Mamapreneurialism: Creating More Inclusive Institutions

Through the Lens of Working Mothers’ Experiences in

Student Affairs

Jorge Burmicky, Saralyn McKinnon-Crowley, Beth Bukoski, Victoria

Black

Journal of College Student Development, Volume 63, Number 1,

January-February 2022, pp. 1-15 (Article)

Published by Johns Hopkins University Press

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.2022.0003

For additional information about this article

https://muse.jhu.edu/article/853528

[ Access provided at 9 Feb 2023 05:36 GMT with no institutional affiliation ]

Mamapreneurialism: Creating More Inclusive
Institutions Through the Lens of Working Mothers’
Experiences in Student Affairs
Jorge Burmicky   Saralyn McKinnon-Crowley   Beth Bukoski   Victoria Black

Neoliberalism and patriarchal norms have shaped for historically marginalized populations (e.g.,
the working conditions for student affairs profes- women, communities of color). Specifically,
sionals. This case study collected individual and research has found working mothers experience
focus group interviews, leveraging the experi- consistent discrimination and a wage penalty
ences and situated knowledge of working moth- compared to fathers and non-mothers (Budig
ers in student affairs to develop organizational & England, 2001; Correll et al., 2007; Wald-
guidelines for more equitable and unified work fogel, 1997). Workforce norms—centered on
environments. By applying mamapreneurialism the white-collar ideal that specifically benefits
as a conceptual framework, this study sought to White cisgender men (Neely, 2020)—are still
understand how working mothers in student shaped by patriarchal ideologies, which assume
affairs realize their personal and professional that a partner performs unpaid domestic labor
aspirations. Findings showed that student affairs (Williams, 2001). Furthermore, much of the
mothers need centralized access to information and scholarship on mothers in the workplace has
experience marginalization and power differences missed the opportunity to highlight the ways
with supervisors compared to faculty. They also in which they navigate and overcome systemic
face structural inequality in the higher education barriers that prevail in higher education (Ward
workplace. Structural barriers, such as inadequate & Wolf-Wendel, 2012). These navigational acts
university infrastructure (e.g., lactation rooms and are critical to developing effective institutional
parking), complicated participants’ abilities to policies. The purpose of this case study is to
navigate working conditions. Findings focus on explore the experiences of student affairs moth-
recalibrating institutions to become more inclusive ers in the workplace to promote more inclusive
for all. and unified processes, policies, and practices
across higher education (Scott, 2005).
The impact of neoliberalism and its policies has The student affairs profession is comprised
profoundly shaped the higher education land- primarily of women (Pritchard & McChesney,
scape (Giroux, 2011; Johnson, 2018; Martinez, 2018), many of whom are parents or aspire to
2016; Olssen & Peters, 2005). Economic, polit- become parents (Nobbe & Manning, 1997).
ical, and social structures embedded in the edu- As such, this study leverages the experiences
cational system carry powerful consequences and situated knowledge of working moth-
that shape working conditions, particularly ers in student affairs to advocate for creating

Jorge Burmicky is Assistant Professor of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies at Howard University. Saralyn
McKinnon-Crowley is a Postdoctoral Fellow in the Wallace H. Coulter Department of Biomedical Engineer at Georgia
Institute of Technology. Beth Bukoski is Assistant Professor of Educational Leadership at Virginia Commonwealth
University. Victoria Black is Associate Dean of Student Services at Texas State University. Jorge Burmicky and Saralyn
McKinnon-Crowley share first authorship on this paper. We thank Lisa Wolf-Wendel, Ryan A. Miller, and Sara Kathleen
Henry for their thoughtful feedback.

January—February 2022  ◆  vol. 63 / no 11

 Burmicky, McKinnon-Crowley, Bukoski, & Black

more inclusive institutions. Moreover, student and engaged in participant observation with
affairs professionals are responsible for facili- 29 mothers of young children in Pennsylva-
tating learning opportunities for students on nia. They developed mamapreneurialism as a
campus, including authentic understandings of framework to explain how mothers rationalize
equity and believing in the worth of individuals their everyday labors and emotions to navigate
(ACPA & NASPA, 2015). Supportive processes often adverse circumstances. More specifically,
and protocols oriented toward advancing work- because the student affairs profession is often
ing parents have the potential to disrupt rigid overlooked and marginalized within the field of
norms that create barriers for other individu- higher education (Doyle, 2004; Duffy, 2010),
als holding historically marginalized identities student affairs mothers, especially entry-level
inside and outside the student affairs profession. professionals with young children, often feel
the need to become mamapreneurial to navigate
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK precarious conditions in the workplace (Ward
& Wolf-Wendel, 2012).
To achieve greater equity in the field, it is The concept of becoming mamapreneur-
important to understand the role of neoliberal ial highlights a variety of structural barriers
discourses and ideologies in higher education experienced by working women. For instance,
policy (Ayers, 2005; Giroux, 2011; Olssen & Wilson and Chivers Yochim (2015) explained
Peters, 2005). The field of student affairs in the that women feel pressure to be the “backbone”
United States has been shaped by consumerism ( p. 672), keeping their families together and
and market-driven decision-making focused on strong, even in financially challenging times.
providing students with a broad array of services Moreover, their research highlighted the wom-
and experiences to complement their education en’s belief that they ought to carry the tradi-
(Johnson, 2018; Snyder, 2011). Within this tional load of caring for their children and
context, student affairs professionals are held families—including domestic responsibilities—
accountable for delivering consumer-oriented while also contributing financially so that the
services and experiences, which inevitably takes family can achieve “happiness” and the good
away from their ability to center college student life (Wilson & Chivers Yochim, 2015). To
development (Ayers, 2005; Patton et al., 2016). draw more distinct parallels between Wilson
While this paper is not intended to provide an and Chivers Yochim’s (2015, 2017) research
in-depth analysis of neoliberalism’s influence and participants’ experiences, we focused on
on higher education policy and institutional three qualities of mamapreneurialism: flexibil-
norms, we would be remiss not to acknowledge ity, resilience, and entrepreneurialism. We keep
this reality. these mamapreneurial qualities as our central
With that background in mind, we applied conceptual framework for the analysis of the
a conceptual framework that centers on the data.
challenges and tensions of neoliberalism in
higher education to develop inclusive and sup- LITERATURE REVIEW
portive institutions. The applied framework,
mamapreneurialism, highlights the need for We reviewed several related areas of research
mothers in post-recession life to remain flex- to contribute to our work, namely literature
ible, resilient, and entrepreneurial (Wilson & related to mothers in the academy, women in
Chivers Yochim, 2015, 2017). Wilson and the student affairs profession, and mothers in
Chivers Yochim (2015, 2017) interviewed student affairs. These three strands informed the

2 Journal of College Student Development

Working Mothers in Student Affairs

design of the study and enhanced our ability to Women in the Student
interpret the data. Affairs Profession
The student affairs profession has often been
Mothers and the (Academic)
Workplace distinguished from academic affairs. Academic
affairs, which is typically seen as a masculine
Workplace policies and assumptions about profession, does not engage in the feminine
mothers often frame their experiences as one care work student affairs professionals perform
of conflict between devotion to work and (Hughes, 1994). Because faculty and upper-
devotion to family, a stereotype that might level administrative roles are often masculin-
discriminate against working mothers and ized, they receive the greatest status and mon-
cause them to be perceived as less competent etary rewards at the institutional level. Student
than non-mothers (Collins, 2019). Percep- affairs professionals, by contrast, usually engage
tions of mothers of color may be even more in low-status, low-paying work due to the kind
negative (Correll et al., 2007; Johnson-Bailey of caregiving work and roles they fulfill at the
& Tisdell 1998). Research focused on faculty university (Hughes, 1994).
members has echoed this finding of discrimi- Early studies on women in the student
nation. Drago et al. (2006) found women fac- affairs profession focused on career satisfaction
ulty members, aware of this stereotype, would (Blackhurst, 2000; Scott & Spooner, 1989).
engage in “bias avoidance” ( p. 23) to prevent While Blackhurst (2000) found women in
motherhood from negatively impacting their student affairs were satisfied with their careers
careers. In some cases, bias avoidance took the overall, this satisfaction only applied to White
form of remaining single and childless as a women and senior-level student affairs adminis-
tradeoff for academic and career success. In a trators. Women also reported sex discrimination
complementary study, Williams (2004) found at work, such as lower pay, being overlooked
45% of women with tenure did not have chil- for promotion or advancement opportunities,
dren. Williams (2004) argued women in aca- and experiencing an overall lack of support or
demia hit a “maternal wall,” the phenomenon mentorship from superiors. Professionals who
of women with children being less likely than did receive support and mentorship experienced
men to achieve tenure. Building on earlier work higher career achievement (Fochtman, 2011).
interviewing academic mothers, Wolf-Wendel Given these findings, our study focused more
and Ward (2016) found faculty motherhood narrowly on mothers within student affairs and
to be a nonunivocal experience. The unstruc- their experiences in the workplace.
tured and often unsupervised faculty schedule
provided a sense of pressure to work constantly Mothers in Student Affairs
(Wolf-Wendel & Ward, 2016). Post-tenure, Mothers who are also full-time professional
however, the unstructured schedule combined staff members are an understudied population
with lack of rigid promotion milestones freed within student affairs, yet the existing research
faculty mothers from immediate pressure to indicates being a working mother in student
move up the career ladder while remaining affairs is a difficult task. Previous qualitative
in a stable job (Wolf-Wendel & Ward, 2016). research has focused on senior student affairs
Women in student affairs, especially at the lower professionals who reached career heights while
levels, do not benefit from the same schedule navigating dual roles as mothers and profession-
flexibility as faculty members. als (Marshall, 2002, 2009); midlevel student

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 Burmicky, McKinnon-Crowley, Bukoski, & Black

affairs professionals (Bailey, 2011; Fochtman, our analysis. Case study design is characterized
2010; Supple, 2007), and mothers who have by its “in-depth description and analysis of a
exited the profession (Hebreard, 2010). Stud- bounded system” (Merriam, 2009, p. 40) and
ies on the career experiences and satisfaction is most appropriate for investigating “how” or
of mothers in the profession (Blackhurst et al., “why” a current phenomenon happens (Yin,
1988; Marshall & Jones, 1990; Nobbe & 2018). Single-case studies are bounded or
Manning, 1997) indicated the field of student delimited in some way to narrow the scope of
affairs is unfriendly to women with children, the phenomenon under study (Harrison et al.,
who perceive a need to “prove themselves” at 2017; Merriam, 2009; Yin, 2018). In our case,
work and repeatedly demonstrate their career this is a single-case study about working moth-
dedication to their colleagues and supervisors ers in student affairs. Specifically, we bounded
(Bailey, 2011). this study by interviewing 21 mothers working
Women who became mothers after enter- full-time in student affairs at a single research-​
ing the student affairs profession sometimes intensive institution in the southern US. This
perceived positive aspects to both roles and public institution employs more than 24,000
believed they were better able to separate their faculty and staff and enrolls approximately
identities from their profession after they had 50,000 students. The close focus on a single
children (Marshall & Jones, 1990; Nobbe & context is what Merriam (2009) characterized
Manning, 1997). When compared to men, as a “particularistic” case study.
however, women senior student affairs pro-
fessionals experienced less satisfaction in the Data Collection
workplace (Anderson, 1998). Our study, which A hallmark of case study design is its flexibility
interviewed mothers who worked full time in in using multiple data collection tools within
the student affairs field, adds to previous research the bounded phenomenon. Our data collec-
by determining how mothers navigated their tion methods included individual interviews
work as student affairs professionals and their and focus groups. We interviewed participants
experiences as parents. Though dissertations over a period of four months and identified par-
have studied the experiences of mothers who ticipants through purposive sampling (Hays &
are student affairs professionals (Bailey, 2011; Singh, 2011), sending initial messaging to the
Fochtman, 2011; Hebreard, 2010; Marshall, campus’s working mothers’ listserv. Potential
2002; Padulo, 2001; Snyder, 2011; Supple, participants completed a Qualtrics survey to
2007), only a handful of peer-reviewed stud- express interest in the study. We pilot tested the
ies on working mothers in student affairs have interview protocol with two working mothers
been published (Blackhurst et al., 1988; Mar- who were not included in the study and mod-
shall & Jones, 1990; Marshall, 2009; Nobbe ified it as a result of the experience and partic-
& Manning, 1997). This case study seeks to ipant feedback. After the pilot tests, working
understand participants’ lived experiences and in pairs, we interviewed a total of 21 full-time
how institutional and professional norms shape student affairs mothers individually, then orga-
their situated realities. nized focus groups to engage participants in
conversation with each other (Hays & Singh,
METHOD 2011). In the interviews, we asked about what
brought them to student affairs, their experi-
We used case study methodology (Merriam, ences of being a mother at the institution, their
2009; Yin, 2018) with multiple methods in daily routines, and how they perceived work and

4 Journal of College Student Development

Working Mothers in Student Affairs

Table 1.
Researcher Positionalities

Author Gender Race/ethnicity Work status Educational level Age Children

1 Woman White Part-Time Doctoral student 30–34 0
2 Woman White Full-Time Earned doctorate 40–44 0
3 Woman Latinx Full-Time Doctoral student 30–34 2
4 Man Latinx Full-Time Doctoral student 30–34 1
Note. Educational level reflects researcher status at the time of the study.

family responsibilities at an individual level. We Participants

conducted five focus groups with a total of 18 Of the 21 participants, 13 (62% of the sample)
participants, exploring their experiences within identified as White women, four participants
the broader structures of the institution and as Hispanic (19%), one participant as Black,
the student affairs profession. Individual inter- one as Asian American, one as multiracial, and
views and focus groups lasted approximately 60 one as biracial. Almost half (48%) had two
minutes. After each interview and focus group, children, and 38% had one child. Nearly all
the research pair facilitating it briefly discussed participants were between the ages of 30–39
impressions of the interview and wrote field (71%). In terms of years in the profession, 52%
notes about our reflections (Clandinin & Con- had worked in student affairs between 5 and 10
nelly, 2000). Interviews and focus groups were years, and 29% had worked between 10 and
audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. As 15 years. About three quarters of participants
we collected data, we engaged in conversations (76%) had worked for the site institution for
with members of the research team by debrief- most of their student affairs careers. All but two
ing at weekly meetings both during and after participants identified as heterosexual. These
the period of data collection to gain clarity and demographics mirror the current demographics
insight about emerging themes, possible inter- of the student affairs profession (Pritchard &
pretations, and ways of representing data (Hays McChesney, 2018; see Table 2 for participants’
& Singh, 2011). demographics). We identify participants using
Researcher Positionalities randomly generated pseudonyms.

The research team (see Table 1) is comprised of Analysis

a principal investigator who is a faculty member After compiling data into a software platform
and three student researchers. Together, this (Dedoose) for analysis, we independently coded
team leveraged their scholar-practitioner posi- two transcripts using start codes such as emo-
tionalities to identify how professional and tion and policies–daycare. We used a hybrid
organizational norms impact working mothers’ coding strategy. We then gathered to debrief our
lives. In addition, the researchers applied other coding strategies, clarify code meanings, and
salient identities, including their gender, paren- discuss emergent codes such as momstrengths.
tal, marital, and racial identities as analytical The remaining transcripts were coded by an
lenses to critically interrogate how policies and individual researcher and double coded by the
practices act as mechanisms of oppression for
student affairs mothers.

January—February 2022  ◆  vol. 63 / no 15

 Burmicky, McKinnon-Crowley, Bukoski, & Black

Table 2.
Participant Demographics

Characteristic n Percentage
Age
25–29 1 5
30–39 15 71
40–49 2 9.5
50+ 1 5
Unknown 2 9.5
Race
Black 1 5
Hispanic 4 19
White 13 62
Asian American 1 5
Multiracial 1 5
Biracial 1 5
Number of children
1 8 38
2 10 48
3 2 10
4 1 5
Years in student affairs
>5 2 9.5
5–10 11 52
10–15– 6 29
16+ 2 9.5
Sexual orientation identity
Heterosexual 19 91
Queer 2 9

principal researcher to ensure consistency and Singh, 2011). Because of our focus on trian-
reliability of coding (Miles et al., 2013). gulation and collaboration, we consistently
To complement our interviews, we also engaged one another through memos and team
wrote narrative memos summarizing partici- discussions. This process ensured high levels of
pant stories and major issues they experienced knowledge co-construction and data interpre-
as working mothers in student affairs. Through- tation. Consulting our relative insider and out-
out the data analysis, we wrote memos to cap- sider statuses throughout the research process
ture each participant’s narrative and our initial ensured trustworthiness (Maxwell, 2013). In
interpretations, which were then discussed in formulating our findings, we reviewed codes
debriefing sessions (Merriam, 1998; Hays & addressing statements about policies that

6 Journal of College Student Development

Working Mothers in Student Affairs

participants made, finding common themes neoliberal ideologies emphasize “productivity,

and using some of those themes to construct efficiency and accountancy over nonmonetary
the discussion. values” (Johnson, 2018, p. 139). Lastly, the field
Lastly, the central qualities of mamapre- of student affairs comprises primarily White
neurialism (i.e., flexibility, resilience, and entre- women (Pritchard & McChesney, 2018), and
preneurialism) shaped our analytical lens. Spe- the majority of our participants are White cis-
cifically, we looked for examples in the data gender heterosexual women. Thus, it is imper-
that showed how participants practiced these ative to acknowledge the absence of key inter-
qualities in their daily lives. In terms of flexi- sectional topics in our study related to power,
bility, we looked for ways in which the partic- patriarchy, and white-collar ideals, namely
ipants modified or altered their schedules and racism and systemic oppression of women of
priorities to be a backbone for their students, color.
families, and, most importantly, themselves.
In terms of resilience, we looked for ways in FINDINGS
which the participants overcame policies and
practices that created adverse working condi- In what follows, we discuss three central find-
tions for them. Finally, we looked for ways in ings: (a) decentralized information systems and
which the participants went out of their way to processes, (b) marginalization of student affairs
make policies and practices work for them and professionals and staff in the field of higher edu-
their careers, which often took a remarkable cation, and (c) the structural inequality of the
amount of effort and creativity as evidence of higher education workplace.
entrepreneurialism.
Decentralized Processes and
Systems for Seeking Information
PARAMETERS OF THE STUDY
A consistent theme emerging from the data was
In this study, we share experiences of mothers in the lack of centralized systems of information.
student affairs within a neoliberal and patriar- Participants discussed not being able to find
chal environment. Being a mother was an iden- information about parental leave policies and
tity claimed by participants and included birth the need to rely on their supervisors and other
mothers, stepmothers, and partners of birth working mothers for essential information. This
mothers; we did not distinguish the kind of theme exposed how participants had to remain
mother a participant was. We define patriarchy flexible and resilient in navigating bureaucratic
as a cultural value that prioritizes white-collar systems and processes that created adverse envi-
White men and assumes that their high status ronments for them. For example, Poppy, a mar-
in society is natural and earned (Neely, 2020). ried, White participant, said:
Women, particularly women of color and The process to becoming a mother on
non-binary individuals, are afforded no such campus is a bit messier than you expect
assumptions (Boss et al., 2019). We conceptu- when you first get into it, in terms of the
alize the term neoliberalism as an ideology that maternity leave and the hours and who you
requires “privatization of most public institu- talk to and how that’s formatted. Because
tions based on the presumption that the best you’re viewing things within your depart-
ment but also university-wide, it is very
outcomes for societies can be provided through
confusing unless you know someone on
private market transactions” (Johnson, 2018, p. campus who has gone through it to help
139). In addition, the authors acknowledge that

January—February 2022  ◆  vol. 63 / no 17

 Burmicky, McKinnon-Crowley, Bukoski, & Black

you. I was thankful to have people around and Poppy were able to use leave time and then
me who supported me and had just gone return to work. However, because Jonie did not
through it [maternity leave]. So, they said, have the local resources Poppy had, her naviga-
“Do this, do that, do this, don’t do that.”
tion of the institutional bureaucracy took a toll
Had I not known those things, most of that
information would not have come to me. on her emotionally.
These experiences illustrate how policies
Poppy’s comments underscore that the bureau- and procedures are often designed—likely unin-
cratic system is not designed for working moth- tentionally—to be less accommodating of more
ers. Even seemingly simple things, such as how vulnerable employees, such as working mothers.
to track hours when on maternity leave and As Mona, a married White participant, told us:
which institutional representatives have access
Policies that are implemented by the uni-
to that information, were opaque. Poppy
versity are all written by, conceived by,
needed to access local, unofficial resources approved by the [mostly White] admin-
in the form of “people around” her who had istration . . . and it doesn’t just extend to
recently navigated the process. She adjusted her moms. It extends to anybody who’s not a
work schedule to look for ways to find more White man. They’re not inclusive policies
information. The institution would not have to allow for differences.
made up that information gap without these While most participants wanted more formal
local resources. structures in place to help them access their
Jonie, who is also a married White woman, rights, Janine, a divorced Latina participant,
had much more difficulty with the institutional voiced a different opinion:
aspects of becoming a working mother. She
reported: I think the university has way too many
policies. I think that there’s things that
I did have difficulty getting information could be simplified, but I think that the
about FMLA.1 They sent me the informa- way that things are articulated, the uni-
tion, but understanding how short-term versity works really well to come up with
disability plays into things and what part policies that will be generally applicable in
is using vacation time and what time is most situations. What’s interesting about
using sick time—and I had initially been being in higher education and having so
told one thing, and then it ended up being many different people here at such a big
different. And it just got complicated for a university is that there’s always cases where
little while and it ended up working out, . . . who even knew that that was some-
but it was kind of stressful when I was thing that would happen? Just some kind
first trying to figure all of that out because of off-all-the-wall thing, and the policy is
different people would give me different not right on point. And we deal with those
information. as they come up, you know?”
Jonie’s experience contained conflicting infor- Janine favored fewer policies that could address
mation from various sources. Misinformation most situations rather than striving for poli-
would have serious consequences for her family cies that could cover all imaginable situations.
and her relationship with the institution by Overall, however, participants’ experiences indi-
impacting her pay and future leave. Both Jonie cated leave policies ought to be accessible, easily

1 FMLA stands for the Family and Medical Leave Act. Passed in 1993, it gives caregivers up to 12 weeks of unpaid
leave for self or family care as a result of a serious medical condition (Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993,
2016, §2612.3.3).

8 Journal of College Student Development

Working Mothers in Student Affairs

understood, and accurate so working mothers time and was left without any sick time as a
are not penalized by being the only parent in cushion to care for her child.
their unit. Otherwise, such policies force stu- Another participant, Alberta, a married
dent affairs mothers to become entrepreneurial Black woman, described a violation of FMLA,
to avoid feeling penalized in their personal and which she attributed to the competing norms of
professional lives. The marginalized position student affairs administrators who had entered
of women and student affairs professionals in the profession at an earlier time and her own
higher education spaces compounded the dif- expectations of the work environment:
ficulty working mothers experienced. Because the first time [I was on leave], I
let my boss talk me into doing work that
Power Structures and Marginalization
I didn’t know that I wasn’t supposed to be
of Student Affairs Professionals doing . . . the benefits coordinator was very
and Staff in Higher Education clear [the second time she was on leave]
Student affairs professionals work long hours that you are off, there is no work to be
in a career associated with women and labor done, during that first 12 weeks . . . I had
societally viewed as feminine (Duffy, 2010; two women who were basically like, “No,
you have to [work], you have to basically
Hochschild, 2003; Hughes, 1994). Most jobs
make sure that people remember that you
within student affairs demand a high level of exist.” And so, that was something, too,
time and emotional commitment to student that I kind of acquiesced [to] the first
well-being. These demands can often harm time, where this time, it was kind of like,
professionals’ ability to take full advantage of “No, that’s not what’s supposed to happen,
policies like maternity leave, especially if super- and it’s actually illegal for you to ask me
visor understanding of and support for employ- to come in or to check emails or to do
ment policies varies across the institution. For anything.”
example, engaging in paid work for the granting Alberta felt pressured by her supervisor to work
organization while on FMLA is a violation of while on FMLA and gave in to this pressure
the law, yet women shared times when pro- because of the embedded power structures and
fessional demands or expectations conflicted dynamics in higher education settings. Other
with the law, which was not always understood professionals offered well-meaning advice
by all supervisors. Susanna, a married White designed to support her standing in the office
woman, shared: when she returned. Alberta relied on external
So, in student affairs, you recognize that support, the benefits coordinator, to avoid work
. . . you’re not completely gone on mater- while on her second maternity leave.
nity leave. There were times that I had Informal pressures and power structures
to work and was present for things, but also impacted Sheela, a married, White partic-
FMLA was still ticking away. I came back ipant. In an arrangement with her supervisor,
before my FMLA was done, and because she returned to work for 6 hours a day, but the
of the circumstances [Susanna had run out
demands of her job were such that she worked
of personal sick time] . . . they took the
rest of it. 7 hours a day during that time. Participants
often felt trapped by supervisors and profes-
Susanna frames this inability to not work, as sional work norms that further marginalized
required by law, as part of the profession. She their status in the organization.
could not convert any extra FMLA time into
another university resource like sick or vacation

January—February 2022  ◆  vol. 63 / no 19

 Burmicky, McKinnon-Crowley, Bukoski, & Black

Structural Inequality of the Higher Parking. Though lack of parking on col-

Educational Workplace lege campuses is a common complaint, par-
According to participants, marginalization of ticipants consistently emphasized how much
the student affairs profession on college cam- of a difference parking made to their daily
puses relative to faculty members manifested in lives. Morena, a married, White participant,
more subtle ways than the previous examples. switched from one garage located 15 minutes
Participants shared seemingly small things that away from her office to one located five min-
negatively impacted their daily lives, including utes away and saved 25 minutes a day on her
daycare policies, parking, access to lactation commute. Though local public transportation
rooms, and income. was available, it was not easily accessible from
Daycare. Reflecting on the site institution’s all parts of campus. Tamar, a married, biracial
on-campus daycare, which was affordable rela- participant, emphasized that affordable parking
tive to other local options, Margaret, a married, is an equity issue:
White participant, said: The parking is so expensive. The fact that
I do understand that part of the reason I can afford parking gives me the luxury to
that I waited so long [to use site institu- be able to drive to get to my kid. . . . If I
tion’s daycare] is because [institution] uses had to rely on the bus, I could be 2 hours
the daycare to attract faculty members. to get there just waiting on the bus and
And that’s great. But—at least my under- traffic and then the walking, and if I had
standing—is that you’re able to get into to transfer and all of that stuff, so that’s a
the daycare faster, the more seniority you problem.
have. And not that people who have a lot Tamar pointed out that nearby parking was
of money don’t have any problems, but affordable but frequently unavailable for stu-
they have more options than people who
dent affairs staff. A lack of affordable, accessible
are lower on the pay scale. I really think
that a great thing would thing be reverse parking hampered her ability to go on and off
that and make it so that if you were not campus and pick up her children. The majority
being paid very much money . . . that you of participants shared this difficulty, needing to
were prioritized for getting into daycare remain flexible about arranging their schedules,
here since it is significantly cheaper than a particularly daycare pick up and drop off, to
lot of daycares. work within the limitations of parking.
The concern about access to daycare, a scarce Lactation rooms. For participants, lactation
resource precisely because it was conveniently rooms were an example of a policy that worked
located on campus and affordable, was echoed on paper but failed in practice. Though lacta-
by Alberta: “The daycare is fine, I think it sucks tion rooms were widely available at the insti-
that you do have to wait so long and that you tution, the procedures for finding and using
can be bumped off because of faculty and the the lactation rooms varied by building. When
recruitment, and that’s something that they mothers had meetings in different campus
make attractive to faculty members.” The uni- buildings, lactation room procedures were often
versity did not need to use daycare spots as unknown to them, and the quality of the lacta-
recruiting tools for these staff, perhaps reflecting tion room and access to refrigeration was not
the devaluation of student affairs work or other guaranteed. Mothers who had private offices
staff positions compared to faculty members. and a refrigerator took full advantage of those
to pump and store their breast milk, but this
situation was not widely available. Francesca, a

10 Journal of College Student Development

Working Mothers in Student Affairs

married, multiracial participant, shared a story her employees’ needs, but the faculty’s influence
about her experience pumping: won out. Moreover, the institution’s inertia cre-
For the first child, I pumped exclusively, ated a structural barrier.
and I managed to keep it up until she was Income. The often-low wages in the student
12 months old. It was a horrible experi- affairs profession, particularly for entry-level
ence in the workplace. . . . Whenever I staff, created stress for participants. In many
would get a space to nurse, it was routinely cases, their salaries were less than daycare
infringed upon by fellow colleagues who expenses. Sheela decided over the course of this
would claim it for a meeting space and tell study that it was more economically feasible to
me to go find another place or to go use a
leave the profession and become a stay-at-home
bathroom . . . I approached my supervisors
about it, and they were also not support- parent. Participants relied on their partners for
ive. One day, without warning, I was told the bulk of the family income, a norm Martha,
that I can no longer use that office because a married Latina participant, discussed:
they were turning it into somebody else’s Everyone I know who’s in student affairs
office finally, and they didn’t tell me until has a partner who does a lot better than
the day of. them. But for those of us who don’t, like
Francesca could not use her protected right to mine . . . we are living in affordable hous-
a lactation room because her building was not ing, or we’re out there applying for afford-
able housing. . . . One of my coworkers
structured for it, and supervisors and colleagues
. . . they’re in a situation right now where
did not understand the logistics or importance their apartment, they’re about to get priced
of this requirement. Asking her to pump in the out because of the way [gentrification] is
bathroom was not a feasible solution given the working . . . Because [in] their family unit,
need for a sterile environment to ensure the she’s the breadwinner, right? So, when the
safety of the breast milk for her child. breadwinner is in student affairs, you can
Noreen, a married, Asian American par- bet that there’s going to be some really big
ticipant, shared a story in which individuals issues.
she supervised needed a place to clean their The institution’s low valuation of student
breast pumps, another hygienic requirement affairs work—and perhaps non-faculty work
for pumping. These mothers were using the as a whole—and high expectations of their time
department kitchen, shared with faculty to do caused serious economic consequences for those
so. Noreen said: in the profession. When asked what the institu-
The faculty didn’t want us using it. . . . tion could do to help working mothers, Diana,
So, then I was looking for alternatives a married, White participant, said bluntly, “If
because there is a staff break room, that’s they could pay me more so I could live closer,
right here [close to her department] that we and I wouldn’t have to drive so far and spend so
don’t technically have access to, because it’s much time away from my family.” Her view was
part of a different department. I was like, shared by other participants. All these structural
“Can we at least share that there are three
inequalities created a lack of time and money
mothers that will all be pumping?” That
was never followed up on, and I followed for participants. Since their time is perhaps the
up several times to get an answer, and they scarcest resource available to them, this meant
did not respond. participants felt guilty nearly constantly for not
being present for their children, their partners,
In an effort to be entrepreneurial as well as col-
and their work.
legial, Noreen attempted to access space to meet

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 Burmicky, McKinnon-Crowley, Bukoski, & Black

DISCUSSION is more critical than ever before (Gardiner &

Tiggermann, 1999; Williams, 2004).
The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged many Coalition building can look different
workforce norms in the US—including those depending on the institution. Our participants
in student affairs. Yet, white-collar work envi- shared that supervisory support is key to thriv-
ronments continue to center White cisgender ing in the workplace, especially when institu-
men (Neely, 2020). The experiences of working tional policies are not supportive of their role
mothers in this research provide an opportunity as mothers. Department heads, supervisors, and
to reshape traditional workforce norms (Correll managers should conduct regular departmental
et al., 2007; Johnson-Bailey & Tisdale, 1998). and individual scans or assessments to under-
By applying the principles of mamapreneurial- stand their employees’ basic working conditions,
ism, these findings are aimed at recalibrating especially as circumstances continue to evolve
institutions to be more inclusive. quickly. These assessments have the potential
First, participants underscored structural to proactively address emerging work inequi-
challenges that hindered their ability to thrive ties over time (e.g., technology issues, child-
in the workplace, specifically barriers such as care availability, sudden changes in schedules).
daycare policies, affordable parking, access to Findings from workplace assessments should
lactation rooms, and lower salaries. Although ultimately be brought up to individuals who
our participants were mamapreneurial in their have the agency to enact change, including HR
ability to stay flexible and resilient, many con- officers and executive leaders.
sidered leaving the profession due to a lack of Second, national student affairs asso-
supportive policies and practices. ciations (e.g., NASPA, ACPA, ACUHO-I)
Changing institutional norms and policies should play an active role in providing clear
can be a difficult and lengthy task without the guidelines for institutions to follow to ensure
support of institutional leaders and other peers. the field is truly inclusive for all. The student
Participants reiterated that the community they affairs field prides itself on being inclusive
shared with other working mothers was one (ACPA & NASPA, 2015); however, partici-
of their best sources of support. Martha com- pants talked about the need to stay resilient
mented: “Having [working mothers’ group and entrepreneurial to navigate potentially
spaces] where you can relate to someone else marginalizing policies and practices (Wilson
who’s going through something similar is really & Chivers Yochim, 2015, 2017). We learned
nice . . . having that space and that ability to be that entry-level professionals bear the brunt
comfortable around someone else who’s going of these systemic inequities. This is consistent
through that.” While seeking peer support is with the literature on neoliberalism in higher
vital for navigating inequitable policies and education, where individuals in positions of
practices, it is not enough to overcome such power get more resources because of their
barriers. Furthermore, the pandemic has created perceived economic value to the institution
barriers to community building, meaning peer (Ayers, 2005). Thus, national student affairs
support may not be as available as it used to associations should be more proactive about
be. Further, mothers are also navigating new providing guidelines and recommendations
challenges related to childcare (or lack thereof ) for institutions to ensure that workplaces do
and remote learning for school-age children. not perpetuate norms that specifically benefit
Therefore, the necessity of coalition building White cisgender men (Neely, 2020).

12 Journal of College Student Development

Working Mothers in Student Affairs

Third, consistent with the literature, not reasonable to expect individuals to be iso-
women comprise a large share of student affairs lated and work around the system. Our find-
professionals, yet women continue to be under- ings indicate that working mothers appreciated
represented in leadership ranks and face barri- supervisors who treated them as whole humans
ers related to work-life balance (McNair et al., with responsibilities and lives outside the office
2013). This phenomenon is fueled by neoliberal walls. Participants perceived themselves as more
ideologies that impose unrealistic expectations productive and loyal workers as a result of this
on working women, namely the expectation treatment. Thus, it only makes sense to insti-
to attend to institutional demands even when tutionalize more platforms to help people nav-
at home (Bailey, 2011; Blackhurst, 2000). As igate systemic inequities and to promote more
shared by our participants, these expectations humane supervisory practices and training.
have resulted in negative impacts on the career In doing so, we suggest campus leaders
trajectories of women and mothers, includ- create more university-sponsored groups for
ing attrition and lack of upward mobility. In working mothers and make these spaces a
mamapreneurial terms, participants feel the part of campus life. Because we view student
pressure to always remain flexible and resilient affairs professionals—and perhaps non-faculty
and be grateful for what they have, despite employees as a whole—as an oppressed group
their frustrations with structural barriers, such within the larger university context, we advocate
as lower wages and other inequities. Despite that university resources be dedicated to helping
wanting to seek promotions, many participants this population. We recommend that campus
expressed their desire to leave the field because leaders dedicate more time and resources to
they needed economic stability (Marshall et al., non-faculty staff who are essential for oper-
2016), ations, including but not limited to student
Given this phenomenon, institutions affairs professionals, custodial staff, and food
should encourage and incentivize formal mento- service employees. These employees all contrib-
ring relationships between senior and emerging ute to the institution’s mission and should be
or new professionals to assist with personal and valued accordingly, monetarily and otherwise.
professional growth that institutional policies Some participants mentioned participating in
fail to provide. These mentoring relationships a public Facebook group called “S.a.m.S.” (Stu-
should be incentivized by allowing them to take dent Affairs MomS), which they found helpful.
place during work hours—not just at lunch or Yet, this resource exists outside the institutional
after hours—and by recognizing the labor that context. We encourage resource sharing at the
is taken for granted by neoliberal institutional individual, institutional, and national levels to
policies and practices. Institutions ought to be make all professionals’ lives better.
careful to avoid putting more responsibility on
already-taxed personnel, especially women and CONCLUSION
women of color who often feel the brunt of
these efforts and for which they may not receive The student affairs field is continuously evolv-
any acknowledgment (Rideau, 2019). Thus, it ing. Providing equitable policies for individuals
is critical for these mentoring relationships to who contribute to the success and direction of
be officially recognized by institutional policies our institutions is critical to advancing student
as labor and not as volunteer work. affairs scholarship and practice. This case study,
Lastly, because policies are often antiquated grounded in the experiences of student affairs
and rooted in patriarchal gender norms, it is mothers, sought to create a more equitable

January—February 2022  ◆  vol. 63 / no 113

 Burmicky, McKinnon-Crowley, Bukoski, & Black

Budig, M. J., & England, P. (2001). The wage penalty for moth-
work environment. This study also highlighted erhood. American Sociological Review, 66(2), 204–225. https://​
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overcome in their daily lives. Inclusivity is an Clandinin, D. J., & Connelly, F. M. (2000). Narrative inquiry:
Experience and story in qualitative research. Jossey-Bass.
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sion, yet the narratives of working mothers careers and caregiving. Princeton University Press.
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non-mothers alike. It also amplified the mar- we going? A review of past student affairs philosophies and
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Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed
Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993, 29 U.S.C. §§ 2601–2619
to Jorge Burmicky; jorge.burmicky@howard​.edu (2016).
Fochtman, M. M. (2011). Navigating multiple roles and envi-
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