Disappearing Categories Using Categories

DISAPPEARING CATEGORIES: USING CATEGORIES IN THE STUDY OF RELIGION
Author(s): Michael L. Satlow

Source: Method & Theory in the Study of Religion, Vol. 17, No. 4 (2005), pp. 287-298
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DISAPPEARING CATEGORIES:
USING CATEGORIES IN THE STUDY OF RELIGION
Michael L. Satlow
Scholars of religion are certainly no strangers to the problems posed

by terminology. Indeed, we continue to hody debate the meaning of
our subject matter—or is it a discipline?—"religion". And the problems
extend down the terminological ladder. As Philip Tite (2001) has recendy
shown in this journal, the names that we assign to traditions such as
"Gnosticism" are equally problematic. How is Gnosticism, or for that
matter Judaism, Christianity, Islam or Hinduism (especially!), to be
defined in a meaningful way?
Nor do things improve further down the ladder. Like all scholarly
fields, religious studies has developed its own specialized vocabulary or
"critical terms" (cf. Taylor 1998). Distinctive to the field are categories
such as "myth", "asceticism" and "sacrifice." As has long been recognized,
the terms are slippery: An enormous international conference on ascet
icism, for example, failed to develop any consensus on the meaning of
the term. The elusiveness of these analytical categories is not a minor
matter. Scholarly studies can only be as precise as the language they
use; and not a few recent and otherwise outstanding scholarly studies
have been caught in terminological muddles.
My modest goal in this essay is to untangle the ways in which scholars
do, and can, use analytical categories in a meaningful way. This essay
is more methodologically reflective and programmatic than theoretical;
it results from my own struggles, as a self-reflective but not particularly
theoretical scholar, to make some sense of the field and to add clarity
to my own work. There are, I will argue, three primary ways in which
we can use such categories: (1) as first-order categories embedded in
their specific contexts; (2) as descriptors of human phenomena; and (3)
as utilitarian, second-order constructs. My constructive argument will
focus on the third way, which has perhaps fallen out of favor recently,
and suggest some methods for making it more useful.
© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2005 Method & Theory in the Study of Religion
Also available online — www.brill.nl 17, 287-298
288 MICHAEL L. SATLOW
First-Order Categories
Categories of knowledge, of course, are local constructs. Although there

may be some underlying similarities that are based on biological and
cognitive constraints, human societies often organize knowledge in rad
ically different ways. One long established scholarly pursuit, especially
in anthropology and religious studies, has been to tease out and describe
these native categories and examine how they function within their
local contexts. As Wayne Proudfoot asserts, "Religious experience must
be characterized from the perspective of the one who has that experi
ence" (Proudfoot 1985: 181). Thus, one scholarly goal is the description
of these experiences told from within.
In religious studies, the first-order use of categories is most apparent
in discussions of "religion" (Braun 2000). Nearly all recent discussions
of the concept of religion begin either with the claim that "religion" is
a relatively recent, Western Christian category, or that it is in fact not
a native category at all, but a second-order abstraction used by scholars
(cf. Molnár 2002). Both claims, as several scholars have noted, are exag
gerated. Many societies have terms and concepts that in some way are
analogous to modern Western notions of religion. Religio, as used in
ancient Latin texts (including but not limited to Augustine) is one exam
ple, as are the Hebrew terms halakhah and Torah. Several Eastern reli
gions also contain terms that refer to the relationship between the divine
and humans as a distinct type of activity (cf. Campany 2003). Despite
the facile denial that the concept "religion" exists in other cultures,
there is much room here for scholarly investigation.
Religion is only one concept, of several, that is amenable to first
order investigation. "God," or more broadly, the "divine," is the subject
of several fine scholarly studies. The first part of Bruce Lincoln's Theorizing
Myth (1999) is an exemplary study of the transformation of the con
cept of "myth" (mythos) in early Greek language and thought. Fritz Graf
has explored the concept of "magic" as ancient Mediterranean texts
have understood and theorized it (Graf 1997). Many older studies exam
ine ancient concepts such as askesis (asceticism) that have made their
way into the New Testament: Although the goal of such studies is to
establish the "background" of early Christianity (an approach largely
frowned upon today), they remain useful and important.
Description can end at this point, or it can open up into explanation
or comparison. Clifford Geertz, and to a lesser degree, William James,
wants to stop at description (Geertz 1973: 3-30; Taves 2003; cf. Proudfoot
1985: 48-60). They adopt a hermeneutical approach, suggesting that
DISAPPEARING CATEGORIES 289
the scholar's task is a "thick description" of religious activities in their

native contexts. As Proudfoot points out, this approach comes close to
Eliade's program of "reliving" native experiences (Proudfoot 1985: 192).
For Proudfoot, first-order investigations are just the first step of schol
arly activity. He argues 'that religious experiences need scholarly expla
nations that take seriously first-order imaginings (Proudfoot 1985: 196-98).
That is, the focus of scholarly activity for him is trying to explain why a
particular person or society used the first-order categories that they did.
A second trajectory for first-order category investigations is comparison.
However similar they may appear, only rarely will any two first-order
categories from different cultures be exactly congruent. More commonly,
native concepts will be in some way analogous. Any investigation of first
order categories, then, can lead in two directions. First, it will raise the
questions about the purported resemblance: In what ways, precisely,
are the concepts similar? Are they similar "enough" to constitute a use
ful pair for comparison? There is, of course, a rich theoretical literature
on similarity that can aid such evaluations.
I will return below to the issue of comparison, but it is worth noting
here where such first-order comparisons can lead. Once the argument
is made, for example, that the modern Western concept of "religion"
is similar enough to "religió" or "halakhah" to warrant comparison then
the actual comparison must be made. At this stage we move from
examining the similarities that have made the comparison possible to
the differences between them. To my mind, asking who shares our
modern concept of "religion" is beside the point; the real question is
how different societies define—or do not define—a sphere of activity
that has at least some resemblance to constructions from other cultures
and to use the differences between these constructions in ways that can
be mutually enlightening.
Categories as Descriptors of Human Phenomena
Scholars, however, more commonly use categories as second-order

descriptors. From the beginning of the practice of what would become
"religious studies", its practitioners have seen these categories as rep
resenting unique, sui generis spheres of human activity. From its roots
in nineteenth century Germany through Marcel Eliade's prolific project,
a major goal of the field was to discover the "essence" of human "reli
gious" activity. This enterprise grew from the assumption that the human
being was a homo religiosas, and that all humans exhibited similar patterns
of religious activity as part of their very essence (cf. Eliade 1959;

Kippenberg 2002: vii-ix, 36-97).
Eliade's approach and the assumption that humans are "essentially"
religious have fallen out of scholarly favor (cf. McCutcheon 1997). Yet
the assumption persists that these categories represent something "real"
and perhaps even universal about human behavior. Just as the field of
economics assumes the universal existence of markets and then constantly
tests that assumption as it also attempts to describes the universal "laws"
of market activity, so too do many scholars of religion attempt to explain
the universal laws of religious behaviors, while at the same time ques
tioning and rectifying their hypotheses.
Jonathan Z. Smith has been a persistent advocate of this social
scientific approach. Smith is primarily interested in comparison and
although he laments the absence of any mature theory of comparison
behind much work in religious studies, he remains committed to the
comparative enterprise. Smith proposes "four moments in the com
parative enterprise" (Smith 2000a: 239): description, comparison, redescrip
tion, and rectification. It is the latter two that comprise the goal of the
enterprise: "The aim of such a comparison is the redescription of the
exempla (each in light of the other) and a rectification of the academic
categories in relation to which they have been imagined" (Smith 2000a:
239). Redescription is important, but the real goal is rectification. For
Smith, the primary goal of the comparative enterprise is to make a
hypothesis that is encoded in a category (e.g., asceticism or myth) and
then to test and refine it. This recursive sharpening of a category, in
Smith's view, leads not only to its greater utility, but also to a generalizable
hypothesis about the nature of certain spheres of human activity.
There is, it seems to me, a tension in Smith's epistemology. On the
one hand, he claims that "Religion is solely the creation of the scholar's
study. It is created for the scholar's analytic purposes by his imagina
tive acts of comparison and generalization" (Smith 1982: xi). On the
other hand, the "exemplum [should] be displayed in the service of some
important theory, some paradigm, some fundamental question, some
central element in the academic imagination of religion" (Smith 1982:
xi). The problem is breaking out of the hermeneutic circle. Clearly
Smith is claiming more than that scholars create a heuristic field to
make arguments that are useful only within that field; the implication
is that the "fundamental question" engages something outside of the
scholar's study.
Let me very briefly illustrate this problem with but a single of Smith's
many influential contributions to the study of religion. His essay, "The
DISAPPEARING CATEGORIES 29 1
Bare Facts of Ritual" (Smith 1982: 53-65) makes an important, gener

alizable claim about the function of ritual as "a means of performing the
way things ought to be in conscious tension to the way things are..." (Smith
1982: 63, original emphasis). But "ritual", like religion, must be for
Smith an imaginary category. By sidestepping the delicate question of
definition, Smith undermines his attempt to develop a generalizable
approach to "ritual" that moves it into the real world. Smith also ignores
this problem in his essay on "Classification" (Smith 2000b), focusing
on the ways that religions classify, and the ways that scholars classify
religions, without addressing the problem of how scholars classify dis
crete elements of "religion."
Smith's approach to religion has, of course, been highly influential.
Yet despite its popularity and the general utility of social-scientific
approaches to the study of religion, this use of categories—even when
well done—is problematic. The primary problem with this approach is
its definitional subjectivity and circularity. A term like "ritual" cannot
easily sustain either a substantive or a functional definition (cf. Bell
1997). As a second-order abstraction (as distinct from limiting study to
first-order "rituals", as explicitly termed by their local cultures), a sub
stantive definition can be created only from some a priori judgment of
what data counts as belonging to the category. A functional definition
is even more arbitrary. The result is that we, for example, select data
that based on some a priori judgment appear to us to be rituals then
create from this data the category, "ritual." By the time we arrive at
rectification of this constructed category we have moved through a full
circle.
Bruce Lincoln's illuminating book Theorizing Myth (1999) illustrates
this problem. Lincoln begins by eschewing a definition of myth. Any
definition of myth, he argues, "would not only be misleading, it would
undercut and distort the very project I intend to pursue. For in the
pages that follow I will not attempt to identify the thing myth 'is';
rather, I hope to elucidate some of the ways this word, concept, and
category have been used to identify the most dramatic shifts that occurred
in their status and usage" (Lincoln 1999: ix). The first two parts of the
book do precisely this. The first part traces the use and understanding
of the Greek words mythos and logos through early Greek thought,
admirably showing that the Platonic denigration of mythos was by no
means a linear development. The second part of the book shows how
modern writers and scholars have appropriated "myth" in order to
advance their own (primarily political) agendas. In both sections Lincoln
unproblematically follows a first-order approach, examining how different
writers use the term "myth", and comparing and contrasting these
usages to arrive at some intriguing conclusions about the scholarly con
struction of myth.
The third part of Theorizing Myth, however, is constructive, and seems
to me to depart from his attempt to provide "a critical geneaology [sic]
for the study of myth" (Lincoln 2002: 196). Here, Lincoln argues, "that
when a taxonomy is encoded in mythic form, the narrative packages
a specific contingent system of discrimination in a particularly attractive
and memorable form. What is more, it naturalizes and legitimates it.
Myth, then, is not just taxonomy, but ideology in narrative form" (Lincoln
1999: 147, original emphasis). The basic point of this section of the
book, that myths reinforce political and religious hierarchies, is compelling.
It is the journey to this conclusion that is fraught with slippage.
Despite his initial words of warning, Lincoln here does attempt to
define myth. Lincoln is not explicit about whether he is using this pro
visional definition as a tool to gather relevant data, or whether this is
the definition that emerges from this his data of myths. Either way,
though, he finds himself in a circle; Robert Segal, in his review of
Lincoln's book, enters a similar circle of definition (Segal 2002). The
structure of this section of the book appears to pick "myths" at random,
only to show that they encapsulate ideology in narrative form. So ulti
mately, this becomes a definitional discussion, albeit one that makes an
important point for those who sometimes neglect that ideological com
ponent of naturalizing narratives.
This suggests a second problem with this use of categories, its potential
aridness. What is the intellectual pay-off of arbitrarily defining a cate
gory primarily in order to rectify it? This problem is exemplified, iron
ically, in an enormous and excellent collection of essays on "asceticism."
Vincent Wimbush and Richard Valantasis claim that the purpose of
their collection, the proceedings of an ambitious conference, is to cre
ate "a comprehensive theoretical framework for the comparative study
of asceticism" (Wimbush and Valantasis 1995b: xxv). The papers are
shoehorned into four categories: origins and meaning of asceticism; pol
itics of asceticism; hermeneutics of asceticism; and aesthetics of asceticism
(Wimbush and Valantasis 1995b: xxvii). The quality of the volume is
high and the effort to bring scholars from so many disparate disciplinary
and cultural fields into conversation with each other is only commendable.
The volume as a whole, however, founders precisely at its stated goal,
which is to be about asceticism. Thus, Elizabeth Clark's response to the
volume's essays raises a number of excellent methodological issues and
yet is framed as a discussion of the meaning and definition of asceticism
(Clark 1995). Her frustration is evident as she struggles to get out of

the definitional circle that the very project imposes.
Here it is worth reflecting on the ways in which categories drawn
from religion are dissimilar to categories drawn from other social
sciences. "Asceticism" might be similar to "markets" in that both attempt
to describe a real, universal (or nearly so) human activity. But they
differ in that most economists use the concept of markets as a starting
point for the creation of predictive models. The utility of these models
helps to validate or falsify the original presupposition. Many social
scientific categories, whether qualitative or quantitative, have the same
function; they allow for the creation of models of human behavior.
Asceticism, on the other hand, does not result in predictive models,
certainly not in quantitative ones. Its definition thus can never be falsified
in any kind of social-scientific way, and its utility will always remain
fuzzy.
Categories as Utilitarian, Second-Order Constructs
More promising than the attempt to turn these second-order categories

into hypotheses of human behavior, I believe, is to use them in a purely
utilitarian fashion. Like the use of categories as descriptors of human
activities, their utilitarian usage constructs categories as second-order
abstractions. Unlike the former, however, this use of categories makes
no claim about the reality or essence of the category. The category
becomes a mere tool for comparison, shifting the emphasis of the com
parative enterprise from rectification to redescription.
Remember that for Smith, the first moment of the comparative enter
prise is description. Clearly the first task of description is the selection
of the relevant data and the exclusion of all else: What, precisely, are
we going to compare? It is at this early stage of data selection that the
use of categories can be most useful.
I am suggesting the use of categories as mental, or stipulated, for
mulations created by scholars in order to make useful comparisons.
Categories, that is, can be used as entirely utilitarian, functional, con
structs. They are definitions that we create in order to select data to
compare. These categories have no independent existence; they need not indicate
anything "real". In any given analysis, then, "myth"—in theory—becomes
whatever we say it is. There are reasons (see below) why in practice
our definitions of categories are not, and should not be, random, but
neither the native use of the category (e.g., Plato's definition of myth)
nor traditional essentialist scholarly definitions should limit our individual

use of a category. The category becomes a heuristic means of gathering
data. Only once the data is gathered and the appropriate descriptions
made can one proceed to the second, and far more important, operation
of actual comparison. At this point, the category "disappears"; it has
done its job of bringing interesting things together. When we move to
the second and analytically more central task of actual comparison we
dispense with the category itself. It has served as a kind of clamp, hold
ing two pieces of wood together until the glue has dried.
The primary purpose of such comparisons, then, becomes their explica
tive utility. Well-constructed comparisons allow us to redescribe local
phenomena in fresh ways. This becomes, incidentally, the primary con
tribution of the Asceticism volume. It might set out to investigate the
"real" workings of "asceticism", but in the end it brings together a
series of rich local portraits that can be read against each other.
Confronted with sets of three disparate papers to which to respond,
several of the respondents used their own informed and creative abil
ities to draw connections far more interesting than those suggested by
the four rubrics of asceticism. Responding to papers on female ascetic
practices in one Hindu tradition, ascetic tendencies in Paul, and
Athanasius, Dianne Bazell, for example, suggestively discusses the ways
in which these three topics help to inform, and raise questions for, the
others (Bazell 1995). The point is to bring different things into con
versation with one another—however artificial the link that connects
them—and to see where it leads.
Although they are heuristic constructs, analytical categories need not,
and should not, be completely random. Scholarly analytic categories
tend to have two sources. First, they grow out of "native" categories.
Graf has convincingly argued that ancient Greek and Roman discussions
of magic ultimately inform James Frazer's much maligned (essentialist)
definitions in The Golden Bough (Graf 1997: 27). Second, they now carry
with them a century or two of sustained scholarly discussion. Often, of
course, these two definitional sources are hopelessly entwined. Nevertheless,
there is no reason to ignore either source. Lincoln is correct to emphasize
that scholarship involves "a dialectic encounter between an interested
inquirer, a body of evidence, and a community of other competent and
interested researchers, past, present, and future" (Lincoln 1999: 208).
When we use a term like "myth" as an analytic category, we should
certainly draw on the scholarly tradition of the definition, while not
hesitating to modify this definition for our own purposes. Although here
I am criticizing scholarly preoccupation with heuristic categories, one
important legacy of this scholarship is sustained reflection on the cat

egories and their usefulness in different contexts. Every time we search
for a critical term we need not reinvent the wheel.
What, then, separates a "good" heuristic category from an idiosyncratic
or "bad" one? I think that ultimately this judgment needs to be reserved
for the pay-off of the comparison. If the category allows for comparisons
that a community of scholars find interesting, it has succeeded. If, how
ever, the comparison is arid, then the term was not usefully defined.
Like any utilitarian object, a heuristic category is a tool, and its use
fulness needs to be judged in each individual case. The advantage of
drawing on the scholarly tradition for our category definitions is that
this tradition presumably preserves categories that scholars have found
useful in different contexts. Thus, there is a good probability that these
categories will "work" in a new context. But there is also the possibility
that the category might not work, or might need some tweaking in
order to make a useful comparison. At this point previous definitions
of the term need not confine us. We should not even pause to won
der whether, for example, we are using a definition of "myth" that is
not really "myth": Myth is whatever we say it is in the context of a
given argument and in relation to specific sets of concrete data.
The implications of this shift of understanding of categories can be
subtle. It still should allow for, or indeed even encourage, generaliz
able claims. But it is more explicit about the ontological nature of these
claims, treating them as "sensitizing concepts" rather than theories of
human behavior (Wuthnow 2003: 22). Smith's claim about ritual (or
Lincoln's about myth), for example, is no less important if seen as a
sensitizing concept rather than as a descriptor of "real" functions.
This loose definitional approach necessitates a strong caution. Loose
definitions can lead to a weakening of a shared vocabulary. I am not
suggesting that we abandon an attempt to find a shared technical vocab
ulary, only that we resist the urge to define rigidly and essentially. I
am proposing an organic living vocabulary; one that we recognize is
dynamic. Such an approach to the definition of categories necessitates
that we define our terms explicitly. A scholar writing on myth would,
and should, have to account for her or his definitions, even if this
account merely appropriates definitions currently in circulation. We
should cease to use valuable analytic terms, like "myth" or "asceticism",
with no definitional comment, as if all readers know what they mean.
Without an explicit stipulated definition, they mean nothing. Analytical
clarity more than recompenses the minor, mainly stylistic, cost of
definitional precision.
Conclusions
Jonathan Z. Smith has lamented our inability to articulate "either the

method for making comparisons or the reasons for its practice" (Smith
1982: 35). Although he makes some constructive suggestions in Drudgery
Divine (Smith 1990: 36-53) and softens his critique in a later essay (Smith
2001), Smith's dissatisfaction with the state of the field is still cogent.
At the same time, there is increasing scholarly interest in comparative
work, as a recent self-reflective volume of essays devoted to this area
attests (Patton and Ray 2000; cf. Poole 1986; Doniger 2000; Taylor
2000: 13-15). While there is, and will remain, scholarly disagreement
about appropriate methods for the comparative study of religion, whether
in its "macro" forms (e.g. Holdrege 1996) or in more discrete chunks,
as I have primarily been discussing here, this is a discussion that can
only be good for the field.
I have here attempted to untangle one aspect of the "method for
making comparisons." Minimally, scholars need to be self-conscious and
explicit about the way that they use such loaded categories as analytical
tools. Whether one uses categories to describe and compare first-order
concepts, to develop generalizable theories of human activity, or to
make local comparisons for the purpose of redescription, self-awareness
can at least help to avoid slippage between these different uses. More
ambitiously, I also argue that the popular scholarly use of categories
as descriptors of real human activities can actually hinder comparative
scholarship. More fruitful would be a focus on local comparisons. The
goal of these comparisons is redescription rather than rectification; we
seek to describe one thing in the light of another. Rectification thus
becomes an act of tidying up, a short discussion at the end of the com
parison of the usefulness of the original heuristic category. In this sense,
rectification is a footnote, not the argument.
Department of Religious Studies

Brown University
Box 1826
Providence, RI 02912
(401)863-3911 (o); (401)863-3938 (fax)
Michael_Satlow@Brown. edu
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DISAPPEARING CATEGORIES: USING CATEGORIES IN THE STUDY OF RELIGION

Author(s): Michael L. Satlow

Scholars of religion are certainly no strangers to the problems posed

Categories of knowledge, of course, are local constructs. Although there

the scholar's task is a "thick description" of religious activities in their

Categories as Descriptors of Human Phenomena

Scholars, however, more commonly use categories as second-order

of religious activity as part of their very essence (cf. Eliade 1959;

Bare Facts of Ritual" (Smith 1982: 53-65) makes an important, gener

(Clark 1995). Her frustration is evident as she struggles to get out of

Categories as Utilitarian, Second-Order Constructs

More promising than the attempt to turn these second-order categories

nor traditional essentialist scholarly definitions should limit our individual

important legacy of this scholarship is sustained reflection on the cat

Jonathan Z. Smith has lamented our inability to articulate "either the

Department of Religious Studies

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