CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY

Terrorism is the calculated use of violence to create a general climate of fear in a population

and thus achieve a specific political goal. Terrorism has been practiced by both rightist and

leftist political organizations, nationalistic and religious groups, revolutionaries, and even

state institutions such as armies, intelligence services, and police.

Terrorism involves the use or threat of violence and seeks to create fear, not just within the

direct victims but among a wide audience

Terrorism seeks to instil fear, insecurity, and the notion that leaders can no longer protect

those they lead. It astounds people and has an emotional impact that lives on through its

political ramifications.

Terrorism has ramifications for the societies it affects or targets. While this impact can be

one-time or limited, it is now heavy and long-lasting, thanks to the terrorism of radical

Islamic groups such as al-Qaeda and, more recently, ISIS, even if it does change over time.

1.2 History Of Terrorism

Terrorism is dated back to long time in history. Terror has been used by both state and non-

state actors throughout history and all over the world. The most frequently cited example of

early terror is the activity of the Jewish Zealots, also known as the Sicarii (Hebrew for

"Daggers"), who engaged in frequent violent attacks on fellow Hebrews suspected of

colluding with the Roman authorities. The Sicarii (66–73 CE), a Zealot-affiliated religious

sect fighting against Roman occupiers in Palestine and Jerusalem (the City of David), Jewish
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traitors, and Jewish moderates who had sold their souls to Hellenistic influences, were

another early terrorist group. The Sicarii were opposed to the law requiring Jews to pay taxes

to Rome and refused to recognize the Roman Emperor's power (Vitellius). They were

convinced that only violent acts could bring about political change. As a result, they chose

terrorism as a strategy. For example, after observing a target's daily routine while hiding near

a temple's entrance, they knew when to cut the target's throat. In fact, the first four letters of

the group's name, sica, mean "short sword." The Sicarii's most fundamental justification was

that any means of achieving political and religious liberation were legitimate. They wanted to

show the world who they were, but the terrorists eventually lost and committed mass suicide

in Masada in 73 CE, which coincided with Titus' (the Emperor's son) destruction of the

Second Temple in Jerusalem. During the middle Ages, in 11th century Persia, the Assassins

were a religious sect that waged terror against Saladin's empire and resisted the Ottoman

Empire's armies. The assassination of Nizam al-Mulk, the Persian grand vizier of the

dominant Turkish Seljuq sultans, by the Assassins was one of the most significant terrorist

attacks in human history, Chaliand and Blin (2007); The History of Terrorism, from

Antiquity to Al Qaeda.

 Similarly, during the French Revolution, Robespierre openly advocated the use of terror, and

the Spanish Inquisition used arbitrary arrest, torture, and execution to punish what it saw as

religious heresy (John P. Jenkins; Terrorism). Terrorism at its most "avant-garde" occurred

during the French Revolution in the 1790s. Eighty years later, during the Franco-Prussian

War (1870–1871), Germany encountered fierce opposition from locals in foreign territories it

had occupied. During the Franco-Prussian War, French guerrilla attacks and asymmetric

warfare had a significant impact on the German General Staff. French and Russian peasants

considered terrorists or franc-tireurs (“free shooters”) for defending their homeland against

German soldiers. (Wikipedia).

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Following the American Civil War (1861–65), defiant Southerners formed the Ku Klux Klan

to intimidate Reconstruction (1865–77) supporters and newly freed former slaves. Terror was

adopted in the latter half of the nineteenth century in Western Europe, Russia, and the United

States by anarchists who believed that assassinating people in positions of power was the best

way to effect revolutionary political and social change. From 1865 to 1905, anarchists killed

a number of kings, presidents, prime ministers, and other government officials with guns or

bombs (Merriam Webster; The History of the word Terrorism).

Terrorism is an old strategy. Terrorist accounts existed long before the term was coined. This

was confirmed by artefacts discovered fifty miles south of Mosul, Iraq. Assurnasirpal, the

conqueror and king of Assyria (884–860 BCE), used stone monuments to impose his rule on

conquered territories. The following is written in cuneiform on them: "I built a pillar over

against his city gate and flayed all the chiefs who had revolted, and I covered the pillar with

their skin." Some I walled up within the pillar, some I impaled on stakes upon the pillar... I

burned many captives among them with fire, and many I took as living captives. I removed

some people's noses, ears, and fingers, and I removed many people's eyes. I erected a living

pillar and a head pillar. Terrorism by Assurnasirpal is especially visible. Several ancient

writers advocated tyrannicide (the killing of tyrants) as a means of achieving an ideal society

and pleasing the gods. During the Roman period, regicide (the assassination of kings) was

quite common. The assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 BCE was perhaps the most well-

known political tragedy in ancient Rome. Caligula and Galba were two other Roman

emperors who died violently. Germanic tribes launched guerrilla attacks against passing

Roman brigades in 9 CE. Hermann the Cheruscan (“Arminius”), a Germanic “freedom

fighter,” deserted the Roman army that year and organized “the great revolt of Germania”

(Gundarsson). Arminius' forces attacked Roman legionnaires as they passed through the

densely forested Teutoburger Wald in an extraordinary display of Barbarian resistance to the

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Roman occupiers. Three Roman legions were completely destroyed in the Battle of

Teutoburger Wald, and the Romans were quickly driven out of Germania and back past the

Rhine. After being taken prisoner, approximately 15,000 Roman soldiers were killed, and

hundreds more were slain. Such Barbarian resistance would have been considered terrorism

by the Romans. (Merriam Webster; The History of the word Terrorism).

The term assassin is derived from the drug hashish, which some scholars believe al-followers

Sabbah's consumed prior to committing acts of terrorism in the name of Allah. They called

themselves hashashins, which translates to "hashish eaters." The Assassins murdered a large

number of people, including Sunni Muslims and Christians. Suicide missions were common,

and some Crusader leaders were so terrified of the Assassins that they paid tribute in

exchange for the Assassins not attacking them. The Assassins were masters of disguise,

stealth, and surprise killings. As a result, the term assassination was coined to describe this

tactic. The supremacy of their cause and procedure was a major part of the Assassins' belief.

Slaying or being slain was regarded as a positive act because it was done in the name of Allah

and guaranteed a place in paradise after death. According to the Qur'an, “Allah has purchased

of the believers their persons and their goods; for theirs is the garden of Paradise: they fight

in His cause, and slay and are slain: a promise binding on Him in truth”. Many contemporary

Islamist terrorists share this belief in ultimate justification and reward. The Assassins had a

significant impact on modern history. Thugs of India were among the many worshippers of

the Hindu Goddess Kali, the destroyer, from the 13th to the 19th centuries. Thugs in India

were also known as Thuggees or the Thuggee cult (from which the English word thug is

derived). Thugs strangled sacred victims (usually travellers) with a phansi (a noose) in the

name of Kali, then robbed, ritually mutilated, and buried them. Kali was to be honoured with

offerings. On average, 20,000 people were killed by Thuggees each year.

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Terrorism became an international issue in 1934, when the League of Nations took the first

significant step toward making terrorism highly illegal and punishable. It drafted a

convention for the prevention and punishment of terrorist acts as a result of this. A few years

later, Avraham Stern's Stern Gang, a militant Zionist group, made headlines. The group's goal

was to expel British authorities from Palestine, allow unlimited Jewish immigration, and

establish a Jewish state. Between 1931 and 1948, a similar Jewish terrorist organization,

Irgun, operated in the British mandate of Palestine. The bombing of the King David Hotel

(the headquarters of the British Forces in Palestine) in Jerusalem in 1946 was a notorious

Irgun act, killing 91 people. The use and practice of terror changed dramatically during the

twentieth century. It became the defining feature of a number of political movements ranging

from the far right to the far left of the political spectrum. Terrorists gained new mobility and

lethality as a result of technological advances such as automatic weapons and compact,

electrically detonated explosives, and the growth of air travel provided new methods and

opportunities. Terrorism was almost an official policy in totalitarian states like Nazi Germany

under Adolf Hitler and the Soviet Union under Stalin. In these states, arrest, imprisonment,

torture, and execution were carried out without legal guidance or restraints in order to instil

fear and encourage adherence to the state's declared economic, social, and political goals.

(Wikipedia)

Terror has been used by one or both sides in anticolonial conflicts (e.g., those between

Ireland and the United Kingdom, Algeria and France, and Vietnam, France, and the United

States), in disputes between different national groups over possession of a contested

homeland (e.g., that between Palestinians and Israelis), and in conflicts between religious

denominations (e.g., those between Muslims and Christians) (e.g., those within the successor

states of the former Yugoslavia, Indonesia , the Phillipines, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and

Peru). Some of the most extreme and destructive terrorist organizations in the late twentieth

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and early twenty-first centuries had fundamentalist religious ideologies (e.g., Hamas and al-

Qaeda). Some groups, such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and Hamas, used suicide

bombing to try to destroy an important economic, military, political, or symbolic target by

detonating a bomb on their person. The Red Army Faction, the Japanese Red Army, the Red

Brigades, the Puerto Rican FALN, Fatah and other groups affiliated with the Palestine

Liberation Organization (PLO), the Shining Path, and the Liberation Tigers were the most

prominent groups employing terrorist tactics in the latter half of the twentieth century. In the

early twenty-first century, the most visible groups were al-Qaeda, the Taliban insurgency in

Afghanistan, and ISIL.

Several acts of terrorist violence were committed in the United States in the late twentieth

century by Puerto Rican nationalists (such as the FALN), antiabortion groups, and foreign-

based organizations. The 1990s saw some of the deadliest attacks on American soil, including

the 1993 World Trade Centre bombing in New York City and the two-year-later Oklahoma

City bombing, which killed 168 people. In addition, several major terrorist attacks on US

government targets overseas occurred, including military bases in Saudi Arabia (1996) and

US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania (1998). In the Yemeni port of Aden in 2000, an

explosion caused by suicide bombers killed 17 sailors aboard a US naval ship, the USS Cole.

The September 11 attacks (2001) were the deadliest terrorist attacks to date, in which suicide

terrorists affiliated with al-Qaeda hijacked four commercial airplanes, crashing two into the

World Trade Centre complex's twin towers in New York City and the third into the Pentagon

building near Washington, D.C.; the fourth plane crashed near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The

crashes killed over 3,000 people and destroyed much of the World Trade Centre complex and

a large portion of one side of the Pentagon.

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Terrorism appears to be a permanent fixture of political life. Even before the September 11

attacks, there was widespread fear that terrorists would vastly increase their destructive

power by employing weapons of mass destruction, such as nuclear, biological, or chemical

weapons, as did the Japanese doomsday cult AUM Shinrikyo, which released nerve gas into a

Tokyo subway in 1995. These concerns were heightened after September 11, when a number

of anthrax-infected letters were delivered to political leaders and journalists in the United

States, resulting in several deaths. At the start of the twenty-first century, US President

George W. Bush made a broad “war on terrorism” the centrepiece of US foreign policy.

Terrorism is not a modern phenomenon; rather, it has existed since the dawn of time. The

history of political violence is as old as humanity's willingness to use violence to effect

change.

Terrorism in Nigeria can be traced back to 2002, when a group of Islamic militants known as

“Boko Haram” emerged. The term “Boko Haram” translates as “western education is evil.”

In November 2013, the US Department of State designated “Boko Haram” as a terrorist

organization due to their progressive destructive activities (Wikipedia).

Since the emergence of this sect in 2002, human lives had been lost to their attacks in

thousands. The Vanguard newspaper as at 18th May, 2014, put the death toll at more than

12,000 with more than 8000 injured or maimed and thousands of other innocent Nigerians

displaced. The killings have continued unabated until recently that they are being gradually

overcome. Their escalated activities created widespread insecurity among Nigerians, increase

tensions between various ethnic communities, interrupt development activities, frighten off

investors and generate concern among Nigeria’s northern neighbours (Eme and

Ibietam,2012).

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Low levels of education and literacy in north east Nigeria have been exacerbated by the Boko

Haram insurgency. The group has targeted teachers and schools, with more than 910 schools

destroyed between 2009 and 2015, and 1,500 forced to close (Pulse n.g, 2015).

Boko Haram insurgency has affected greatly the educational sector as the sect has targeted

school and colleges with students and teachers injured, killed or abducted and facilities

destroyed. Conflict and insecurity have had a direct and compounding negative impact on

children’s access to education, the availability of educational spaces and materials and the

ability of teachers. The National President of the Nigerian Union of Teachers, Michael

Olukoya speaking on teachers day celebrated on the 5th of October 2015 said that 600

teachers have been killed as a result of the Boko Haram insurgency (Pulse.ng, 2015). As at

August 2013, over 882 classrooms in Borno State had been damaged.

Terrorism also has a negative impact on National Integration. H.A. Gani defines, “National

integration is a socio-psychological and educational process through which a feeling of unity

and harmony develops in the hearts of the people and a sense of common citizenship or

feeling of loyalty to the nation is fostered among them”. National Integration is needed in

Heterogeneous States. Nigeria is a major example of that, boasting of over 300 ethnic groups,

the citizens sense of loyalty would definitely be questioned when there is a specific ethnic

group attacking others, other religions, attacking Educational systems that is paramount to the

development of the nation. National Integration is Socio-Psychological; it's determined by the

conditions of the environment. The constant presence of BOKO HARAM has been a severe

threat to the National Integration Building or Unity of Nigeria.

Terrorism has been sweeping through the world in a terrifying and frequent manner in recent

times. The recent revival of terrorist activity in the Middle East, as well as its spread to

countries such as the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and some African

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countries such as Nigeria and Cameroon where terrorism was previously unknown, portends

a major threat to global security. Terrorism is harmful to human security, education, political

and socioeconomic development, among other things. This study investigates the impact of

Terrorism and National Integration in Nigeria, with a focus on the Borno State Educational

System/Development. Because the Nigerian brand of terrorism is hostile to western

education, particularly girls' education, schools have become a target of attack, and

kidnapping of schoolgirls has become one of the terrorists' modes of operation, resulting in

the temporary closure of schools in the affected area. As a result, the study seeks to

understand the Impact of Insecurity; mainly Terrorism on National Integration in Nigeria

Terrorism and also its effects on educational development: Using Konduga Local

Government, Borno State as a case study for this Research Project.

1.3 Statement Of Problem

Boko Haram's terrorist attacks have been particularly violent in Borno State, which has been

devoid of any kind of calm since 2011, and has thus become Nigeria's most dangerous state

to live in. The release of four female suicide bombers on Maiduguri, the state capital, by

Boko Haram on Wednesday, January 17, 2018, resulted in the deaths of the four bombers and

ten others, as well as the injuries of 65 persons (Amuka, 2018). At least four civilians were

killed by Boko Haram bombers on the outskirts of Maiduguri on April 26, 2018; Boko Haram

forces captured Gundumbali town on September 8, 2018; and more than 30 people were

killed. Boko Haram members carried out attacks in Konduga town in 2014, and kidnapped

over 40 young adults, women, and children in Banki town in September 2017, killing 18

people.

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Since late 2009, the resurgence of Boko Haram's vicious attacks has worsened the security

situation in Borno State, posing a serious threat to efforts to rekindle the state's educational,

socio-economic development, and political stability. It has also harmed relations between

various ethnic groups in Borno which affects National Integration Building. The resurgence

of Boko Haram activities in Borno state is the result of a reported split in the Boko Haram

hierarchy and a raging battle for supremacy between the two emerging factions, the main

group led by Shekau and a splinter group called The Islamic State in West African Province

(ISWAP), which is affiliated with ISIS and led by Abu Mua'ab, that has been raging since

August 2009 for supremacy. Terrorist attacks have resurfaced in Borno State and other

regions of the Northeast as a result of the war for power. As a direct result of the rift and war

for superiority, the Boko Haram terror group's destructive actions have grown farther, posing

a new threat to the Nigerian military.

The issues that will be addressed in this study include, the constant exposure of people living

in Borno State to insurgency and the dangers that come with it, the effects of terrorism on

Education, the relationship between Education and National Integration and the damaging

effect of insecurity has on the lives of the citizen. This study takes a particular look at the

effects of boko haram attacks on the Socio-political activities, as well as how they impede

progress in the region and also seeks to understand the relationship between education and

national integration in a heterogenous state like Nigeria.

1.4 Research Questions

1 What impact does terrorism have on Education in Konduga Local Government Area, Borno

State Nigeria?

2 What relationship does education have with National Integration Building?

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3 How has terrorism affected National Integration Building?

4. What role does education play in National Integration Building?

4 What effect does Insecurity (Terrorism) have on the socio-political activities in Borno

State?

1.5 Aims and Objective of The Study

1. To understand the impact of Terrorism on Education in Konduga Local Government Area,

Borno State, Nigeria.

2. To study the relationship between Education and National Integration in an heterogenous

state like Nigeria.

3. To examine the influence of insurgency on the socio-political activities of the residents of

the region.

4. To consider the impact of terrorism on the socio-political framework of Nigeria.

5. To examine the influence of insurgency on National Integration Building in the region

1.6 Research Hypothesis

The following hypothesis has been developed and will be tested in the course of the study:

1. Education is a major tool for building National Integration in Nigeria.

2. There is a positive relationship between education and national integration in an

heterogenous polity like Nigeria.

3. Terrorism has a negative effect on Education in Nigeria.

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.

1.7 Significance Of the Study

The study helps in bringing out the causes, degree and possible solution to the Impact of

Terrorism on National Integration in Nigeria, Maiduguri.

This study is also significant in a number of ways:

1) It assists researchers in understanding the impact of terrorism on the education in the

region.

2) It encourages the federal government to reconsider the nature, impact, strengths, and

weaknesses of current public policies regarding the impact of terrorism on the education in

Konduga Local Government Area, Borno, Nigeria.

3) It will help in understanding the nature of relationship between education and national

integration in a heterogenous state like Nigeria.

4) It helps in educating researcher about the decline in social, political and economic

activities within the state due to the constant insecurity challenges in the region.

5) It helps in understanding how much of an impact education has on National Integration

Building in Nigeria.

6. The study also sheds light on the effects of terrorism on the lives of citizens.

1.8 Scope And Study Area

The Scope of this study is limited to the Terrorism and Education, implications for National

Integration in Nigeria with particular reference to Konduga Local Government Area, Borno

State, Nigeria from the year 2009 till 2019.

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To provide a foundation for this study, it is necessary to define Terrorism as well as the

fundamental concepts that will be prominent in the research.

TERRORISM: There are different perspectives about the word Terrorism. But for the

purpose of this study, that of the U.S. Federal Law will be considered. According to the US.

Federal Law: The term 'terrorism' means premeditated, politically motivated violence.

Perpetrated against non-combatant targets by subnational groups or. Clandestine agents,

usually intended to influence an audience

In general, terrorism is classified as:

*The use of violence or of the threat of violence in the pursuit of political, religious,

ideological or social objectives

*Acts committed by non-state actors (or by undercover personnel serving on the behalf of

their respective governments)

*Acts reaching more than the immediate target victims and also directed at targets consisting

of a larger spectrum of society

*Both mala prohibita (i.e., crime that is made illegal by legislation) and mala in se (i.e., crime

that is inherently immoral or wrong.

As Golder and Williams (2004) argue, the lack of consensus on what constitutes

terrorism points to its inescapably political nature, perhaps best encapsulated in the

aphorism that ‘one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter’. In

Ludwikowski’s popular assertion, “one man’s hooligan is another man’s human rights

fighter; one man’s terrorist is another man’s comrade in the struggle for freedom”

(Ludwikowski, 1987). Nonetheless, the incontrovertible fact remains that terrorism is

marked with extremism, recklessness and excessive brutality on its victims or targets.

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EDUCATION: Education is a developmental process that takes a child from infancy to

maturity, allowing him to gradually adapt to his physical, social, and spiritual surroundings.

Education is the wise, hopeful, and respectful cultivation of learning and change undertaken

in the belief that we should all have the opportunity to participate in life. As we understand it,

education is a process of inviting truth and possibility, of encouraging and allowing time for

discovery. John Dewey (1916) proposed that Education is, a social process – ‘a process of

living and not a preparation for future living’. Education is a continuous process. Man doesn't

stop learning until his time is up in this world. We as humans do not stop ending. Education

is a critical component of society. According to Plato, for a society to survive, it must be

ruled by the most educated men in the society because they are more rational and thus better

equipped and skilled to ensure the society's survival.

NATIONAL INTEGRATION: Nationality is a social concept. It is a corporate sentiment

of oneness that makes those charged with it feel like they are kith and kin... It is at the same

time a sense of belonging to one's own clan. It is a sense of 'consciousness of a kind' that, on

the one hand, binds those who have it together so strongly that it overrides all differences

arising from economic conflict or social gradation and, on the other hand, separates them

from those who are not of their kind. It is a longing not to belong to another group.

Ambedkar, 2008.

National Integration Entails expressions in acts and willingness to belong, in every sense of

that word, to a nation.

The great ideologist and author Myron Weiner, defines “National integration implies the

avoidance of divisive movements that will balance the presence of attitudes in the nation and

society that distinguish national and public interest from parochial interest”.

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IMPACT: According to The United Nations, the concept Impact implies changes in people’s

lives. European Commission opined that the term Impact refers to the changes associated

with a particular intervention that occur over the longer term. Impact, from a broader

perspective, isn’t often just the effects of a given action or program but rather the result of

multiple causes.

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW/THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Introduction

It is critical to understand the purpose and goal of this research study before beginning.

Throughout this study, the author intends to discuss the Terrorism and Education, implication

for National Integration in Nigeria, with a particular focus on Konduga Local Government

Area, Borno, Nigeria in as broad a manner as possible.

Terrorism has been the major threat to national security and political stability in the country

over the last decade, dating from 2009 to 2019. The North Eastern region, in particular, has

been the victim of continuous attacks on its infrastructures by the insurgent group known as

BOKO HARAM. This study seeks to elucidate the implications of these attacks on the

National Consciousness, sense of belonging, or harmony among Nigeria's various major

ethnic groups.

This chapter seeks to review literature produced by scholars and political scientists in order to

grasp this study’s primary concern. The chapter is broken into six sub-headings. They are:

 Terrorism

 Models Of Terrorism

 Education

 Literature Review

 National Integration

 Theoretical Framework

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 2.1 Terrorism

There is no universal agreement on the legal definition of terrorism. In the United States of

America, terrorism is defined in Title 22 Chapter 38, of the U.S. Code as "premeditated,

politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-combatant targets by subnational

groups or clandestine agents. The United Nations General Assembly condemned terrorist acts

by using the following political description of terrorism in December 1994 (GA Res. 49/60)

‘Criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public, a

group of persons or particular persons for political purposes are in any

circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical,

ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them.’

Terrorism is the unlawful use of force or violence against persons or property to intimidate or

coerce a government or its citizens to further certain political or social objectives. Terrorism

is also defined as “acts of violence intentionally perpetrated on civilian non-combatants with

the goal of furthering some ideological, religious or political objective.” According to

Merriam Webster (The History of the Word Terrorism), The words Terrorism and

terrorist came to English as translations of words used in French during the period

known as the Reign of Terror (1793-94), when the new government punished—

usually by death—those people thought to be against the ongoing French Revolution.

It was a gruesome and protracted period of official state-sponsored violence that set

the political tone for much of the use of these words ever since. Terrorism can also

be referred to as the systematic use of terror especially as a means of coercion.

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 2.2 Models Of Terrorism

The term "terrorism" was first used in the 1790s to refer to the terror used by revolutionaries

against their opponents during the French Revolution. Maximilien Robespierre's Jacobin

party carried out a Reign of Terror that included mass guillotine executions. Although

terrorism in this context implies an act of violence by a state against its domestic enemies, the

term has been most frequently applied since the twentieth century to violence aimed, either

directly or indirectly, at governments in an attempt to influence policy or topple an existing

regime.

Terrorism is not legally defined in all jurisdictions; however, the statutes that do exist share

some common elements. Terrorism involves the use or threat of violence and seeks to instil

fear in a large number of people, not just the direct victims. Terrorism differs from both

conventional and guerrilla warfare in the extent to which it is based on fear. Although

conventional military forces invariably engage in psychological warfare against their

adversaries, their primary means of victory is military strength. Similarly, guerrilla forces,

which frequently rely on terror and other forms of propaganda, strive for military victory and,

on occasion, succeed (e.g., the Viet Cong in Vietnam and the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia).

Terrorism is thus defined as the calculated use of violence to instil fear and thus achieve

political goals when direct military victory is not possible. As a result, some social scientists

refer to guerrilla warfare as a "weapon of the weak" and terrorism as a "weapon of the

weakest."

Terrorists must carry out increasingly dramatic, violent, and high-profile attacks in order to

attract and maintain the publicity required to instil widespread fear. These have included

hijackings, hostage-takings, kidnappings, mass shootings, car bombings, and, in many cases,

18
suicide bombings. Although they appear to be at random, the victims and locations of

terrorist attacks are frequently carefully chosen for their shock value. Schools, shopping

malls, bus and train stations, as well as restaurants and nightclubs, have all been targeted

because they draw large crowds and are places that civilian are familiar with and feel safe in.

The goal of terrorism generally is to destroy the public’s sense of security in the places most

familiar to them. Major targets sometimes also include buildings or other locations that are

important economic or political symbols, such as embassies or military installations.

Terrorists hope that the sense of terror generated by their acts will persuade the public to put

pressure on political leaders to achieve a specific political goal.

Ideology and political opportunism have led a number of countries to engage in international

terrorism, often under the guise of supporting national liberation movements, since the

twentieth century. (As a result, the phrase "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom

fighter" became popular.) The line between terrorism and other forms of political violence

became increasingly blurred, especially since many guerrilla groups frequently used terrorist

tactics, and issues of jurisdiction and legality were similarly obscured.

Because of these issues, some social scientists have adopted a definition of terrorism that is

based not on criminality but on the fact that the victims of terrorist violence are frequently

innocent civilians. Even this definition is flexible, and it has been expanded on occasion to

include various other factors, such as terrorist acts being clandestine or surreptitious, and

terrorist acts being intended to create an overwhelming sense of fear.

The term "Eco terrorism" was coined in the late twentieth century to describe acts of

environmental destruction committed in order to further a political goal or as an act of war,

such as the Iraqi army's burning of Kuwaiti oil wells during the Persian Gulf War. The term

was also applied to certain environmentally benign but criminal acts, such as the spiking of

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lumber trees, that were intended to disrupt or prevent allegedly harmful to the environment

activities.

Miscellaneous endeavours have been made to distinguish among types of terrorist activities.

It is crucial to bear in mind, however, that there are many kinds of terrorist movements, and

no single theory can cover them all. Not only are the objectives, members, values, and

resources of groups involved in terrorism extremely diverse, but so are the

political contexts of their campaigns. One popular typology identifies three wide-ranging

classes of terrorism: Revolutionary, Sub-Revolutionary, and Establishment. Although this

typology has been criticized as in-exhaustive, it provides a useful framework for

understanding and evaluating terrorist activities.

The most common type of terrorism is revolutionary terrorism. Terrorists of this type seek the

complete annihilation of a political system and its replacement with new structures.

Campaigns by the Italian Red Brigades, the German Red Army Faction (Baader-Meinhof

Gang), the Basque separatist group ETA, the Peruvian Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso), and

ISIL are recent examples (the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant; also known as the Islamic

State in Iraq and Syria [ISIS]). Sub-revolutionary terrorism is much rarer. It is used to change

the existing socio-political structure rather than to overthrow an existing regime. Sub-

revolutionary groups are more difficult to identify because they are frequently achieved

through the threat of deposing the existing regime. The ANC and its campaign to end

apartheid in South Africa are two examples.

Establishment terrorism, often called state or state-sponsored terrorism, is employed by

governments—or more often by factions within governments—against that government’s

citizens, against factions within the government, or against foreign governments or groups.

20
This type of terrorism is very common but difficult to identify, mainly because the state’s

support is always clandestine. The Soviet Union and its allies allegedly engaged in

widespread support of international terrorism during the Cold War; in the 1980s the United

States supported rebel groups in Africa that allegedly engaged in acts of terrorism, such

as UNITA (the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola); and various Muslim

countries (e.g., Iran and Syria) purportedly provided logistical and financial aid to Islamic

revolutionary groups engaged in campaigns against Israel, the United States, and some

Muslim countries in the late 20th and early 21st centuries.

The military dictatorships in Brazil (1964–85), Chile (1973–90) and Argentina (1976–83)

committed acts of state terrorism against their own populations. The violent police states

of Joseph Stalin in the Soviet Union and Saddam Hussein in Iraq are examples of countries in

which one organ of the government—often either the executive branch or the intelligence

establishment—engaged in widespread terror against not only the population but also other

organs of the government, including the military.

The persistent element of all forms of establishment terrorism, unlike that of non-state

terrorism, is that of secrecy. States invariably seek to disavow their active complicity in such

acts, both to evade international censure and to avoid political and military retribution by

those they target.

2.3 Education

Education is the driving force of any society. Education has been the major factor over the

years and periods of human evolution, from the stone age, to the medieval age, and to the

modern age, the advances in the educational development of humans during this period of

21
time has contributed to great ideologies and inventions that have shaped the history of

humanity. Education is the process of facilitating learning, or the acquisition of knowledge,

skills, morals, beliefs and habits. Education is the process of learning, it involves mental and

psychological development. Education broadens and individual level of thinking and view on

certain situations. For instance, in the case of ethnicity in Nigeria, there are ethnic groups

whose belief is that you can only get married to a member of your ethnic group, over the

years, due to education and the fact that the younger generation have developed mentally and

[psychologically, there has been a change of trend or belief, people get married to whoever

they see fit for them, not the other way around. Behaviours like this has helped in building

relationship among citizens in a very heterogenous state like Nigeria. The belief and manner

of approach to things that concerns diversity has changed as Education has helped individuals

in understanding how much of a negative impact these beliefs or cultures can have on the

development of a state, education has helped and is a major factor in building National

Integration in the modern-day world especially in an heterogenous state like Nigeria

Education plays a major role in the development of state relationship both internally and with

the international community. Using Nigeria as a focal study, before the colonialism of the

territory Nigeria, there existed several ethnic groups which had their diverse beliefs and also

operated using different precolonial administrative systems. The colonialism of Nigeria

brought together various ethnic groups with different languages, beliefs and culture, the

amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates also further pressurized the issue of

ethnic and cultural diversity in Nigeria. As of today, such issues have been reduced due to the

introduction and development of education in Nigeria, one of the major problem that often

hindered cooperation among these ethnic groups was communication as there was a clear

language barrier during that period of time. Over the years that barrier has ben challenged and

22
almost dealt with as Nigerians communicate using English Language (which is regarded as

the National Language). This enables individuals despite their cultural background to

communicate and work together or live-in harmony and good understanding.

2.4 Literature Review

Terrorism has been a threat to security and the stability of nations since hits inceptions.

Terrorism in the eye of a certain group of people would be or is a process of freedom fighting

while in the eyes of others, it is a thing of terror, a threat to the society and its population.

According to Walter Laqueur, “Terrorism is the use or the threat of the use of violence, a

method of combat, or a strategy to achieve certain targets. Its aims to induce a state of fear in

the victim, which is ruthless and does not conform to humanitarian rules. This implies that

terrorism is an act of violence, an illegal act with the aim of leaving a psychological scar on

the mind of the victims, while trying to achieve their own selfish (which to them, the

terrorists, is genuine and pure). This statement is further supported by the words of Bruce

Hoffman who referred to Terrorism as “ineluctably political in aims and motives, violent—

or, equally important, threatens violence, designed to have far-reaching psychological

repercussions beyond the immediate victim or target, conducted by an organization with an

identifiable chain of command or conspiratorial cell structure (whose members wear no

uniform or identifying insignia), and perpetrated by a subnational group or non-state entity.”

As stated by Bruce, Terrorism is a strategic act of violence, it seeks to affect the people in

position of power, the government, the monarchs, in short, the political leaders, but it uses the

citizens as bait, makes them suffer, launch violent attacks on them so they can grab the

leader’s attention and make the leaders concerned, worried, their attacks and purpose are well

thought through and it is always done to achieve something bigger.

23
Yonah Alexander stated that Terrorism is the “the use of violence against random civilian

targets in order to intimidate or to create generalized pervasive fear for the purpose of

achieving political goals.” This statement clarifies my earlier statement, terrorism is a fight

against the state, the government in power, hence it is a political agenda, it’s main aim is to

get the attention of the leaders, using whatever means necessary within the context of their

(the terrorist group) belief, culture, values or morals. Alex Schmid and Albert Jongman

supported this claim when they described Terrorism as “an anxiety-inspiring method of

repeated violent action, employed by (semi-)clandestine individual, group, or state actors, for

idiosyncratic, criminal, or political reasons, whereby—in contrast to assassination—the direct

targets of violence are not the main targets. The immediate human victims of violence are

generally chosen randomly (targets of opportunity) or selectively (representative or symbolic

targets) from a target population, and serve as message generators.”

Alex Schmid and Albert Jongman 1998 also alluded to this with their statement “Terrorism

is unlawful use or threat of violence against persons and or property in furtherance of

political or social objectives, with the intentions to intimidate or coerce a government,

individuals or groups to alter their behaviour or policies.” Terrorism seeks to manipulate the

political leaders, state or entity/ organisation they are against to act according to the way they

want. Patrick J. Kennedy words also support this statement, he defined Terrorism as “a

psychological warfare. Terrorists try to manipulate us and change our behaviour by creating

fear, uncertainty and division in society.” Patrick simply implies that terrorism seeks to cause

fear among the citizens of a state and also as a result of that fear, there is division, uncertainty

about who to trust, who to believe, this in turn affects the togetherness of the nation and

disrupts National Integrity.

U.S. Department of Defence of Terrorism described terrorism as “the calculated use of

unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to coerce or to

24
intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political,

religious or ideological.” Terrorism always has a goal. Terrorist groups are mostly known to

have beliefs, cultures, ideologies, and these moral or values shape or define how they operate,

where they go undertake in their violent attacks, and the group of people they attack. This

results to fear, suspicion among different groups of people, especially in a heterogeneous

state, Nigeria for example, Boko Haram has been on terror attack for more than a decade,

from their inception in 2002 to their re-emergence in 2009, Boko Haram terrorist attacks have

grown in violence over the past decade. Nigeria is a heterogeneous state, consisting of over

300 ethnic groups, there are 3 prominent Ethnic groups however which are; The

Hausa/Fulani, The Yoruba and The Igbos. Boko Haram claims to be against Western

Education and as a result, their attacks were based on Educational Institutions in the Northern

Region as they claimed that it was ruining their culture. But over the years, these attacks

haven’t been restricted to that alone, Boko Haram have been seen to attack religious

institutions in the North, multiple churches have been attacked, this has raised concern and

worry as many fears this is resulting to ethnic wars, rather than the fight against western

education which the group claimed it was against earlier.

Terrorism has been present in Nigeria for almost 2 decades, from 2002 till 2021, we are still

suffering from terrorism and its effects. This study aims to focus on Terrorism from if re-

emergence in 2009 till 2019, using that period of time to examine the impact it has had on

National Integration. Boko Haram when it first emerged was against Western Education, as

stated earlier, the basis was that it ruined the Islamic culture and was devaluing the Sharia

Law or the Holy Book and before they completely lose their culture to the Western World,

they created The Boko Haram so as to go against it. Boko Haram went off the radar for a

while and re-emerged in 2009, but unlike before, they became more violent with their

actions, from attacking schools, to attacking the United Nations compound in Abuja, with a

25
car bomb killing 23 people and 75 injured, to the infamous abduction of Chibok girls (276) in

2014. The terrorist group did not stop at that as they were involved in various abductions

since then and also started attacks on religious institutions, in June 2013, Boko Haram

targeted churches in various states on three Sundays in a row, leaving more than 50 people

dead (CNN WORLD).

Boko Haram has been a constant source of terror and violence in the nation. Their actions

have resulted to suspicion and mistrust among the several ethnic groups in Nigeria. Some

ethnic group believe that this terrorism In Nigeria is an attempt to make the North the major

powerhouse in the Nation, while eradicating every sense of external cultures that isn’t in

accordance to the Holy book. This belief brings a huge gap in ensuring or preserving the

spirit of togetherness among all citizens as some feel distant towards others. The eradication

of most educational institutions in the Northern region also helps in making sure this remains

the same. As Malala Yousafzai stated “with guns you can kill terrorists, with education you

can kill terrorism”. The actions of Boko Haram makes this almost impossible as the younger

generation will be raised with proper education or knowledge and their loyalty wouldn’t be

towards the nation but to their cultural or religious beliefs, henceforth, creating a huge

obstacle to National Integration which will affect the stability of the nation in the long run.

Terrorism has had a negative effect on the growth and development of National Integration in

Nation. The League of Conventions definition of terrorism 1937; terrorist acts are “all

criminal acts directed against a state and intended or calculated to create a state of terror in

the minds of particular persons or group of persons or the general public.” The people being

in a constant state of fear makes the goal of National Integration an almost impossible task,

this is due to Terrorism.

26
 2.5 National Integration

National integration is seen as a process that produces an omnibus of initiatives put in place

by a state, its representatives or institutions guided by respect for the unique traditions and

cultural backgrounds of ethnicities sharing the same polity with the goal of harmonising all

interests through a form of dialogue and representation and addressing differences that may

be divisive and conflictual using the instruments of fairness, justice and equity in the sharing

of resources, benefits, opportunities and responsibilities in order to guarantee stability,

longevity and prosperity of the polity as long as the inhabitants decide to remain within the

polity.

National integration isn't only about national spirit. It involves a feeling that brings peoples

from all areas, dialects and beliefs together in a common endeavour. When national

integration occurs, individuals are likely to work together to build systems that enhance the

prosperity of a nation and its people. National integration is the awareness of a common

identity among the citizens of a country, this means that although we belong to different

castes, religions and speak different languages, we recognize the fact that we are all one.

National integration entails physical manifestations and a desire to belong to a nation in

every sense of the term. According to Okunna (2012), Shona Khurana, who writes about

national integration in India, defines national integration as the awareness of a common

identity among a country's citizens. It means that, despite the fact that we come from different

castes, religions, and regions, and speak different languages, we recognize that we are all one.

This integration model is critical in the development of a strong and prosperous nation.

In human society, diversity is classified as gender, races, tribes, lineages, kits, and kin. The

formation of nation-states is based on the homogeneity or heterogeneity of these categories in

any given society's population. Integration would normally not be a problem for

27
homogeneous nations because their statehood remains a political institution of people with

common ancestors (Most homogeneous are Japan and Korea; Many European countries). As

a result, their nationalism is guided by a sense of common purpose, a "we feeling," despite

the likelihood of intra-ethnic conflict. Significant barriers to national integration can be found

in heterogeneous nations. In other words, ethnically diverse nations are frequently forced to

compete for resources. Success in overcoming obstacles is heavily reliant on the level of

political maturity present in any given country. The United States of America is a multi-

ethnic nation with minor integration complications as a result of its political stature, which

ensures her citizens' socio-political and economic security. Thus, every ethnic group in US

desires to belong.

The amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914, which marked the birth of

Nigeria as a sovereign nation, remains the framework of Nigeria's problem of national unity

and integration. The Nigeria/Biafra civil war of 1966-1970 was the first confirmation of a

conflict of interest and a lack of faith in the reality of unity in diversity for Nigeria. Following

the war, the country continues to exist in a cold war of ethnic conflict, social mistrust, and

religious bigotry, with the major difficulty being a born-to-rule mentality as a political faith

of a specific ethnic group. As a result, the deposed Nigerian military regime continues to be

the regime that introduced Nigerians to endemic corruption, ethnic sentimentality,

developmental retardation, and various forms of marginalization. The era saw a series of

violent and bloody ethnic clashes, which were frequently fuelled by religious extremism. The

born to rule mentality validates a specific ethnic group's retention of political power at the

expense of the entire nation. Even within the democratic system, the born to rule mentality

continues to command the ethnic group's actions, inactions, and reactions. Several unheeded

calls for a national conference/dialogue (whether sovereign or constitutional), a slew of

agitations from various ethnic groups crying for marginalization, and the Niger Delta issue

28
intertwined with their struggles are signs of a crack in the wall of Nigerian unity and continue

to be expressions of unwillingness for national integration.

National integration in Nigeria has always been fraught with internal and external dangers

that have jeopardized the country's stability. In the past, during her early days after

independence, Nigeria had to contend with ethnic conflicts, which resulted in three years of

war and instability in the country, and even such an occurrence was subdued. Almost 5

decades later, Nigeria, despite having to deal with the ever-present ethnic wars and conflicts,

faces a more dangerous and significantly more harmful threat to national integrity and unity

in the form of terrorism, as represented by the all-too-familiar insurgent group known as

BOKO HARAM.

2.6 Theoretical Framework

I established the theoretical foundation for this paper on the relative deprivation theory in

order to get a sound analysis on Terrorism and National Integration in Nigeria (Bayertz,

1999; Schaefer, 2008; Walker & Smith, 2012). This framework was necessary for diagnosing

the problem under investigation and articulating viable remedies. The people's fluctuating

interests, wants, fears, and expectations make it difficult to maintain security and stability in

Nigeria's northeast region. This shows that policymakers could have foreseen the

establishment of Boko Haram in Borno as a magnet for those who feel deprived as a result of

widespread corruption in government, resulting in war. Conflict is an ever-present factor that

can arise between individuals, groups, organizations, or governments at any time. Several

conflict viewpoints have been established, but most conflict theories emphasize on society's

negative, conflicting, and ever-changing nature. Modern conflict theories, such as the relative

deprivation theory, are based on Karl Max's writings on class struggles, but they also have

roots in the writings of Sigmund Freud, Adam Smith, Machiavelli, Max Weber, and

29
Clausewitz. They find social conflict between any groups in which the potential for inequality

exists, such as racial, gender, religious, political, economic, and so on.

Relative deprivation, according to Schaefer (2008), is "the conscious perception of a negative

mismatch between valid expectations and current realities" (p.69). According to Walker and

Smith (2012), an individual or a group of individuals may feel deprived if they believe their

lawful rights and advantages are being denied. This may cause dissatisfaction among the

afflicted individual(s) when they realize that their current situation is worse than expected in

comparison to that of other groups or individuals around them (Bayertz, 1999).

The majority of Nigerians asserted that they are purposefully, consistently, and strategically

deprived, with the state and federal governments denying and violating their economic,

social, and political rights. This was clear in Boko Haram's announcement that Western

education is prohibited, which signalled the start of the battle. Social psychologists focused

on inter-personal and inter-group conflicts, while psychologists focused on intrapersonal

conflicts. Economists have studied economic competitiveness, trade conflicts, and labour

negotiations, whereas political scientists have studied political and international challenges.

Conflict is defined by Roderick Ogley (1999) as incompatibility in the goals, objectives, or

interests of two or more individuals, groups, or other interests. Conflict is defined by Pia and

Diez (2007) as a battle or competition between people who have competing wants, ideas,

views, values, or ambitions. Furthermore, conflict perspectives emphasize power disparities,

assuming that unequal groups in society have contradictory goals and ambitions, causing

them to always compete against one another, hence orchestrating society's ever-changing

nature. Pia Diez (2007) claimed that while conflict is not necessarily defined by violence,

when it is not well managed, it can develop and lead to damaging outcomes, particularly in

the form of physical violence, which is becoming increasingly accepted as legitimate as

conflict escalates. The relative deprivation theory described why late Mohammed Yusuf, the

30
founder of Boko Haram, and his organization sought to bring about a dramatic change in

Nigerian culture by violent conflict and forcible measures.

While nonviolent conflict can lead to a new social or political order if it is handled according

to well defined and followed societal principles, violent conflict, according to Pia and Diez

(2007), cannot lead to positive change until it is de-securitized. This implies that unless the

Boko Haram rebels are militarily destroyed and crippled, their operations could spell death

for the country, particularly in the north-eastern region.

The use of relative deprivation theory as a theoretical framework in this study provided

insight into the Boko Haram organization's perceptions of existing government policies that

are harmful to the poor, as well as how they used religion to add structure and understanding

in an attempt to explain the noticeable deprivation and inequalities that exist in the north

(McGonigal, 2017).

31
 CHAPTER THREE

3.1 Introduction

The justification for the choice of research and the methods adopted by the study form

the basis discussion in this section. These methods include research design, instrumentation,

data collection, the sampling techniques, the study population and the tools/methods for data

analysis will be considered.

3.2 Research Design

This study will adopt descriptive survey design using mixed method. This is because

the study focuses on generating data from a study population that cut across the section of the

wards in Konduga Local Government where Terrorism has become a national issue. The

mixed methods comprise the use of qualitative and quantitative research method. In this

study, qualitative research method is largely used, because it uses/explains information from

secondary data such as books, journals and so on. This methodology, according to Creswell

(2009), is excellent for "exploring and comprehending the meaning individuals or groups

attach to a social or human problem or occurrence." In general, qualitative research is

subjective and inductive, focusing on individual meaning, interpretation, and understanding

of topics based on the participants' perspectives in their own natural contexts (Creswell,

2009).

3.3 Setting

The research was carried out in Borno State. The rationale was that this part of Borno State

has been the target of numerous Boko Haram attacks, and the local government has been the

target of Boko Haram recruiting raids. As a result, the study's subjects, who were picked from

32
this location, would have a far greater grasp of the terrorist actions of Boko Haram. During

the Boko Haram crisis, all of the participants worked in Borno State, resided in Borno State,

went to school in Borno State, or were born in Borno State.

3.4 Participants

The quantitative research included 150 participants from diverse backgrounds; the participant

pool consisted of seventy-two women and seventy-eight men who were randomly selected for

the study. Sixty-two of these participants were subscribed to the Islamic belief while the other

Eighty-eight were adherents of the Christian faith. Out of the 150 participants, ninety-one of

them were in the age group of 18-23, Thirty-six in the Age group of 24-29, fourteen in the

age group of 30-35 while just nine were in the age group of 46 and above. The least age in

this group of participants is 18, as a result, he/she would have had an experience of the effect

of Boko haram o either their schooling environment or insecurities in general and would be

able to give a reliable judgement during the process of responding to the questionnaires. They

were all able to recall vividly the events that occurred during their exposures to the Boko

Haram insurgency and willingly provided details about their lived experience during the

rebellion. The participants’ names were not asked or collected for confidential purposes and

also due to the fact that the participants of this research were too much to be laying emphasis

on their names. The study participants have diverse educational and religious backgrounds.

Despite the high rate of illiteracy at Borno state, with similar conditions in Konduga Local

Government, as at the time of this study, 149 of the participants were in school/are students.

Of the 149 participants that are in school, only 132 schooled in Borno State.

In addition, Interviews were conducted with eight participants. Three females and five males

who were Nigerians, had experienced the Boko Haram insurgency between 2009 and 2019,

and were between the ages of 15 and 28 years old between 2009 and 2019, with current ages

33
ranging between 26 and 40 years old, were chosen for the study. All of the participants had

lived in Borno for at least 5 years after the conflict began, had been exposed to the Boko

Haram insurgency between 2009 and 2019, and had been enrolled in secondary school for at

least 1 year during the insurgency between 2009 and 2019. Additionally, all of the

participants were able to remember the events that occurred during the Boko Haram

insurgency and willingly provided details about their lived experience during the Boko

Haram insurgency.

3.5 Inclusion Criteria

Participants in the qualitative study were those who had lived in Borno for a long time and

had been exposed to Boko Haram's horrific terror strikes between 2009 and 2019. Men and

women between the ages of 20 and 40 years old made up this study group.

There is a common misconception that there is no one-size-fits-all formula for determining

the number of participants required in a qualitative study in academia; however, there are

recommendations based on factors such as the phenomenon, study design, nature, and study

context.

Data for the study will be obtained from both primary and secondary sources. This will

allowed the study to have access to first-hand information from the origin, and dynamics of

insurgency in Konduga, Borno State. These sources include but not limited to questionnaire,

interviews, archival materials, eyewitness account, speeches and all other related social

Medias. Secondary sources include books, articles in journals, newspaper, government

publications; unpublished research works etc shall be assessed in the course of the study.

34
 3.6 Sampling Technique

The probability sampling techniques will be used by the study to avoid sampling error.

The reason is that the study emphasizes on quantitative data to be analyzed in the course of

study. To this end, survey sampling. Survey sampling will be adopted to select a certain

number of a population on survey basis to create avenue for in-depth understanding of

analysis of data generated. Due to the need for various opinions and beliefs needed from the

targeted population, for the proper analysis of the data. Qualitative data was also used and

analysed via interviews, 8 participants were selected from the affected areas of Borno state.

This was done so as to listen to lived experience of people from the regions and have them

answer questons that would be near impossible to get via questionnaires. The researcher

made sure to ensure that the 8 participants chosen had lived In Borno State, if possible,

Konduga for at least 5 years after the insurgency group re-emergence in 2009.

3.7 Research Instrumentation

The research instrument or tools for generating data will include the use of Close

Ended Format; Dichotomous Questions questionnaire format. This will help in generating

adequate and necessary responses that would address the reliability and validity test for easy

analysis and interpretations. Also, the structured interview schedule will also be adopted.

This becomes necessary as interview technique is considered appropriate to generating

information from the selected respondents for the study. The generated data would be

analysed through the instrumentation of two sources. These include content analysis that

would be used for the interview schedule, while means and standard deviation would be used

for the questionnaire.

35
 3.8 Data Collection Procedure

Data that will be generated for the study would be through the instruments of both

questionnaires and interview schedules; 150 respondents across the Local government forcing

the challenges of terrorism and national integration will be selected. The data will be

collected for the study through personal contact with the respondents. The interviews was

also conducted via phone calls, social media and video calls. Information was sent via text

message and some via voice notes. Data gathering in a qualitative study, like other aspects of

the study, should be carefully monitored and limited. Obtaining information through

unstructured or semi-structured methods, as well as defining a protocol for data collection. In

this study, the major data gathering strategy will be the in-depth interview technique (Patton,

2002; Stakes, 1995). The "data collecting circle" will be utilized to gather high-quality data

and information for the study questions (Creswell, 2013). The purpose of the interview

technique is to assist the researcher in gaining access to the participant's private world

(Patton, 2002). The researcher is the major data collecting instrument in interviews, and the

quality of the data acquired from the participants is determined by the researcher's

experience. Not only does the researcher set the tone and tempo of the interviews, but he or

she is also in charge of instilling the serenity and comfort necessary for obtaining quality and

crucial data and information from the individuals who have been purposefully sampled.

36
 CHAPTER FOUR

4.1 Introduction

The researcher in this study made use of mixed research method which consisted of the

quantitative and qualitative research analysis. The aim of this research methodology was to

get reliable data and information about the study.

Information for the quantitative research was gathered by utilizing survey sampling and

questionnaires, with 150 participants receiving and responding to the questions. The

questionnaires consisted of close-ended questions. This was done so as to avoid conflicting

answers during the analysis of the research. The goal of the quantitative research was to

understand the relationship between education and National Integration as well as the impact

of Insecurity (Terrorism) on the realisation of National Integration in Nigeria. The area of

study for this research is Konduga Local Government, Borno State.

For the quantitative analysis, questionnaires were used and distributed around Konduga Local

Government, seeing as that was the study’s area of concentration. The questionnaires

contains 15 questions which the participants were requested to answer and respond to. The

First 6 questions were aimed at understanding the participants background so as to aid better

analysis. The research does not put emphasis on religion or ethnicity and as thus grouping for

the analysis was not set on those criteria.

TABLE 1: Age of the respondents

Age Respondents Percentage %

18-23 91 60.6%

24-29 36 24%

37
30-35 14 9.3%

36 & Above 9 6%

According to Table 1, 60.6% of the participant are in the age bracket of 18-23, 24% of the

participants are aged 24-29, 9.3% of the participant are around the age of 30-35 and just 6%

of the participants are aged 36 and above.

TABLE 2: Educational Status

Age In school(%) Not In School(%)

18-23 54(59.3%) 37(40.6%)

24-29 20(55.5%) 16(44.4%)

30-35 5(35.5%) 9(64.3%)

36 & Above 4(44.4%) 5(55.5%)

TOTAL 55.3% 44.7%

Table 2 presents the numbers of the participant that are in school or have been displaced

from school. According to Table 2, 55.3% of the participants are still currently in school,

while 44.7% of the participants have been displaced from school. This explains the reason for

the lack of educational development in the region as opposed to its southern counterparts.

Table 2 also presents another data which addresses the number of participants in each age

bracket and the numbers of those who have been displaced from school in the aforementioned

age brackets.

Table 3: Level of Education

Age Secondary School University Post Graduate

38
18-23 27(50%) 17(31.5%) 10(18.5%)

24-29 0(0%) 12(60%) 8(40%)

30-35 0(0%) 2(40%) 3(60%)

36 & Above 0(0%) 1(25%) 3(75%)

Table 3 shows the participants level of education.

TABLE 4: Reason for not being in School

Age Money Insecurity Gender Others

18-23 10(27%) 15(41%) 8(21%) 4(11%)

24-29 3(18.7%) 9(56.3%) 2(12.5%) 2(12.5%)

30-35 4(44.4%) 2(22.2%) 0 3(33.3%)

36 & Above 1(25%) 2(50%) 0 1(25%)

Table 4 attempts to understand the reason why participants have been displaced from school.

As the researcher has done throughout this quantitative analysis, the results are grouped by

age, according to this data 15 of the 37 participants grouped from the age 18-23 have been

displaced from school due to Insecurity, which in this case is terrorism, 10 of them have been

displaced due to lack of funding which can be attributed/linked to terrorism. According to the

data formulated from the questionnaires, Insecurity has been a major factor in the

displacement of students from their educational lives and/or aspirations.

TABLE 5: Decline in socio-political activities

39
Age Yes No

18-23 64(70.3%) 27(29.7%)

24-29 21(58.3%) 15(41.7%)

30-35 4(28.5%) 10(71.4%)

36 & Above 2(22.2%) 7(77.7%)

TOTAL 60.6% 39.4%

Table 5 is a representation of the participants response to Question 8 of the questionnaire.

60.6% of the participants were of the belief that there has been a decline in the socio-political

activities of the residents in the region, its is also important to note that the numbers gotten in

this table are closely similar to that of Table 2, this is observation was made during the

analysis and this adds a little bit of proof to the researchers’ analysis as the educated sector of

this quantitative analysis are of the belief that socio-political activities have been on a decline

over the years. Socio-political activities are major factors of National Integration. Education

is the back-bone or driving force of National Integration in an heterogenous state like

Nigeria. This table shows evidence that the basis for National Integration will be improved if

the citizens particularly the younger generation are well educated. For more clarity, 29.7% of

the participants in the group age of 18-23 are of the opinion that there has been no notable

decline in the socio-political activities in the region, but as the age group increases, the

percentage of participants with this same beliefs significantly increases, for instance, in the

age group of 24-29, the percentage increases to 41.7%, while in the age group of 30-35, it

significantly inflates from 41.7% to 71.4% and in the age group of 36 & Above, it continues

its onward spiral to 77.4%. It should be noted that the highest percentage of responses against

the decline of socio-political activities comes from the age group with the lowest percentage

40
of educated participants. This shows that the level of education influences one’s view towards

National Integration Building.

TABLE 6: Role of Terrorism in the displacement of students from school

AGE YES NO

18-23 77(84.6%) 14(15.4&)

24-29 30(83.3%) 6(16.7%)

30-35 8(57.1%) 6(42.9%)

36 & Above 4(44.4%) 5(55.5%)

TOTAL 79.3% 20.7%

Table 6 includes data to the response of Question 10. The researcher aimed at understanding

if the increased number of displaced students from school was influenced by Insecurity

(Terrorism) in the region. According to the analysis of this research, 84.6% of the age group

18-23 were of the belief that Insecurity played a major role in the displacement of students

from school. This is understandable as majority of the participants displaced from schools

due to Insecurity were from the age group of 18-23. From the data gathered, 79.3% of the

participants believed that Insecurity had a major influence on the displacement of students

from schools in the region. This further proves that Insecurity has drastically affected the

educational development in the region as the younger ones are discouraged from going to

schools due to the violence and constant attacks in the region. It should also be noted that

during times on Insecurity, residents are displaced from their homes and as such

parents/guardians lack enough funding to provide shelter and also sponsor education of their

children or wards. Lack of money or funding which can be relatively linked to the effects of

Insecurity in the lives of residents also plays a role in the displacement of kids from school.

41
TABLE 7: Effects of Socio-Political Activities on National Integration

Age YES NO

18-23 64(70.3%) 27(29.7%)

24-29 21(58.3%) 15(41.7%)

30-35 4(28.5%) 10(71.4%)

36 & Above 2(22.2%) 7(77.7%)

TOTAL 60.6% 39.4%

Table 7 showcases the result of the analysis of Question 13. The researcher included this

question so as to understand if the decline of the Socio-political activities within the region

has affect National Integration negatively in the region. Socio-political activities which

involves social gatherings, elections and other social events are generally organised by the

youith of any society, except elections which are organised by the Independent National

Electoral Commission (INEC), but it should be noted that success in these said elections are

mostly influenced by the youths also seeing they make up majority of the electorates. In this

data, 60.6% of the participants believe that the status of the socio-political activities (which

has been confirmed by Table 5 as a declining one) has negatively influenced National

Integration.

TABLE 8: Lack of Education and its effect on National Integration

Age YES NO

18-23 69(75.8%) 22(24.2%)

42
24-29 32(88.9%) 4(11.1%)

30-35 11(78.5%) 3(21.4%)

36 & Above 7(77.7%) 2(22.2%)

TOTAL 79.3% 20.7%

Table 8 is the representation of the response of the participants to Question 14. This question

was aimed at finding out if the lack of education could be considered as a factor that

affected/influenced National Integration in the region. The goal of this research study was to

investigate Insecurity in the region, using the educational development as a focal point of

study and also understanding the relationship between National Integration and Education in

an heterogenous state like Nigeria. As presented by this table, majority of these participants

believe that the lack of solid educational background or upbringing has massively influenced

National Integration Building in the region negatively.

TABLE 9: Government policies and programmes in solving the issue of Insecurity

Age YES NO

18-23 81(89%) 10(11%)

24-29 30(83.3%) 6(16.7%)

30-35 11(78.5%) 3(21.4%)

36 & Above 6(66.7%) 3(33.3%)

TOTAL 85.3% 14.7%

Table 9 consists of data which includes participants response to Question 15. This question

was structured to know if the participants were in support of any governmental policy set

down to help combat the consistent terrorist attacks. 85.3% of the participants do not believe

43
that the policies enacted and established by the government have been helpful in dealin with

the issues of terrorism.

The researcher also conducted a qualitative analysis of the study. This was to make sure

enough data was collected and reviewed for this research study. The qualitative study was

done in form of interviews which consisted of 8 participants who have lived/resided in Borno

state and have experience the insecurity ( in this case the terrorist attacks) first-hand.

The goal of this qualitative analysis was to attain more data/information that would aid in the

research study. The essence of conducting interviews was to further investigate terrorism and

national integration in Nigeria, using the experience of residents that were in the region

during the period of insecurity. The interview questions were constructed in a way that they

furthered the research based of the questions from the questionaires. This study's data

analysis is based on the response of the participants involved, as well as secondary data from

magazines, newspapers, journals, and publications that mentioned Boko Haram's impact or

attacks on the state or local government.

Gender, races, tribes, lineages, kits, and kin are all categories in human civilization. The

establishment of nation-states is based on the homogeneity or heterogeneity of these groups

in the population of any given society. Integration would ordinarily not be a problem for

homogenous nations, because their statehood is still a political entity made up of people who

have a common ancestor. As a result, their nationalism is guided by a sense of shared

purpose, a "we feeling," despite the possibility of intra-ethnic violence. The more varied a

country is, the higher the obstacles of national integration. In other words, ethnically diverse

or multi-ethnic countries are prone to conflicting interests. The level of political maturity

shown in any given country determines how successful it is in tackling the difficulties.

Agreement, which is typically enshrined in constitutions, is the driving concept of any social

44
compact. Political agreements must represent the parties' clear intention to contract without

any ambiguity or compulsion. The union of Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914,

which signaled the creation of Nigeria as a sovereign nation, remains the origin of Nigeria's

dilemma of national unity and integration. The Nigeria/Biafra civil war, which lasted from

1966 to 1970, was the first example of a clash of interests and a lack of faith in the reality of

unity in diversity for Nigeria. Following the war, the country is mired in a cold war of ethnic

conflict, social distrust, and religious prejudice, with the majority/minority divide playing a

role in the emergence of a born-to-rule attitude as a political creed of a particular ethnic

group.

The entire country is involved in national integration. It's difficult to confine it to a single

region. National integration ensures the state's overall growth and development. Nigeria,

despite its mineral wealth, is still considered a developing country. Nigeria has the means and

resources to become one of the world's leading economies, but due to internal conflicts and

the failure of her leaders to see the bigger picture other than enriching their ethnic groups

while in power, Nigeria has fallen behind in the development of today's nations.

Limitation Of Study

The goal of this research was to look into the negative impact of terrorism on education in

Nigeria, as well as its implications on national integration, including the effects on the socio-

political activities, based on the lived experience of people in Borno who have been affected

by terrorism in Borno state, within the Konduga Local Government region. The researcher

made use of quantitative and qualitative analysis during this research study. Questionnaires

were administered using close-ended questions, this made sure proper analysis of data was

45
achievable but the participants were not able to fully elaborate/ administer their opinion and

thoughts.

Another important disadvantage of a qualitative study is the difficulty of generalizing

findings (Flyvberg, 2006; Willis, 2014). The findings of this study were based on the

perspectives of only eight victims out of thousands who had been affected by the Boko

Haram insurgency in Nigeria's Borno state. Only two of the eight participants were chosen

from Maiduguri's Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps. Because Boko Haram's

activities spread across several Borno State regions and towns, affecting millions of people,

it's unclear whether the study participants' experiences in Konduga Local Government reflect

the lived experiences of other people affected by insurgency in Borno State, Nigeria, and

other countries (Chad, Cameroun, and Niger). As a result, generalizing the actual experience

of these study participants may be impossible. Aside from the various restrictions, the

insurgency of Boko Haram is not the sole source of bloodshed in Borno State. Other

unobserved dynamics, such as the ubiquitous AK-47 gun-wielding Fulani herdsmen, could

have influenced survey participants' opinions.

The study's distance and Covid-19 were also significant limitations. Because the globe was

coping with a global epidemic, movement was banned, as was close contact with any

individual; as a result, interviews could only be performed online, over the phone, or via

video conversations, depending on the participants' preferences. This would hinder the

researcher from fully examining the participants' bodies in order to comprehend the

psychological impacts of specific questions, as well as aid in the reorganization of better

questions as the interview went. This would have an impact on the researcher's judgment and

make it impossible to make useful observations of the participants' behaviour.

46
 4.2 Summary

In this chapter, the researcher discussed terrorism and national integration, as well as their

impact on Borno State's educational system and development, with the Konduga Local

Government serving as the study's main point. Interviews were conducted with eight people

in order to acquire a more in-depth analysis of the study, and 15 survey questions were

administered to make sure that public opinion was taken into account in my research. The

experiences of the participants have provided new insight into a solid foundation for

developing relevant interventions and policies. Future research on the influence of terrorism

on national integration in Nigeria on the people of Borno, or any other states in Nigeria's

north-eastern region where the terror group's destructive actions are rampant, could use the

narratives provided by participants as a good starting point. Chapter 5 wraps up this research

study by providing an interpretation of the findings, identifying the study's limitations,

recommendations, and conclusions.

47
 CHAPTER FIVE

5.1 Introduction

The goal of this research was to look into terrorism and national integration in Nigeria, as

well as their impact on the educational system and development, based on the lived

experiences of people in Borno, with the Konduga Local Government serving as a focus

point. The researcher undertook this study to look at the current state education in the state, as

well as how terrorism has impacted national integration, which translates to socio-political

activities/development in the studied area. In Konduga, Borno State, Nigeria's north-eastern

region, the researcher used the qualitative and quantitative technique to investigate the lived

experiences of individuals who had been exposed to terrorism. The findings of the study may

give policymakers with choices for promoting long-term peace, security, educational, and

economic development, as well as progress, not only in Borno but throughout Nigeria, which

has been impacted by Boko Haram attacks. According to the review of the literature, no

scholarly research study had previously been conducted to identify and understand terrorism

and education, as well as its implications for national integration, which delves into the socio-

political impacts of the Boko Haram insurgency on the people of Konduga Local

Government, Borno State, Nigeria which has the highest rate of terrorism in the country.

Prior studies had looked at Nigeria's north-eastern region as a whole, but none had looked at

how Boko Haram has affected education, which in-turn impacts National Integration in the

region, and also the quality and adequacy of services available to help victims cope with the

agonies and trauma of terrorism and adjust to a new life (some as refugees in IDP camps).

All participants in this study identified the educational implications and challenges, as well as

the socio-political consequences of the Boko Haram insurgency on their personal lives and

for the people of Borno State, in addition to sharing their experiences and losses following

their exposure to Boko Haram attacks. The participants in the survey also assessed the

48
significance of these repercussions for the state's well-being and survival. Three themes were

identified based on participant responses to questions that served as a framework for

understanding the terrorism and education, including its implications on national integration,

which includes the socio-political effects of the Boko Haram insurgency on the people of

Borno. The following were the three themes:

1. Educational Implications

2. Socio-Political Activities.

3. Support System and Government Programs.

In this chapter, the researcher analyses the data gathered during the distribution of

questionnaires and also the interviews, focusing on how the conclusions were supported by

literature and the research participants' experiences with the Boko Haram insurgency. The

researcher also makes suggestions/recommendations for prospective future research on

relevant topics. The chapter also contains a discussion of the study's shortcomings as well as

the study's conclusion.

5.2 Interpretation of Findings

The relative deprivation theory (Bayertz, 1999; Bourgignon, 1999; Morrison, 1971;

Runciman, 1999; Schaefer, 2008; Walker & Smith, 2012) provided the theoretical framework

for this study. This theory is concerned with a person's or group's resentment and

despondency as a result of their situation in comparison to others and noticing that they have

less than others. It has to do with the psychology of the human mind, which Friedrich

Sigmund, a leading proponent on cognitive process and behaviour discussed on his theory of

relative deprivation. During the research study, the researcher utilized the use of close-ended

questions for the questionnaires and open-ended questions for the interviews. The researcher

gives a full discussion and description of crucial data analysis conclusions in this chapter.

49
The researcher came to the conclusion that the status of education in Konduga Local

Government, is in critical condition, and this has influence and affected National Integration

building, as well as the socio-political activities in the region

Insurgency causes instability and ruin to the areas and persons it encounters, according to the

study. The Boko Haram insurgency in Borno State resulted in the breakdown of educational,

and socio-political activities (This is evident in the Table 4 and 5), as well as the truncation of

associated processes and activities. The victims' personal lifestyles were negatively affected

by the collapse of these structures and processes, as their means of livelihood, and

ambitions/aspirations, as well as the relationships on which their individual lives relied prior

to the Boko Haram attacks, were all irreversibly destroyed. The study also found that the

Boko Haram insurgency caused a high level of social dissatisfaction in Borno State, resulting

in deep divisions and mistrust among the various segments of the population. This has

resulted to a lack of enthusiasm in the activities of the region, due to either fear for lives or

lack of trust in the government to ensure safety and also lack of understanding for the need of

continuation or participation in te socio-political activities of the region. These findings are

consistent with other studies that show that Boko Haram's operations have caused

incalculable damage to every aspect of life and are a hindrance to the socio-political

development of the Northeast, where their operations are concentrated, and Nigeria as a

whole (Awojobi, 2014; Eme & Ibietan, 2012; Ogochuwku, 2013; Odita & Akan, 2014;

Ovaga, n.d; Titus, Fadeyi, & Aminu, 2017).

The researcher established four distinct detrimental socio-political implications of the Boko

Haram conflict on the people of Borno based on the responses of research participants to the

questions. The first is the irreversible destruction of long-term relationships between people,

as evidenced by the strained ties between indigenes and non-indigenes. Traditional cultural

values, social relationships, and activities have been relatively affected, resulting in enormous

50
migrations of people from the Borno hinterland to Maiduguri, the state capital, or other

regions of Nigeria. Many non-indigenous people and Christians have fled Borno as a result of

continual harassment and attacks, with many of them, notably Christians, being purposefully

and savagely attacked, killed, maimed, or kidnapped (Yitzahk, 1979). Terrorism erodes

intercommunal trust and damages the reservoir of social capital that is important for

constructing harmonious communities and pooling community energies for national

development, according to the survey participants' opinions. This finding also supports

Mbaya, Waksha, and Wakawa's (2017) argument that the insurgents' activities had harmed

Maiduguri residents' social activities because there had been an unprecedented inflow of

refugees from other parts of Borno into Maiduguri, causing the city's available facilities and

social services to be overstretched. The participants agreed with Titus, Fadeyi, and Aminu

(2017) that the contradictions caused by the Boko Haram insurgency in the area of social

relations of production and productive forces in Nigeria's political economy are very obvious,

with commercial banks closing their business outlets as a result of decreased economic

activities in volatile areas and employees of telecommunications companies being laid off, all

these being socio-political factors that influence development within these regions.

Second, the people feel helpless, depressed, and sad because of the state's lawlessness, chaos,

and insecurity, as evidenced by unstable political and social environments, refusal or

reluctance of people living outside the state to visit or come to the state for any reason,

summary executions of perceived political and religious opponents by Boko Haram

insurgents, kidnappings, rapping and forced marriages of young girls and women to the

terrorists, armed robberies and burglaries of banks, and suicide bombings and incessant

attacks of government and security services buildings. This sense of despair and

powerlessness has fuelled economic and financial failure, stifled entrepreneurial activity, and

fuelled an abnormal rise in poverty among the people of Borno, transforming the state into a

51
jungle where "survival of the fittest" has become the motto. Boko Haram controlled 20 of the

state's 27 local government councils (including Konduga Local Government) in late 2014,

and the group's actions were so intensive that their detrimental impact was felt in states

outside of the northeast, including the nation's capital Abuja. Men were fleeing Boko Haram's

forced conscription, and civilian groups were created to combat the insurgents”. Musa,

Akhaine, and Abdulsalami (2012) also noted that the participants' feelings of helplessness

and despair correspond to observations and findings in several studies and literature. For

example, Dunn (2018) observes that “there is a sense of violence and lawlessness in the

conflict areas” in relation to Boko Haram's operations. There have been tales of

indiscriminate executions of regular people, suicide bombings, and the destruction of entire

villages and schools. The Boko Haram insurgency has put the National Youth Service

Scheme (NYSC) in jeopardy, and the refusal of 135 corps members to accept postings in

Borno has had a significant negative impact on the state's health and education sectors, as

corps members serving in the state provided over 65 percent of the required healthcare and

education services at the grassroots level. Boko Haram was responsible for a series of attacks

on local government officials in the state of Borno in 2011, according to Oviasogie (2013),

the same year the terrorist group assassinated the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP)

governorship candidate in Borno, Alhaji Modu Funnami Gubio. “As we have been telling the

world, the series of attacks we have been carrying out, including the Christmas ones in

Maiduguri and Jos and the ones we did in Bauchi, were actually perpetrated in order to

propagate the name of Allah, to liberate our people,” the terrorists claimed in a statement

written in Hausa and pasted in strategic locations throughout Maiduguri metropolis following

Gubio's murder. We also urge people not to sit near security agents or politicians because

they are the ones who are doing the atrocities against Muslims. As you can see, security

agents have been dispatched to protect churches, while the same security agents harass and

52
assault Muslims. As a result, we implore you to stand up against this dictator leadership and

establish a Sharia legal system in the country to ensure justice and fairness. Finally, anyone

who aids them will face the same punishment as they did, because the loss of his blood is

now legal”. That declaration by Boko Haram proved the group's full contempt for

government authority, confirming Gene Sharp's perspective on conflict, which states that all

political power institutions rely on the subjects' allegiance to the ruler or rulers' orders.

Leaders have no power if their subjects do not obey them.

The third negative impact highlighted was the demolition of educational institutions, which

has hampered the education of many children in Borno State. Education, like food and

security, is a fundamental right. “Everyone has the right to education,” according to Article

26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights from 1996. Basic Education is described by

the Nigerian National Policy on Education (FGN, 2004) as the form of education acquired

from primary school through junior secondary school. As a result, basic education is the

initial level of education for children in Nigeria, from primary 1 to basic 9, which is junior

secondary school. Education as a vehicle for development in Africa has suffered a significant

setback as a result of violent conflict in the form of insurgency, which has claimed the lives

of innocent residents, destroyed properties worth billions of naira, and displaced millions of

people. Nigeria has recently faced serious security issues as a result of Boko haram militant

activities, which has harmed children's education in the north east of the country, particularly

in Borno State.

In their research on the subject, Salisu, Mohd, and Abdullahi (2015) claimed that

approximately 250 girls were taken from Government Girls Secondary School Chibok.

According to Abdulrasheed, Adaobi, and Uzoechina (2015), several Basic schools in Borno

State have been attacked by the insurgent group, resulting in the deaths of pupils, students,

and staff, as well as the burning down of schools, resulting in the closure of all schools in the

53
state. Borno, according to Oladunjoye and Omemu (2013), has the greatest number of out-of-

school children. They claimed that in Borno State, 29 out of every 120 youngsters attend

school. In these areas, where the number of children out of school is worrisome, education is

in high demand. In Borno State, Nigeria, the Boko Haram insurgency has disrupted the

educational system, having a significant negative impact on children's education. These raids

resulted in the kidnapping of many school children, particularly females, who were later

utilized by the militants as bombing agents in crowds and other gatherings. However, there

has been research on the association between insurgency action and school attendance in

northern Nigeria. Abdulrasheed (2015), for example, investigated the impact of insurgency

on Universal Basic Education in Konduga and other Borno localities. The findings revealed

that insurgency has had a detrimental impact on basic education in Borno State, where many

basic schools have been assaulted on a regular basis, with kids abducted and staff attacked.

As a result, schools in Borno State have been closed indefinitely. The Boko Haram

organization declared Konduga Local Government as their jurisdiction in 2014. The terrorist

group's move sparked an all-out fight between the military and the terrorists within the state.

The military utilized schools as a base, further exposing children to terrorist assaults;

nonetheless, school bombs in the region decreased dramatically between 2014 and 2015. This

resulted in the closure of schools in their area, hindering educational growth. After schools

reopened, children were unable to learn and were too traumatized to even concentrate on

academics.

Education is one of the most important factors of any society, just like the questionnaire data

presented, the age group with a higher percentage of educated individuals had a better

understanding of the situations of the region. Most heterogenous nation maintain their

diversity and promote their National Integration through their educational system. States like

the United States of America, Canada, France and so on, maintain their sense of unty by

54
teaching and educating their younger generation about racial discrimination and also

ethnicity, making them understand the progress of the state is more important than any ethnic

disparity or racial differences. Such attributes are not available in Nigeria educational sector,

particularly in the North and this affects Socio-political activities within the state which

further impacts National Integration Building.

Education builds and improve one’s mental capacity to think, it changes behaviours of

individuals as educated people are more likely to act more rationally than the uneducated

ones. This implies that individuals would be able to use their intuitions and become less

susceptible to manipulation, which in the Northern state can prove a great deal as most of the

members of the Boko Haram are uneducated elites who ironically think/believe that killing

people guarantees them a spot in heaven, a fact which an educated individual would be able

to analyse and not fall victim for.

Finally, the study also examines government programs and support systems/coping

mechanisms used in helping citizens (especially students) deal with the traumatic experience

they faced and also the programmes established to make the educational issues in the state is

a thing of the past. According to the research interviews, there are not adequate educational

facilities set in place by the government in IDP camps, also soldiers roam about in schools,

still using them as base for their operations. It is quite evident that the government has not

enough effort to make sure educational needs of the state are attended to. This makes it

extremely difficult for educational development in the region. Education is the driving force

of any nation development. Having educational activities derailed in a state or region will

only lead to chaos in the long run.

The study not only identified the negative socio-political repercussions of the Boko Haram

insurgency, but it also validated findings from prior studies and literature that people who are

55
exposed to insurgency suffer pain and trauma (Pine et al., 2015, Adebayo, 2014 & Klein,

2007). The maiming, killings, or kidnapping of their spouses, children, relatives, friends,

colleagues, and neighbours, and/or the destruction of their town, all confirmed their sorrow,

frustration, and grief, and all were shocked, pained, angry, disappointed, sad, fearful, anxious,

worried, and had a sense of insecurity, according to an analysis of participants' answers to

interview questions.

5.3 Recommendations

This study was based on the first-hand accounts of study participants who had been targeted

by Boko Haram. This study filled a gap in the literature by examining the impact of terrorism

on education in Borno State, Nigeria, as well as the effects of the Boko Haram insurgency on

national integration in the state and in Nigeria as a whole, as well as the negative

consequences the insurgency group had on the socio-political activities and development.

Through a qualitative and quantitative analysis, this study explored how terrorism impacted

participants' educational and social experiences. The following are recommendations for

dealing with terrorism and education, implications for National Integration in Borno State,

Nigeria.

First, the findings suggest that more quantitative and mixed methods research on the

educational effects of terrorism on this demographic is needed. The data used in this study

has to be quantified in order to identify a link between the study participants' subjective

experiences and terrorism. It is advised that the lasting effect of psychological responses to

the Boko Haram insurgency on research participants be studied. It's also crucial to look into

the long-term effects of terrorism on the study participants' educational and social

experiences.

56
The study only included people who had been exposed to the Boko Haram insurgency in

Konduga Local Government, Borno State, Nigeria, and the data utilized to calculate the

study's outcomes was solely based on their personal experiences. Boko Haram activities, on

the other hand, are widespread in north-eastern Nigeria and have spread to north-central

Nigeria. Various participants' lived experiences from other geopolitical zones where Boko

Haram actions are taking place should be studied. Such persons may hold different

viewpoints and perspectives than the study participants, resulting in a mixed bag of data.

Research should also be taken on the effects of terrorism on National Integration Building

and also the connection between Education and National Integration needs to be studied. This

will help in understanding how much of an impact education has on National Integration

building of a nation. The psychological effects of education on human behaviour should also

be studied.

A study on the relationship between politics and Boko Haram, particularly on politicians'

manipulation of religion to alter power dynamics in a bipolar country like Nigeria, may be

required. Borno State is also at risk of being divided into smaller religious enclaves as a result

of terrorism's impact on the educational development in the state, as well as the implications

of Boko Haram's operations on national integration, which includes the negative socio-

political impact of Boko Haram operations on the people of the state. A study to understand

the current socio-cultural dynamics of Borno State may be necessary in order to design an

effective means of restructuring shattered socio-political structures and repositioning the state

as a place where citizens, regardless of their residency status, can live and thrive in peace.

57
 5.4 Conclusion

The goal of this research was to determine and investigate the influence of terrorism on the

development of the educational system in Nigeria's Borno state. It also examined the impact

of terrorism on national integration, looking at the severe negative, social, and political

effects of the Boko Haram insurgency on the people of Borno state in Nigeria's northeast.

The study's findings added to the body of knowledge on the Boko Haram phenomenon,

focusing on the educational and soco-political consequences and implications of the

insurgency. Existing research studies have concentrated on Nigeria's northeastern region as a

whole, rather than Borno state, which is the terror group's birthplace and epicenter. Due to

their exposure to the Boko Haram insurgency, the study participants had poor academic

performance and cognitive dysfunction, which included difficulty with assimilation and

information processing.

The researcher distributed questionnaires to 150 respondents as well as conducting

interviews with open-ended questions to demonstrate the trustworthiness of the acquired data.

Aspects of the results were found to be compatible with the conclusions derived from the

literature review after data analysis and interpretation. The findings of the study show that the

insurgents' activities have caused severe educational and socio-political damage to the state of

Borno and its people, with the catastrophic collapse of educational, and socio-political

structures and processes, as well as the possibility of the state collapsing and breaking into

fragments if the insurgency continues unabated.

58
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 APPENDIX

QUESTIONNAIRE

SECTION A- DEMOGRAPHIC DATA

INSTRUCTION

Please, read through the questions and carefully select the most appropriate column that

satisfies your response.

1. Gender: Male ( ) Female ( )

2. Age: 18-23 ( ) 24-29 ( ) 30-35 ( ) 36 and above ( )

3. Religion: Muslim ( ) Christian ( ) Others ( )

4. Schooling Status: In School ( ) Not In School ( )

5. Reason For not being in school: Money ( ) Insecurity ( ) Gender ( )

6. Level Of Education: Secondary School ( ) University ( ) Post-Graduate ( )

SECTION B- RESEARCH QUESTIONS

INSTRUCTION

Kindly read the questions carefully and provide your answers.

7. Has terrorism negatively affected education development in your region? Yes ( ) No ( )

8. Has there been decline in the socio-political activities within the region? Yes ( ) No ( )

9. Has lack of education among residents of the region affected/influenced ethnic disparity

within the region? Yes ( ) No ( )

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10. Does terrorism play a huge role in the increase of displaced students in the region? Yes ( )

No ( )

11. Were you able to cope with your educational activities despite consistent terrorist attacks?

Yes ( ) No ( )

12. Were citizens in the region willing to work together or have a sense of togetherness

during this period of insecurity? Yes ( ) No ( )

13. Did the status/state of the socio-political activities in the state affected National

Integration within the region negatively? Yes ( ) No ( )

14. Has National Integration in the region been negatively affected by the lack of education

among citizens? Yes ( ) No ( )

15. Do you believe the current government policies have been helpful in solving the issues of

Insecurity in Borno State? Yes ( ) No ( )

INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

 How did terrorism affect your educational experience?

 What threat does insecurity pose to the socio-political activities of the state?

 Has the insecurity affected the socio-political activities of the state?

 Are you content with the relief services you are received or are recieving?

 Has current government policies been helpful in solving these educational and

security issues in the state?

66