), power and freedom are not he argues, “how could we seek to be slaves?” (p. 790)

83
Figure 11: Semantic map surrounding the conversation on the algorithmic censorship of pro-Palestine content. The labels
are sized according to the usage of words: the more times it is used, the bigger the label. Links represent connections
between words. For instance, “posts” is being used with “censored”’ but also with “Instagram.” Created with NodeXL by
searching “Palestine” and “algorithms” or “algorithm.”

present on platforms. The hypervisibilisation of the user mic imaginaries are derived from real-life human encounters
falls back on an infrastructure of invisible techniques that with algorithms online. They are constructed through online
work to order reality online, raising important concerns about conversations discussing how algorithms engage in different
accountability and transparency. Thus, it is important to ways.
consider users not solely in terms of their interaction with
the platform features, but also in terms of their experiences What is especially revealing is the moment when users
of how platforms work. The examination of this human- turn their attention to algorithms that they perceive are in-
technology interaction can help to partly make visible the fluencing their online experience. Take for instance a recent
largely invisible workings of platforms. In particular, if we example depicted in Figure 11.
want to understand the power of algorithms, it is impor-
This semantic map was created using a Twitter Search
tant to understand how users encounter and make sense of
Network that included the words “algorithm” or “algorithms”
algorithms, and how these experiences, in turn, not only in-
and “Palestine.” Essentially, the map represents the key words
fluence the expectations users have of platforms, but also
(size in relation to times-used) in a Twitter conversation
help shape the algorithms themselves. This is what Bucher
around recent allegations that social media companies were
(2018) recognises as “algorithmic imaginaries” (p. 113); es-
blocking the visibility of posts related to Israeli violence on
sentially, ways of thinking about what algorithms are and
Palestinians, following the Israeli court verdict to forcibly
how they function. Rather than opening the “black box” by
expel Palestinian families from their homes in the Sheikh
deciphering algorithmic code, the socio-technical assemblage
Jarrah neighbourhood (Alsaafin, 2021). The network
in which they function allows us to understand their perfor-
demonstrates acute awareness of the workings of algorithms
mance through the ways in which they are being articulated
online as users attribute the takedown of pro-Palestinian
and experienced online. This raises interesting questions with
content to algorithms and recognise their role in censoring,
regard to the power of algorithms and the ways in which they
limiting and removing content as well as blocking users. The
express this power, as well as how this may affect the envi-
conversation highlights users’ experience with Twitter, Insta-
ronments in which they function. Essentially, these algorith-
gram, and Facebook, and the actions they attribute to the

84
algorithmic work on these platforms. User sentiments such what the user is able to do. Conversely, through semantic
as “abuse,” “oppression,” and “regulatory oversight,” express network maps, we can inquire about how users use tech-
discontent with the algorithmic encounter. These negative nology in practice and whether they will eventually resist or
sentiments are mostly centred on the concern that social me- evade the configurations designated by algorithmic work.
dia companies have a hidden political agenda (see Figure 12).
As demonstrated, algorithms are not simply abstract
computational processes; they also hold the power to en-
act material realities by shaping social life to various de-
grees. In our interaction with platforms, social media tells
us something about ourselves and reflects the world in spe-
cific ways. Obviously, algorithms epitomise an unprecedented
technologically-induced shift in our mode of world-making
Figure 12: Tweet denouncing algorithms as biased in the (Krasmann, 2017). What can be known and seen at a cer-
context of the conflicts in Colombia and Israel/Palestine. tain point in time on social media relies on a complex inter-
action of the material —techniques and architecture— and
This discontent centres around the issue of visibility. The human users —their experience and participation. Therefore,
algorithm is tasked with distributing visibility of content and to understand this kind of power, this chapter conceives of
therefore, the attention it receives. We encounter reactions algorithms as functioning in assemblages of humans, politi-
such as in Figure 13, where the user finds it “infuriating” cal economies, and culture, in order to detangle each actor
that “the Instagram algorithm is hiding her stories,” or an- involved and understand the complex interrelations taking
other user who attributed getting “barely 65” views on her place on social networks. Through the analysis of human
Instagram stories due to the platform’s censorship logic (see encounters with algorithms, the user is re-inserted in the
Figure 14). formation of the complex socio-technical systems and ac-
knowledges human-machine co-production, thereby refusing
deterministic accounts of technology. The co-production of
social reality online is where the question of the political set-
ting, namely, what we see and what is perceived as truth.
In this way, algorithmic power, which has taken a dystopian
turn in a great part of the academic literature, can be largely
demystified: it is no longer something invisible but rather
Figure 13: Tweet criticising Instagram’s algorithm for hiding something we can encounter in different ways; and no longer
stories related to issues in the MENA region. is it something that fully determines our social reality, but
something we feed and can influence in different—yet largely
unknown—ways.

Figure 14: Tweet denouncing Instagram’s censorship of 6 Chapter 3: Resistance


Palestine-related content on stories.
This fear of invisibility or censorship reflects perceived The two previous chapters have shed light upon the con-
power asymmetries and platform control that de-privilege sequences of algorithmically mediated visibility for the pub-
users in relation to the platform. These vernacular accounts lic sphere and digital citizenship. If political visibility and
of how users come in contact with algorithms offer a pre- recognition is at play on social media platforms, the impli-
liminary indication of how users may approach these plat- cations of algorithms go well beyond the ordering of visual-
forms. In fact, everyday encounters with algorithms can en- ities. Visibility management and dynamics of data extrac-
courage users to develop tactics against algorithms. Some tion have pointed towards a decline of human agency online.
words like “workaround,” “trick,” “confuse,” and “play” (as The semantic map discussed in chapter two highlights user
evidenced in Figure 12), already indicate a certain knowl- discontent with social media algorithms. Moreover, it de-
edge and predisposition to counter algorithmic work, drifting nounces the infrastructure of invisible techniques that work
away from the “good” (data) subject imperative. Users in- to order reality online, raising important concerns about ac-
creasingly recognise the role that they play in shaping these countability and oversight. Yet, while the examination of
platforms in political, commercial, or playful ways (Velkova user subjection and disempowerment through the themes of
& Kaun, 2021). governance, control, and extraction, is central to existing re-
search on power relations and internet platforms, instances
The delineation of a “good” (data) subject through rules of digital resistance remain underexplored. Therefore, this
of engagement and possibilities of action assumes a passive chapter sets out to extend the understanding of the user be-
agent who will do what is expected or suggested by the plat- yond its constant state of subjection and domination, and
form. Through the materiality of social media, we only know

85
explore everyday instances of users’ algorithmic resistance. authoritarian states cannot afford to resist as they fear repri-
mand from the government or heightened surveillance (Kaun
This paper understands resistance as the examination of & Trere, 2020).
antagonisms against the effects of algorithmic power in re-
lation to knowledge as well as the veil of secrecy that sur- By reason of these intricacies, we must recognise the
rounds these techniques of power, hampering transparency, plethora of practices through which people act with, on,
and thereby accountability. Resistance is algorithmic inso- and against social media platforms. Instead of only list-
far as it refers to strategies where algorithms can be used ing possible resistance tactics, this study aims to offer
as tools to enable this very resistance. Thus, algorithms a broad classification of types of resistance as a way of
are both mechanisms that enable subjection and mechanisms grouping. These include instances of both active resis-
that enable possibilities of resistance. It is through the en- tance—semantic resistance, hashtag takeovers, redeploying
counter of humans with algorithms that users may start de- and tricking the algorithm—and passive or non-compliant
vising strategies of resistance. In this way, it is the “algorith- resistance—disconnection and obfuscation. Through an em-
mic imaginary” that informs practices of resistance (Bucher, pirical engagement with resistance case studies, power oper-
2018, p. 113). In fact, the semantic map already points to ations can be highlighted, and the socio-political implication
some strategies being used in pro-Palestinian activism such as of algorithms further determined.
“language games,” “using cryptology,” and “dropping dots.”
These are the means through which ordinary users without
Active resistance
technical knowledge navigate platforms, in a struggle to sub-
vert the technical mechanisms that are structuring their ev-
eryday lives online. Active resistance is a complicit form of resistance. It does
not deny the power of algorithms but rather operates within
Since algorithms assume a dominant role in the media- their frameworks, using them and other infrastructural fea-
tion of online reality, this study seeks to uncover algorithmic tures for different ends or to users’ advantage. This way of
expressions of power through the architectural and interac- making use of the affordances of digital platforms allows dig-
tional aspects of the regime of visibility conceptualised in ital subjects to construct spaces of resistance online, while
Chapters One and Two. Finally, as proposed by Foucault also affecting other elements of the digital environment. Ac-
(1982), this chapter examines power relations of user and al- tive resistance strategies are in a perpetual process of re-
gorithm through practices of resistance. Foucault (1982), in imagination , as the terms and conditions of platforms and
his shift from power to the subject in his later work, suggests algorithms are constantly tweaked by their designers.
this “new economy of power” as more empirical, bridging the-
ory and practice and thereby directly related to the current Semiotic Resistance: Semiotic resistance broadly refers to
situation. a common linguistic practice of using non-standard spellings
in posts to evade algorithmic censure or imposed invisibility
In the same way co-production acknowledges an active when posting about topics that do not respect the often-
digital subject, resistance presupposes an active subject. vague or invisible community guidelines of internet platforms.
Without the power to act, the user cannot hold the poten- Content moderation algorithms claim to mitigate false or
tiality to intervene against repressive mechanisms of power harmful content but largely seem to police the language of
(Foucault, 1982). However, conceptualisations of resistance posts uploaded for political purposes. As such, non-standard
are not limited to one kind of subject, rather this study recog- spellings are useful in reducing the visibility of the post vis-
nises multiple and multifaceted modes of subjectivity and à-vis algorithmic censorship—and sometimes human mod-
agency present in the act of resistance. As Foucault (1982) erators—while increasing the visibility of the post in those
contends, inherent in the condition of power relations, there networks of users where the alternative spelling has accrued
exists modes of insubordination in its “essential obstinacy on a specific meaning.
the part of the principles of freedom” (p. 794) as well as
“modes of escape or flight” (p. 794), both of which hold the Often referred to as neural text attacks, these strate-
potentiality of struggle. In this way, it is not about limiting gies attempt to modify text in ways that are imperceptible
our understanding of resistance strategies as a confrontation to humans but will cause algorithms to detect the text as
between domination and freedom but rather, about grasp- human-written (Wolff & Wolff, 2020). In other words, unlike
ing its complicated interplay. For instance, while some might humans, algorithms that are programmed to censor textual
find resistance in using algorithmic mechanisms to their ad- content that violates community guidelines do not “under-
vantage, other non-complicit forms of resistance might simply stand” that visually, similar letters can be interchangeable
involve opting-out of the platforms altogether. And others to human readers. While this does not change the message
might not even be able to afford revolting against these plat- for fellow users, it will confuse many machine learning algo-
forms altogether as they struggle to remain out of sight of rithms.
surveillance systems. In fact, revolting against algorithmic
systems is a privilege in itself. For instance, many activists in There are two types of neural text attacks. The first
are non-human attacks that change text in ways a human

86
normally would not (Wolff & Wolff, 2020). This is done
through replacing certain letters with homoglyphs or symbols.
The most common example in social media is the phonetic
matching of English letters with Cyrillic letters (see Figures
15 and 16).

Figure 15: Tweet explaining how to use Cyrillic alternatives


to avoid censorship of certain words.
Figure 17: Facebook post which uses dotless Arabic.

Figure 16: Tweet using Cyrillic letters to avoid censorship of


the word ’fuck’.
Another recent example is a tactic referred to as dotless
Arabic script, an ancient method of writing Arabic which is
being used to combat the censorship of content regarding
the situation in Palestine. Arab-speaking users are opting
to write posts in a form of Arabic without dots to navigate
the censorship of algorithms and spread pro-Palestinian
content (see Figure 16). To facilitate this task, hundreds
of dotless keywords and apps have been developed and are
openly available on the internet.15 Since the escalation of
violence between Israel and Palestine in May 2021, a report
by the Arab Centre for the Advancement of Social Media,
known as 7amleh, has showed a significant increase in the
censorship of pro-Palestinian content and accounts trying to Figure 18: ’F*ck your algorithm’ dotless Arabic illustration
raise awareness about the situation. The report concluded
50% of these reported incidents occurred on Instagram, 35% “G@za,” “Israhell,” or “¡srae!,” non-standard spellings that
on Facebook, 11% on Twitter, and 1% on Tik Tok (‘The are thought to trick the algorithm (see Figure 18).
attacks on Palestinian digital rights’, 2021). Consequently,
users have had to learn to work around the mechanisms of
algorithms that flag content as inappropriate and remove
it. In this way, creative uses of cryptology with easy-to-use
tools have been developed.

These alternative uses of language are acquiring meaning


and functioning in a sort of language of rebellion around the
common cause of Palestine (see Figure 17).
Figure 19: Tweet containing human-like neural attack with
The second type of neural attack is human-like, mean- alternative spellings “Israhell” and “G@za.”
ing that it involves changing text in a way that humans do, This practice is by no means new: it was widely used
for instance, misspelling words or changing punctuation or during the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement in 2019
grammar (Wolff & Wolff, 2020). This has been another com- with spellings such as “Wypipo,” “yt,” and “Whyte” to re-
mon tactic against the censorship of pro-Palestine concepts, sist an algorithmic bias that flagged “whites” or “white peo-
with alternative spellings such as “Pal-estine,” “Filistine,” ple” as “protected categories” (Angwin, 2017). As explained
15 See https://www.dotless.app/ or https://m.apkpure.com/dot-less- in Chapter Two, algorithms are not neutral, rather they are
arabic-keyboard/com.dotless.arabic.keyboard reflective of social norms and biases. The flagging of posts

87
identifying “white people” as hate speech contributes to an OutWednesday18 hashtag takeover where traditional activists
ongoing narrative where algorithms, which are supposed to and K-Pop fans forged alliances to drown out racist or offen-
protect minority or marginalised groups by removing hate sive posts. K-Pop fans would flood these tags with fancams,
speech, end up silencing them. Interestingly, when inter- videos and memes of K-Pop music groups (see Figure 21).19
rogated about the mass takedowns during the BLM move- In this way, these hashtags lost their intended meaning. Even
ment and during the recent Israel/Palestine crisis, social me- the posts that were still using the tags to promote racist con-
dia companies have attributed the controversial censorship tent would get obfuscated by K-Pop content.
to a “glitch in the system” (Gebeily, 2021), in an attempt, it
seems, to reassert an unbiased and mechanic image of algo-
rithms. The deliberate ignorance of the socio-political power
of algorithms online, i.e., framing algorithms as objective or
mechanized allows Tech Giants to evade accountability to
serve their economic interests while also avoiding external
regulation.

Figure 22: Picture of K-Pop artist with #WhiteLivesMatter


hashtag.
Figure 20: Facebook post explaining alternative spelling for Another recent example is the takeover of the hashtag
“white.” #ProudBoys (see Figure 22). Proud Boys is a far-right group
that took part in the coordination of the Capitol attack, and
that was labelled a terrorist group by the Canadian govern-
ment (Feuer, 2021). The hashtag, which was used to incite
violence around the Capitol Hill incident, has now been rede-
ployed by the LGBTQIA+ community and is being used to
Figure 21: Tweet containing the alternative “yt” spelling. post queer content.

As such, semiotic resistance deploys “figurative language, This strategy is also currently being used by pro-
semiotics, indirectness and wordplay as a means of convey- Palestinian activists who have taken over the hashtag #Visi-
ing multiple layers of meaning” (Florini, 2014, p. 1). These tIsrael, a hashtag originally intended as part of a campaign
strategies craft collective understandings of the meanings of to attract tourism to Israel (see Figure 23).
alternative spellings and often create possibilities for vulnera-
ble or marginalised users to communicate and for their causes Evidently, this type of resistance is only temporary. Ac-
to be “seen.” tivists need to scout for and engage with countermovement’s
hashtags that are constantly being reinvented. However,
Hashtag Takeover: Hashtag takeover strategies refer to this type of collective and organised algorithmic resistance
the redeployment of a hashtag and the redefinition of its demonstrates means of mobilising in tune with algorithms to-
meaning by users, in ways that were not initially intended. ward ends that were not originally intended (Velkova & Kaun,
This is usually done by liberal activists in order to rein- 2021). Ultimately, for liberal activists, hashtag takeovers
vent hashtags they consider hateful or discriminatory. In this function as a way to divert political attention away from the
way, activists increase the visibility of political causes with- hateful content that algorithms are not programmed to cen-
out challenging the algorithmic logic as such (Treré, 2017). sor. Instead, groups of users try to decrease the visibility
This is a common practice on Tiktok, Twitter, and Insta- of this content and to amplify political causes deemed more
gram, with activists defusing racist hashtags or embedding deserving of attention.
radical messages, and working around the algorithm to pro-
that arose in 2015 to protest against police brutality against African-
mote alternative messages. Some notorious examples are Americans in the United States.
#WhiteLivesMatter,16 #BlueLivesMatter,17 and #White- 18 Hashtag that arose to undermine the #BlackOutTuesday hashtag

16 White supremacist hashtag that emerge in reponse to the Black which was intended to honour the loss of African-American lives to
police brutality.
Lives Matter Movement in 2015. It was first used by he Texas-based 19 Fancams are usually videos filmed by a member of the live audience
white supremacist group Aryan Renaissance Society and later adopted
during a music performance.
by the Ku Klux Klan in 2016.
17 Hashtag that accompanied the Black Lives Matter Movement

88
Figure 23: Tweet commenting on the #ProudBoys
LGBTQIA+ takeover.

Figure 25: Image before and after adding noise. The image
is still visible to the human eye, but confuses algorithms.
rithms—is more difficult to work around because audio edit-
ing software is not as widely available. However, a weakness
in these algorithms is that they struggle to identify speech
when there are multiple speakers talking at once. Therefore,
users can inhibit algorithmic performance by playing a pod-
cast or some other audio recording in the background while
speaking. While a human can distinguish a person’s words
Figure 24: Tweet denouncing Israeli violence on Palestinians from background noise, algorithms struggle to do so. More-
using the #VisitIsrael hashtag. over, these algorithms require a lot of data on a language to
Playing Algorithms: As they currently are designed, con- transcribe speech to text, so speaking a dialect or an accent
tent moderation systems, powered by flagging algorithms, will also inhibit their performance. For instance, different di-
remove content at a massive scale, which can be extremely alects of Arabic should be very difficult to detect as there
frustrating to vulnerable communities or activists trying to exists little data on all different forms of Arabic.
raise their voices about an issue. Several practices have been
Avoiding the censorship of visual media is essential to on-
developed that are thought to evade or confuse algorithms
line activism, especially in movements that involve violence,
and, thereby, avoid censorship. The most used approach to
police brutality, and other human rights abuses. As Neumayer
remove image-based content is called the “checksum”: an
and Rossi (2018) argue, images and videos “are key to render-
algorithm that computes whether two images are identical in
ing particular events and perspectives on political contesta-
a matter of seconds. Hence, checksum is highly instrumental
tion visible or invisible” (p. 4,295). Indeed, they create visual
for mass takedowns around a certain issue. The checksum
narratives—an expression of dissent, a type of eye witness-
mechanism can be misled by either introducing noise to the
ing, or an alternative to mainstream outlets’ narratives of the
image (visually distorting the image with a grain-like effect)
events. Images can also serve as reference points to indicate
to be posted or by cropping the image to a slightly different
where riots and other forms of violence are taking place. This
size than the original (as evidenced in Figure 24). Although
was the case during the Black Lives Matter movement: users
more technical, these strategies are accessible to ordinary
organised demonstrations through Facebook, Instagram, and
users. In fact, there are free editing softwares online that can
Twitter, and gave information about the protests through In-
automatically do this20 .
stagram stories. Moreover, visuals can also be utilised for the
Video censorship—enabled by speech-to-text algo- purpose of putting up photos of missing, arrested, or killed
people. This is especially important on social media, where
20 The images in figure one were edited using free software found on:
people all over the world remotely join the conversation on
https://pinetools.com/add-noise-image

89
what is happening in a physical space.

During the 2019 protests in Chile21 , there were mass take-


downs of police brutality content documented by the Fun-
dación Datos Protegidos22 , mostly coming from Instagram
algorithms. The censorship of this content implied the loss
of material for future visualisation, testimony, and memory
of the incidents that occurred. In order to counter censorship
and possibly the erasure of visual history, a Twitter account
by the name of @ArchivandoChile compiled all images and
videos of protests to an archive in a communal Telegram
channel23 , thereby creating a public registry of the events
and a collective visual memory (see Figure 25).

Pro-Palestinian activists are instead using a “sandwiching


posts” tactic. Users started to complain that their Instagram
stories with Palestinian content were getting drastically less
views than their normal posts. To counteract this, activists
have learnt to post random content in between Palestinian
posts on their stories. For instance, posting pictures of food,
random objects, or makeup videos to confuse the algorithm
into thinking that they are posting non-political content.

These two contextual examples demonstrate how con-


temporary digital activism increasingly means understanding
how algorithmic systems work. Users are developing counter-
acting techniques to “play” the algorithm, thereby meeting
their socio-political needs in the name of social justice or po-
litical change. Virtually, technology is being envisioned as an
extension of the site of struggle.

Passive resistance

Passive resistance is a form of non-compliant resistance.


This means that rather than conforming to the power of
algorithms, users refuse it entirely. Little attention has been
drawn to the ways in which users are purposefully choosing
to (partially) disconnect from or obfuscate platforms as an
act of resistance, and are crafting alternatives to constant
connectivity. As Syvertsen (2017) describes, “negative
actions and attitudes towards media describe refusal to
accept the way media operates and evolves” (p. 9) therefore
understanding the act of disconnection as political in nature.

Disconnection: Growing criticism of content moderation


21 The 2019 Chilean protests -or the “Estadillo Social” as it is known

in Chile-, were a series of massive demonstrations and riots against


social inequality and demanding the resignation of President Piñera.
22 Fundación Datos Protegidos -Protected Data Foundation
in English- is a Chilean NGO created in 2015 with the ob-
jective of promoting data protection and privacy. Report: Figure 26: Tweet in Spanish that reads: ’Creating a free
https://datosprotegidos.org/descarga-informe-libertad-de-expres
memory without censorship. Mention @ArchivandoChile
ion-en-el-contexto-de-las-protestas-y-movilizaciones-sociales-en-chile-
durante-el-estallido-social/ when you share an image or video, and it will be kept for
23 Telegram is a free and open-source instant messaging app. The public record and without bias of what is happening in Chile
platform provides end-to-end encrypted messaging, voice, and video today’
calls. It is often used as a more secure alternative to WhatsApp. In
fact, Telegram is well known as a platform where people contact drug
dealers to buy drugs.

90
especially true during the current Covid-19 pandemic where
most of our daily activities take place online. Many people
are dependent on tools like Slack or Zoom to carry out their
daily work, study, or social activities.
Figure 27: Tweet explaining the sandwiching technique.
on social media and the surveillance capitalist business model Obfuscation: Another mode of non-compliant resistance
of digital companies has made users increasingly aware of the aims to obfuscate algorithmic systems of subjection. Most
price that comes with constant connectivity (Zuboff, 2021). practiced is the method of data obfuscation (Ettlingler,
In the midst of the current Covid-19 pandemic, the lines be- 2018). In an era where our attention is systematically ex-
tween the offline and online state have been blurred, leading ploited through increasingly algorithmic techniques, this is-
instead to a state of hyperconnectivity. More and more, users sue acquires an even stronger political relevance. Reports
are opting to reject social media’s connective affordances and about privacy breaches and data extraction on social network
to withdraw partially or wholly from the sites (Kaun & Tr- sites have led savvy users to use a Firefox extension called
eré, 2020). These practices can be temporal as they are FaceCloak as an obfuscation strategy25 . FaceCloak is an ar-
constantly being renegotiated against platform developments chitecture that protects users’ privacy on a social networking
-conditions of use and the political context. site by shielding their personal information from the site and
from other users that were not given explicit authorisation
For example, when WhatsApp announced its change of (Luo et al., 2009). To do this, it generates fake informa-
terms back in January, it prompted a backlash from users. tion Facebook requires for your profile and stores sensitive
The new terms involved WhatsApp sharing data with Face- information in encrypted form on a separate server (Luo et
book, who purchased the instant messaging platform in 2014. al., 2009). FaceCloak also allows users to be selective about
Though messaging remained encrypted, meta-data and con- what information they want to protect, tailoring the software
tacts are being shared with Facebook. The lack of clarity to serve users’ own degrees of privacy (Luo et al., 2009).
around what kind of data was being extracted and shared by
WhatsApp infuriated many users. This incident led to some Users that engage in these strategies demonstrate acute
24
users moving to other platforms such as Signal and Tele- knowledge about the functioning of power in social media
gram, with Signal being downloaded 246,000 times worldwide and purposefully choose to not work within its frameworks.
in the week before WhatsApp announced the change, and 8.8 Although more research is needed on strategies of passive
million times in the week after (O’Flaherty, 2021). resistance, it is possible that these practices will become in-
creasingly common. Algorithms are not static, but in con-
Beyond examples of full disconnection, there have also stant development. Consequently, they can be tweaked to
been recorded instances of partial disengagement. Goyanes adapt to active resistance strategies in order to neutralise
and Skoric (2021) researched the social media engagement of or co-opt resistance efforts. It seems that social media
Catalans during the height of the independence movement. companies are starting to find ways to counteract user an-
They found out that Catalan users decided not to engage tagonism. For example, users are now reporting that the
actively in online debates about the Catalan referendum but “sandwiching technique” is no longer effective (Figure 26)
rather to be present on social media as mere spectators to for avoiding censorship on pro-Palestine content. Moreover,
keep informed (Goyanes & Skoric, 2021). Many users choose hashtags in solidarity with Palestine are being updated be-
to avoid open and public engagement out of fear of reprisal cause users report that the algorithm is censoring the original
in their social and professional life (Goyanes & Skoric, 2021). ones: #Gaza_Under_Attack and #FreePalestine. Against
Instead of heightening their visibility online, they choose to this backdrop, there is a possibility that users will instead
remain invisible, many opting to talk about the topic in- choose to disconnect or obfuscate from platforms as more
person instead (Goyanes & Skoric, 2021). productive and lasting forms of resistance instead of contin-
uously attempting to battle the ever-evolving algorithms.
Yet, disconnection is not always a matter of choice.
Countries with poor infrastructure or low internet signals
are simply not able to connect (Treré et al., 2020). In
other situations, disconnection can also be forced when
authoritarian states impose strict state surveillance and
control over the internet and users fear repercussions (Treré
et al., 2020). Finally, in a world of constant connectivity, Figure 28: User reporting that the sandwiching technique is
sometimes opting out is not an option. Disconnection no longer effective.
can prompt a loss of contact with friends and family and
can even be detrimental to finding job prospects. This is In conclusion, active and passive practices demonstrate
24
multiple, and multifaceted means of resistance. While users
Signal is another free and open-source instant messaging app. In
most aspects it is similar to Telegram, providing end-to-end encryption 25 Software can be installed online at https://crysp.uwaterloo.ca/

on the chat. software/facecloak/

91
might interact within algorithmic frameworks in order to bring chapters, Chapter Three contextualises the research by exam-
heightened visibility to their content, other users might opt or ining instances of active and passive algorithmic resistance,
be forced to refuse connectivity altogether, thereby remaining thereby revealing users’ expanding awareness of algorithmic
invisible. The persistent re-imagination of strategies calls for power and growing demands for accountability.
critical reflection on the autonomy of users online and their
ability to adapt to the technological present. This does not Certainly, the struggle for online visibility has gained con-
only pose challenges to the dominant power of social media tours under this new conceptualisation of a regime. Through
and its regime of visibility, but also allows for imagining new the concept of (in)visibility, this research was able to de-
and better possibilities for these digital spaces. This thesis vise the implicit tensions between user subjection —ex-
does not suggest that the responsibility should fall on the traction and behavioural steering—and user autonomy—co-
user alone to try and counteract the power asymmetries. A production and resistance. Moreover, (in)visibility proved to
genuine effort should be made by companies to redefine the be a useful concept in bridging user experience on platforms
parameters of what algorithmic success is and whether the with theoretical underpinnings and uncovering socio-political
functioning of these is serving society at large. In order to implications. Notably, it uncovered the ways in which so-
reconcile opposing interests, state, market, and civil society cial reality online can have real life implications, especially
actors need to renegotiate the values embedded in the de- regarding knowledge. Although algorithms function as in-
sign of platforms. Moreover, policies and regulations should visible techniques, this paper delineates the ways in which
hold digital platforms accountable and continue to be devel- knowledge circulates, mediated by technologies in sorting,
oped. However, in the functioning of these spaces, as demon- ranking, and censoring ways. Finally, through the themes of
strated, the user is of great importance in holding the politics technique and data extraction, this paper reinforced the im-
of algorithms accountable. The previous two chapters have portance of demanding more transparency and accountability
established the dynamics of subjection and control embed- from internet platforms, as their power continues to function
ded in platforms. The interplay of algorithms and strategies largely unscrutinised.
of resistance offers new insights into these dynamics, chart-
Essentially, what the conceptualisation of a new regime
ing productive approaches for the management of algorithmic
of visibility online has shown is that in the end these spaces
power in everyday life.
which initially offered incredible possibilities to access infor-
mation and for political action (and still hold the potential
for it), are in fact machines of reproduction of the inegalitar-
7 Conclusion ian social order. Even more problematic is the fact that they
are in the hands of a very limited number of actors -Tech
26
This study provided a new conceptualisation of a social Giants - who abuse their dominant position to make ex-
media regime of visibility so as to explore its socio-political traordinary profits which are not reinvested to rebalance the
implications, in theoretical and empirical ways. Through a existing inequalities in society, but on the contrary, reinforce
novel analysis of network maps and strategies of algorithmic them.
resistance online, this research contributes to uncovering the
To counteract this grim picture, more research is needed
power of algorithms, inscribed as “black box” technologies in
to understand the functioning of algorithms and strategies
the field of critical media studies (Pasquale, 2015).
of ordinary resistance. In this way, users can learn to navi-
This study has identified how algorithmically-managed gate and negotiate both the space of visibility and invisibility
visibility, enabled by the architectural and interactional as- without succumbing to the exploitative logics of platforms.
pects of social media platforms, is giving rise to symbolic Meanwhile, a real effort should be made from governments
forms of control, subjection, and power. The first two chap- and Tech Giants to redefine the parameters of what algo-
ters on the architectural and interactional aspects of the rithmic success is and whether the functioning of these tech-
regime established the claims for algorithmic power. Through niques make sense for society at large.
an analysis of social media network maps, Chapter One un-
covered patterns of (in)visibility that delineated the dynamics
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Humanities

Digital Whores Doing Pay-Per-View Chores


Deconstructing the Gentrification of Online Sexuality Through an Analysis of OnlyFans

Lisa Philippo

Supervisor
Dr. Erinc Salor (AUC)
Reader
Dr. Lara Mazurski (AUC)

Photographer: Daria Roman


Abstract

OnlyFans facilitates a digital marketplace to share and buy sexual content in a decreasing space for online sexuality
after the enactment of the FOSTA/SESTA legislations. Over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic, the platform
quickly rose in popularity and soon included profiles by various celebrities who are publicly praised for their presence
on the sexual platform. This shows a stark contrast to the stigmatized place of sex workers in public discourse, which
suggests a certain distinction between performers on OnlyFans and sex workers. To analyse this difference, this paper
studies whether OnlyFans has changed the stigmatized perception of sex work, and how this relates to the identity and
perceived agency of the performer. Through an analysis of sex work discourse, performers on OnlyFans are related to sex
workers though discursive notions of agency, identity and stigma. Subsequently, a discourse analysis of digital sex work
and NetPorn shows how OnlyFans compares with other digital platforms through interpenetration, mediated intimacy
and aestheticism. The results of this analysis establish that although the popularity of OnlyFans may have broadened
the public perception of sex work, the interpenetrative aspects of the platform that facilitated its popularity enlarge
the disparity between influencers and sex workers - who are continuously excluded from participating in the (digital)
marketplace. This demonstrates that the analysis of OnlyFans is illustrative of a larger digital gentrification, which
perpetuates a glorified “influencer” aesthetic while slowly eliminating the digital presence of marginalized bodies and
sexualities.
Keywords: Sex work – OnlyFans – Digital Intimacy – Discourse Analysis – Online Platform

Suggested citation:
Philippo, Lisa (2021). "Digital Whores Doing Pay-Per-View Chores: Deconstructing the Gentrification of Online
Sexuality Through an Analysis of OnlyFans". AUC Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts and Sciences, vol. 16, no.1,
pp. 96-116

97
Contents

1 Introduction 99

2 Whores Versus Women: Sex Workers in Society 100

2.1 Whore Theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100

2.2 A Brief History of Sex Work Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

2.3 Sex Work Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

2.4 OnlyFans in Sex Work Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104

3 Power to the Platform: The Precarity of Online Sexuality 105

3.1 NetPorn Aesthetics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105

3.2 Digital Intimacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106

3.3 Class in the Digital Marketplace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107

3.4 FOSTA/SESTA: The ‘Pornpurge’ of the Internet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107

3.5 OnlyFans in the Digital Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108

3.6 Profiling the Platform: Digital Gentrification and the Influencer Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110

4 Conclusion 111

98
1 Introduction (Lehmiller et al. 298; Boseley). A few months ago, OnlyFans
announced that the platform now boasts over a hundred mil-
On that Demon Time, she might start a Only- lion users and paid over one billion US dollars to its perform-
Fans ers that range from ‘moms’ and influencers to sex workers.
Celebrated by popular media outlets such as The New York
Big B and that B stand for bands
Times and The Guardian, OnlyFans appears to subdue much
If you wanna see some real ass, baby, here’s your of the stigma “ubiquitous in sex work” which often discred-
chance its and excludes sex workers from public discourses (Weitzer
I say, left cheek, right cheek, drop it low, then 717). In order to investigate the distinctive attributes that
swang allow OnlyFans to omit this discrediting stigma and ‘change
sex work forever’, this research explores whether the plat-
(Beyoncé on Meghan Thee Stallion’s ‘Savage’
form has changed the stigmatized perception of sex work,
remix)
and how this relates to the identity and perceived agency of
the performer.
“OnlyFans Changed Sex Work Forever” stated a New
York Times headline in 2019 (Bernstein). The subscription- This study applies discourse analysis to investigate the di-
based platform received growing media attention, quickly ris- vergent ways in which sex workers as well as their profession
ing to pop-culture ubiquity when singer Beyoncé noted the are discussed in the contrasting and overlapping discourses
platform in her remix of the most popular song of 2020 that collectively produce the perception of sex work. The
(Trust). While OnlyFans originally primarily facilitated sex analysis of sex work discourse poses an “open challenge” to
workers, the popular platform now supports over one mil- the contemporary distinction between illicit and accepted sex-
lion content creators, including a variety of celebrities and ual behaviour. Jane Scoular explains that sex worker narra-
influencers. OnlyFans is a digital platform “revolutioniz- tives “offer important counter-hegemonic insights” that ex-
ing creator and fan connections”, where performers create pose discursive “oppositions between erotic/affective activity
a profile behind a paywall, to which fans subscribe to see and economic life” (347). This paper shows that OnlyFans is
their content and pay for exclusive images and private mes- a relevant case study through which the contemporary per-
sages, as explained on their website (“How it works”). While ception of sex work can be analysed, as a critical analysis
the OnlyFans’s advertisement does not specify the type of of the platform offers insight into the underlying tensions of
performer, the minimized restrictions on content behind the agency, authenticity, intimacy, digitalization and intersection-
paywall allow sex workers to post pornographic and explicit ality that are at play in sex work discourse.
imagery that most digital platforms have banned after the
Recently, researchers have made note of the “under-
FOSTA/SESTA1 legislations were put into law (Pilipets and
studied intersection between relational work and technology”
Paasonen 2; Pezutto 42). OnlyFans facilitates online sex-
and urged future studies to connect “platform affordances to
uality in a diminishing space for sex workers both on- and
emotional and relational strategies” (Hair 209), while others
offline, as anti-prostitution activists recently celebrated that
mark the necessity of identifying “sex workers’ dependence”
the COVID-19 pandemic “prevents men from paying for sex”
on digital platforms (Brouwers and Herrmann 13). In the
and renamed it the “abolitionist virus” (Döring 2773). After
past five years, a growing body of research has recognized the
support for sex workers was largely “forgotten” in political re-
increasing influence of digitally mediated platforms for inti-
sponses to the pandemic, recent research reports that many
mate relations (Andreassen et al.; Hair; Paasonen; Swords),
‘in-person’ sex workers have transferred their work to online
but none paid specific attention to sex work on these plat-
platforms during the pandemic, OnlyFans being the predom-
forms. Similarly, digital sex work within discourses of Net-
inant choice (Platt 9; Brouwers and Herrmann 13; Callander
Porn (Jacobs et al.; Paasonen; Stardust; Miller-Young) and
et al. 93). Sex workers shared their presence on OnlyFans
webcamming (Henry and Farvid; Jones) is widely researched
through social media such as Instagram and Twitter which
but omits the interpenetrative aspects of modern digital plat-
“are often the first point of contact through which aspiring
forms that rely on connections to hegemonic social media
performers learn about and get in touch with other perform-
such as Instagram and Twitter. Although the research by
ers” (De Jesus 81; Pezzutto 45). This public advertisement
Cunningham et al. on ‘Commercial sex, digital spaces and
for OnlyFans coincided with growing numbers of global un-
working online’ incorporates an analysis of digital platforms
employment due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which encour-
besides their quantitative research on sex work, the article
aged recently unemployed people outside of the sex industry
was written in 2017 and describes adult platforms and forms
to join the platform. By the end of 2020, The Guardian
of communication for sex workers that no longer exist after
reported that “everyone and their mom” was on OnlyFans
FOSTA/SESTA. This shows that most research on digital sex
1 ‘Allow States and Victims to Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act’
work is either focused on webcamming and porn, or is out-
(FOSTA) and ‘Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act’ (SESTA) is a leg-
dated. Although 2017 may not seem that long ago for other
islative package of legislations enacted by the U.S. House of Represen-
tatives and the U.S Senate in 2018. A full explanation and discussion fields of research, the FOSTA/SESTA legislations heavily im-
of their implications will be included further in the text. pacted the environment for digital sexuality, making research

99
on this topic before their implementation largely unapplica- is explored, as this chapter moves towards a working defi-
ble to the current study. Recognizing the implementation nition of sex work as such. This definition then provides a
of the FOSTA/SESTA legislations and the global spread of base from which divergent aspects of sex work are recognized,
COVID-19, it cannot be ignored that recent developments such as notions of agency and identity. Having established
have heavily impacted sex workers and influenced many as- a clear understanding of the most prominent discourses that
pects of the work on which previous research relied. Thus, produce our understanding of sex work, OnlyFans is situated
the relevance of this research lies not only in its analysis of the in this shifting landscape of definitions. The chapter ends
relationality between a novel platform for digital intimacy and with a discussion of the present tensions and complexities
sex workers, but also in its unprecedented position of simulta- through a case study of Bella Thorne.
neously reviewing digital sex work in light of FOSTA/SESTA
and digital intimacy in light of the pandemic, while relating
both to an intimate platform with unparalleled popularity. 2.1 Whore Theory
In the establishment of a clear academic base to build
“The prostitute is the prototype of the stigmatized
research upon, the first chapter provides the necessary com-
woman. She is both named and dishonoured by the word
prehensive framework by working through notions of stigma
‘whore’”, explains Gail Pheterson (65). This is echoed by
and illicit sexualities. Subsequently, a brief history of sex
Ronald Weitzer, who notes that “stigma is ubiquitous in
work discourse is included, as the aforementioned stigma-
sex work” (717). As visible in Pheterson’s explanation, the
tized discourse is exemplified and put into historical perspec-
stigma related to the profession of prostitution instantly re-
tive. Likewise, more contemporary discourses that posit sex
produces the identity of the worker through the frame of
work as empowering and fuelled by agency are compared af-
that stigma. “Stigma, then”, notes Erving Goffman, refers
ter which the chapter closes with a case study that exam-
to “an attribute that is deeply discrediting” (3). The at-
ines whether stigma and agency in sex work are experienced
tribute of a stigmatized profession thus discredits the worker
equally. In the second chapter, this framework is applied
and dishonours their identity, which is visible in discourses
to digital sex work, exploring aestheticism, authenticity, and
of sex work that perpetuate stigmatized narratives of either
intimacy in a developing online environment. The chapter
exploitation or promiscuity. This positions the worker as a
goes on to consider the ways in which intersectionality de-
helpless slave on the one hand, and an overtly sexual agent
fines a divergent experience in digital sex work, analysing the
on the other (Smith 347). Both discourses discredit the iden-
effects of FOSTA/SESTA on digital sexuality and its sub-
tity of the sex worker, the first by denying their agency and
sequent influence on OnlyFans. Finally, the discussion of
the latter by condemning their morality. However, Goffman
the findings from this analysis shows that although the plat-
continues to explain that although stigma functions as a dis-
form may have broadened the public perception of digital sex
crediting attribute, it should be seen as “a language of re-
work, OnlyFans has not ‘changed sex work forever’ for every-
lationships, not attributes” (3). The discrediting identity of
one. The intermediate and interpenetrative qualities of the
stigma only works within a certain relationality; “a special
platform that initially enabled its growth directly restrict an
kind of relationship between attribute and stereotype” that
inclusive and equitable representation of bodies and sexuali-
makes certain stigmatized attributes only discrediting to a
ties on OnlyFans, instead supporting a digital gentrification
specific group of people, while there remain “important at-
of online sexuality as the platform replaces sex workers for
tributes that almost everywhere in our society are discredit-
the more profitable influencers. The research concludes by
ing” (Goffman 4). Although Pheterson and Weitzer’s earlier
observing the limitations of the present study and identifying
statements imply that prostitution is one of these univer-
future directions for further analysis.
sally discrediting attributes, Pheterson does note that the
‘whore stigma’ related to prostitution is also used to discredit
women outside the profession (65). Jill Nagle confirms this,
2 Whores Versus Women: Sex Workers in explaining that whores are “something that women are not
Society only supposed to not be, but also, not be mistaken for” (5
emphases in the original). Women are expected to ensure
that they are never perceived as whores, a responsibility that
Sex work is often declared to be ‘the oldest profession’
weighs in with every minor decision, as being perceived as a
(Ray 45; Henry and Farvid 113). However, the way in which
whore implies an instant degradation to “every dimension of
it is acknowledged and discussed continuously changes. This
dishonour” (Pheterson 89). This responsibility works as a re-
chapter discusses the various aspects that are at play in the
strictive burden to those who carry it, and is not only placed
discourse of sex work and sex workers to establish a clear the-
on those who sell sex (Pheterson 66). In fact, it can be quite
oretical framework on which the research is built. After intro-
easy for women to be perceived as a whore. As understood
ducing the stigmatized discourse that works to exclude sex
from Pheterson’s text, one only has to wear too few clothes,
workers and demarcate them from a population, this chapter
wear the wrong clothes, have too much sex, have sex with
will analyse how this position has been affirmed through his-
the wrong person, have sex at the wrong time, speak at the
tory. Following this, the contemporary discourse on sex work

100
wrong time, be enthusiastic, easy, different, or show any other 2.2 A Brief History of Sex Work Discourse
slight exposure of illicit behaviour that contradicts the chaste
expectations of women. “Signs of indecency or unrestraint in The history of modern prostitution control of-
women are thought to reflect inherent qualities which distin- fers a dynamic perspective on the private lives
guish the character of whores from non-whores. Whores are of women as well as the public functioning of
expected to be ‘different kinds of women’” explains Pheter- medicine, patriarchy and the nation state and
son (86 emphasis in original). In this way, illicit connotations emphasizes the need to understand how gender
attached to the job of ‘selling sex’ are transformed into an and sexuality are interrelated inextricably to race,
infinite set of characteristics that transfer these same con- cultural diversity and economic circumstances.
notations to any woman labelled as a whore. Thus, ‘whore’ (Guy qtd. in Scoular 343)
suffices as a synonym for any woman that is unchaste or
exposing illicit (sexual) behaviour. This effectively produces The institutional production of a differentiation between
a policing of sex, explained by Michel Foucault in The His- whores and ‘normal women’ can be traced back through sev-
tory of Sexuality (vol. 1) as “the necessity of regulating sex eral faculties. Perhaps most notorious is Cesare Lombroso’s
through useful and public discourses” (25). Any sexuality 1893 work La Donna Delinquente, where he identified sig-
that does not fit a discourse of utility is disregarded from the nificant physical differences between whores and women ac-
public discourse and alienated as illegitimate. In this way, a cording to his theory of anthropological criminology, defining
clear distinction between illicit and legitimate sexualities is prostitution and criminality as genetically determined. Al-
enforced through a constant redefinition and reproduction of though Lambroso’s theory was largely refuted by the begin-
what sexuality is and should be. All sexualities that do not fit ning of the 20th century, La Donna Delinquente remained
this produced norm are instantly reduced to illicit sexualities. the primary text for the field of female criminology until the
Similarly, women who do not uphold expected standards 1970s (Rafter and Gibson 4). This demonstrates how - in
of decency are reduced to whores. Foucault clarifies the his- line with Foucault’s institutional production of discourses -
torical connection between these two groups: the necessity to regulate and categorize sex work produces
a new academic discourse of utility: criminal anthropology.
Subsequently, the impact of this discourse, however refuted,
If it was truly necessary to make room for ille- clearly informs the discursive understanding of sex work in the
gitimate sexualities, it was reasoned, let them late 20th century and onwards as both inherently related to
take their infernal mischief elsewhere: to a place crime and unmistakably visible in the female body. This pro-
where they could be reintegrated, if not in the vides a base for the inherent difference between whores and
circuits of production, at least in those of profit. women, and ‘educates’ women to restrict their physicality to
The brothel would be a place of tolerance [...] prevent being perceived as a whore (Pheterson 86).
Only in those places would untrammelled sex
have a right to (safely insularized) forms of real- A similar genealogy is noticeable in the reproduction of
ity. (4) sex work through medical discourses. “Historically, even be-
fore sexual transmission of disease was understood, women
In this quote, Foucault traces the pairing between ‘abnormal’ prostitutes were blamed for epidemics such as The Plague”,
sexualities and prostitution back to the 18th century, when explains Pheterson (68). Prostitutes were so deeply con-
a necessity to organize the population instilled a focus on nected to dirtiness and disease that this provided a reason
the regulation of sexuality. It is important to acknowledge to medicalize them through discourses of physical and men-
that the primary idea of Foucault’s argument here entails tal defects (Petro 165; Beloso, “Queer” 148; Pheterson 70;
that –contrary to popular belief– sex was never repressed (6). Fofana 5). With regard to physical defects, Brooke Beloso
Instead, it was regulated and redefined through discourses of explains how the decrease of the leprosy epidemic by the end
utility, aiming for “an ordered maximization of collective and of the Middle Ages opened the stage for a fear of venereal
individual forces” (25). Thus, instead of sex being dismissed diseases, which were, just as The Plague, directly linked to
and ignored, the 18th and 19th century showed a pattern of prostitutes (146). However, in contrast to the distanced but
institutionalization of sex, following an eruption of interest in inclusive approach to individuals with the plague in earlier
theory on sexuality (48). It is impossible to think of sex work decades, leprosy was approached through systems of expul-
outside these institutional discourses, as they have produced sion and confinement, which served as a precedent for the
and shaped sex work in (Western) society2 . response to venereal diseases (Beloso, “Queer” 145). This
resulted in international orders to expel and transport prosti-
2 It is important to acknowledge that this study primarily focuses on
tutes from cities to places of confinement (Beloso, “Queer”
a ‘Western’ cultural frame. Future studies are recommended to review
this research from a globally different point of view, as the historical
146). In History of Madness, Foucault explains that “it was
narrative provided here is not universal. only under the influence of the world of confinement in the
seventeenth century that venereal disease became detached
to some extent from this medical context, and like madness
entered a space of social and moral exclusion” (8). While in

101
comparison to leprosy, a variety of medical ‘cures’ for vene- only take place in the private sphere, under ideal and equal
real diseases evolved relatively quickly and led to its sufferers circumstances, for “when sex is not explicitly treated as gen-
being removed from places of confinement to medical in- uine human interaction, it dehumanizes the experience and
stitutions. However, prostitutes remained excluded (Beloso, thereby dominates women” (Barry 28). Where radical fem-
“Queer” 147). Following this, prostitutes inhabited places of inists see all sex work as the ‘commodification of women’,
confinement or ‘working houses’ alongside “the ‘debauched’, ‘sex positive’ or ‘liberal’ feminists believe in a differentia-
‘imbecile’, ‘prodigal’, ‘infirm’, ‘of unsound mind’, ‘libertine’ tion between sex out of love and sexuality in other roles and
‘insane” (...) “and all were cast into the same abstract dis- purposes. Liberal feminist academics such as Rubin, Willis,
honour” (Foucault 81). Here, the shift from medical con- and Doezema, argue that the potential harm experienced by
finement to ‘moral exclusion’ is visible, as prostitution is pro- sex workers is not inherent to the work, but rather a re-
duced through discourses of insanity and immorality. As a sult of “specific regimes of criminalization and denigration
result of this reproduction of prostitution through the image that serve to marginalize and oppress sex workers while con-
of The Madman, prostitutes who were hospitalized due to straining and distorting sex work’s radical potential” (Zatz
venereal diseases up until the late 19th century were ‘cured’ 298). This argument aligns with the outcomes of a vari-
through whippings and moral purging as it was argued that ety of qualitative interviews with sex workers from different
the disease’s “directional mode of transmission reflected pre- continents who state social denigration and police violence
vailing attitudes rather than any bacteriologic reality” (Fou- as their primary problems (Buijs; Sanders; DMSC; Gülcür
cault 85; Pheterson 68, emphasis added). It is not surprising and Ilkkaracan). Henry and Farvid explain that the radi-
that if the contemporary understanding of sex work is estab- cal feminist’s understanding of sex work is grounded in their
lished through these discourses of dishonour and immorality, academic approach that focusses “less on the individual and
the stigmatized perception of sex workers that lies at their seek[s] to focus on dismantling oppressive social structures,
foundation remains ubiquitous. Accordingly, sex workers are arguing that individual ‘choices’ are inherently constrained
still among the first to recieve blame in the case of a pan- rather than ‘free’ within a patriarchal context” (114). How-
demic, as in recent years. This was unmistakably notice- ever, this argument effectively removes all agency from sex
able during the AIDS and COVID-19 pandemics, which both workers and instead defines them as powerless subjects to
showed a strong moral accusation of sex workers (Pheterson an inescapable system. In their resistance to the dominant
68; Döring 2773; Fofana 5). It is important to recognize patriarchal system, radical feminists only see resolution in a
that each of these early understandings and discursive repro- radical dismantling of that system, which effectively posits
ductions of sex work directly informs and creates the con- women’s choices within this patriarchal system as irrelevant.
temporary discussion of sex work. By tracing the historical Remembering Lambroso’s theory of ‘born prostitutes’, the
discourse of sex work, early connections between sex workers anti-patriarchal narrative of radical feminists appears to have
and criminality, physical appearance, dirtiness, disease and internalized a similar deterministic pessimism. Where Lam-
morality are visible. Accordingly, Foucault explains that the broso argues that prostitutes lack a free choice for the pro-
essential part is: fession as they are simply subjected to their genetic heritage,
sex radicals discredit sex worker’s autonomy in a similar way,
Not to determine whether one says yes or no to stating that they are always already ‘constrained within a pa-
sex (. . .) but to account for the fact that it is triarchal context’. Additionally, it is interesting to note that
spoken about, to discover who does the speaking, both Lombroso and the abolitionist movement that evolved
the positions and viewpoints from which they from radical feminists’ theory urge for the criminalization of
speak, the institutions which prompt people to sex work.
speak about it and which store and distribute
the things that are said. (History of Sexuality Judith Butler warns radical feminists for a nostalgic imag-
11) inary of a utopian “before” patriarchy and female subordina-
tion, which can be “problematic when it constrains the fu-
ture to materialize an idealized notion of the past or when it
With this in mind, more contemporary discourses of sex
supports, even inadvertently, the reification of a precultural
work can be considered in order to relate the productive
sphere of the authentic feminine” (“Gender” 47). Chasing
and archival institutions currently at work to their histories.
this idealized imaginary excluded and alienated sex work-
The contemporary debate of sex work is notably character-
ers from the feminist movement, which fragmented over the
ized by the feminist ‘sex wars’ of the late twentieth century
unsolvable disputes (Sheiner 39; Queen 128; Butler, “Gen-
which divided the feminist movement over debates regarding
der” 48). While radical feminists retained their idealistic aim
pornography, sadomasochism and female sexuality in general
to at once dismantle the patriarchal system, liberal femi-
(Scoular 345). Beginning around the 1970s with ‘radical’
nists sought inclusionary strategies based on a “recognition
feminists such as Barry, MacKinnon, and Dworkin, sex work
that sex work is an integral part of the global economy and
was defined in a discourse of slavery and exploitation which
is deeply embedded in, and cannot easily be disassembled
posed sex workers as ‘helpless victims’ in an inherently subju-
from, many women’s everyday lives, strategies, and identi-
gating and oppressive patriarchal system (Scoular 345; Petro
ties” (Kempadoo 44). Although sex-positive sex workers are
155; Kempadoo 43). Radical feminists argue that sex should

102
in turn often criticized for their idealized picture of sex work narrative reinstalls the focus of prostitution on its values as
as empowering, it cannot be overlooked that sex workers’ labour and this, in turn, diverges this attention away from
agency is shaped by such gravely different histories and ex- the former hegemonic discourse of stigma, Berg argues that
periences based on their divergent genders, cultures and eth- it remains important to retain these specific elements that
nicities, which “cannot be simply reduced to one monolithic distinguish sex work from other work:
explanation of violence” (Kempadoo 28). I will return to the
culturally divergent experience of agency later in this chap- It is the work of free exchange between equals,
ter, however, I would first like to highlight another of Kem- the dignity of a living earned and a heady blend
padoo’s arguments against the abolitionist ‘modern slavery’ of both self-sacrifice and fulfilling escape from
narrative. Sex work theory that “start[s] from a ‘victim ap- the drudgery of a nine-to-five-job. It is some-
proach’”, explains Kempadoo, is thoroughly based on “the times work that is barely work at all, but instead
belief that they can rehabilitate men who use prostitutes and a performance for the innate self for which the
can "rescue" or "save" women in a missionary fashion” (43). lucky just happen to be paid. (“Working” 693)
This provides an interesting insight into the paradox between
the ‘modern slavery’ narrative of sex work abolitionists and
the colonial ‘white saviourism’ in which it is rooted (Beloso, A valuable aspect of this definition is the sole interest in the
“Sex” 65). experience of sex work for the worker. This enables an in-
teresting conversation concerning whether we can, or should,
regard sexual exploitation as part of sex work. With regard
2.3 Sex Work Identities to Berg’s definition, this is not the case. The position taken
in this definition thus also responds to abolitionist arguments
that define all sex work as inherently exploitive (Leigh 230).
Sex worker, author, and activist Carol Leigh – or Scarlot
Following Berg, sex work cannot be equated to exploitation,
the Harlot – brought the term ‘sex work’ into use in the 1970s
since the foundation of its definition is based on a free choice.
(225). She initially created the term to remove the focus of
the conversation regarding prostitutes from their identity as “Freedom consists in the ability to autonomously ‘choose’
such, which was often a problem with terms containing nega- one’s desires no matter how illiberal they may be”, states
tive connotations such as ‘prostitute’ or ‘whore’ (Leigh 226). Saba Mahmood (12). Accordingly, any action is not in-
Instead, the term ‘sex work’ solely emphasizes the occupa- herently oppressive if the subject has the free autonomy to
tion of the person. Now, more than thirty years after Leigh’s choose it. Although sex work may seem illiberal or harmful
rearticulation of the conversation, sex work has become the to some, this sense of autonomy and agency is essential for
dominant term in academic discourse and has provided a sex workers (Barry 33; Jones, “Motivations” 103). Besides
strong tool for sex worker’s self-identification (Berg, “Work- the necessary agency in the ‘free exchange’ of the work, many
ing” 693). Viewing sex work as work allows its entry into sex workers cite obtaining agency as a primary motivation be-
a discourse of labour, moving away from a focus on crime, hind their specific choice for the work (Jones, “Motivations”
disease, danger and even sexuality. Likewise, Leigh’s term 103; Miller-Young, “Hypersexuality” 221; Petro 161). Next
paved the way for the primary mantra of the decriminaliza- to the freedom of ‘nine-to-five’ hours, which I will analyse
tion movement: ‘Sex Work Is Work’ (Red Umbrella Fund). later, this experience of agency is largely based on the per-
formative qualities that are inherent to sex work. This part
Another advantage of the term ‘sex work’ is its lack of
in Berg’s definition is unmistakably built off Butler’s work on
specificity. It can include any sexual act that in some way
performativity which Mahmood also connotes to, as she elab-
may be seen as work, such as stripping, making porn or being
orates on how Butler imagined the “power of performatives”
a phone sex operator. While this inclusivity enlarges the spec-
to oppose normative structures as a direct act of agency (21).
trum of the sex work community, it also encourages people
Sex work is a continuous performance of sexuality, where in-
to reconsider the imagined boundaries of sex work. Sex work
timacy is ‘acted out’ as a commodity in direct opposition to
is often defined as ‘the exchange of sexual services for re-
normative structures which confine intimacy and sexuality in
sources, goods or money’ (Henry and Farvid 113; Petro 156;
(heteronormative) discourses of utility and decency such as
Scoular 345). This broad definition includes many types of
the nuclear family.
sex work and pays attention to the different things it can be
exchanged for. However, what counts as a sexual service re- Where Berg identifies sex work as a ‘performance for the
mains unclear. Does this definition focus on the sexual nature innate self’ she relates to the personal agency that can be
of the action that the worker carries out, or is it up to the gained in the free decision for a counter-hegemonic action.
client, viewer or receiver to decide what a sexual action is, and A similar experience is found in interviews by Angela Jones
what is worth paying for (Henry and Farvid 118)? Sex-work who describes that sex workers are “reconciling pleasure with
activist Heather Berg proposes that instead of this focus on work” by playing with normative notions of both work and
either sexual services or economic gain, sex work is far more sexuality as a sex worker states “I get to have fun and play
defined by the sociocultural understanding it provides to the with myself” (“Motivations” 102, 96). This “play labour”
workers (“Working” 692). Although the ‘sex work as work’ does not entirely overturn or redefine any norms, but pre-

103
vents alienation and helps the worker to regain agency in about finding agency by reclaiming a marginalized identity
both their work and sexuality (Miller-Young 225). Jones uses and turning it into value: “you can fetishize the shit out of
John Holloway’s theory of Crack Capitalism to describe the me, as long as you pay me” (Gentili in Farvid et al.).
de-alienating effects of rediscovering pleasure in work (“Mo-
tivations” 90). By challenging capitalism in individual and
quotidian ways, for example by finding labour in leisure ac- 2.4 OnlyFans in Sex Work Discourse
tivities, cracks may appear in the system. Comparing this
system to a frozen lake, the cracks may never break through The rise of OnlyFans in early 2020 and its subsequent
all of the ice, as they would not dismantle the entire system, ubiquity in popular media is stated to be largely due to its
“but they do help the worker to feel dignity again” (91). concurrence with the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic
(Brouwers and Hermann 13). In response to the pandemic,
While all workers can experience the alienating effects of
multiple national governments enacted a nationwide ‘lock-
labour in a capitalist system, finding quotidian ways to recon-
down’, limiting social contact and urging people to stay at
cile pleasure with work can be especially valuable to groups
home and transfer their day-to-day lives to an online envi-
that are historically marginalized by capitalism. Recognizing
ronment (Grasso et al. 9). Following a significant decrease
the ever-present influence of intersectionality, race plays a
in in-person labor, many people lost their jobs or acquired an
crucial role in sex work theory (Kempadoo 28). Miller-Young
entirely different working routine. This abrupt shift incited
confirms this, emphasizing that “illicit eroticism offers black
a re-imagination of labor, as people were forced to search
women who are marginalized in the formal labor market ways
for new and different ways of gaining income in the private,
to survive and prosper” (224). Black women are inherently
intimate sphere. This search was not only incited by eco-
connected to sex work through racist binaries that perceive
nomic necessity, but also to maintain social contact and a
both sex and race as “dark, mysterious, and dirty. Both are
daily structure to prevent alienation, avoiding what Foucault
judged unchaste and thereby unfit for public life” (Pheterson
would characterize as “confinement (. . .) which created
71). Where white women need to restrict their sexuality in
alienation” (“History of Madness” 80).
an attempt not to be perceived as a whore, black women
are declared unchaste by nature and instantly equated to Part-time, self-employed work from home has long been
whores (Kempadoo 40; Fofana 5). As a result of this, black “consigned to the working classes and/or women”, who were
female bodies are both hypersexualized through their per- historically forced to find labor outside of the “standard em-
ceived inherent relationality to ‘dirty sexuality’ and deemed ployment model” (Rand 42). A primary example of this
disposable by their inability to ever become a good, chaste self-employed ‘gig’-work is sex work, which, as earlier dis-
woman (Kempadoo 40; Nagle 5; Miller-Young, “Hypersexu- cussed, has long provided agency and income to groups that
ality” 226; Pheterson 76). In line with Foucault, these illicit were excluded from the public economy. Recently, the lower-
sexualities do not find a place in discourses of utility or the class image of the gig-economy has shifted towards the pro-
public sphere (25). Thus, the marginalized position of black file of a “creative entrepreneur”, who uses digital platforms
women often forces them to find or create labour outside the to maintain relationships, advertise their profile and individ-
public and inside the private, intimate sphere. Here, sex work ually create an income (Hair 197; Rand 42). Despite in-
may provide a valuable opportunity as “black sex workers, creased recognition of gig-work, Rand describes that digital,
while facing multiple axes of discrimination and harm, also platform-based sex work was still ignored from the discourse
employ hypersexuality and illicit eroticism to achieve mobility,of gig-work, as digital sex work was “devalued as non-work,
erotic autonomy, and self-care” (Miller-Young, “Hypersexu- ‘bad’ work or illegitimate work due to the social stigma expe-
ality” 224). rienced in varying degrees by sex workers” (Rand 44). How-
ever, as working from home became the standard, and it
Performing sex work as a method to reclaim erotic au-
became necessary to find new ways of gaining income, the
tonomy is described by various groups that are excluded as
national lockdowns were found to further “improve the value
illicit sexualities, such as trans people. (Royalle and Sundahl
and prestige” of platform-organized gig-work.
160). Trans, Latina sex worker Cecilia Gentili explains that
“for trans people, who are constantly told that they are not It appears that this shift has also inspired an improved
valid, that they should not exist and are not attractive, it view of the possibilities of digital sex work (Grasso et al. 9;
can be very empowering to feel wanted and receive this val- Drolet). In response to restrictive regulations of physical sex
idation on your own terms” (Farvid et al.). Here, the goal work in the lockdown, many sex workers were quick to make
is not to overthrow the system of heteronormativity 3 , it is the shift from physical sex work to online services such as
3 The performativity of sex work plays a crucial role in LGBTQIA+ OnlyFans, promoting their presence on the platform through
communities, in both its stigmatizing and constricting aspects, as in its Twitter and Instagram and thereby helping the platform gain
liberating potentialities. There is much more to explore here, but this is popularity (Pezzutto 45; Döring 2773; Callander et al. 93).
outside of the scope of the present work. For more information on trans
and non-binary experiences in digital sex work see Jones “Cumming” The consistent mention of OnlyFans on social media inspired
and Pezzutto. For representation of sex work in queer discourse see those looking for new sources of income to “take the plunge”,
Beloso “Queer”, and Pendleton, among others. resulting in a seventy-five percent increase of subscriptions to

104
the platform within six months of the first COVID-19 peak the breadth of the term also leaves space for polarizing dif-
in January 2019 (Drolet; OnlyFans). However, the enormous ferentiations within the profession. This clearly distinguishes
increase of new members to OnlyFans may present a risk to those who momentarily appropriate the profession for their
the sex workers that initially incited its growth. The result personal gain without experiencing its legacy of stigma, and
of this is painstakingly visible in the case of Bella Thorne, a the sex workers who do not have that choice.
former Disney actress who joined the platform to sell her fans
explicit, nude images for two hundred US dollars. Despite this
promise, she was not nude in the photos and thousands of 3 Power to the Platform: The Precarity of
subscribers demanded a refund of their tips and subscriptions
Online Sexuality
from OnlyFans (Russon). In response to this, Russon reports
that OnlyFans placed a limit on the amount that performers
can ask for a photo or video, and limited the amount a fan Why do people pay for a subscription-based platform of
can tip a performer. sexual media when there is an abundance of free pornog-
raphy all over the internet? To answer that question, this
Additionally, OnlyFans changed their payment system chapter explores digital sexuality in the contemporary inter-
from weekly pay-outs to a single payment per month. Thorne connectivity of the Internet. Where the first chapter created
claimed she earned two million dollars in two days, while many a discursive and theoretical framework of sex work in which
performers with a smaller following are heavily impacted by OnlyFans can be located and compared, this chapter relates
OnlyFans’ policy change (Russon). The limit to tips and ma- OnlyFans to contemporary theory on digital platforms and
terial damages performers who created their business model online sexuality. Through discourses of authenticity, intimacy
around high-rate customized content, while the new struc- and labour politics, this chapter aims to outline the potential-
ture of monthly payments has a large influence on performers ity of digital sex work, while remaining critical of its inclusive
whose livelihood’s depend on their incomes from OnlyFans. realities.
In response to the criticism, Thorne explained on Twitter
that she joined the platform to “remove the stigma on sex
work” by “bringing a mainstream face to it” (@bellathorne). 3.1 NetPorn Aesthetics
Through this comment, Thorne aligns herself with a long
history of academics, celebrities and journalists that argue
Susanna Paasonen describes a turn from online pornog-
to support sex workers by speaking about them, instead of
raphy to NetPorn halfway through the first decade of the
amplifying their voices (Nagle 3). Gentili emphasises the
21st century, the same moment Andreassen et al. note a
problems of this narrative, explaining that besides the dam-
general shift of living “in media, rather than with media”
age that celebrities do to sex work by joining a conversation
(Introduction, emphases in the original; 1299). Specific to
they are not part of “they have also done extreme damage
online platforms and digital communication networks, Net-
by using the damage that they did in their favour” (Farvid
Porn entails
et al.). Although Thorne stated that she was in conversation
with representatives of OnlyFans, the new structure remained
and Thorne retained her money and her OnlyFans account. The blurred boundaries of porn producers and
consumers, the proliferation of independent and
Regardless of whether it was meant to remove a stigma or alternative pornographies, as well as the expan-
solely for personal gain, Thorne’s position on sex work illumi- sion of technological possibilities brought forth
nates the divergent ways in which sex work is performed and by digital tools, platforms and networked com-
experienced based on intersectionality. Thorne never self- munications. (Paasonen 1298)
identified as a sex worker, despite joining and still earning
from an account on OnlyFans. It is interesting to note that
The intertwined networks of communication in the contem-
through her supposed aim to support sex workers, she dis-
porary Internet landscape enable a diminished experience of
tances herself from the other sex workers on the platform,
the boundaries established by the screen in between viewer
emphasising the sex worker as the ‘other’. Subsequently, this
and performer, allowing everyone to be both consumer and
position establishes the sex worker as the victim, who ‘needs’
producer, entertainer and enjoyer, through what Paasonen
Thorne’s help to remove the stigma. Thorne’s distinction be-
describes as “peer-to-peer exchanges” (1302). This creates
tween her ‘mainstream face’ and sex workers also visualizes
a collaborative experience where sexual material can directly
the grey area of sex work that OnlyFans represents (@bel-
be requested online and catered to by performers, or shared
lathorne). Although the platform gained its popularity and
with a larger audience according to their choice. This di-
initial financial growth through sex workers, the increasingly
rect link between performer and consumer, either through
overwhelming presence of celebrities on the platform might
personal collaboration or self-uploaded material, omits the
redefine who the platform represents. While Leigh’s definition
necessity for a production company as a third party in the
of ‘sex work’ includes any type of sexual labour and allows ev-
creation of pornography (1299). Platforms that allow porno-
ery individual to choose whether they prefer to use this term,
graphic content without the restrictions and expectations of

105
a production company facilitate a much lower threshold for seems absurd to discern that after decades of discourse vic-
‘deviant’ bodies, sexualities and identities to get into pornog- timizing sex workers for being exploited because they earned
raphy, allowing them infinitely more creative freedom (Jacobs money from having sex, discourses of authenticity now re-
et al. 2). quire the workers to do their job for free to prove they are
not being exploited.
Self-uploaded, ‘amateur’ material outside of large porn
production companies also caters to a demand for authen-
ticity (Jones, “Scroll” 787). Paasonen observes that where 3.2 Digital Intimacy
‘professional’ porn is signified by its high-quality cameras and
lighting, glossy, ‘perfect’ bodies, “amateurism implies the op-
Zahra Stardust describes that the “fantasy of genuine
posite, [as] it is also coded in terms of spontaneous, ‘more
sexuality” is driven by “an entitled consumer demand for per-
truthful, and less-manufactured representations’” (1303).
sonalised intimacy – for free access to not only performer’s
Recognizing a paradox in the apparently inherent connec-
bodies but their intimate and authentic pleasures” (19). This
tion between amateurism and authenticity, Paasonen explains
demand appears to move away from the voyeuristic tenden-
that “home media seem to involve modes of double-thinking:
cies of (amateur) porn and move towards an entirely digital
the images are selective and knowingly produced, yet func-
intimacy (Jacobs 2). Characterized by the possibilities and
tion as evidence (. . .) to verify sexual arousal and climax”
intercommunicative imperatives of the contemporary Inter-
(1303). Amateur pornography thus provides a sense of vi-
net, Andreassen et al. define digital intimacy alongside so-
sual realism, which answers a need for the ‘verification’ of
cial media, as it can “allow people to express and share what
arousal. Although the viewer is aware that the imaginary is
matters to them, and both encourage personalized connec-
manufactured and that the sexual situations are deliberately
tion and interactivity”. The authors explain that the con-
created, the lower-quality aesthetics still connote a verifica-
temporary digital landscape facilitates a shift for both inter-
tion of sexual “truth” (1303).
personal connections and intimacy, from the private sphere
A result of this notion of the ‘truthful’ appearance of sex- to the (digital) public sphere (Introduction). While NetPorn
ual pleasure is the association between amateur porn and generally encompasses collaborative and communicative sex-
‘ethical porn’, where “a system of aesthetics is evoked as a ual production, digital intimacy requires much more person-
form of ethics” (Attwood qtd. in Paasonen 1300). While the alized labour from workers, who are expected to engage in
vocabulary of ethical porn as such enforces an array of discur- intimate, personal relationships with their clients. Therefore,
sive problems which is further exposed by Mondin, the entire Henry and Farvid identify digital sex work as highly emo-
implication of ‘truth’ in pornographic production creates a tional labour. This allows sex work to be analyzed through
problematic binary that poses ‘good porn’, which is less pro- the framework of emotional labour, which is usually set apart
duced and more ethical, alternative, collaborative, realistic for other (female-dominated) professions such as nursing and
and artistic as a direct opposite to ‘bad porn’ which, signi- hospitality (117). This comparison can be productive, on the
fied by its high-quality productions implicates non-realistic one hand, to recognize the similarities in the serving and nur-
or untruthful sexuality, and would immediately lack all the turing nature of both sex work and hospitality, and on the
earlier mentioned aspects (Stardust 15). Interestingly, this other, to pay more attention to the emotionally exhaustive
shows how the discourse of the seemingly positive turn to qualities of both professions (122).
NetPorn has exposed a new example of the returning dif-
Digital labor blurs the boundaries between private and
ferentiation between good and bad or illicit sexuality, where
public, between work and home, making it much harder to
new discourses of utility continuously are defined through
distinguish work and leisure. While physical sex workers may
a strong denouncement of its supposed opposite (Beloso,
rent a space to invite their client over, digital sex work is usu-
“Queer” 154). Yet again, this emphasizes how “all acts of
ally performed from home. Similarly, physical sex work often
subversion are a product of the terms of violence that they
ends when either the client or the worker leaves, while digital
seek to oppose” (Mahmood 21).
sex work can continue all day, as a digital sex worker Kristy
The idealization of authentic and ‘true’ sexuality in Net- reports: “For me I don’t feel I get a break. My phone does
Porn discourse can be explained by the “desire to see someone not stop. I get customers texting me all the time” (qtd. in
doing something because they like to be seen” (Paasonen Rand 50). In addition to using a continuous online presence
1303). Similarly, Jones noted that the intercommunicative to respond to clients’ messages, digital sex workers are ex-
tendencies of NetPorn create a space where it feels like the pected to keep their followers updated on their personal and
performers are “real people who have turned on their we- professional lives, create and upkeep genuine online identi-
bcams” where they “invite clients into their real bedrooms, ties, while still performing “the emotional labour of convinc-
and are genuinely enjoying themselves” (“Cumming” 2). Cru- ing consumers that one enjoys the work but also a process
cial to this experience are the truthful intentions of the per- of managing consumer access to it” (Stardust 20). In this
former, enforcing “the expectation that performers act out of way, digital sex workers make a living from the paradoxical
love and not money” (Henry and Farvid 118; Stardust 19). It performance of a ‘manufactured genuine identity’, which is
central to the emotional labour they are paid for, while simul-

106
taneously “monetizing new forms of identity” and managing portunities, and encounter poorer working conditions” (Berg,
this income to generate more clients (Stardust 24). “Scene” 170). Although NetPorn was hailed for its promo-
tion of “gender fluid entrepreneurism” or “voluptuous plea-
The performance of sexual identity in sex work shows an sure”, the digital intimacy market continues to avoid non-
exaggeration of everyday gender performances as described conforming bodies (Jacobs et al. 2). Simultaneous to Bern-
by Butler in Bodies that Matter, where they emphasize that stein and Ray in the early twenty-first century, Miller-Young
“what determines the effect of realness is the ability to com- proposed that the representation of different bodies and sex-
pel belief, to produce naturalized effect” (5). Although a ualities in NetPorn may force a change in the larger industry,
manufactured performance of identity and sexuality can be as queer and trans directors and production companies work
experienced as “a resistance strategy” that provides sex work- to “subvert or queer the heterosexist, racist capitalism of
ers with agency and control in the workplace, sex workers of- cybercultural space” (Miller-Young, “Sexy” 208). However,
ten invest part of “their personality into their working identity, Jones later shows that the ‘cis male gaze’ is so deeply em-
rather than constructing an entirely fake working identity” to bedded in mainstream porn, that contemporary inclusion of
create a realistic, natural performance (Sanders 337, 334). marginalized communities often still perpetuates a narrative
The relationality between intimacy and identity is clearly ex- of “white cis male privilege and dominance” (“Cumming”
plained by Andreassen et al., who note that “contemporary 12). While growing initiatives provide new opportunities in
intimacy is often analysed as an illustration of how an individ- porn that aim to subvert colonial narratives and provide a
ual (. . .) investigates their self-reflection in relation to close fair pay to performers, these productions are still in the mi-
relationships and narratives of identity” (Introduction). Like- nority and the assumption that all workers have the liberty
wise, as intimacy has become a marker for self-reflection and to choose in which productions they participate is simply an-
identity, the manufactured performance of intimacy for digi- other performance of white privilege: “If they could afford to
tal sex workers also influences their self-perception of identity. turn it down, you wouldn’t see as many companies offering
As a result of the obscured distinctions between digital sex them work for less money” (Berg “Scene” 170).
workers’ professional and personal identities, Rand describes
the experience of a ‘presence bleed’, where digital sex work-
ers risk losing touch with their identity and face burn-outs as 3.4 FOSTA/SESTA: The ‘Pornpurge’ of the
work and non-work become inseparable (49; Stardust 24).
Internet

3.3 Class in the Digital Marketplace Where minorities are structurally last to benefit from new
advancements, they are also first to encounter the danger of
decreasing social spaces. Recently, this has become painstak-
The emotionally heavy aspects of sex work can differ per
ingly clear with the new adoption of the FOSTA/SESTA
type of sexual labour, argues Bernstein, as she states that
laws. In response to the growing market for digital sex
the sexual labour of middle-class sex workers is more likely
work, the abolitionist movement followed with a “call for
to include “emotionally engaged conversation as well as a
greater regulation of information technology which is seen as
diversity of sexual activities” (482). Although the diversity
facilitating the ‘industrialized commodification of women’”
of sex workers between “high school graduates and multiple
(Scoular et al. 217). While police forces initially lagged
degree holders” had been repeatedly documented among sex
behind on these changes and retained their focus for traf-
workers, Ray states that “before the advent of the Internet”,
ficking regulation on street prostitution, this heavily changed
the media still portrayed sex workers as “either high-class es-
in 2018 with the adoption of the ‘Fight Online Sex Traffick-
corts (. . .) or downtrodden, drug-addicted streetwalkers
ing Act’ (FOSTA) and the ‘Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers
who were usually women of color” (Dudash 89; 49). Bern-
Act’ (SESTA) (Scoular et al. 221). These laws hold on-
stein proposes that the growing presence of the middle-class
line platforms accountable for all content that is shared and
sex worker is strongly facilitated by “new technologies of sex-
generated by users of the platform, making the companies
ual exchange”, which enable “the curious woman to explore
behind the platforms directly responsible for any on or offline
her working options” without any commitments (474; Ray
‘unlawful actions’ related to content posted on the platform
49). Over 15 years after Ray and Bernstein’s prediction,
(Tripp 219). Accordingly, the laws criminalize any “‘interac-
Scoular et al. confirm that ‘internet-enabled sex workers’
tive computer service’ with ‘the intent to promote or facil-
represent a different profile than other sex workers, “in terms
itate the prostitution of another person’” (Campbell 1557).
of generally higher average age, gender balance, and level of
The package containing the FOSTA/SESTA laws was quickly
qualifications” (215). This can be partially explained by the
brought into action by U.S. president Trump after a vigor-
fact that ‘service economies’ such as digital intimacy valorize
ous ‘stop modern slavery’ media campaign by the abolitionist
“rigid ideas about the employees’ aesthetic presentation of
movement, which re-installed sex trafficking on the top of the
self” (Jones, “Scroll” 790). Therefore, the digital intimacy
political agenda (Campbell et al. 1556; Scoular et al. 238).
market glorifies the ideal white, thin, educated, able-bodied,
As a result of the social pressure behind the fast production
cisgender performance, while “workers who fall outside that
of the law, the restrictions are not specifically articulated,
ideal overwhelmingly make less money, have fewer work op-

107
leaving ‘prostitution’ undefined (Tripp 236). Consequentially, the (white) editors of the academic NetPorn reader praised
there is no distinction made between consensual sex workers its potentiality in the feminist pornographic movement, they
and victims of trafficking, as they are all merged under pros- overlooked the disparate ways in which many of these pos-
titution and reproduced through a discourse of slavery (Mia sibilities are only viable options for white, middle-class sex
239). Additionally, FOSTA/SESTA also impacted sex edu- workers. In response to the broader trend of unacknowledged
cators, academics and artists among others from all over the white privilege in feminist pornographies, Jones urges:
world, as platforms such as Instagram, Tumblr, Facebook,
and the search engine Google, chose to completely censor all Before we applaud new digital technologies for
‘sexual imagery’ and ‘sexual speech’ through ‘automated fil- the ostensibly agentic and lucrative potential
ters’ (Pilipets and Paasonen 7). Of course, this decision was spaces they create for women, let us realize that
not made because these profiles were genuinely advertising these benefits are clearly contingent on the race
human trafficking, but “because policing them against the and nationality of the model. (“Scroll” 795)
outside possibility that they might was just too hard” (Tripp
237). In this way, the effects of FOSTA/SESTA are visible in
With regard to OnlyFans, a similar pattern is visible.
every part of the digital sphere as academic sexology groups
Mickey Mod, the creative director of ‘ethical’ porn company
are deleted, female nipples are restricted, educational images
Kink.com stated that the increasing popularity of OnlyFans
are censored and sex workers’ PayPal accounts are frozen
among (former) porn performers has enlightened many of the
(Pilipets and Paasonen 13; Mia 239; Tripp 238).
possibilities of NetPorn as it allowed them “to choose how
Although FOSTA/SESTA was initially installed to safe- they worked, and directly find out from their fans what they
guard sex workers and prevent sexual exploitation, various wanted and provide to that” (Farvid et al.). Mod applauded
researchers emphasize the explicit danger that sex workers that OnlyFans enables performers to “create their own terms
face as a result of the laws. Tripp describes how digital ad- and boundaries and start from there”, which would “force
vertisement enabled sex workers to find clients through the porn producers to take these changes seriously” (Farvid et
internet, instead of self-advertising on the streets. Addition- al.). However, Jones notes that “given the value placed on
ally, this function allowed sex workers to screen potential gender normativity, whiteness, and able-bodiedness in the
clients more extensively before meeting them (229). Camp- camming market, people whose bodies do not conform to
bell et al. warned of the implications of FOSTA/SESTA on these standards will not earn decent wages” (“Cumming”
“networking, peer support and information sharing” among 9). In order to ‘start from your own boundaries’ or ‘force
sex workers, “which are vital for screening and wider safety” change’, performers first need to find themselves in a po-
(1557). Ray exemplified this through their emphasis of the sition of power, which is structurally not the case for non-
importance of shared ‘blacklists’ among sex workers which conforming bodies who have to fight up to a “market with
catalogue potentially dangerous clients. Likewise, Tichenor both less work to go around and more people willing to do
argues that their removal “created an environment where it” (Berg, “Scene” 164). This is especially difficult in light
people are having to crawl back to brothels”, to ensure their of the extreme popularity of OnlyFans during the lockdown,
safety (58; 107). which inspired so many people to join that this flooded the
market and minimized the chances to successfully make a liv-
ing through the platform (Boseley; Brouwers and Herrmann
3.5 OnlyFans in the Digital Space 13).

As of this writing, the thirty highest-earning profiles are


NetPorn heavily expanded the possibilities of digital in- all owned by celebrities who, just like Bella Thorne, moved
timacy and inspired a new, more individual type of online to the platform with the support of their followers on other
sex work outside of high-produced pornography. However, social media. Most of these celebrities do not identify them-
these possibilities are not equally attainable to all sex work- selves as sex workers, or do not post ‘sexual’ content at all.
ers, and for those for whom the work is their sole source of Twenty-three of these best-earning OnlyFans performers are
income, maintaining a digital sex work profile can be emo- cisgender white women (“Blog”). While the popularity of
tionally draining and exhausting. “Through the lens of class the platform inspired many to reconsider how they imagine
analysis one begins to see the mutually imbricated privilege labor and find agency in a performance of the self, most of
and oppression”, explains Beloso (“Sex” 64). Systems of the incomes from OnlyFans accounts do not go to either sex
white privilege and white saviorism are deeply intertwined workers or workers affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, but
and extremely visible in both the sex-positive and abolitionist are instead received by celebrities who use the platform as
sides of sex work discourse. Where the constant connections an additional source of income. This can be traced back to
to slavery and a presumed need to save women from traf- the platform affordances of OnlyFans, which avoids ‘scrolling
fickers in the FOSTA/SESTA legislations are clear examples through pages’ of performers, as profiles can only be found
of white saviorism, the early NetPorn discourse structurally through a direct link instead of through a search bar. As
assumes that the technological advancements of the inter- online sex work is per definition aesthetic labor, bodies that
net will benefit all sex workers equally. For example, while do not conform to the normalized expectations of perceived

108
attraction are usually pushed away into the corners of on- counts” (“Help”). Only verified performers have the chance
line platforms, because “racialized bodies end up with lower to be ‘featured’ by OnlyFans, where their profile is shared and
bodily capital in the sexual marketplace”, explains Jones in promoted throughout the social accounts of OnlyFans and
the aptly-named article For Black Models Scroll Down (791). in their blog. Accordingly, only the accounts that follow the
The digital structure of OnlyFans appears to combat this, al- guidelines of Instagram can receive this mark of authentic-
lowing each performer the same chance of building their pro- ity and be supported by OnlyFans and thus, gain more fans.
file and attracting followers as there is no list of profiles to This further enlarges the gap between influencers and celebri-
‘scroll’ through. However, as the only way to share the direct ties that already have a big following on social media, and
link is through other social media, performers’ dependence on sex workers who are repeatedly banned from the same plat-
the interpenetration of other platforms such as Twitter and forms – often for posting similar content – as the former are
Instagram instantly removes this apparent equality (Pezzuto supported and promoted by OnlyFans, and the latter have to
45; Swords 530). Instagram is centered around an aestheti- work much harder to achieve the same level of support. This
cism that idolizes the thin, white, female body, the result of discrepancy is unmistakably clear in the ‘How it works’ page
which is that it is much easier for women who fit these stan- on OnlyFans, which provides a tool to calculate how much
dards to grow a large following, which can then be directed one can earn on the site, depending on the amount of Insta-
to their OnlyFans profile (Jones, “Cumming” 9; Paasonen, gram and Twitter followers the performer already has (“How
“Infrastructures”). This is directly visible in the list of the it works”). This exemplifies how the ‘algorithmic structures
highest earners on OnlyFans, who all were able to transfer of acceptability’ that resulted from the FOSTA/SESTA legis-
their large amount of pre-existing followers on other social lations reshape online sexuality. Sex workers are not allowed
media to OnlyFans. to state their profession on social media. Furthermore, as
semi-sexual content is heavily restricted as well as dependent
The interpenetration of Instagram and Twitter within on the body by which it is performed, it is incredibly diffi-
OnlyFans becomes an even larger problem in light of the cult to navigate the abundance of platform guidelines while
FOSTA/SESTA legislations, after which any mention of sex also attracting followers to direct to their OnlyFans. Sub-
work or related words within digital platforms is heavily re- sequently, the strict policing of sexuality on Instagram also
stricted and often leads to a directly deleted account without influences performers’ ‘authenticity’ on OnlyFans, as they can
a warning. Sex workers have repeatedly stated that they are only receive the verification badge by connecting with a high-
being unfairly locked out of their accounts without posting profile Instagram account.
any ‘forbidden’ material, and argue that their profiles are
deleted based on the presumption of their profession (Musto Similarly, the interpenetration of Twitter and Instagram
et al. 11; Pezzutto 44). Another large concern for sex work- on OnlyFans and its strong distinction from other Netporn
ers on digital platforms is being ‘shadow-banned’, this occurs platforms is also visible in the digital aesthetics of OnlyFans.
when their account is not removed, but simply made invisible As the social possibilities of OnlyFans coincided so perfectly
for potential new followers. This blocks the sex worker from with an increased demand for sexual intimacy in the pan-
“an important source of marketing, income, and socialising”, demic, the platform quickly became representative of the so-
furthermore, as it is difficult to verify whether the account cial and technological possibilities of NetPorn to sex workers
is actually shadow-banned, sex workers experience “serious and porn performers who found a source of autonomy in using
anger and anxiety” (Pezzutto 43). Although these restric- the platform (Jesus 81; Farvid et al.). However, this auton-
tions are entirely automatically operated, Pilipets and Paa- omy is only notable outside of the NetPorn discourse, which
sonen explain that “algorithmic decisions about what should had long recognized the autonomy of individual production.
be removed and what should stay on social media platforms Interestingly, while OnlyFans does provide intimate contact
reenact a biased social system connected to sexuality, surveil- with fans, collaborative performances, real-time uploads, per-
lance, and computation”, as the differentiation between ‘ac- former independence and many more aspects that are charac-
ceptable’ and ‘unacceptable’ bodies and sexualities “is never teristic of NetPorn, the aesthetic tendencies of OnlyFans are
neutral nor uncontested” (11). In this way, thin, white and completely different. As earlier explained, NetPorn was hailed
generally conforming bodies have a much lower chance of be- for its ‘do-it-yourself’ amateur aesthetic, which was defined
ing banned through algorithmic decisions for posting similar by its contrast to the high-quality production of ‘mainstream’
content compared to bodies that do not conform and thus pornography. The interface of OnlyFans in turn, also shows
stand out to the algorithm. a highly stylized aesthetic (see fig. 1 in appendix), which is
most comparable to the interface of Instagram (see fig. 2 in
There are more aspects where OnlyFans aligns its digital appendix) and shows a stark contrast to other NetPorn plat-
structure with other social media, such as in the discursive forms such as Chaturbate (see fig. 3 in appendix)4 . In light
notion of authenticity for its outstanding performers. In con- of the aforementioned problematic binary distinction between
trast to authenticity in NetPorn discourse that is related to NetPorn and ‘mainstream’ pornography, where the first is
amateurism and lower quality, homemade imagery, perform- seen as amateur, alternative, independent and ethical, and
ers on OnlyFans can earn a ‘badge of verification’ if they have
4 A visual analysis of the stylistic similarities between OnlyFans and
“at least 10,000 followers on [their] Twitter or Instagram Ac-
Instagram can be insightful but is not within the scope of this work.

109
the latter as professional, commercial and exploitive, On- resentatives of the platform stated that “without question,
lyFans presents an interesting combination. The platform OnlyFans is one of the most inclusive social platforms, and
facilitates a variety of self-uploaded material, which can be [their] progressive policies towards content creation enables
uploaded by amateurs or professionals, and can contain any- the success of adult content creators without discrimination”,
thing from filmed orgies and domination to bikini photos and this celebration of adult content is not visible in the public
baking tutorials. The performer – or ‘creator’, as OnlyFans profile, advertisements or social media presence of the plat-
calls its members – can style their profile and manufacture form, which all focus on celebrities and influencers (Dickin-
their digital image as realistically or imaginary as they prefer, son; “Blog”). The disparate experiences of sex workers and
while fulfilling the demand for personalized digital intimacy celebrities on the platform emphasize that “not everybody
through private messages and requests. With regard to the can sell their sex equally”, as privilege and oppression are
expectation that amateur sex workers should not expect a two sides of the same coin, with the result that “privilege
monetary exchange if they perform their sexuality for their along one axis can mitigate oppression along another, even
own pleasure, OnlyFans leaves it to its creators to decide within the sex industry itself” (Beloso, “Sex” 64).
whether they want to charge their fans.
Celebrities joining OnlyFans appear to largely avoid the
social expulsion still experienced by many sex workers as, in-
3.6 Profiling the Platform: Digital Gentrifi- stead of being discredited, their voices are amplified while
their presence on the platform is celebrated and shared
cation and the Influencer Class
through social media, a practice usually embedded in risk
for non-celebrity performers on OnlyFans. Pezzutto describes
Although the popularity of OnlyFans is often related to the higher social class of celebrities and sex workers with a
the lockdowns during the COVID-19 pandemic, the platform high number of followers on Instagramand Twitter as “a hi-
appears to fulfil a range of other demands. Produced by and erarchy within the industry”, which produces and reinforces
simultaneously taking part in the production of a changing a growing class disparity (47). A high number of followers
digital landscape, OnlyFans presents itself as an answer to on social media means a higher chance to get verified, which
the intersection of an ever-growing influencer-culture where helps to get featured on other channels and is often followed
fans demand more from their idols, a restriction of online by lucrative sponsored partnerships that lead to more fans
sexuality during a rise in demand for online intimacy, and on OnlyFans(Berg, “Scene” 168). Moreover, these additions
a mass loss of jobs coinciding with a growing gig-economy. often provide a better and more stable income than the plat-
Despite the very ambitious and promising image painted by form itself does (Pezzutto 46).
the platform, the analysis in this chapter proposes that some
of these divisions may remain mutually exclusive. The in-
If it is true that sexuality is the set of effects pro-
terpenetration of Instagram and Twitter in OnlyFans helped
duced in bodies, behaviors, and social relations
promote the platform to a larger audience, while simultane-
by a certain deployment deriving from a com-
ously encumbering the admission and advertisement of sex
plex political technology, one has to admit that
workers and people with ‘lower body capital’ in Instagram’s
this deployment does not operate in symmetrical
aestheticism. By only allowing individual profiles and con-
fashion with respect to the social classes, and
tent behind a paywall, OnlyFans avoids the restrictions on
consequently, that it does not produce the same
sexual imagery as imposed through the FOSTA/SESTA legis-
effects in them. (Foucault, History of Sexuality
lations and provides a certain ‘safe space’ for online sexuality.
127)
However, the suggestion of ‘physical’ sex work is heavily po-
liced through equally generalized algorithms, as an increasing
amount of sex workers report that their OnlyFans accounts Bodies that are more sexualized, such as black and trans bod-
were blocked and their incomes were frozen without break- ies, as well as illicit sexual behaviors and non-heterosexual so-
ing the guidelines (Dickinson). In contrast to Bella Thorne, cial relations, perform deviant attributes of sexuality which,
who was immediately reported to join conversations with the as earlier explained, would be relocated to the brothel where,
management of OnlyFans following the repercussions of her in circuits of profit “untrammelled sex [would] have a right
content, smaller profiles are ignored by the ‘customer service’ to (safely insularized) forms of reality” (History of Sexual-
and have no way to regain access to their account (Russon; ity 4). Deviant sexualities, whether physical, behavioral or
Dickinson). For a considerable portion of the sex workers relational, are thus discursively produced through the stigma-
who joined OnlyFans after restrictions on their physical jobs tized image of the prostitute which inherently relates those
due to lockdown measures, the revenue generated through sexualities to sex work. In this way, the social perception
the platform is their primary source of income and the unex- of an OnlyFans profile is dependent on the hegemonic at-
pected suspension heavily impacts their lives (Callander et al tributes of the performer. Accordingly, this further clarifies
96; Mia 239; Jones, “Cumming” 9; Dickinson). In this way, why Bella Thorne cannot “remove the stigma on sex work”
the effects of OnlyFans’ automated policing further separates by “bringing a mainstream face to it”, as the stigma “does
sex workers from influencers on the platform. Although rep- not produce the same effects” on her, through her inherent
disassociation with the stereotype (@bellathorne; Foucault

110
127). Where Foucault notes an asymmetrical effect of the their boundaries and choose a queer production company or
political production of sexualities concerning social classes, an appropriate salary, as these discussions can only be held
the interpenetrative qualities of digital platforms reproduce from a position of power outside of a discourse where their
this hierarchical distinction through amounts of followers, es- bodies are inherently regarded as disposable. Likewise, self-
tablishing not the bourgeoisie, but influencers and celebrities directing digital content allows sex workers to further perfect
as the digital upper-class. The composition of social classes their manufactured digital identity as a performative resis-
may have changed, but the distribution remains the same, tance strategy, but also results in unattainable pressure and
as one percent of OnlyFans earns thirty-three percent of all a presence bleed.
income on the platform, closely resembling how the top one
percent of households in the world own a near forty percent These findings do not imply that sex work cannot be
of global wealth (Zucman 111). experienced as agentic and liberating, but instead propose
a more nuanced approach to its counter-hegemonic poten-
Through the increasing interdependence of platforms on tiality. Developments in digital sex work such as OnlyFans
the interpenetrative hegemony of Instagram, Facebook, and can certainly work towards a less stigmatized perception of
Twitter in the contemporary Internet landscape, the norma- sex work. However, this thesis demonstrates that stigma is
tive aestheticism and purified sexualities that these enforce, relative to the individual it is related to, instead of a set
regulate the presence and subsequent perception of bodies of universally discrediting attributes. While the stigma of
and sexualities throughout the Internet. As the effects of sex work can disgrace women who do not participate in the
FOSTA/SESTA continue to unfold, influencers prove a more work based on their connection to a stereotypically related
secure and rewarding group of performers to OnlyFans as a attribute such as promiscuity, the stigma does not have the
company than sex workers, as visible in the featured accounts same discrediting effects on those who do not match the
and influencer-directed advertising of the platform. While an stereotype. OnlyFans proudly advertises that ‘anybody’ can
increasing amount of sex workers are banned from OnlyFans join the platform, which may abate the stigmatized idea that
without explanation, a digital ‘gentrification’ of the platform sex workers are different kinds of women, yet the distinction
is deployed, replacing the sex worker presence on the platform between ‘whores and women’ remains persistent within On-
with the more profitable and upper-class influencers. lyFans, as visible in Bella Thorne’s tweets and the disparate
treatment of OnlyFans to sex workers and influencers.

Thus, the results of this analysis establish that although


4 Conclusion
OnlyFans has broadened the perception of sex work, intro-
ducing more people to the possibilities of digital sex work as
This paper analyzed whether OnlyFans changed the stig- it lowered the threshold to join an adult platform, ‘OnlyFans
matized perception of sex work, and measured how this re- has not changed sex work forever’, as it does not influence
lates to the identity of the performer through an extensive the stigmatized perception of women who were already dis-
discourse analysis. Throughout the analysis, a variety of sex credited as ‘whores’ in any way, and instead continues to
worker narratives were celebrated for their counter-hegemonic perpetuate this exclusion. While it is no longer necessary to
possibilities, yet after a critical analysis, the case study of ‘scroll down’ for black performers on OnlyFans, this does not
OnlyFans shows that both sex positive and abolitionist nar- change the perception of black and trans bodies as dispos-
ratives imagine digital sex work from a position of privilege as able and of lower bodily capital. This is especially visible in
centuries-old perceptions of sex work still define its discourse. the response of social platforms to the FOSTA/SESTA legis-
While the performance of sex work can playfully act out het- lations, where this discursive depreciation of non-conforming
eronormative perceptions of sexuality, this is not as much a sexualities was – albeit unknowingly – directly deployed in
form of resistance as it is often a requirement for deviant the regulatory algorithms that valorize thin and white bod-
sexualities to successfully join the digital marketplace. This ies and digitally ostracized any slight suggestion of deviant
is exemplified in Gentili’s disregard of the constant fetishiza- sexualities.
tion of her body because she is paid: although she allows this
on her own terms, a profitable performance is still expected This analysis of OnlyFans serves as an example for a larger
to follow an oppressive patriarchal narrative, as fetishization pattern of digital gentrification in relation to the interpenetra-
is deployed from a position of power. A similar tension is tion of hegemonic social media that enforce increasingly strict
visible between the initial celebration of NetPorn in the early regulations on sexuality and glorify a very specific and exclu-
twenty-first century and the digital representation of bodies sionary aesthetic. This paradigm is a strong starting point
and sexualities fifteen years later. NetPorn was anticipated for future research, both on digital sexuality and platform-
to queer the cybercultural space by relocating the directive organized sex work. While the present research analyzed a
power from big production companies to individual perform- multiplicity of overlapping and interconnected discourses to
ers which would promote non-conforming bodies and sexu- situate OnlyFans in its academic environment and illuminate
alities and provide performers with a worthy pay. However, its distinctive features, this also serves as a limitation, as this
marginalized performers often lack the liberty to maintain method obstructed an exhaustive investigation of a single fea-

111
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Sex Workers Manifesto. Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Com-

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Appendix

Note: I chose to compare OnlyFans to Chaturbate because the platform is not only the most popular, but also mentioned
in Global Motivations to Cam (Jones), Cumming to a Screen Near You (Jones), The Failures of SESTA/FOSTA (Mia) and
Always Hot, Always Live (Henry and Farvid)

Fig 1. Philippo, Lisa. “Non-subscriber Interface of the OnlyFans Webpage of Bella Thorne”, OnlyFans, May 11 2021,
www.OnlyFans.com/bellathorne, screenshot.

115
Fig 2. Philippo, Lisa. “Screenshot of the Instagram Webpage of Bella Thorne”, Instagram, May 11 2021, www.instagram.
com/bellathorne, screenshot.

Fig 3. Philippo, Lisa. “Opening Interface of Chaturbate”, May 11 2021, www.chaturbate.com, screenshot.

116
Humanities

Remembering Soviet Lithuania in Grūtas Park


A Case for Counter-monumentality

Miglė Ger aitė

Supervisor
Prof. Dr. Dawn Skorczewski (AUC)
Reader
Dr. Marco de Waard (AUC)

Photographers: Daria Roman and Richard Essink


Abstract

Grūtas Park represents a unique location in the memory landscape of Lithuania. Housing a significant material heritage
of the Soviet period, the park exhibits and parodies monuments that were removed from public spaces in Lithuania after
the country achieved its independence from the Soviet Union (USSR) in the 1990s. The controversial reception of Grūtas
Park in Lithuanian society, however, offers clues to its contributions to the complex and multidirectional memory of
Soviet Lithuania and the park’s insufficient commitment to counter-monumental memory work may contribute to public
disagreement over its memory representations of the Soviet occupation. To what extent are the park’s subject, form,
visitor experience, site, and meaning counter-monumental? Do its exhibits create a multifaceted narrative of Soviet
Lithuanian history, conveying it to visitors through diverse sensory experiences? Introducing the dialogic approach as a
way to interrogate the role of counter-monumentality in Grūtas Park, I propose interaction between memory narratives at
Grūtas Park and public spaces in Lithuania as a means of working through conflicts over memory concerning the Soviet
occupation. I argue that Grūtas Park engages with both traditional and counter-monumental forms of representation,
encapsulating nationalistic and patriotic historical narratives, trauma of the Soviet period, nostalgia for daily life in
Soviet Lithuania, and ironic and carnivalesque portrayals of the Soviet system. Having established the foundations for
a counter-monumental representation of Soviet history in Lithuania, Grūtas Park may ultimately offer a comprehensive
and esteemed representation of Soviet memory in Lithuania.
Keywords: Anti-Nostalgia, Counter-monumentality, Cultural Memory, Lithuania, Soviet Occupation

Suggested citation: Ger aitė, Miglė (2021). "Remembering Soviet Lithuania in Grūtas Park: A Case for
Counter-monumentality ". AUC Undergraduate Journal of Liberal Arts and Sciences, vol. 16, no.1, pp. 117-136

118
Contents

1 Introduction 120

1.1 The Historical and Geographical Context of Lithuania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

1.2 Anti-Soviet National Identity and Cultural Memory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121

1.3 Unwanted Heritage: Soviet Monuments in Independent Lithuania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122

2 Research Context 122

3 The Controversial Establishment of Grūtas Park 125

4 Anti-monumental Dimensions at Grūtas Park 126

4.1 Subject: Painful History and ‘Hot’ Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126

4.2 Visitor Experience: A Carnival of Parody and Irony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128

4.3 Form: Fragmentation and Power Dynamic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129

4.4 Site: Discursive Periphery and Historical Victimhood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130

4.5 Meaning: A Nationalistic Narrative and Ambiguity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

5 Facilitating a Dialogue with the Soviet Past 133

6 Conclusion 134

List of Figures and Tables

Entrance to Grūtas Park. éygimantas Gedvilas, 15min. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

Replica of a freight-train car. éygimantas Gedvilas, 15min. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120

Barbed wire and a watchtower at Grūtas Park. Adriao, Wikipedia Commons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

A Lenin bust at Grūtas Park. Yeowatzup, Wikipedia Commons. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130

Lenin statue at Lukiökės Square. KTU ASI archyvas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130

Lenin statue at Grūtas Park. éygimantas Gedvilas, 15min . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130

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1 Introduction

In the southern region of Lithuania, near the city of


Druskininkai, stands a big park named Grūtas Park (see fig.
1). Hosting an outdoor exhibition of statues and other memo-
rabilia from the period of Soviet occupation, the park offers a
unique location in the memory landscape of Lithuania. It ac-
commodates numerous Soviet monuments that were removed
from public spaces across Lithuania in the 1990s, after the
country gained independence from the Soviet Union (USSR).
Entering the park, visitors see a replica of the freight-train
cars used in the 1940s to transport citizens to Siberia and Figure 2: Replica of a freight-train car. éygimantas Gedvilas,
other regions to work and live under harsh conditions (see 15min.
fig. 2). Visitors also encounter a number of watchtowers Nonetheless, Grūtas Park offers a solution to the issue
and barbed wire that represent the imprisonment of individ- of remembrance of Soviet history, which arose in the 1990s
uals and the nation as a whole. Yet, the park also resembles with Lithuania’s independence from the USSR. However, it
a theme park: speakers play Soviet marching songs, a café also poses serious questions about the nature of memorial-
offers ‘authentic’ Soviet dishes, and a kiosk sells a newspa- ization itself. This analysis of the Grūtas Park case questions
per Grūto parko tiesa (The truth of Grūtas Park) – a take what the park achieves in terms of memory work and mem-
on the Soviet newspaper Pravda (Truth), which disseminated ory discourse in Lithuania. It debates whether the park may
propaganda (Grūto Parkas). The monuments at Grūtas Park provide insights into current memory debates and serves as
memorialize the painful history of Soviet occupation, but they an example of the applicability of the counter-monumental
also recontextualize it, stripping the monuments of their ide- approach to problems of cultural memory. Grūtas Park con-
ological and political weight through parody and caricature. stitutes an important case for memory studies and analysis,
for it attempts to represent a complex and controversial era
of Lithuanian history. James E. Young‘s theory of counter-
monumentality provides an apt model to analyse how Grūtas
Park conducts memory work (i.e. engages with the past), as
well as the broader significance of this engagement in discur-
sive practices in Lithuania.

Differently from the traditional monument, which af-


firms reality and conducts memory work on behalf of the
viewer, the counter-monument provides space for chang-
ing representations and continuous memory work done by
the viewer themselves (Young, “At Memory’s Edge” 372,
Figure 1: Entrance to Grūtas Park. éygimantas Gedvilas,
374). The counter-monument does not affirm specific mem-
15min.
ory narratives, but instead explores notions of doubt and
Deliberately opened on April Fools’ Day 2001, the parody impermanence in historical remembrance (“At Memory’s
of reverence for the Soviet past in Grūtas Park represents Edge” 374). Specifying the theory of counter-monumentality,
important elements of the Soviet occupation of Lithuania. Quentin Stevens et al. suggest a distinction between ‘anti-
Annually, on May 9th, the park stages theatre-like parodies monumental’ and ‘dialogic’ forms of counter-monumentality
of Soviet figures such as Stalin, Lenin, and others (Williams (719). Adopting this distinction in its analysis, this paper
189). Exhibits at the park memorialize a difficult history aims to examine to what extent Grūtas Park exemplifies no-
of occupation and imprisonment, but also invoke a sense of tions of counter-monumentality both in anti-monumental and
nostalgia for daily life in Soviet Lithuania. A Soviet era play- dialogic forms. It questions what kind of memory work is en-
ground for children, Luna Park, invites youth to imagine how couraged at the park and whether this creates a congenial
their parents used to play in Soviet Lithuania. A brightly lit space for contrasting memory narratives.
café offers the opportunity to try out their ‘Soviet menu’ and
experience ‘authentic’ Soviet cuisine (Grūto Parkas). Since
it reaches in two directions, towards pain and nostalgia, the 1.1 The Historical and Geographical Context
park has received mixed receptions from visitors. Some view of Lithuania
the light-hearted aspects of the park as tone-deaf and disre-
spectful to victims of the Soviet regime, while others appre- As a small country by the Baltic Sea, with powerful neigh-
ciate the more cheerful Soviet nostalgia (Isaac and Budryte bours such as Russia and Poland, Lithuania is seldom rec-
7). ognized in historical narratives of the 20th century. The

120
country’s tumultuous and intriguing history is marked by 1.2 Anti-Soviet National Identity and Cul-
continuous attempts at nation-building, grappling with oc- tural Memory
cupation, and an unrelenting fight for independence. First
declaring independence from the Russian Empire in 1918,
The history of Soviet Lithuania spans almost 50 years.
Lithuania emerged as a modernizing nation-state during the
Many historical events from the Soviet era are considered
interwar period (Davoliūtė 2). Lithuania’s territorial integrity
part of the collective memory of Lithuanians, and are instru-
was first challenged in March of 1939, when Nazi Germany
mental in delineating national identity. Ernest Renan de-
gained control over the region of Klaipėda. In August of the
fines the nation as ‘a soul, a spiritual principle’ (19). This
same year, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union signed the
means that the nation is classified not by its laws or territo-
Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, which delineated Soviet and Ger-
rial claims, but rather the will and beliefs of the people. The
man spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. Hence, Lithua-
people must share a ‘common legacy of memories,’ as well
nia was briefly occupied by the Soviets in 1940, experiencing
as consent to live together and consider themselves a nation
mass deportations, but as war broke out between the So-
(19). For this reason, Renan interprets the nation as a ‘daily
viet Union and Nazi Germany, Lithuania came under Nazi
plebiscite’ (19). It is important to recognize that the history
control in 1941. Following the genocide of Lithuanian Jews,
and memory of a nation is subjective, and hence, the essence
mass killings, and emigration, the Soviet Union again oc-
of a nation is that its people “have many things in com-
cupied Lithuania in 1944. The country remained occupied
mon, and also that they have forgotten many things” (11).
by the USSR for almost 50 years. Thus, the 1940s were a
In Lithuania, national identity is outlined by remembrance of
significant period of Soviet Lithuanian history, when many
specific historical events, which depict the suffering and per-
Lithuanian citizens were deported to remote locations, most
severance of Lithuanian people. The trauma of deportations,
notably Siberia. People of different demographics lived and
the 1944-1953 partisan warfare, acts of dissent by people
worked under harsh conditions, while political dissidents were
such as Romas Kalanta and organisations like Sπjūdis, are
imprisoned in labour camps, known as Gulags. The history of
all remembered and considered part of a Lithuanian national
deportations later became an important feature of the inde-
identity. At the same time, unpleasant or shameful memories
pendence movement of the 1980s, which ultimately led to the
such as the participation of Lithuanians in the Holocaust, the
re-establishment of the Lithuanian state in 1990 (Davoliūtė
support for Soviet ideologies by Lithuanian writers and politi-
155).
cians, as well as modernization and economic development
During the Soviet occupation, the artistic and cultural due to Soviet policies are all forgotten or repressed.
landscape of Lithuania underwent many changes. Aiming
The Soviet occupation remains a defining aspect of re-
to erase Lithuanian national identity and replace it with a
membrance practices in Lithuania today, in part remembering
Soviet one, the Soviet state built monuments and cultural
a painful past, and in part serving to reaffirm Lithuanian na-
centres conveying communist ideology, and introduced new
tional identity. For instance, June 14th is known as Gedulo
holidays such as the anniversary of the October Revolution
ir Vilties Diena (Day of Hope and Mourning) and commem-
( erniauskaitė and Jasiūnaitė). Furthermore, the national
orates the 1940s deportations. It is usually memorialized by
anthem of Lithuania was banned, and replaced with a So-
the Iötark, Iögirsk, Iösaugok (Say, Hear, Save) action, where
viet version that praised Lenin, communism and the commu-
live readings of deportee names are held in various locations
nist party (Antanavi ius). At the same time, opposition to
across Lithuania (Ryûtas ûydėti). In addition, the Mission
Sovietization and campaigns for independence assumed po-
Siberia project receives widespread public support and media
litical and artistic forms. In 1972 a young student Romas
attention every year. The project founders organise annual
Kalanta publicly self-immolated in Liberty Avenue, Kaunas
expeditions to locations in Russia, Kazakhstan, where depor-
in protest against Soviet rule (Davoliūtė 132). Following
tees were buried in order to maintain Lithuanian cemeteries
this, public demonstrations and protests broke out, which
(Misija Sibiras). These memorial activities serve as remem-
later became known as Kaunas Spring. Anti-Soviet Catholic
brance of Soviet crimes and the lives lost. Yet, they also
activists produced an underground publication – The Chron-
represent a contemporary cultural solidification of Lithuanian
icle of the Catholic Church in Lithuania, which reported on
identity, in which remembering suffering from the past brings
the oppression of Catholics in Soviet Lithuania, as well as
people together.
other crimes against the people by the Soviet state (Lietuvos
Kataliku ˛ Baûny ios Kronika). Sπjūdis, a political organisa- Importantly, such remembrance practices are framed
tion formed to fight for independence, published numerous within discourses of patriotism and nationalism. The 1980s
dissident newspapers, founded a commission for historical in- independence movement, led by Sπjūdis, was characterized by
vestigations of crimes against the Lithuanian people under calls to reclaim Lithuanian national identity and re-establish
Joseph Stalin, and sponsored historians to write a Lithuanian the Lithuanian nation state. Nationalism developed in op-
national history (Makhotina 3). position to communism, and strongly influenced the history
and memory culture of Lithuania (Michnik and Matynia 759).
Experiences of deportations were understood as identifiers of
belonging to the Lithuanian nation, and served as a basis

121
for political mobilisation. Consequently, the commemoration and forgotten (Lankauskas 29). Yet, the government could
practices in modern-day Lithuania convey ideas of patriotism, not decide how Soviet history should be remembered and
with Mission Siberia stating that their goal is to “build social preserved (KuczyÒska-Zonik 146). Eventually, the Lithua-
awareness and patriotism” (Misija Sibiras). Significantly, the nian state chose to leave the decision in the hands of private
validity of such a mindset is in part legitimized by the geopo- stakeholders by hosting a contest for projects that would ad-
litical situation. Political tensions with Russia remain to this dress the monument problem (Williams 187). Viliumas Ma-
day, borne of divergent interpretations of key moments in linauskas won the contest with his project of Grūtas Park.
Soviet history. Whereas the 1940s are viewed as the pe- Arguably, the most appealing aspect of the project was the
riod of victory against Nazism in the Great Patriotic War fact that it would be privately funded by Malinauskas him-
in Russia, Lithuanians grimly remember it as the beginning self, since the state believed that taxpayers would be unwilling
of Soviet occupation and the replacement of one authoritar- to dedicate funds to preserve symbols of the Soviet regime
ian regime with another (Marciniak 15). On May 9th, when (187). The project of Grūtas Park was approved in 1998, and
Russian-speaking communities in Lithuania celebrate Victory it now houses 86 Soviet monuments, as well as other Soviet
Day and hold demonstrations, Lithuanian nationalists often memorabilia (Grūto Parkas). Considering this context, in or-
respond with counter-demonstrations, leading to conflict and der to examine Grūtas Park and its memory discourses, it is
extensive media coverage (Grigaliūnaitė, “Geguûės 9-πjπ”). first necessary to establish an analytical framework based on
memory studies.

1.3 Unwanted Heritage: Soviet Monuments


in Independent Lithuania 2 Research Context

In the memory landscape of Lithuania, frequent and delib- This paper applies James E. Young’s theory of counter-
erate memorialization of the Soviet past is continuously tak- monumentality, in which he defines the counter-monument in
ing place. Within this context, Soviet monuments that were opposition to the traditional monument, to the case of Grūtas
built during the Soviet occupation and remained as legacies Park. For Young, the monument reflects the socio-historical
of the regime, occupy a difficult position. The Soviets cre- and aesthetic context, and is responsive to the needs of both
ated many ideological spaces and objects, such as buildings, art and official history (Young, “At Memory’s Edge” 372). In
statues, paintings, books, etc. For example, in the capital the 20th century, the traditional monument became popular
of Lithuania, Vilnius, two main squares were remodelled for due to its appeal to authoritarian regimes, since it acted as
ideological purposes. In 1952, Lukiökės Square was renamed a reaffirmation of specific ideologies (“At Memory’s Edge”
to Lenin Square and a large statue of Vladimir Lenin rose 373). Such monuments have an ‘essential stiffness,’ and rep-
up at its centre. A monument for the writer Elzė Oûeökienė resent a clearly delineated, fixed meaning. They possess des-
in Vincas Kudirka Square was demolished, and replaced with ignated authority over history and memory, affirming perma-
a memorial to a Soviet Army general Ivan Chernyakhovsky nent reality and essentially doing the memory work for viewers
(Grigoravi ienė). Similar remodelling took place in other ma-(“At Memory’s Edge” 372). The counter-monument, on the
jor cities such as Kaunas or Druskininkai as well, where stat-other hand, rejects notions of authority over memory and has
ues of Lenin appeared in main city squares (Grigoravi ienė). the capacity to represent changing and undefined memory
However, in the early 1980s and 1990s, the Lithuanian in- (“At Memory’s Edge” 373). With such monuments, the bur-
dependence movement began targeting Soviet monuments den of memory work falls onto the viewer, as the monument
in attempts to reclaim cultural memory. Sπjūdis, which was itself generally does not represent a specific ideology (“At
looked to as the ideological authority of the Lithuanian in- Memory’s Edge” 374). To this end, the counter-monument
dependence movement, pledged to remove all Soviet statues may challenge reality instead of affirming it, exploring no-
and monuments from public spaces (Makhotina 6). Doing tions of doubt and impermanence in historical remembrance
so would demonstrate a rejection of communist ideology, as (“At Memory’s Edge” 374). To analyse the ways in which
well as erase Russian presence in Lithuania (6). Grūtas Park encourages counter-monumental memory work
Large jubilant crowds celebrated in Lukiökės Square in and accommodates differing interpretations of memory, it is
Vilnius as the Lenin statue toppled to the ground, and sim- productive to consider the ‘anti-monumental’ and ‘dialogic’
ilar monumental celebrations took place across Lithuania distinction of counter-monumentality.
(Makhotina 6). In the early 1990s, many statues were lost Stevens et al. argue that various terms such as ‘non-
or destroyed, while those that remained were stored in var- monument’ or ‘deconstructive’ have been used to refer to the
ious warehouses and courtyards across the country. How- notion of counter-monumentality with additional meanings
ever, by the late 1990s, the government of a now inde- and connotations (719). Therefore, they suggest that a dis-
pendent Lithuanian state began deliberating over how to tinction between the anti-monumental and the dialogic is use-
re-incorporate Soviet monuments into the Lithuanian mem- ful to more accurately analyse the way counter-monuments
ory landscape. The state feared that without monuments to function (718). Anti-monumental forms utilize unconven-
serve as evidence of the Soviet past, history would be erased

122
tional techniques of monumentality, representing subjects ment with counter-monumentality.
and ideas that are not typically addressed by traditional mon-
uments (719). The image of a ‘pathetic hero’ is an ex- Anti-nostalgia is defined by a renunciation of the Soviet
ample of an atypical, counter-monumental subject in the past and a complete rejection of Soviet ideology (Matonytė
20th century context, since during that time, authoritarian 108). Public discourse in Lithuania is largely characterized
regimes solely focused on producing traditional monuments by the anti-nostalgia framework, meaning that people view
representing valorising images of war victories (Young, “At the entire Soviet period as negative, and believe that the
Memory’s Edge” 372). The dialogic denotes a more di- current social and cultural conditions of Lithuania are prefer-
rect relationship with existing monuments, acting as a cri- able. Irmina Matonytė suggests that anti-nostalgia manifests
tique of a specific monument and its meanings (Stevens et in cultural and public policies of the independent Lithuanian
al. 719). A counter-monument is “intentionally juxtaposed state. She notes that in the 1990s the Lithuanian parliament
to another, pre-existing monument located nearby,” and its Seimas passed a number of laws prohibiting former members
represented meaning addresses and critiques “the values the of Soviet secret services from participating in public service
preexisting monument expresses” (729). The dialogic, then, or education (Matonytė 108). The Centre for Genocide and
is concerned with new meanings that the interaction be- Resistance Studies held various conferences and made pub-
tween two monuments produces (729). In order to identify lications informing the public of the trauma of the Soviet
counter-monuments and distinguish them from traditional occupation (109). The Centre systematically documented
monuments, Stevens et al. suggest specific dimensions of narratives of victimization, encouraging a complete rejection
subject, form, site, visitor experience, and meaning (722). of the Soviet period.
This paper will analyse the ways in which exhibits and other
Therefore, the anti-nostalgic discourse must to an extent
attractions at Grūtas Park engage with these dimensions and
be represented at Grūtas Park, since it exemplifies the of-
the dialogic form to indicate how counter-monumentality is
ficial position of the original facilitator of the project, the
facilitated at the park. However, it is important to first clar-
Lithuanian government. The current government is seem-
ify the complexity of Soviet memory in Lithuania to illustrate
ingly continuing the 1980s and 1990s politics of Sqjūdis.
how this influences the effectiveness and reception of counter-
During this period, the history of 1940s and 1950s depor-
monumental representations at the park.
tations became acutely relevant, as deportee memorials were
This paper conceptualizes Soviet memory as multidirec- published and historians wrote new publications of Lithuanian
tional, which offers conflicting interpretations and evokes in- history (Davoliūtė 168). The trauma of deportations empow-
tense feelings for different stakeholders. In his conceptual- ered a complete rejection of the entire Soviet period, provid-
ization of multidirectional memory, Michael Rothberg aims ing no space for consideration of positive developments under
to address the perception of memory as competitive, which the regime (159). Sπjūdis initiated commemorative practices
legitimises tensions caused by conflicting historical narratives of deportation history, which are continued by the Lithuanian
in public discourses (2). In public spheres, different collective government, such as the Mourning and Hope Day on June
memories are compared and contrasted in a ‘zero-sum strug- 14th that commemorates the first deportations. This, and
gle,’ meaning that specific memory narratives are perceived various other memorials consolidate anti-nostalgic attitudes
as the only acceptable ones (3). Rothberg concedes that in in society, while also indicating the presence of nationalist
certain instances, it is difficult to reconcile differing memo- ideologies (Matonytė 108).
ries and prevent deterioration into violence (3). However, this
On the other hand, the nostalgic discourse stems
does not imply that memory is fixed and competitive. It is
from personal experiences and autobiographical memories
multidirectional, meaning that it is “subject to ongoing nego-
of Lithuanian citizens, providing a more positive interpreta-
tiation, cross-referencing, and borrowing” (3). Memories are
tion of the Soviet period (Matonytė 111). It largely appears
constantly moving and changing, and interacting with each
among smaller social groups of Lithuanian citizens, charac-
other in productive ways. For Grūtas Park, this suggests that
terized as fringe groups by the state. It is expressed through
referential memory work related to Soviet history is possible
an appreciation of certain aspects of the Soviet era, or may
at the park, and may lead to productive results.
even manifest as an ‘uncritical glorification’ of the period
However, in contrast to Rothberg’s conception, Soviet (111). A number of Lithuanian people were able to live rela-
memory in Lithuania escalates tensions in society (Matonytė tively ‘normal lives,’ which were not obstructed by ideological
7). Two main ‘patterns of discourse’ by which people cope oppression of the Soviet state or suppression due to politi-
with and relate to the Soviet past – ‘anti-nostalgia’ and ‘nos- cal activism (Klumbytė, “Memory” 304). Reflecting on the
talgia’ are opposed to one another in public debates (108). past, Lithuanian citizens identify work opportunities, secure
This is significant, as Grūtas Park attempts to represent both financial income and collective self-identification as positive
anti-nostalgic and nostalgic sentiments in its exhibition. This aspects of the Soviet era, now lost in the highly individual-
essay questions whether the tensions in society between these ized, economically uncertain post-Soviet present (“Memory”
two patterns of discourse are exemplified at the park, and in- 304). At Grūtas Park, nostalgia is embraced by portraying
form decisions of representation, and consequently, engage- childhood memories at Luna Park or offering a Soviet gas-

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tronomic experience at the café. Even though memories of memory function in Lithuanian society, as Grūtas Park en-
‘good Soviet times’ do not necessarily relate to political or gages with both. As a government sanctioned, educational
ideological interpretations of the Soviet and post-Soviet state institution, the park aims to live up to governmental expec-
organisation, they are nevertheless ‘misrecognized and stig- tations, representing institutionally supported memory narra-
matized’ on both state and societal levels (“Memory” 295). tives. At the same time, it is a private entity, which seeks to
For instance, in 2009 the Lithuanian government passed a attract visitors by appealing to their personal sentiments in
law, which prohibited “propagating, denying, or harshly de- order to continue making a profit.
preciating or approving communist or fascist genocide as well
as other crimes,” the violation of which could lead to impris- Jan Assmann identifies criteria that constitute cultural
onment for up to three years (“Memory” 296). According to memory, which are often visible in the practices of commem-
Klumbytė, the state may misrecognize memories of ‘good So- oration by official institutions. Cultural memory carries a
viet times’ as a denial of ‘communist atrocities,’ and hence, sense of ‘obligation’ that necessitates its preservation and
criminalize them (“Memory” 296). A number of politicians continuous remembrance (J. Assmann 214). This burden of
and intellectuals believe that “those who remember Soviet conservation falls on authorities such as teachers and his-
times vote populist and think communist” (“Memory” 296). torians, as well as institutions such as museums or schools
Therefore, citizens holding positive memories of Soviet times (212). Consequently, collective identity is strongly linked to
are stigmatized and even considered a threat to democracy cultural memory by a ‘concretion of identity’ (213). Institu-
and the state’s independence (“Memory” 296). tions and people identify certain historical events as part of a
national history, and their remembrance becomes a require-
The state and media view Soviet nostalgia as an indi- ment for national identification. Moreover, cultural memory
cation of bad citizenship, which results in a marginalisation has a ‘capacity to reconstruct,’ meaning that it not only re-
of a part of Lithuanian society that may hold such views minds a people of certain events or memories, but it also
(Klumbytė, “Memory” 307). For instance, Klumbytė carried contextualizes them in a specific way, for example, mourn-
out interviews in village communities in Lithuania, where she ing victims of a war or celebrating war victories (J. Assmann
encountered the phrase “Prie ruso buvo geriau” (“It was bet- 214). Finally, cultural memory has a capacity for ‘reflexivity,’
ter with the Russian”) (Klumbytė, “Dabarties istorijos” 5). meaning that it reflects the cultural group’s “lifeworld and its
She found that the phrase was a ‘social idiom,’ a popular self-image, and is moreover self-reflexive” (Erll 30). Cultural
statement, recognizable through common knowledge in vil- memory is ‘practice-reflexive’ by illustrating common prac-
lage communities and expressing a positive outlook on the tices through the use of idioms and proverbs, ‘self-reflexive’
Soviet past (“Dabarties istorijos” 18). Klumbytė states that, as it ‘draws on itself’ to interpret and critique, and ‘reflex-
while commenting on her interview findings, some Lithuanian ive of its own image,’ as it “reflects the self-image of the
politicians had stated that the positive Soviet reality encap- group through a preoccupation with its own social system”
sulated by “Prie ruso buvo geriau” is “not the reality which (J. Assmann 215). In Lithuania, the historical narrative of
political parties are striving for” (“Dabarties istorijos” 20). In deportations and anti-nostalgic attitudes function as cultural
mainstream cultural and political spheres, the phrase has in- memory. As an authority on history, the Lithuanian govern-
deed become widely recognizable as the epitome of nostalgic ment considers this memory as part of a national history,
sentiments and is often referred to in a mocking way to crit- linking it to national identity by establishing commemorative
icize the nostalgic attitude (“Prie ruso buvo geriau”). The practices on an institutional level. Commemorating the his-
phrase, tinged with irony, can be considered a cultural adage, tory of deportations by taking part in memorial events on
suggesting that believing in such things is simply incompre- days such as the Hope and Mourning Day, may qualify as a
hensible. In its attempts to reach a sense of closure with the requirement to identify as a Lithuanian.
Soviet period and consolidate independence, the Lithuanian
state generates antagonism between the anti-nostalgic and In contrast, communicative memory is more individual-
ized and accommodates personal experiences and memories
nostalgic narratives, resulting in further societal polarization
and marginalization (Gussi 126). Rather than engaging in within a social community (J. Assmann 212). Communica-
honest discussions and recognizing the subjective nature of tive memories are biographical, and hence, have a limited
nostalgic sentiments, media outlets and government officialstemporal scope (Erll 28). Interviewing people about their
outwardly reject any positive associations, and use tactics lives during the Soviet times, Neringa Klumbytė showcases
such as the “Prie ruso buvo geriau” adage to categorize all how positive memories are linked to specific personal expe-
positive feelings as irrational and unacceptable. riences, which indicates their communicative nature (“Mem-
ory” 298). Having a working Soviet car, savings to buy
Therefore, the confrontation between anti-nostalgia and clothes, visit a resort during holidays or buy a private house,
nostalgia may also be considered a conflict between in- are all positive aspects that people conflate with the Soviet
stitutional and individual memory narratives, applying Jan period (“Memory” 298, 300, 301). Since people believe that
Assmann’s concept of cultural memory and communicative such opportunities are no longer possible in the current eco-
memory as two modi memorandi (Erll 30). It is important to nomic climate, they express feelings of nostalgia in regard
identify the different ways that cultural and communicative to the past, and wish for better times. Intrinsically, there is

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no opposition or overlap between the cultural memory of de- ogy, yet, it does not ensure a continuous discussion of its
portations and the communicative memory of daily life. For legacy (195). Like Williams, Alexandra KuczyÒska-Zonik ar-
Jan Assmann, the communicative and cultural dimensions of gues that Grūtas Park provides a limited space for memory
memory do not directly oppose one another (Erll 30). How- work, since the monuments have been ‘neutralized’ by their
ever, the Lithuanian state’s cultural events and legal policies removal from public spaces, and stripped of any authority
convey its antagonistic approach towards any positive aspects or prestige (155). Overall, there seem to be spheres of con-
of the Soviet times. tention in understanding the park’s memory work. The effect
of parody and irony on the viewer and remembrance, the sig-
As mentioned before, in 2009 the Lithuanian state passed nificance of the park’s site as a peripheral space, and the
a law, which prohibits denial or appreciation of communist capacity for memory work and the viewer’s relationship to
crimes. Klumbytė argues that as a consequence, the state is the monuments are all aspects, which will be analysed within
able to argue that memories of ‘good Soviet times’ deny the the framework of counter-monumentality.
atrocities of the Soviet regime, and hence, may be criminal-
ized (Klumbytė, “Memory” 296). Therefore, the state may
actively incite conflict by criminalizing nostalgic aspects of
3 The Controversial Establishment of Grūtas
communicative memory that do not conform to the cultural
memory’s narrative of anti-nostalgia. It is necessary to rec- Park
ognize this friction in society, as it informs both the ways
Grūtas Park presents its exhibition and how it is perceived The project idea for Grūtas Park was controversial from
by the public. Discourses of Soviet atrocities and positive the very beginning. The development and foundation of the
memories are both present within society, further suggesting park were followed by critical societal debates. Some people
that Soviet memory is indeed complex and multidirectional. viewed the project as a beneficial and important attempt at
Grūtas Park is tasked with the responsibility of incorporating preserving history, while others deemed it profane and even
these representations in its exhibition and, by attempting to criminal (Lankauskas 29). It was argued that building such
do so, it delves into counter-monumental forms of represen- a park would not only bring back “haunting memories of one
tation. Thus, in order to identify the potential ways in which of the most horrifying periods of Lithuanian history,” but it
Grūtas Park explores counter-monumentality, it is productive would also be an insult to the memory of those who had
to consider analyses of the park by previous researchers. suffered under Communist rule (Isaac and Budryte 7). An
example of the criticism during the planning of the park is
Ekaterina Makhotina suggests that as a memory site,
the frequent questioning of the park’s location. The park
Grūtas Park embraces both alienation and nostalgia (7). The
was to be built near Grūtas Forest, which was used as a base
ironic, humorous approach to representing history through
by a number of Lithuanian partisans during the 1945-1953
parodies of Soviet leaders serves to alienate the viewer
partisan resistance movement (7). The placement of Soviet
from the Soviet past, making Soviet ideology inconceivable
monuments and the exhibition of the Soviet regime in such a
through its silliness. Other aspects of the park, such as
historically significant location was viewed as disgraceful and
the café, evoke feelings of nostalgia (7). For Katarzyna
offensive (7). Moreover, there were concerns that the region
Marciniak, this ironic contextualization of monuments at the
of Dzūkija, where the park would reside, would become a
park creates a sense of otherness, defining the park as a het-
gathering spot for former communists and sympathizers of
erotopic space, a cemetery of ‘exiled rejects of history’ (16).
the Soviet regime (“2001”).
She argues that the Soviet period is ‘othered’ and dissoci-
ated from modern day Lithuanian society and history. In Opposition was also visible at the governmental level.
contrast, Gediminas Lankauskas determines that instead of a Some members of parliament, led by Juozas Galdikas, worked
cemetery, Grūtas Park functions as a place of imprisonment, towards having the park banned and shut down (Dapkus).
where the visitor assumes a position of dominance and au- Galdikas criticized the founder of the park, Malinauskas,
thority over the ‘imprisoned’ monuments (38). Whereas the arguing that both the location and concept of the park
term ‘cemetery’ refers to an ‘execution,’ an end to the So- were unacceptable: “Malinauskas does not care that these
viet regime, the term ‘imprisonment’ implies a defeat, and forests where Grūtas Park was built once served as a shel-
an authoritative position of visitors as representatives of the
ter for Lithuanian freedom fighters against Soviet occupants.
current political system (38). He does not care about the painful history of Lithuania”
(Williams 193). Furthermore, the comedic and parodic ap-
From another perspective, Paul Williams is sceptical of
proach of the park’s exhibition was not at all amusing for
Grūtas Park‘s engagement with memory work and discur-
Galdikas or his supporters, who asked: “What is the purpose
sive narratives (194). For him, the park works as a place
of this park? To laugh at our pain?” (193).
of ‘banishment,’ where monuments are removed from the
political and geographical landscape of Lithuania (194). Re- Thus, the founders and curators of the park were forced
moving monuments from public space represents a definite to convince the public and lawmakers that the purpose of
end to the Soviet era, as well as a rejection of its ideol- Grūtas Park was not to glorify the Soviet past and its leaders,

125
but rather to expose the harsh truth of Soviet ideology and visited the park, Nijolė Sadūnaitė replies: “I haven’t been
serve as a reminder of history (“2001”). Various Lithuanian there and I’m not going to” (“Stalin World”). Prominent
communities suggested that the park could provide ‘valuable political figure and former chairman of Sπjūdis Vytautas V.
historical lessons’ for future generations (Isaac and Budryte Landsbergis expressed a similar, emotionally charged opin-
7). In response to criticisms by Galdikas and others, Malin- ion about the park: “Why? For what reason do we have to
auskas stated that due to his family history of deportations keep those symbols and idols of a stupid and criminal ide-
he understands “all the fun that Uncle Stalin and his cronies ology, and our conquerors and executioners? This is crazy.”
provided for us,” adding that the park commemorates an im- (“Stalin World”).
portant part of Lithuanian history in a unique and engaging
way (“2001”). In his opinion, “If this park wasn’t interest- Intellectuals and representatives of academic circles are
ing, people wouldn’t come here,” and hence, they would not also doubtful of the park’s contribution to the remembrance
be exposed to Soviet history (“Stalin World”). Moreover, of Soviet history. Commenting on the creative vision of the
the caricatures of Soviet leaders and symbols, and the abil- park, art critic Laima Kreivytė suggests that Grūtas Park is
ity to laugh at them signifies that Lithuanians are no longer essentially a single person’s vision of how to deal with Soviet
intimidated and controlled by the communist regime (Dap- memory and heritage (“Parko Gimimas ir Mirtis”). Hence,
kus). Malinauskas even erected wooden statues of parliament she questions the extent to which the park can provide a
members that petitioned against the park as part of Grūtas space for visitors to engage with history on their own terms.
Park‘s exhibition, stating that “those who are still afraid of For Kreivytė, the park’s representation of history is too static,
shadows of the past deserve to stand here” (Williams 193). limiting the capacity for future generations to re-define re-
membrance and their personal relationship to Soviet history
Attempts at curtailing the project eventually failed, and and the park. Cultural historian Salvijus Kulevi ius also be-
the park officially opened in 2001 amidst protests by radical lieves that the founder Malinauskas had a significant role in
patriots (“Melagiu ˛ dienπ”). After its opening, public recep- the creative vision of Grūtas Park. Therefore, he is doubt-
tion of the park’s exhibition was also mixed. At Grūtas Park, ful of the park’s engagement with notions of openness and
Rami K. Isaac and Laurencija Budryte analysed visitor com- publicness (“Parko Gimimas ir Mirtis”). Simply put, the park
ment books, i.e. books usually placed in exhibition halls, remains an undecided and controversial space, which prompts
where visitors can write down their thoughts and feelings differing, and often, very strong emotional responses.
about the exhibition, as well as read other visitors’ messages.
The researchers indicate the often contradictory feelings and
opinions expressed by visitors of the park. Some visitors felt 4 Anti-monumental Dimensions at Grūtas
enthusiastic about the park and the exhibition, valuing its
Park
creativity (Isaac and Budryte 10). They were impressed by
the fact that ‘unwanted history’ was being represented, and
believed that the park would memorialize history for future Analysing Grūtas Park, I argue that the park exemplifies
generations (17). Others were unhappy with the park’s exe- anti-monumental forms of memory representation. Through
the anti-monumental dimensions of subject, visitor experi-
cution, for instance, criticizing the fact that important histor-
ical figures such as the leaders of the Lithuanian Communist ence, and form, the park conveys multidirectional memory
Party, Antanas Snie kus and Algirdas Brazauskas, were omit- narratives, which entail counter-monumental memory work.
ted from the exhibition (13). For these visitors, the park hadThe status of Soviet history as an unresolved and controver-
a responsibility to enact historical justice, and failed to dosial memory, the parodic and carnivalesque visitor experience,
so. Others still felt discomfort and even emotional shock due as well as monumental forms that subvert power relations, in-
dicate a counter-monumental direction in representation. At
to the horrible parts of history that the exhibits memorialized
(20). the same time, I suggest that memory work at the park be-
comes limited and measured, because the park engages with
Some survivors of deportations expressed strong feelings traditional monumental forms. Site and meaning illustrate
of anger and disgust at both the park and its creators. Povi- a want to conform to governmental expectations, such as
las Dirsė, who had protested against the establishment of the anti-nostalgic framework. A peripheral location creates
the park, stated that the park was not needed, as books and distance from public discourse, and the focus on represent-
other educational sources could provide explanations of So- ing a preferred memory narrative demonstrates the limits of
viet history (“Stalin World”). He believes that the park is counter-monumental memory work at the park.
a harmful, commercial space: “When tours go there, that’s
propaganda, pro-Soviet propaganda. I’m against it” (“Stalin
World”). Another deportee, Antanas Terleckas, does not 4.1 Subject: Painful History and ‘Hot’ Dis-
see the value in preserving Soviet monuments at all: “These
course
are symbols of the beastly Communist regime. I mean of
[sic] a political organization that engaged in genocide. So
why keep them? (“Stalin World”). Asked whether she had Stevens et al. suggest that in contrast to traditional
monuments, anti-monuments often represent atypical sub-

126
jects in history and memory. Since traditional monuments Beyond the history, I assert that the anti-monumental na-
are affirmative and glorifying, they usually celebrate posi- ture of representations at Grūtas Park is also represented by
tive achievements in history such as war victories (Stevens the memory discourses surrounding Soviet history. The sub-
et al. 722). Traditional monuments typically commemo- ject of Soviet history becomes inherently anti-monumental
rate exceptional historical figures and convey a narrative of due to unresolved tensions in the discourses surrounding it,
heroism and bravery (722). Anti-monuments, on the other and the consequential difficulty in building affirmative and
hand, most often reflect negative events and tragedies, or glorifying monumental works according to the traditional
raise doubts about certain historical narratives and truths framework of monumentality. It is helpful to compare the
(722). In representations of war, anti-monuments concen- memory discourses of the Holocaust and Soviet communism,
trate on commemorating the victims or condemning the per- as both periods are marked with tragic events, conflict, and
petrators of crimes (722). The Holocaust is an exemplary a difficulty in grappling with the memory of their histories.
subject of anti-monumental work, since Young’s theory of Rather than drawing similarities between the memory dis-
counter-monumentality was, to a large extent, developed by courses by comparing the totalitarian regimes themselves, it
reflecting on Holocaust memorials in Germany and their focus is productive to analyse the ways they are remembered in
on the suffering of victims, self-reflection of the perpetrator different geographical and cultural contexts of Eastern and
nation, and continuous memory work (Young, “The Counter- Western Europe. This will help illustrate the tension in re-
Monument” 267). The exhibition begins by telling the story gard to Soviet history in Lithuania, clarifying its status as an
of human suffering and injustice. The first monumental ob- anti-monumental subject.
ject that the visitor sees is a freight-train car that replicates
cars in which Lithuanian citizens were taken to Siberia in the In the Western European context, memories of the Holo-
1940s (Lankauskas 38). A plaque on the car explains that caust and the Soviet era can be understood as ‘hot and cold
the object represents a time when the Soviet state was “car- memory’ respectively (Turai 99). Historian Charles S. Maier
rying out massive genocide of the Lithuanian nation” (39). proposes the ‘hot and cold’ framework as a distinction be-
The exhibit calls for contemplation and solemnity, illuminat- tween active and passive relations to memory. Hot memory
ing the tragic side of 1940s history. Moreover, the space is affects the present, demanding continuous engagement with
surrounded by a few watchtowers and is fenced off by barbed the past (99). It necessitates active memory work, as people
wire, creating a sense of a “penitentiary panopticon” (38) are attentive both to the memory itself, as well as the changes
(see fig. 3). Venturing further into the park, the visitor in discourse relating to the past throughout the generations
sees a few monuments placed inside a field that is encircled (99). Moreover, hot memory may provoke strong emotions
by barbed wire. The monuments are inaccessible to visitors and can serve as a basis for political mobilisation (99). In
for closer inspection, as if they themselves are imprisoned. contrast, cold memory remains in the past, somewhat for-
In this way, the park simultaneously conveys a sense of en- gotten and not ‘worked through’ (99). Relation to the past
trapment, recalling perhaps the most painful part of Soviet remains passive and does not evoke an emotional response
history, as well as physically and metaphorically ensnares the (99).
Soviet monuments, presenting them as objects of the past,
To some extent, hot and cold memory is similar to Aleida
now inaccessible to the modern viewer. Such staging of ex-
Assmann’s distinction of canon and archive. Canon defines
hibits creates a sombre atmosphere and invites visitors to stop
active remembering, which means that memory is regularly
and contemplate the history. I suggest that the subject of the
interacted with and dispersed within society (A. Assmann
park is anti-monumental, because it aims to facilitate mem-
395). In this case, the past is remembered as the present.
ory work by establishing a relationship between the viewer,
In opposition, the archive is a form of passive remembering,
the monument, and the history that is being represented.
meaning that there is little active engagement with the mem-
ory (335). The past is remembered as the past, and so the
memory is archived, put away. To explain this distinction,
Assmann uses the example of a museum (335). The mu-
seum places its most prestigious objects in exhibition halls
and hosts exhibitions to present them to viewers. At the same
time, the museum also stores objects that are not currently
on display and accessible to the viewer (335). The canon
is constituted of carefully selected objects presented to the
public, while the archive consists of objects that are stored
away, but may at any time be added to the museum’s exhibi-
tion. The active and the passive remembering of the canon
and archive may also be understood as a ‘working memory’
and a ‘reference memory’ (336). Hot memory functions as
Figure 3: Barbed wire and a watchtower at Grūtas Park.
canon, always available and influential in societal discourses.
Adriao, Wikipedia Commons.
In opposition, cold memory is more similar to the archive, as

127
it is hardly present in societal discourse, and may often be public spaces and have become a problem recently are not
forgotten. instinctively moved to Grūtas Park. The municipality did not
provide an official explanation for their refusal, and the stat-
Within this framework, the memory of the Holocaust is a ues remain in the city municipality‘s storage to this day. As
hot memory in the West, for it elicits discussions on remem- the case of the Green Bridge statues indicates, Soviet history
brance, and produces emotional responses. The memory of is still a hot memory in Lithuania today. Arguably, it may
Soviet communism is a cold memory, most likely due to the also indicate that Grūtas Park is not affirmative of a single
fact that the experience of communism in the West has been narrative, hence leading the municipality to refuse the park‘s
peripheral, thus making it difficult for people to empathize offer. Attempting to combine anti-nostalgic and nostalgic
with a history that was not experienced directly (Turai 99). sentiments, Grūtas Park could not establish a single narra-
Maier states that while portraits of Lenin or Marx are an ac- tive for the Green Bridge monuments. Therefore, it would not
ceptable piece of furniture in a professor’s office, a portrait provide closure to the debates surrounding the statues, which
of Hitler would be completely unthinkable, even in an ironic is perhaps not the municipality‘s intention. The continuous
context (99). This distinction is important for Lithuania and relevance and controversy of Soviet memory in Lithuanian so-
the case of Grūtas Park, as it informs the highly emotional ciety today, provides a context for representations at Grūtas
responses to representations of Soviet memory and the con- Park, which determines a multidirectional approach to un-
troversial reception of Grūtas Park, especially in terms of its derstanding the memory for the visitors. Thus, the subject
ironic portrayals of Soviet history. In contrast to the Western is anti-monumental not only due to its painful themes and
European context, in Eastern Europe, and especially Lithua- difficult history, but also its status as a hot memory.
nia, the memory of communism is a hot memory (99). The
Soviet occupation elicits strong emotional responses in the
East, as the Holocaust does in the West, hence, portraits of 4.2 Visitor Experience: A Carnival of Parody
Lenin or Marx could be a controversial statement in a profes-
and Irony
sor’s office in Eastern Europe. In Lithuania, Soviet memory
as a hot memory is best exemplified by the continuous de-
bates concerning Soviet memory, most visible in discussions Traditional monuments and anti-monuments evoke con-
about the fates of Soviet monuments in public spaces across trasting emotions in the viewer, appealing to different senses.
Lithuania. Traditional monuments typically create an atmosphere of
solemnity, towering over visitors and demanding deference
In 2015, Soviet era statues were removed from the Green (Stevens et al. 727). Primarily, traditional monuments ap-
Bridge in Vilnius amidst controversy and debate (“éaliojo peal to the sense of sight, while other senses are avoided,
˛”). The quartet of statues represented social or specially forbidden, such as touch (727). Moreover, it is
tilto skulptūru
classes within Soviet society, such as students, industrial and customary to keep a distance from such monuments, appre-
agriculture workers, and soldiers (Balo kaitė 2). The stat- ciating them from afar (727). In contrast, anti-monumental
ues had aesthetic and artistic value, as they were made by forms challenge traditional monumental relationships, en-
Lithuanian artists and viewed as decorative elements of the couraging close, bodily interactions between viewers and
Green Bridge (“éaliojo tilto skulptūru˛”). Moreover, they rep- monuments (728). Anti-monuments welcome physical in-
resented everyday citizens of Soviet Lithuania. However, they teraction, suggesting a direct and horizontal relationship be-
were commissioned and erected by the Soviet state, acting tween viewer and monument. As a complex of attractions,
as symbols of the resented Soviet regime, as well as convey- Grūtas Park explores diverse sensory experiences. Yet, its in-
ing ideological messages about the ideal structure of society teraction with monuments remains merely visual, and some-
(Balo kaitė 2). Some suggested that the statues should be what distant. Since the subject of the park’s represented
preserved due to their aesthetic value, regardless of the fact memory is complex and multifaceted, Grūtas Park designates
that they were produced in the Soviet era (4). Others argued different approaches to separate sections of the park. Repre-
that the statues were a symbol of totalitarianism, and could senting memories of daily life, the park utilizes the sense of
possibly have traumatizing effects by acting as constant re- taste, sight and hearing to produce nostalgic and parodic ex-
minders of a harsh history (4). Officially, the statues were periences. More serious memories, such as deportations and
removed for renovation purposes. Yet, discussions surround- occupation, retain more traditional, visually oriented repre-
ing the statues’ future – whether they should be reinstated sentations.
on the bridge, destroyed or exhibited in a museum - did not
reach a consensus (5). At Grūtas Park, visitors may get a taste of the Soviet
past. At the café, an assortment of ‘Soviet dishes’ awaits:
Notably, Malinauskas had offered to take the Green a starter of Nostalgia in the form of a beet soup, a main
Bridge statues and exhibit them at Grūtas Park, however, the dish of meat patties Goodbye, Youth! and Vodka USSR
municipality refused (Grigaliūnaitė, “Sovietinio reûimo sim- to wash it all down (Lankauskas 40). The experience con-
bolis”). The park was the chosen solution for the issue of cludes with a waiter, adorned with a red neckerchief of the
monuments in the 1990s, but monuments that remained in pioneers – a youth organisation in the USSR, bringing the vis-
itor their check (40). For Lankauskas, the cuisine at Grūtas

128
Park acts as a “catalyst of practical nostalgia . . . with a goes beyond Bakhtin’s carnivalesque, is the fact that the So-
connective purpose” (40). The visitor is connected to the viet period is in the past. The Soviet regime and its ideology
Soviet past through a sensory experience of taste and sight, failed, and the citizens of present Lithuania look back on it as
enveloped in an atmosphere of nostalgia. After lunch, visitors something not to be repeated. Thus, the carnival at Grūtas
immerse themselves in an audio-visual adventure at a replica Park is not a temporary respite, but rather a cathartic repu-
of a Soviet Culture House. The Soviets built such buildings diation of the restrictions and oppression of the Soviet era.
all across Lithuania, both in urban and rural locations, to The anti-monumental is created through the interaction with
provide spaces for recreational activities (Drėmaitė). At the different senses and the stripping of authority of the Soviet
same time, these spaces encouraged community building ac- regime through carnivalesque parody.
cording to Soviet societal norms and expectations. The build-
ing at Grūtas Park holds a vast collection of documents and The park’s Soviet monuments, however, do not seem to
photographs, depicting Soviet crimes (Williams 188). It also fit within this framework. Scattered in the forest along a
exhibits an overwhelming amount of various Soviet knick- pathway, some distance away, the monuments offer a visual
knacks: medals, pins, etc. From the speakers, visitors may experience, typical of any museum or exhibition. For some
listen to Soviet marching songs or readings of propaganda monuments, information plaques provide the names of au-
texts (188). The experiences at the café entail a sense of thors and titles of the sculptures, or the locations where they
ironic playfulness, and arguably, they embody the qualities of once stood. Yet, the presentation of monuments remains
the carnivalesque. simplistic, the relationship between the viewer and the mon-
ument is distant. This choice to keep more traditional forms
Mikhail Bakhtin developed the concept of the carniva- of presentation is understandable in such sections of the park
lesque by analysing narrative frameworks in literature, but that are more overtly traumatic, for example, the exhibit of
its imagery may be found in other mediums and contexts as the freight-train car and the barbed wire. Here, identifying
well. The carnival encompasses laughter, chaos, and most the line between ironic subversion of expectations and mock-
importantly for the case of Grūtas Park, a shifting of order ing of trauma, is rather difficult, if not impossible. However,
(Lachmann et al. 123). “Carnivalistic laughter is directed the monuments do not necessarily evoke intense emotional
toward . . . a shift of authorities and truths, a shift of world responses, as for instance, they may represent vague ideas
orders” (123). Hierarchies are overturned, that which was about Soviet social groups. Therefore, the monuments are
concealed from the eye or repressed is brought into being, lacking in their representational forms and diverse visitor ex-
and the profane and blasphemous prevail (142). For Bakhtin, periences. This is regrettable, as the carnivalesque could
the carnivalesque is a temporary respite from the ‘established provide interesting counter-monumental interactions between
order’ and the ‘prevailing truth,’ marking “the suspension visitors and monuments. This aspect may be further anal-
of all hierarchical rank, privileges, norms and prohibitions” ysed in the site and meaning sections, where I discuss the
(Bakhtin 10). At Grūtas Park, leaders of the Soviet regime park’s traditional forms of representation.
and archetypes of Soviet social groups return as characters
in live mock-dramatizations (Williams 188). Actors don the
roles of Lenin and Stalin, Secretaries of the Central Commit- 4.3 Form: Fragmentation and Power Dy-
tee, and members of Soviet youth organisations such as the namic
Soviet Young Pioneers (188). There is something sacrilegious
and offensive about bringing back the figures of a regime that
Anti-monumental form is the most clearly visually rec-
desecrated Lithuania in amusing acting performances. Yet,
ognizable feature of counter-monuments. Such monuments
their presence at the park ameliorates the historical pain by
oppose ‘conventional monumental forms,’ instead utilizing
mocking and satirizing its criminals. Watching actors give
different, atypical design techniques and materials (Stevens
ridiculous ideological speeches both devalues Soviet ideology,
et al. 723). Traditional monuments highlight the presence of
deterring visitors from believing in its promises, and simulta-
solid materials, they are often light in tone in order to stand
neously places visitors in a position of power, able to judge
out from the urban landscape, and emphasize vertical con-
the silly claims of a decrepit regime. The Soviet figures are
struction (723). They are built on elevated platforms, which
to be laughed at, mocked, establishing a carnivalesque norm,
helps accentuate their importance and exceptionality within
where the Lithuanian citizen towers above the Soviet system.
the architectural landscape. Anti-monumental form is vastly
The café and the Culture House are also part of the car- different, featuring abstract forms and voids, representing ab-
nivalesque framework. They carry a sense of nostalgia, but sence and dark tones, and maintaining horizontal lines (723).
at the same time, everything they advertise is shrouded in Anti-monuments are sunken within the landscape, and may
an ambience of irony. The names of the dishes are some- be ‘shifted off-axis,’ fragmented (723). For this reason, anti-
what silly and amusing, the sheer amount of propaganda monumental forms may be considered “more negative and
objects produced and now exhibited at the Culture House more complex than traditional ones” (725). The exploration
seems excessive and ridiculous from a modern perspective. of anti-monumental form at Grūtas Park is perhaps rather
However, what allows parody to take effect at the park, and subtle, yet it still produces strong effects.

129
mation. The presence of these busts further downplays the
importance of the Lenin statue, for it is presented as just one
of many monumental works of Lenin. This Lenin monument
serves as an example of the way Grūtas Park recontextual-
izes its exhibits, employing anti-monumental form through
the emphasis on horizontality, fragmentation, and subversion
of power vis-à-vis the relationship between the viewer and the
monuments.

Figure 4: A Lenin bust at Grūtas Park. Yeowatzup,


Wikipedia Commons.
Grūtas Park does not directly engage with form, since it
simply houses a collection of Soviet statutes, and any new or
additional monumental works have not been built at the park.
Nevertheless, the aesthetic decisions made by the founders
and curators of the exhibition concerning the presentation
of monuments create intriguing effects. The monuments are Figure 5: Lenin statue at Lukiökės Square. KTU ASI archy-
exhibited as they are – restoration work was often not carried vas.
out even for the most damaged monuments (figure 4). Many
statues are broken in places, often missing the pedestals on
which they stood, as a result of the hasty and somewhat care- 4.4 Site: Discursive Periphery and Historical
less removals of the 1990s. This presentation of the statues Victimhood
makes a statement in itself. The poor quality of the statues
emboldens the idea that the statues do not have any ideo-
Traditional monuments are meant to be seen and visited.
logical and political weight anymore. Rather, they are only
Their emphasized verticality towers over citizens and their
the broken remnants of the past, and as the Soviet regime
central and often enclosed position in squares denotes their
crumbled, the physical remnants of it did as well. Moreover,
importance (Stevens et al. 726). Various traditional memo-
most statues at Grūtas Park were not placed on new plat-
rial spaces become tourist destinations, spaces for gatherings
forms. Various busts were simply laid on the ground, often
and commemorations or military parades. Anti-monuments
even below eye level. The viewer is instinctively placed in
seek to fulfil other purposes, and do not share similar char-
a superior position in relation to the monument, and any
acteristics (726). Quite often visitor interactions with anti-
sense of authority is removed from the monumental work.
monuments are accidental, chance encounters during every-
As Lankauskas argues, “the gazing visitor-voyeur assumes a
day movement throughout a landscape, whether urban or
position of power vis-à-vis a coercive authoritarian system”
rural (726). Anti-monumental sites invite the viewer to de-
through their interaction with the monumental symbols of
lineate their own approach and relationship to the monument,
the regime (38).
since they “presume no focused, idealized viewing position”
One of the clearest examples of such subversion of power (727). For example, the Monument Against Fascism by Es-
in monuments is the Lenin statue, removed from Lukiökės ther Shalev-Gerz and Jochen Gerz stood in a commercial
Square. Built in 1952, the statue once stood on an imposing neighbourhood in Hamburg, attracting local residents to in-
pedestal in the centre of the square (fig. 5). The large size of teract with it and reflect on the history of the Holocaust
the statue itself in addition to the pedestal, emphasized the
verticality of the monumental work. Moreover, the walkways
for pedestrians within the square all converged in the cen-
tre, where the statue stood, emphasizing its importance and
centrality. During the statue’s removal in 1991, its legs were
broken off. It was eventually moved to Grūtas Park without
the pedestal, and was placed directly on the ground (fig. 6).
While the legs were re-attached, the lower right foot of the
statue remains broken. At Grūtas Park, the statue seems
to represent weakness, rather than the imposing authority
it once had in Lukiökės Square. What is more, the statue
is surrounded by a number of Lenin busts. These artworks Figure 6: Lenin statue at Grūtas Park. éygimantas Gedvilas,
are also placed directly on the ground, in a semi-circle for- 15min

130
(Young, “The Counter-Monument” 274). The monument Williams explains that the location of the park might have
was a square pillar, with a plaque stating, “We invite the been chosen in order to “visibly devalue their [Soviet monu-
citizens of Hamburg and visitors to the town, to add their ments] former political capital” (190). This is indeed what
names here to ours” (274). After a section of names would the positions of the Lithuanian government and founder Ma-
be filled, the pillar would be lowered into the ground, until it linauskas would suggest, as the primary problem concerning
would completely disappear underground. The monument’s the monuments were their ideological and political mean-
location was significant in allowing for visitor engagement ings, which became unacceptable in independent Lithuania.
with it, as it was placed in a pedestrian shopping mall, a busy However, physically distancing the monuments also results
area, where “package-laden shoppers could like it or hate it, in a mental distancing – the Soviet period is perceived as a
but they could not avoid it” (274). Thus, the site of the thing of the past, not prompting any further considerations
monument would compel locals to constantly acknowledge or analysis (193). Williams argues that the park may actu-
the monument and its memory, while its changing appear- ally be “divesting local visitors of the task of creating greater
ance due to the consistent lowering of the pillar, would keep civic dialogue around questions of historical guilt, culpability
their attention. and passivity” (195). This would prove detrimental within a
counter-monumental framework, as it aims to stimulate per-
In Neukölln, Germany pedestrians passing by the Son- sonal interactions with monuments, emphasizing their ref-
nenallee would be confronted with a visual installation, ex- erential and changing meanings. Nevertheless, it may be
posing them to the cruel history of a concentration camp worthwhile to determine what other meanings the park’s oc-
within the space they were currently inhabiting (285). There cupied space may carry.
are no visual remnants of the concentration camp in the
area, however, by walking through, pedestrians would trig- Building Grūtas Park in Grūtas forest, where Lithuanian
ger a light projection of a text explaining the history of the partisans laid down their lives was controversial and consid-
site’s ‘now-invisible past’ (285). Furthermore, the text would ered a mockery of the site‘s history. For many, encountering
change according to time of day, season and climate, so that Soviet ideological symbols in such a space was simply un-
the encounter with the memory would continue to be unique acceptable (Williams 193). However, I would suggest that
(286). Thus, the unique sites of counter-monuments aim to the park endorses the site’s history, affirming Lithuanian na-
interact with the viewer, while also creating new experiences tional historical narratives in a manner typical of traditional
and subjectivities. monuments. The park includes the spatial context within
its primary representational meaning – a critique of the So-
Grūtas Park acts as a traditional monumental space – a viet regime. Visitors are provided with contextual and visual
tourist destination, located some distance away from main clues, guiding them towards a singular interpretation. The
cities in Lithuania. Advertisements of the park highlight its location has a painful history, which is both a source of sad-
many features and attractions in addition to its monuments. ness and pride in the nation, as it alludes to the unsuccessful
The park’s café, playground, and small zoo entice visitors fight for independence. The park’s website informs visitors
to plan a day visit to explore everything the park has to that the park is a critique of the Soviet era and that it ex-
offer (Grūto Parkas). The park is located peripherally, out- poses the deceit of Soviet ideology (Grūtas Park). It affirms
side of the city, making it less convenient for people to visit. the ideas of partisan history, fighting Soviet ideology on intel-
Therefore, the park focuses on advertising various anemini- lectual terms. First entering the park, the visitor notices the
ties, rather than just the Soviet monuments and memorabilia exhibits of the history of deportations, which attains thematic
exhibition, to invite visitors. However, the park’s site also links with the fight for independence by generating feelings
contributes to its failure to integrate into public discourses of victimhood and loss. Therefore, the park’s site explores
surrounding Soviet history and memory. Its peripheral loca- traditional monumental forms, as it conveys a particular nar-
tion extends to its peripheral status in the public sphere. To rative of struggle and victimization, and affirms Lithuanian
some extent, this may inform the reasons why the debates identity.
over the fate of Soviet monuments in public discourses con-
tinue to cause controversy, despite solutions such as Grūtas
Park already being present. If the park aims to serve not only 4.5 Meaning: A Nationalistic Narrative and
as a representational space, but also encourage introspection,
Ambiguity
societal debate and communication between citizens, it has
not truly succeeded in doing so.
Monuments are usually built with the purpose of repre-
Within the counter-monumental framework, interaction senting and conveying specific meanings. Traditional monu-
with monuments and their representational history is an of- ments are affirmative and didactic, representing specific ideas
ten accidental, daily occurrence, since the goals of counter- and messages (Stevens et al. 728). They utilize ‘figural rep-
monumentality include the facilitation of continuous memory resentations,’ make ‘textual or graphic references’ to specific,
work. This is difficult to imagine at Grūtas Park, as the park somehow historically or culturally significant events, people
is simply not within reach in the everyday lives of people. or locations (728). They may also engage with “allegor-
ical figures and archetypal symbolic forms” (728). Anti-

131
monumental forms of representing meaning, on the other pretations and multidirectional memories to a larger extent
hand, avoid making claims or imparting specific knowledge than the park’s advertisements and organisational body main-
(728). They are ambiguous, carrying various possible inter- tains. Denying other possible meanings, whether to avoid
pretations that depend on the visitor’s background or infor- social criticism or concede to governmental intentions, lim-
mation made available by institutions where the monuments its the freedom of discursive practices at Grūtas Park. The
may appear, such as museums (728). Using abstract forms, visitor is not given the opportunity to simply experience the
for instance, anti-monuments can avoid imparting set mean- exhibition and draw their own conclusions. The answer is
ings in order to transfer the burden of memory work onto provided for them, even if it does not embody the entirety of
the viewer (728). As indicated by the specific narrative rep- the park’s experience, nor the entirety of the Soviet experi-
resentation of the site, Grūtas Park leans towards imparting ence in Lithuania.
a particular meaning of critique through its exhibits. How-
ever, different stakeholders have insisted on the meaning the Grūtas Park attempts to represent a multidirectional
park represents, affecting the ways in which the park itself memory, a memory that stretches into different directions,
understands and presents its meaning. and references multiple contexts. However, it does not em-
brace this memory nor does it provide a space for interpreta-
The project for Grūtas Park was first proposed in order to tion. The reasons for such limiting may be many: political,
ensure the preservation of Soviet history and memory, as well legal, or social. On a governmental level, the state deems
as provide a new space and purpose for Soviet monuments. it necessary to establish a Soviet history that denies revi-
The official intended meaning of the park‘s exhibition stems sionism and uncritical glorification of the period, which is
from these motivations. Founder Malinauskas asserts that common to Soviet sympathisers, as well as Lithuania’s po-
the park welcomes visitors to teach them about Soviet history litical opponents such as Russia. The state places many re-
(“2001”). For him, the framing of the exhibits at the park is strictions on narrations of Soviet history, such as a ban on
both critical and deterring: “Our task is to constantly cau- all Soviet symbols from appearing in public spaces (Bungar-
tion future generations about the consequences of the con- daitė & Radauskas). They are permitted in educational con-
solidation of dictatorships” (“2001”). The park represents texts, which explains their presence at Grūtas Park. However,
the responsibility of historical accountability and the duty to transferring them into public spaces is still a legal and even
not repeat past mistakes. Official information sources also moral concern, as was shown in 2018. Wishing to advertise
state that the exhibition exposes the failures and immorality Grūtas Park at an international tourism exhibition, employees
of Soviet ideology, as well as critiques its negative impact on brought leaflets and various trinkets to their stand, which fea-
society (Grūto Parkas). The park delivers on such promises, tured Soviet symbols (Bungardaitė & Radauskas). The act
as it documents the history of Soviet crimes, such as depor- caused a public outrage and an investigation into the legality
tations, critiques and mocks the Soviet social order in infor- of the employees’ actions (Bungardaitė & Radauskas). The
mational texts and theatre performances. However, while the stand was swiftly rid of any Soviet symbols, and the munic-
park claims to represent a unified message, it simultaneously ipality of Druskininkai issued an apology to the exhibition’s
encapsulates various ideas and perceptions. The controversy organisers. Hence, there are limits to the freedom of expres-
surrounding the park indicates that even though a number of sion in public spaces that make persons wary of pushing the
people believed in the intended message, they disputed the boundaries. Albeit, Grūtas Park already enjoys a degree of
park’s dedication to representing it. They noticed messages freedom in expression, which suggests that it could go beyond
of positive Soviet nostalgia and problematized them. its current, still somewhat restricted discourse, yet chooses
not to.
The carnivalesque and the ironic, the light-hearted ex-
periences at the café or the Luna Park, carve out a space Finally, it is worthwhile to consider whether Lithuanian
in the park’s memory discourse for other interpretations of society itself does not create obstacles for moving towards
the Soviet era. They draw attention to youth and daily life, more liberal and wide-ranging interpretations of Soviet his-
constructing an experience of nostalgia and innocent naivety. tory. After all, Grūtas Park garnered a large amount of crit-
These sections of the park do not necessarily engage with an icism from vocal nationalist and patriot groups, as well as
ideological critique of the Soviet period. They are a part of government representatives. But I have also indicated that
the Soviet experience in Lithuania, yet they do not evoke con- a part of society wishes to have the freedom to relate to
templation about the political and ideological aspects of the nostalgic, positive memories of the Soviet era, without be-
Soviet system. A dissonance between the official presenta- ing marginalised (Klumbytė, “Memory” 295). Even if they
tions of the park’s meaning and the experienced reality at the may not be the majority, they establish a precedent for a re-
park escalates the discursive controversy surrounding Grūtas consideration of the monolithic representations of the period.
Park. Were the park open about its ambiguous meanings Shaping such a transition to an open discourse may not be
and uncertainties, and embraced a multi-faceted meaning to simple, however, this does not suggest that action should not
its exhibition, it may not have garnered such intense criti- be taken. Nevertheless, currently, Grūtas Park is to an ex-
cism. The park engages with anti-monumental notions of tent embracing the anti-monumental notion of meaning, as it
ambiguous meanings and the importance of individual inter- encapsulates different experiences and interpretations of the

132
Soviet period, from hatred and pain to nostalgia and laughter. between the visitor and the monuments. The need for an
However, whether due to governmental or societal expecta- inter-monumental dialogue in the first place can be indi-
tions, the park itself constricts its represented meaning to a cated by the continuing tensions surrounding the city squares,
singular interpretation, consequently limiting the potential of streets, and alleys, where Soviet monuments once stood. The
discursive interactions and personal visitor contemplation at statues themselves have been removed, yet their historical
the park. and memorial impact continues to haunt these spaces. The
Lithuanian state is attempting to fill in the memory voids
the Soviet monuments left, replacing them with new mem-
5 Facilitating a Dialogue with the Soviet ories and narratives. However, this process is problematic
and contentious. In Lukiökės Square, for instance, a fitting
Past
replacement for the Lenin statue has not been found to this
day. As a temporary solution, a flagpole with the Coat of
Grūtas Park appropriates anti-monumental forms by rep- arms of Lithuania (Vytis) stood at the centre of the square.
resenting the hot memory of Soviet communism, creating a Feeling an obligation to design a memorial space, the govern-
carnivalesque visitor experience, and subverting visitor and ment of Lithuania held a contest for design projects in 2017.
monument relationships by curating the park’s exhibits. At Andrius Labaöauskas won with the monument project Laisvės
the same time, it incorporates traditional monumental forms Kalva (Freedom Hill), which memorializes freedom fighters
by attempting to present an undivided memory narrative and of the partisan war (Grigaliūnaitė, “Sovietinio reûimo simbo-
disengaging from public discourse due to its peripheral loca- lis”). Yet, the decision was controversial, and a model of the
tion. However, it is becoming clear that the multidirectional new monument was vandalized with red paint (Grigaliūnaitė,
memory of the Soviet era necessitates a diversified approach “Sovietinio reûimo simbolis”). Not everyone believed in the
to representation, and motivates the usage of the counter- idea of Laisvės Kalva, with the most popular alternative so-
monumental framework. With aspects, such as the pres- lution being the preservation of the Vytis symbol in some
ence of nostalgic discourses in society, Grūtas Park is already form (Grigaliūnaitė, “Sovietinio reûimo simbolis”). To some
struggling to integrate differing narratives without disman- extent, the conflict over Lukiökės Squares stems from the
tling its own narrative of a unified history of Soviet memory. fact that many people imagine different ideas for commem-
Further investigating the park through the second approach oration, highlighting different parts of Soviet history as most
to counter-monumentality – the dialogic framework, it be- deserving of memorialization.
comes evident that more extensive commitment to a counter-
monumental form of representation is a productive asset to The implementation of the project remains on hold, in
the park’s memory discourse. It can cohesively contain the large part due to its mixed reception by the public. An effort
different strands of meaning at Grūtas Park and it may also is being made to counteract the heavy weight of the ideo-
help integrate the park into public discourses surrounding So- logical and political past the monuments have left in public
viet memory. spaces. However, a much-needed interaction with the past is
not taking place. Rather than acknowledging the history of
The dialogic monument provides a comparison and a jux- the square and reimagining its meanings through new mon-
taposition with an existing monument (Stevens et al. 729). umental works, monuments are used to negate the past by
Its purpose is to question or critique the values and meanings obscuring it with representations of other historical narra-
of the existing monument (729). As Stevens et al. argue, tives. Simply removing a monument and replacing it with a
“A dialogic coupling dramatizes new meanings beyond those new one is not sufficient to shift the memory meaning of the
conveyed by each of the works considered individually” (729). square, as it is a lieu de mémoire, as defined by Pierre Nora
A dialogic monument, therefore, must be spatially linked to (Nora 7). The square acts as a material and functional space,
another monument to allow for a comparison, and it must which carries symbolic meaning that references the historical
contain historical and representational specificities (729). A past (19). Simply put, many people still remember when the
dialogic approach seems promising in the case of Lithuania, square was called Lenin Square and boasted a monument of
since the government expected direct communication with Lenin, which motivates a need to counteract these memo-
already existing Soviet monuments. They deliberated over ries with a new monumental work (Grigaliūnaitė, “Sovietinio
the appropriate form of commemoration by recontextualiz- reûimo simbolis”). However, progress cannot happen, if the
ing and repurposing ideologically improper monuments. Yet, past of the square is not addressed and worked through. A
despite the park’s apparent suitability for developing monu- solution to the disagreements at Lukiökės Square may also
mental dialogue, a discursive conversation did not begin at be a solution for the deficiency of memory work at Grūtas
Grūtas Park. Park. It is necessary to establish a dialogue with the past, a
dialogue between Grūtas Park and its monuments, and the
Grūtas Park emulates a museum space for Soviet mon- many spaces where these monuments once stood.
uments. Here, they become exhibits, curated and appraised
according to the founder’s ideas. New monumental forms The Lenin statue at Grūtas Park features an informa-
are not built at the park, and a dialogue develops solely tional plaque, which describes where the statue once stood

133
and when it was removed. It speaks directly to the monu- daily life. Observing the lack of dialogue between the Soviet
ment’s previous context and its impact. A similar dialogue monuments and their previously occupied spaces, which ob-
could commence at Lukiökės Square as well, explaining why tain aspects of lieux de mémoire, this paper suggests that
the monument was removed and why it resides at Grūtas Grūtas Park has an unrealized potential for truly embodying
Park today. Similar interactions between monuments and the notions of counter-monumentality. Facilitating a dialogue
public spaces in cities could be applied to other statues at between the park‘s exhibits and public spaces in Lithuania
Grūtas Park. Doing so, would integrate Grūtas Park into the may help address the current memory debates happening in
public discourse, despite its peripheral site, constructing a Lithuania, as well as ensure the continuous memory work
memory network. Building such connections could help ex- concerning Soviet history, by reintegrating Grūtas Park into
plore the contextual and referential nature of Soviet memory public discourse. Overall, the park offers a unique and rich
as a multidirectional memory, facilitating more intimate and experience of counter-monumental representations of a mul-
fulfilling experiences both at Grūtas Park and in urban spaces tidirectional memory. If the founders and curators of the park
in Lithuania. Both the anti-monumental dimensions and the further develop the connections between the monuments and
dialogic possibility reveal the vast potential of Grūtas Park public spaces, the park may reach new potential in represent-
as a counter-monumental space. Further exploring possibili- ing history, allowing visitors to have truly introspective and
ties of representation at the park in the future, could reveal thoughtful experiences at Grūtas Park.
new subjectivities, intricacies and references of the multidi-
rectional memory of Soviet Lithuania.
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6 Conclusion
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