Chapter3 PDF

EFA Global Monitoring Report 2 0 0 3/4
Chapter 3
Why are girls

still held back?
Progress has been made towards gender parity in enrolment
at primary and secondary levels in all regions over the last
ten years. However, the record differs quite strongly between
countries. Although for many the goal is now within reach, at
current rates of progress a large minority of countries will
not achieve gender parity at primary and secondary levels by
2005. This chapter identifies the most important factors that
continue to hinder progress. The task of achieving gender
equality in education at all levels by 2015 is more profoundly
challenging. There has been little attempt to further define
this goal. Accordingly, this chapter examines what is meant
by ‘gender equality in education’, identifying constraints to its
attainment and providing a basis for the policy analysis in
Chapter 4.
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The leap from parity Education is in many ways a fulcrum for this
0
to equality process, as Chapters 4 and 5 demonstrate. It

reflects contemporary norms and values, but it
2
As indicated in Chapter 2, gender parity, which also helps to change them. Full gender equality
refers to the equal participation of both sexes in in education would imply that girls and boys are
EFA Global Monitoring Report
different levels of education, is a quantitative offered the same chances to go to school and
concept. Gender parity indicators are static, that they enjoy teaching methods and curricula
measuring, for example, the relative proportions free of stereotypes, and academic orientation and
Gender equality of girls and boys with access to, or participating counselling unaffected by gender bias. Most
in education will in, primary schooling. However, viewed over time, fundamentally, it implies equality of outcomes in
not be possible they can serve as more dynamic indicators of terms of length of schooling, learning
without wider change. To the extent that progress towards achievement and academic qualifications and,
social change gender parity suggests a weakening of the more broadly, equal job opportunities and
factors that keep women and men in unequal earnings for similar qualifications and
in many
positions, it represents the first steps towards experience. These objectives are demanding, and
societies. achieving equality of outcomes for the sexes. are far from being achieved in most societies. It
is clear that the achievement of gender equality
However, gender parity indicators have some in education – in the sense of equal outcomes –
limitations, even when they are available over will not be possible in the absence of wider social
time. First, even if progress towards parity change in many societies. The question of
appears to be being made, this sometimes whether and how this might occur over the
masks declines in male or female enrolment coming decade requires an assessment not
and participation, rather than indicating positive merely of the prospects for, and limits of,
gains for both boys and girls. Second, a focus on educational reform, but also of more
quantitative balances reveals nothing about the fundamental changes that affect many other
processes by which they are being secured, nor sectors and areas of life and work.
about the qualitative changes that would be
necessary if gender parity is to lead to full
Constraints through a rights agenda
equality.
In order to examine these broad sets of
Gender equality requires the achievement of constraints and possibilities, it is useful to
equal outcomes for women and men, employ a framework that draws upon the rights
notwithstanding that they are starting from agenda articulated in Chapter 1. This
different positions of advantage, and are distinguishes between individuals’ rights to
constrained in different ways. Women differ from education and their rights within and through
men both in terms of their biological capacities education.1 The determinants of gender
and in the socially constructed disadvantages inequality within each of these dimensions need
they currently face. Inequalities arise from to be addressed if the gender goals are to be
unequal power relations between women and achieved.
men, and hence assessments of progress
towards gender equality need to establish The analysis of problems affecting the exercise
whether the changes that are being achieved are of rights to education focuses on questions of
significantly altering these relations. The erasure educational access for boys and girls. The next
of the social norms that see women and men as two sections of this chapter examine constraints
making unequal contributions to society and to the fulfilment of those rights operating within
having unequal entitlements to its benefits is the family and within the wider society. Extreme
critical to achieving a society free from gender circumstances of crisis such as those resulting
discrimination. Thus, whether women and men from conflict and HIV/AIDS, which disrupt
are being treated equally will depend on whether societies and families, are considered as well as
the fundamental freedoms and choices they educational processes.
confront are the same.
The discussion then moves to a consideration
of rights within education. The neglect of gender
issues within education systems affects the
1. Adapted from Wilson (2003).
See also Subrahmanian (2003). achievement of gender parity and equality in a
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Chapter 3
Gendered outcomes in education: why are girls still held back?
range of ways. Gender-aware school systems Rights to education: what

are crucial if participation of girls and boys is happens outside the school?
to be sustained. The elimination of gender
inequalities within education can help to build It is clear that extreme inequality in enrolments
the foundations of broader gender equality for between girls and boys is particularly associated
the long term. with low overall enrolments and with the
incidence of poverty (Box 3.1). Inequality is not
Finally, rights through education are considered determined by poverty, because there are cases
in order to emphasize the interdependence of of poor countries where parity of enrolments has
educational reform and broader social and been achieved, but it appears to be part of the
economic change. Changes in any of the story. Why is this so?
dimensions of gender inequality have an impact
elsewhere. Equally, the maintenance of gender In general, inequality in educational participation
inequality outside the education system is one of and outcomes reflects broader inequalities in
the most profound constraints to achieving society. These embrace social norms and
gender equality within it. Some important aspects customs, which create powerful incentives that
of this interdependence are identified and guide people’s behaviour, and determine the
analysed in the final part of the chapter. roles that women and men can have in the family
Box 3.1. Gender and primary enrolments: some simple associations
In general, the lower a country’s primary enrolment ratio, the Poverty contributes to under-enrolment. Figure 3.2 shows that
greater the proportionate inequality between male and female primary net enrolment ratios rise with per capita income. However,
enrolments. In the great majority of cases, such inequality is to the there is considerable variability around the regression line. This is
disadvantage of girls. Accordingly, the expansion path for enrolment particularly true for countries at income levels lower than US$1,000
growth within countries is typically unequal – where enrolments are per capita, where many of the states of sub-Saharan Africa and
low, boys are given preference in most countries and most regions South Asia are concentrated.
of the world (Figure 3.1). There are, however, significant exceptions.
Accordingly, the gendered inequality of enrolments also falls as
The Islamic Republic of Iran, the Niger, the United Republic of
per capita incomes increase (Figure 3.3). Again, however, there is
Tanzania and Zambia are all countries where net enrolments are
substantial variation, particularly at lower income levels. Thus,
far less than 100%, yet where gender parity has been virtually
incomes need to be quite high (in excess of US$3,500 per capita)
achieved. Thus, the national context, including differences in policy,
before inequality in enrolment is consistently removed. Similar
can clearly change the pattern.
relationships to these are found at the secondary level.
Figure 3.1.
Scatter plot of the gender parity Figure 3.2. Figure 3.3.
index (GPI) against net enrolment ratio Scatter plot of per capita GNP Scatter plot of GPI for primary NER
(NER) in primary education (2000) against primary NER (2000) and per capita GNP (2000)
1.20 120 1.20
1.10 100 1.00

NER in primary education (%)
1.00
GPI for primary NER
GPI for primary NER
80 0.80
0.90 y = 10.537Ln(x) + 8.4512 y = 0.0513Ln(x) + 0.5913
R2 = 0.4027
60 R2 = 0.3199
0.80 0.60
y = 0.0034x + 0.6657
0.70
R2 = 0.4187 40 0.40
0.60
20 0.20
0.50
0.40 0 0
20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 110 0 1 000 2 000 3 000 4 000 5 000 6 000 7 000 8 000 0 1 000 2 000 3 000 4 000 5 000 6 000 7 000 8 000
NER in primary education (%) Per capita GNP (US$) Per capita GNP (US$)
Source: Statistical annex, Tables 1 and 5.
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and community. Social norms are embedded in allocated among household members were not
0
kinship and religious systems that are highly thought to be important. According to this
diverse across – and often within – societies. ‘unitary’ model, it was taken as given, for
2
However, such norms can and do change – in example, that changes in the balance of
response to environmental and economic change expenditure would be consistent, not necessarily
and to broader political and social developments. with an equal distribution of resources, but at
Change can result from deliberate actions of least with maximizing household welfare,
state and civil society groups, leading to reforms however defined (Becker, 1965). Yet concern
in the legislative and institutional framework of about subgroups within households – such as
society. In these ways, changes in the women or children – invites the question of
expectations and incentives that govern human whether the distribution of power within the
behaviour – including those that affect household results in some of its members having
The most educational participation and performance – a less than equal share of its joint resources. In
important can be achieved. short, do women or girls have a tougher time
place for than men or boys, in part because their influence
decisions about The critically important locus for decision- over decision-making in the household is usually
participation making as regards participation in schooling is weaker?
the family. It is here that notions of gender
in schooling is
relations are transmitted from one generation to Recent theoretical and empirical work shows
the family. the next. This happens implicitly via the gender that this is so. It appears that resource allocation
roles that members of the household themselves decisions within households are inconsistent with
fulfil, and explicitly by consequence of the gender the ‘unitary’ household model. In particular,
frameworks within which children of each sex additional income accruing to different household
are brought up. Households allocate time for members has different implications for
different activities among their members, and household expenditure patterns. Women seem to
they also allocate resources – for consumption, spend more on education, health and household
savings and investment, including those services than do men. Thus the evidence against
associated with the formation of human capital – income and labour pooling and against family
between each of them. As indicated above, altruism is strong (Hoddinott et al., 1997) and an
decisions made by households are influenced by approach premised on bargaining within
the broad social and institutional framework of households better captures the reality.
custom and opportunity in which they are
located. Nevertheless, changing the factors that From private to public sphere
affect household constraints, opportunities and While households are not a collection of
incentives is a critically important means of individuals co-operating in the interests of
influencing their decision-making. These issues maximizing economic gains (Kabeer, 2001),
are explored below. neither are they a group of people acting as if
they were single individuals. Households are, by
and large, made up of families, and hence they
In households, who decides?
are the sites of particular kinds of social
The main ways in which children spend their relationships, which are very distinct from other
time, and the amount of resources to which they relationships in any society. Institutional
have access, are determined by the households approaches that take account of this have been
in which they live. The broad parameters for used to elucidate the process of household
household behaviour are set by the social and decision-making (Todaro and Fapohunda, 1988;
institutional framework of each society. However, Kabeer, 1994, 2000; Cain, 1984; Whitehead, 1981;
within that context, a key question is whether Whitehead and Kabeer, 2000; Folbre, 1994).
households make decisions in ways which
balance the relative needs and interests of each Within such an approach, ‘households’ and other
of their individual members, or whether they do domestic arrangements are seen as institutional
not. Traditionally it was thought they did. responses to the need for long-term stable
Economic and social policy proceeded as if relationships. These are based on meeting the
households had a single set of preferences. basic survival needs of members, bearing and
The ways in which household resources, work raising children and coping with illness, disability
obligations and opportunities for leisure were and old age in a world characterized by
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Chapter 3
uncertainty (Kabeer, 1994, Chap. 5). Powerful Son preference

ideologies of family and kinship bind household Such societies have been – and many continue
members to each other through socially to be – characterized by marked son-preference
sanctioned ‘implicit contracts’. These ideologies and by discrimination against daughters from the
carry mutual claims and obligations in ways that early years of life. This occurs to such an extent
are often highly unequal. They are not ‘invented’ that such societies often have excess levels of Countries with
by individual households; they are embedded in female mortality and a higher proportion of men strong cultural
wider social norms and values and hence to women in the population than is considered preference for
exercise an influence that goes beyond (but ‘standard’ in the rest of the world (Kabeer, sons usually
serves to buttress) the authority of senior 2003b). Countries in which there is strong have the
individuals within the household (Whitehead, cultural preference for sons also tend to have
greatest gender
1981). the greatest levels of gender inequalities
(UNIFEM, 2002, p. 13). These societies exhibit
inequalities.
Households take diverse forms across the world. ‘extreme’ forms of patriarchy. They are to be
One important principle of difference relates to found in countries of North Africa, the Middle
gender relations.2 Most societies observe some East, South Asia (Pakistan, much of India and
gender division of labour within the home, with Bangladesh) and East Asia (China, Republic of
women taking primary responsibility for caring Korea, Taiwan). Gender inequalities in education
for the family, whereas men tend to be in such societies are simply one aspect of a
associated with the work outside the home, often generalized and systematic discrimination
on a paid basis. This division of labour goes some against women and girls.
way towards explaining the gender inequalities in
human capabilities observed in many nations. Although other parts of the world are also
characterized by a gender division of domestic
All-round dependence labour, they do not exercise the same restrictions
However, societies differ considerably in the on women’s ability to participate in the wider
extent to which women also participate in paid economy – even though such participation may
work outside the home: the most marked gender be onerous, given women’s other domestic
inequalities are generally found in societies responsibilities. Thus while gender inequalities
where women are confined to the home and exist in these societies, they have not taken the
denied the possibility of participating in work extreme, life-threatening forms noted above.
outside it (Townsend and Momsen, 1987; Kabeer,
2003a; Sen, 1990). These restrictions tend to be In these ways, differences in gender relations
associated with other values and practices that within and outside the household reflect society-
further inhibit women’s life chances, including wide norms, values and practices rather than
patrilineal principles of inheritance and descent, privately determined choices. To that extent they
where family line and property is transmitted change only slowly in response to changes in
through men; patriarchal structures of authority, individual or household circumstances. At the
where families are tightly knit and where most same time, they are not immutable. Like other
resources are under the control of the senior aspects of social behaviour, they have often
male; and patri-local systems of marriage shown evidence of change over time, with both
requiring women to be absorbed into their positive and negative outcomes for women.
husbands’ families after marriage, distancing
them from the support of their natal families. The Acting on social and economic forces
restrictions on women’s movements in the public Thus it is the complexity of interaction between
domain in such societies reflect the importance social norms and values and broader economic
attached to the biological paternity of children change which explains the diversity of enrolment
and the need to control women’s sexuality. outcomes illustrated in Figures 3.1 to 3.3 (see
Denied access to resources of their own and Box 3.1) The mechanisms that are capable of
restricted in their ability to provide for delivering greater equality are not necessarily 2. Indeed, while absolute levels
of education across the world
themselves, women tend to be regarded as put in place by economic growth – or by income are closely associated with levels
of economic development, it is
economic dependents in such societies. growth at the household level – alone. Other impossible to explain observed
patterns of gender inequality in
social forces are of equal significance, as education without some
demonstrated later in this report. reference to patterns of gender
relations prevailing in different
contexts (Kabeer, 2003a).
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Box 3.2. Gender inequalities in education: the South Asian case

0
The broad pattern of social relations in South Asia the propertied castes in the northern plains of
2
provides a compelling illustration of their influence India, and even more so among the propertied
on gendered outcomes. Throughout that region, upper castes. In the southern states, on the other
variations in gender inequality in education partly hand, the propertied castes either had balanced or
mirror regional variations in patriarchy. There is a female-biased sex ratios whereas the
well-documented ‘north–south’ divide among ‘unpropertied’ castes had balanced or slightly
Indian states such that those in the north-western male-biased ratios (Miller, 1985). The pattern was
plains have historically displayed a pattern of continued into the 1980s, but there was a
extreme discrimination whereas southern states ‘worsening’ of sex ratios both among poorer castes
have had more egalitarian relations (Dyson and and in some of the southern states over time,
Moore, 1983; Miller, 1981). It is also significant that suggesting the spread of forms of gender
the northern states generally had higher levels of discrimination to groups and areas where they
fertility, lower levels of contraceptive use, lower were not previously prevalent (Agnihotri, 2000).
levels of female labour-force participation and
Elsewhere in the region, Pakistan displays many of
more marked son-preference than states in the
the characteristics of the ‘northern’ pattern while
south.
Sri Lanka appears to have more in common with
This regional pattern confounds the relationship the southern states. The mountainous areas of
between economic development and gender northern India and Nepal are generally more
equality at the ‘state’ level. Thus, Punjab and egalitarian than the plains. Bangladesh, along with
Haryana in northern India reported the highest eastern states of India, has proved less easy to
state-level per capita incomes in 1981 as well as classify. They have certain characteristics in
some of the lowest sex ratios (around 870 women common with the northern states but appear not to
to 1,000 men) whereas Kerala and Tamil Nadu, have such markedly adverse sex ratios (Dyson and
both southern states with lower per capita Moore, 1983).
incomes, reported sex ratios of 1,032 and 977,
Thus, in South Asia, variations in poverty provide
respectively. The relationship between gender
only part of the explanation for observed variations
equality and poverty is further complicated by
in gender inequality in education. Pakistan, for
caste. Historical evidence and contemporary data
example, with higher per capita GNP than either
all confirm that gender discrimination is
India or Bangladesh, reports higher levels of
particularly marked among the propertied castes in
gender inequality in education than either country
northern India. It has been shown that, in the early
(Annex, Table 1).
1930s, sex ratios among the 0–7 age group were
generally substantially in favour of males among Source: Kabeer (2003a, 2003b).
incidence of work performed by children are

One of the Child labour:
available – as for adults – only for work leading
commonest a major brake on schooling
to a marketable output. This includes waged
reasons for Whether all children will be sent to school work, but also regular work done on a household
children not depends on the extent to which households farm or enterprise. People engaged in these
attending school continue to see themselves as requiring the economic activities are conventionally described
is that their labour of their children in order to achieve as being economically active and, when they are
families need tolerable levels of welfare. Owing to the children, as being child labourers. Most recent
importance of child labour as a major constraint estimates suggest that about 18% of children
them to work.
on school participation – with a strongly aged 5–14 are economically active in those ways,
differentiated impact on girls and boys – this amounting to some 211 million children in 2000
factor needs prominent attention in policy design. (Table 3.1), roughly half of whom were girls.
About 25 million of these children were
Figures only tell part of the story estimated to be involved in work for their families
One of the commonest reasons for children not which was consistent with their development. But
attending school is that their families need them some 186 million of them were involved in some
to work. Sometimes this work is paid, but mostly form of child labour which was harmful to their
it is unpaid and takes place within the household development. Although many of these child
or on the family farm. Global estimates of the labourers work for only a few hours per week,
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Chapter 3
more than half of them are estimated to be Table 3.1. Number and percentages of children engaged in economic
working full time on the production of activity, child labour and worst forms of child labour, by age (2000)
marketable output (ILO, 2002a). There are no
5–14 years 15–17 years Total
reliable global estimates for the number of
Number % of age Number % of age Number % of age
children engaged in domestic chores and other (millions) group (millions) group (millions) group
household work that does not lead to marketable Economically
210.8 18 140.9 42 351.7 23
output. It is safe to assume, however, that the active children
number of such children is several times greater of which:
186.3 16 59.2 18 245.5 16
than those formally described as being Child labourers
‘economically active’ – and thus as comprising
of which:
‘child labour’ – and that the girls who find Children in worst
– – – – 178.9 11.5
themselves in this category considerably forms of child
labour
outnumber the boys.
Children in
111.3 9 59.2 18 170.5 11
There are dramatic differences in the incidence hazardous work
of child labour by region. Africa has the highest Children in

incidence (41%) while Asia and Latin America unconditional – – – – 8.4 0.5
worst forms1
have 21% and 17%, respectively. Asia, being
more population-dense, has the largest number Note: A dash indicates that figures are not available. ILO estimates for 2000;
United Nations estimates for 2001.
of child labourers. Of children in work, it is 1. For example, forced and bonded labour, prostitution and pornography and other illicit activities.
estimated that 61% are in Asia (128 million), Sources: ILO (2002a, p. 18); United Nations (2001b).
32% in Africa (68 million) and 7% (15 million)
in Latin America. While the incidence of child
labour in Asia and Latin America has witnessed working on family-run farms and enterprises
3. This fact emerges from an array
a secular decline in the post-war era, this is not with attending school.4 Inevitably, however, there of household survey data from
the case in sub-Saharan Africa. There, fertility is a trade-off between work participation and developing countries including the
World Bank Living Standards
remains high and per capita resources for school attendance in such circumstances.5 Measurement Surveys (LSMS) and the
International Labour Organization’s
education have often been in decline. Slow or Achievement is also affected: the quality of the SIMPOC Surveys. Many authors
report the higher incidence of rural
negative economic growth, famine and disease, school experience for working children is as compared with urban work and
war and conflict and the spread of HIV/AIDS in undermined not only by their more irregular of household-based as opposed to
market work. For partial surveys of
Africa have all contributed further to keeping attendance, but also by their ability to apply the empirical research see Andvig
(1999), Bhalotra and Tzannatos (2002),
the incidence of child labour high. themselves while at school being reduced by Edmonds (2003). A comparison of
their responsibilities outside it.6 African and Asian data is made, using
the cases of Ghana and Pakistan, in
Parents: the main employer Bhalotra and Heady (2001).
The vast majority of working children – i.e. those Third, most countries exhibit large gender 4. Relevant data for India are
presented in Cigno and Rosati (2002)
helping to produce marketable output – in differentials in child labour-force participation. (where, exceptionally, the fraction of
developing countries are engaged in agricultural In Africa and Asia, the educational participation ‘idle’ children is greater among boys
than girls), for Nepal and Viet Nam
work, typically on family-run farms.3 Accordingly, and attainment of girls tends to be less than that in Edmonds (2003), for Ethiopia in
Cockburn (2002) and for Ghana and
the work participation rates of children tend to be of boys. However, the data on child labour do not Pakistan in Bhalotra and Heady
higher in rural than in urban areas. Child work in always show girls as being more heavily engaged (2001).
export-sector factories, many of which are in in work than boys because they are often more 5. See, for example, Boozer and
Suri (2001), for Ghana.
urban locations, is thus by no means the general likely than boys to be classed as ‘inactive’. This
case of child labour. Although in Latin America probably corresponds to their having a greater 6. This is shown, for Ghana,
in Heady (2003) and discussed, for
and Asia, a small but significant fraction of engagement in household chores, which is not Ethiopia, in Cockburn (2001b).
children work outside the household for a wage, conventionally counted as economic activity.7 7. For these reasons many empirical
studies investigating the effects of
this is much less common in Africa, where wage Often the poverty of households is a gender produce mixed results. See
labour markets are more incipient. Parents are, distinguishing characteristic – with those Psacharopoulos (1997), Alessie et al.
(1992), Canagarajah and Coulombe
therefore, the main employers of children, and supplying boy labourers being on average poorer (1997) and DeTray (1983) where data
for boys and girls are pooled, and a
affecting their circumstances and attitudes is the than those supplying girl labourers. In rural gender dummy variable is introduced.
major challenge in reducing child labour. Pakistan, for example, it appears that boys take In general, significant gender effects
are found where separate models
wage work only when their income contribution for girls and boys are estimated [e.g.
Nielsen (1998), Ilahi (1999), Cockburn
Second, and contrary to what is often assumed, is necessary to household subsistence, whereas (2001a), Ray (2000), Bhalotra (2000,
2001), Bhalotra and Heady (2000)] or
child labour is not the inverse of school girls take wage work even when the household when surveys explicitly include
attendance. Many children from all developing could survive without the money (Bhalotra, 2000). domestic chores alongside work
aimed at producing marketable
regions, but especially African children, combine A broad interpretation of the empirical literature output.
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suggests that the proportions in work and out of Finally, the history and geography of child labour
0
school are larger for girls than for boys in Asia, show that its incidence falls as economic
the proportion in work but not necessarily the development proceeds.8 Its existence is
2
proportion out of school is larger for boys than undoubtedly partly a result of poverty. However,
for girls in Latin America, and the proportions of the beneficial impact of increased wealth or
boys and girls in work are roughly similar in income may often be rather indirect. In many
In Ethiopia most parts of Africa, although the girls who are cases those at school are on average from richer
and Guinea, up out of school comprise a significant majority. households than school drop-outs who, in turn,
to a third of are from better-off backgrounds than those
school Girls and domestic work children who have never been enrolled.9 On the
drop-outs In all these cases there is strong gender other hand, household surveys often suggest that
segmentation in occupations. This is particularly the relationship between income and child labour
said their need
so if domestic labour is included. Even where at the household level is weak and, related to
to earn money their labour participation rates are similar, boys this, surveys often reveal a considerable
or work on the and girls often specialize in different sorts of prevalence of child labour among households
family farm work. For example, in Ethiopia, Guinea and the that are not subsistence poor (Andvig, 1999;
were their main United Republic of Tanzania, girls specialize in Bhalotra and Tzannatos, 2002; Brown et al.,
reasons for domestic work, such as looking after siblings, 2003). Furthermore, the ownership of productive
leaving school preparing and cooking food, cleaning the house assets such as land sometimes increases child
early. and fetching water and firewood. Boys, on the labour, owing to the increased need for
other hand, are mainly involved in working on the household labour for those with larger land
family farm, looking after livestock and engaging holdings.10 This needs further investigation in a
in income-earning activities. In terms of the broader range of contexts, because the
range and frequency of work activities practised effectiveness of income transfer programmes
in these three countries, including domestic aimed at reducing child labour is dependent on
chores, girls help their families more than boys parents being altruistic – in the sense that those
(Colclough et al., 2003, pp. 136–7; Cockburn, having the choice would not want their children
2001b). In rural Pakistan, girls in waged work are to work.
mainly engaged in seasonal agricultural work,
whereas boys in waged work are primarily Targeting mothers
engaged in the non-agricultural sector (Bhalotra, One of the explanations for the indirect
2000). Proxy evidence also exists from household relationship between income and child labour
surveys for many developing countries, which may be – as discussed above – that women and
find that a substantial fraction of children are men have different preferences and power within
neither in work nor in school. This fraction is households. A growing literature argues that the
typically larger for girls than for boys – an relative power of women in deciding how to
8. This is evident from indication that ‘doing nothing’, as reported by spend household resources (including deciding
aggregate statistics on child
labour presented by country such surveys will, in many cases, correspond to on the level of investment in schooling) increases
and year (see ILO, 2002). Using
cross-country data for eighty- doing housework. Other school-based surveys for with their earning power. Recent work has shown
three rich and poor countries, a large number of countries show that household that the incidence of child labour can be expected
Dessy and Vencatachellum
(2003) find a negative and domestic work is a significant reason for to be lowest where power is equally divided
correlation of child labour and
the log of per capita GDP non-attendance, and more so for girls than for between husbands and wives (Basu, 2001). Data
(at purchasing power parity). boys. In Ethiopia and Guinea, between one- from Indonesia suggest that children work less
(They also find a positive
relation of child labour quarter and one-third of school drop-outs and study more in households where the mother
incidence and the log of the
Gini index of inequality.) surveyed indicated that their need to earn money has more influence in decision-making (Galasso,
9. In Ethiopia and Guinea, or to work at home on the family farm were the 1999). Other studies allow for the possibility that
increases in household wealth main reasons for leaving school early. In both child workers are independent bargainers who
improve the chances of all
children’s school attendance, countries the girls who dropped out for these influence the allocation of resources within the
but significantly more so for
girls than for boys. See Rose reasons did so mainly in order to help the family household. In rural Pakistan, for example,
and Al-Samarrai (2001); in the home, whereas the boys who did so cited ignoring work status, no gender differential is
Tembon and Al-Samarrai
(1999). work on the family farm, or earning money as apparent in the allocation of resources. However,
10. Bhalotra and Heady (2000) having been their main intent (Colclough et al., once work status is allowed for, it is found that
illustrate this argument with a
theoretical model, and present 2003). working boys acquire a larger share of household
evidence from rural Ghana and resources such as food and child-specific goods
Pakistan. See also Cockburn
(2001a) and Skoufias (1993). than do non-working (or dependent) boys. In
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Chapter 3
contrast, working does not bestow any benefit on Box 3.3. Ethiopian girls speak up
girls. Although this may reflect differential
preferences, it may rather be that dependent Silenat Libsework, student:
girls are as heavily engaged in domestic chores I am now in grade four. I was 7 years old when I was married.
as working girls are in more explicit forms of Now I am 14. I wanted to come back to school and left my husband.
work. This is in contrast to working boys who I am now doing well. I have never failed in my exams. I am the first
may in fact be more active than dependent boys daughter. My two younger brothers are in grades seven and four.
(Bhalotra and Attfield, 1998). The youngest sister is not yet of school age. I regret that I was
married and now I advise others not to do so.
In the name of tradition Tadfe Tsega, student:

Social norms play a significant role in explaining Now I am in grade two. I am 15 years old I was married twice, at the
why and how gender differentiation occurs, how ages of 10 and 12. I did not stay with my second husband. My cousin
it becomes legitimized through divisions of advised me to go to school. I am the first child to my family and I have
three sisters and two brothers. I like my lessons. I stood seventh
labour between men and women, and how this
among 120 students. My younger sister was married but because of
division of labour results in the contributions of
my advice she now goes to school. My parents are not very willing to
girls and boys being valued differently. Norms of send me to school. None the less I want to continue and will advise
female dependence on males are other girls to do the same.
institutionalized through a range of social
mechanisms so that they come to appear natural Source: Cited in Yelfign (2003).
and immutable. These norms are usually
stubborn, but they can be challenged through
pro-active measures.
significantly more likely to be married than their
Contrary to the assumptions of many parents, male peers.
girls will go to great lengths to attend school
(see Box 3.3). Once there, they work hard and often Although it is well known that marriage of
outperform boys in their studies, as Chapter 2 children and adolescents before the age of 18
demonstrates. However, many parents recognize is very common in some parts of the world, its
that existing social conditions are often overall prevalence is difficult to assess. Many
unsupportive of those girls and women who such marriages are not registered. Small-scale
offend social norms. Some Ethiopian fathers, for studies suggest, however, that national data
example, noted that more educated girls face significantly underestimate its prevalence. For
problems because they cannot find a husband or
employment opportunities; they will get older, Table 3.2. Married adolescents: percentage
have to stay with their parents and bring shame of 15–19 year olds married, various years
upon the family; thus the only options are for Boys Girls
educated girls to migrate to bigger towns, often
Sub-Saharan Africa
to lead a miserable life working as house servants D. R. Congo 5 74
or even prostitutes (Colclough et al., 2003). Niger 4 70
Congo 12 56
Early marriage as a form of insurance Uganda 11 50
Where female autonomy is considered unstable Mali 5 50
or risky, early marriage is used as a means of Asia

securing daughters’ futures. This massively Afghanistan 9 54
impedes the educational progress of girls in Bangladesh 5 51
many countries. Data from India for 1996 show Nepal 14 42
that 38% of girls aged 15–19 were married.11 Middle East

In rural areas of Albania and Tajikistan it is not Iraq 15 28
uncommon for poor families to endorse the early Syrian Arab Rep. 4 25
marriage of girls to lighten the family’s economic Yemen 5 24
burden. In these circumstances, early marriage Latin America and Caribbean

(at age 15 or 16) becomes a reason to leave Honduras 7 30
school (Magno et al., 2002). Here, and in the 11. These comprised 46% of
Source: Cited in Wilson (2003). those in rural areas and 22%
other countries shown in Table 3.2, girls are of those in urban centres.
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Girls are example, in 1998, in the Indian state of Madhya Cultural practices and rites of passage
0
sometimes Pradesh, 14% of girls between the ages of 10 and A more complex set of issues affecting girls’
‘kidnapped’ on 14 were already married. In Nepal, 40% of girls education are traditional practices that mark
2
are married by the time they are 15. In Ethiopia adolescence and the rites of passage. Box 3.4
their way to or
and in some countries in West Africa, marriage discusses some of those that continue, in the
even at school
at 7 or 8 is not uncommon, although in some name of religion or culture, to prevent both boys
by parents cases girls are reported to be able to carry on and girls from enjoying rights and freedoms
for marriage their education even after moving to their in- associated with childhood. Many of these are
to their sons. laws’ household (Rose, 2003a). Even boys marry linked to the construction of sexuality of young
under pressure from parents, earlier than they boys and girls, and in most cases result in
would wish although not as early as girls (Save restrictions being placed particularly on the
the Children, 2003). freedom of girls to enjoy their right to education.
In themselves, changes to the legal age of Some cultural practices inadvertently affect the
marriage are unlikely to alter local practices if incentives to educate girls. For example, the
underlying conditions are not changed. For practice of bride price or lobola in many parts of
example, despite a recent policy change in southern Africa, whereby educated girls may
Ethiopia, whereby the minimum official age of attract a higher bride price, can serve as a
marriage for girls became 18, in some parts of powerful incentive for some parents to educate
the country girls are still married before the age their daughters (SADC, 1999). In contrast, the
of 10. Moreover, in some areas girls are not practice of dowry in India often acts as a
infrequently ‘kidnapped’ on their way to school, depressant on investments in a daughter, be it
or even from within the school compound itself, their education or health, by emphasizing the
by the parents of boys, for marriage to their sons. importance of girls’ eligibility for marriage to the
Cognisant of this risk, some parents refuse to exclusion of all other considerations of
send their daughters to school. Promoting the personhood (Palriwala, 2003). However, where
importance of girls’ education through education is seen as improving the prospects for
campaigns, role models, improving conditions of girls in the marriage market, it may be used
safety and security for girls and working directly purely as a means to that end (Jeffery and Basu,
with adolescent girls to strengthen their voice 1996; Jeffery et al., 2003).
are all important measures to help communities
to allow girls to complete their education.
Box 3.4. Puberty myths
Rites of passage for boys and girls differ around from myths relating to hygiene and sexuality, and is
the world, but in most cases, they reflect gendered practised by people from all social classes,
norms and beliefs about appropriate roles for adult including the educated elite. Severe health, sexual
life. There are many different practices associated and psychological effects are associated with FGM.
with puberty, reproduction, marriage and the
Poverty, conflict and complex crises such as those
control of female sexuality. For example, in Nepal,
triggered by HIV/AIDS can also perpetuate such
Ghana and Nigeria, girls can be enslaved to atone
practices. For example, in the Sudan, increased
for the sins of a male relative or to provide security
poverty and displacement as a result of civil war
for their family in other ways. In Ghana, the
appear to have increased the rate of early
practise of ‘trokosi’ involves offering young female
marriage, resulting in early pregnancies and a
virgins – sometimes as young as 5 – to shrines
disruption of schooling. FGM has also spread
where they are kept in servitude to priests in
among communities for whom this practice was
reparation for the sins of family members. One
not traditional.
study estimated that in southern Ghana there were
over 4,700 women in bondage in 1997. Female Source: Save the Children (2003).
genital mutilation (FGM) remains widespread in
both Islamic and Christian communities. It arises
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Chapter 3
Adolescence and pregnancy The studies document the ways in which poor
Social pressures on girls and boys are management of sexual maturation has had a
particularly strong during their puberty and the detrimental impact on children’s acquisition of
development of adolescent sexuality. In many basic learning competencies, and how girls who
countries, adolescent pregnancy, either within or experienced menstruation without adequate
outside marriage, almost always results in the preparation, or facilities, were regularly absent
discontinuation of a girl’s schooling. In both or even dropped out of primary school (Kasente,
Malawi and Chile, pregnancy was often 2003).
mentioned as the most important reason for girls
leaving school early, although statistical evidence
is sparse (Kadzamira and Chibwana, 2000;
Avalos, 2003). In the United Republic of Tanzania, Rights to education: children
the strong enforcing of compulsory education in special circumstances
has meant that early marriage is not an
important factor affecting girls, but pregnancy Much of the preceding discussion has focused on
was cited as an important reason for girls families and the operation of gender inequalities
dropping out of school. In addition, the high costs within them. However, increasing numbers of
of schooling and the inability of poorer girls to children do not always fall within the conventional Households
buy school uniforms also may encourage them to boundary of the ‘family’, and for them educational suffering from
seek sexual relationships with older men who decision-making may be affected by a range of the strain of
can provide them with money. other factors. Households suffering from the strain civil war and
of crises such as those unleashed by conflict and the HIV/AIDS
Data compiled by the Forum for African Women civil war and by the HIV/AIDS pandemic may no
pandemic may
Educationalists (FAWE, 1994) in eastern and longer be able to send their children to school.
southern Africa indicate that the school careers
no longer be able
of many girls are cut short because they are to send their
Foster children children to
expelled from school on becoming pregnant.
Pre-marital pregnancy among girls is It may seem obvious to observe that whether or school.
stigmatized in African communities even though not children are brought up by their parents
its determining factors remain unaddressed. significantly affects their life chances. This,
In Guinea and Malawi, where girls are now however, is an important factor in many
encouraged to return to school after pregnancy, developing countries, where households are
few girls do so, partly because of parental fears large and complex. Nephews, nieces and sisters-
that they would become pregnant again, and in-law may often be counted among children
partly because girls are afraid of ridicule along with sons and daughters of the head of
(Colclough et al., 2003). household. In sub-Saharan Africa there is,
further, a high prevalence of the practice of
Sexual taboos fostering children and of taking in orphans. In
A recent series of studies about management of principle, it might be expected that parental
puberty in primary schools in Uganda, Kenya and altruism towards their own children would lead
Zimbabwe concluded that the current to non-biological children of household heads
management of sexual maturation within the being more prone to involvement in child labour
primary system fails to meet the needs of and less likely to be enrolled in school than
children, but especially those of girls. In biological children. This is confirmed by evidence
particular, children were denied: from African countries.12 Evidence of the
biological-child effect, however, appears to be
accessible and accurate information about the
less apparent for child labour than it is for
process of sexual maturation;
schooling. For example, an analysis of Peruvian
essential facilities to ensure that children, data finds no effect (Levison and Moe, 1998). On
especially girls, are not excluded from the other hand, in rural Pakistan, sons and
participation because of their maturing bodies; daughters of the household head are more likely
12. Case et al. (2002) indicate
to be in work than other children in the that, in a cross-section of African
an appropriate value system through which countries, biological children of
household. In rural Ghana, sons of the head of the household head, as opposed
boys and girls can be guided into safe and
household are less likely to be in work but for to other relatives and non-
healthy adulthood. relatives, are more likely to
daughters there are no differences, compared attend school.
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Box 3.5. How foster children fare in West Africa

0
The fostering of children is an ancient phenomenon in many parts of the

2
world. In West Africa, where it is widespread, the traditional causes vary

widely. They include illness, death, divorce or separation of parents,
socialization and the wish to strengthen family ties (by blood or marriage).
For the societies involved, child ‘circulation’ is a characteristic of family
systems, fitting in with patterns of family solidarity and systems of rights
and obligations.
In addition to reinforcing social bonds, this practice parent, especially financially (or in kind), would
also appears to help maintain high fertility rates by lead to a higher risk that the foster child will suffer
spreading the economic burden of child-rearing mistreatment in the host family.
more evenly. In some cases children may still have
An analysis of data from a survey on the ‘social
one or both biological parents alive, possibly even
dimensions of adjustment’ in Côte d’Ivoire showed
within the same household, although the
that education expenses earmarked for foster
household head may not be their parent.
children were lower than those allotted to the
Given the variations in definition, it is difficult to household head’s own children (De Vreyer, 1994).
arrive at clear estimates of the exact extent to Usually, the host family expects foster children to
which fostering is taking place, as all children not perform some domestic tasks (washing dishes and
living with a parent are deemed to be in ‘foster clothes, carrying water, helping out with the
care’. Demographic and health survey reports for cooking and shopping), or even to contribute to
eleven countries13 provide more accurate certain productive or commercial activities.
information about parents’ survival and residence, Considered as a kind of payment, those chores
especially for children aged between 6–9 and might of course be compatible with a socialization
10–14, which is the usual school-age group. If and upbringing process in its broadest sense. But
children living with neither parent (whether alive or it has also been shown that ‘sometimes these
not) are considered to be in ‘foster care’ in these children are less well-fed, and work more than the
countries, then: others in the household, under the pretext of giving
foster children account for 10%–20% of the them a good upbringing. … These children are
6–9, and 13% –25% of the 10–14 age groups; practically thought of as domestic servants, and
that can only have a negative influence on their
in the overwhelming majority of these cases,
scholastic performance’ (Vandermeersch, 2000,
both parents are alive but do not live with their
p. 431). Thus, their chances of repeating, failing and
child.
dropping out of school are high. This problem is
One factor explaining the large number of children more acute for girls, who are required to perform
involved is that many migrate from school-deprived more domestic chores. Moreover, fostering also
areas in order to attend school elsewhere. On the carries the risk of ‘psychological suffering’ for the
other hand, there are gender differences. For girls, child (Savané, 1994). Thus, fostering for purposes
fostering may often be a reflection of the demand of school enrolment does not protect children from
for domestic labour, whereas for boys it may abuse, mistreatment and other forms of
reflect a concern with improving their schooling exploitation that might lead them to fail or drop out
and life opportunities. The relationship between the of school.
custody of very young children and housework
Shocks and crises aggravate these circumstances.
raises problems, particularly in households where
In particular, the HIV/AIDS pandemic sharply
both spouses work outside the home.
increases the number of foster children owing to
Similarly, the reality of many fostering situations is parental mortality, thereby stretching the capacity
often not conducive to children’s development. The of foster parents to provide for their families.
costs for children’s education, the extent of the
One key policy response is to increase provision of
guardian’s responsibility for the child, and the
educational opportunities, particularly in rural
emotional relationship between them are also
13. Benin, 2001; areas. Moreover, developing early childhood
Burkina Faso; 1992/93; likely to have a major influence on the
Côte d’Ivoire, 1994; centres to allow women to work and to have their
opportunities made available for children in foster
Ghana, 1998; younger children looked after by others could
Guinea, 1999; care. Actual situations are also highly diverse.
Mali, 2001; provide significant support.
Mauritania, 2000/01;
Correspondingly, it is likely that a lower
Niger, 1998; involvement on the part of the foster child’s natural Source: Pilon (2003).
Nigeria, 1999;
Senegal, 1992/93;
Togo, 1998.
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Chapter 3
with other 10–14-year-old girls in the household Not even schools are safe places for girls. A
(Bhalotra and Heady, 2000). These differences South African Demographic and Health Survey
may partly exist because – as in the case of asked women about rape in childhood, and found
several West African countries – education that schoolteachers were those most commonly
features prominently in the reasons for fostering, responsible (33%) (Jewkes et al., 2002). The data
particularly in the case of boys (Box 3.5). It can be show that approximately 1 in 200 South African
expected, therefore, that it is also likely to be part women aged 15–49 was raped by a school
of a solution. teacher before the age of 15. For schoolgirls,
more particularly, the South African Medical
Research Council reported that half of those
HIV/AIDS: when women are hardest hit
surveyed in 2000 had been forced to have sex
In 2002, an estimated 42 million people against their will, one-third of them by teachers
worldwide lived with HIV/AIDS. The 5 million new (Coombe, 2001). If both these figures are
infections and the 3.1 million HIV/AIDS-related accurate, they imply that the incidence of rape
deaths accounted for a rise of 2 million has increased very substantially over recent A main reason
compared with the year before (UNAIDS/WHO, decades. Given that South Africa has the largest for girls’
2002). Behind these cold figures hides the number of people living with HIV/AIDS in the vulnerability to
immeasurable detrimental impact of HIV/AIDS world, the implications of these levels of sexual HIV infection is
on development in general and on education in violence are particularly disturbing. sexual violence
particular, described in the EFA Report 2002
and coercion.
(UNESCO, 2002b, pp. 117–22, 147–57). In many high-prevalence countries, poverty
conspires with HIV/AIDS to affect the lives of girls
The global proportion of women among the very seriously (UNICEF, 2003a). When HIV/AIDS
infected adults (aged 15–49) is estimated to be hits a family, girls are often the first to be taken
equal to, or somewhat higher than, the propor- out of school to care for an ailing parent or family
tion of men. But there are striking differences member, or to take on responsibility for their
among regions, and there is a tendency for the siblings, sometimes as head of household. The
proportion of women to be higher in less- direct costs of schooling may also soon become
developed regions. In sub-Saharan Africa, unbearable for such affected families, where in
women make up as much as 58% of those living the worst cases girls may even be forced to
with HIV/AIDS, against 20% in North America.14 provide for themselves and their families by
engaging in relationships that might heighten,
The picture is especially bleak for adolescent for themselves, the risk of HIV infection.
girls, aged 15–19; in some of the worst-affected
countries in southern Africa and the Caribbean, Girls’ education is an important means of
girls in this age group are infected at rates four breaking such patterns of economic deprivation
to seven times higher than boys, a disparity and dependence. It is however, sadly ironic that
linked to widespread exploitation, sexual abuse although education is an effective means of
and discriminatory practices (Human Rights addressing the HIV/AIDS crisis, the epidemic puts
Watch, 2003, p. 12). new barriers in the way of girls’ abilities to
access education, whilst also undermining the
A primary factor in girls’ vulnerability to HIV education system itself (Fleishman, 2003).
infection involves sexual violence and coercion. Nevertheless, there are indications that HIV
A Human Rights Watch report on Zambia stated: infection may be declining more markedly
‘An alarming and apparently increasing number among young, educated women than among
of abuses against girls come from members of those with less education. Studies point to the
their own families. Given the high HIV prevalence example of Zambia, where prevalence for young
in the Zambian population, sexual abuse carries women aged between 15 and 19 dropped from 14. At the end of 2002, UNAIDS
figures on the percentages of
a high risk of HIV transmission. Nevertheless, the 27% in 1993 to 15% in 1998. The decline was women (15–49 years) among
family, the broader community, and the law greatest among those with secondary and higher those living with HIV/AIDS were:
58% in Africa; 55% in North
enforcement agencies are often complicit in levels of education. Some have concluded that, Africa and the Middle East; 50%
in the Caribbean; 36% in South
attempting to hide the abuse. Effective protection if this apparent relationship between more and South-East Asia; 30% in
Latin America; 27% in Eastern
mechanisms targeted at abuse against girls in education and less HIV is robust, in the absence Europe and Central Asia; 25% in
the family are virtually nonexistent’ (Human of a physiological vaccine against HIV infection, Western Europe; and 20% in
North America (UNAIDS, 2002,
Rights Watch, 2003, p. 25). society has at its disposal a ‘social vaccine’ in the p. 8).
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Box 3.6. Fighting HIV/AIDS Thus, extra resources would already be needed
0
in Brazilian schools to merely keep education systems in affected

countries functioning as they are. But actually to
2
The Culture and Communication Project fight HIV/AIDS by means of education, even more
implemented by UNAIDS has been a success resources are needed both on the supply side –
story since it began in 1987. Working in to promote new training related to HIV/AIDS, to
400 schools in 97 cities, it has published and develop new curricula and content, and to
distributed more than 900,000 newsletters and provide counselling service; and on the demand
newspapers written by and for the students and side – to enable orphans and other affected
their teachers. The publications cover issues
children to attend school. All this needs to be
such as reproductive health, STI/AIDS, human
accomplished at a time when other public
rights and advocacy. Since 1987, the project has
run training courses for almost 2,000 students. sectors, especially health care, are claiming an
With the support of UNICEF and the MacArthur ever-increasing share of the government
Foundation, it aims to reach 1,000 schools by budgets.
2005.
The worst-affected countries cannot mobilize
Source: UNAIDS (2002).
these resources themselves by internal
reallocation (UNESCO, 2002b, pp. 147–57). While
one could argue that countries in normal
form of education (Coombe and Kelly, 2001). circumstances need eventually to be able to
In addition, there is some recent evidence of sustain their education systems independently
decline, or levelling off, of HIV prevalence in from external support, this principle needs to be
some urban areas of sub-Saharan Africa, set aside as long as HIV/AIDS ruins the lives of so
Civilians are which, for those between 15 and 19 years, may many orphaned and infected girls and boys; and
not only most of indicate some impact of prevention efforts so long as it continues to have such a dramatic
the victims, (Donnelly, 2003). Box 3.6 provides an example impact on the availability of the most important
but increasingly from Brazil. resource education systems have at their
the targets disposal – teachers.
However, it does not follow that ‘health literacy’
of conflict.
is a natural product of general literacy, as the
Civilians at the heart of conflict
experience of South Africa and Botswana
demonstrates. Both countries have relatively high Armed conflict is a major barrier to development
levels of literacy and high HIV prevalence rates. in general and to gender equality in education in
This underscores the need to invest both in particular. Armed conflict is estimated to affect
general literacy and health literacy specific to some thirty countries in the world, mostly those
HIV/AIDS. This requires attention not only to who can least afford it; 80% of the world’s wars
basic facts about HIV/AIDS but also to enabling are in Africa and Asia;16 most conflicts during
girls and young women negotiate their social and 2001 were internal (SIPRI Yearbook, 2003). In
sexual lives more independently, armed with a such internal struggle for control over territory
better understanding of the implications of and populations, civilians are increasingly placed
sexual activity (Fleishman, 2003). at the heart of the conflict. Militias multiply and
small arms proliferate. Civilians not only make
But are education systems sufficiently prepared up the majority of victims, they are increasingly
to play a crucial role in combating the epidemic? the targets of conflict. Far from being
Stephen Lewis, the United Nations Secretary- unfortunate collateral damage of war, the
15. Stephen Lewis, notes for General’s Special Envoy for HIV/AIDS in Africa, destruction of civilian populations has been the
a press briefing at the United reports that in ‘all of the countries visited, very aim of some of the wars of the 1990s, as in
Nations, 8 January 2003.
teachers were dead, teachers were dying, Rwanda and Bosnia. Civilian casualties in
16. An armed conflict is
defined as a political conflict teachers were ill and away from school. … It felt, wartime have climbed from 5% of the total in the
in which combat involves the in every instance, as though the education sector early twentieth century to up to 90% during the
armed forces of at least one
state (or one or more armed was under siege. In Zambia, they lost 1,967 wars of the 1990s.
factions seeking to gain
control of all or part of the teachers in 2001, over 2,000 teachers in 2002;
state), and in which at least
1,000 people have been killed the teacher’s colleges are graduating fewer than Impact of armed conflict on girls and women
by the fighting during the 1,000 a year. In parts of Malawi, HIV-positive The effects of armed conflict are different for
course of the conflict (Project
Ploughshares, 2002). teachers are estimated at over 30%’.15 men, women, boys and girls. In Bosnia and
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Chapter 3
Herzegovina in 1995, Muslim men and older boys the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women
were rounded up and detained or executed, and Children in 2000, Burundian women
whereas women and girls were forced to leave expressed concern about children’s and
(ICRC, 2001). Women and girls, on the other adolescents’ lack of access to school, where
hand, are continually threatened by rape and the situation had further deteriorated due to
sexual exploitation during armed conflict. During insecurity. They reiterated the need to raise
the conflict in the former Yugoslavia there were levels of school attendance and literacy, and Devastation
an estimated 20,000 victims of sexual assault, again offer children and adolescents alternatives of educational
and in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, many to violence and prostitution (Watchlist, 2002). infrastructure
adolescent girls who survived militia attacks is a huge
were raped (UNICEF, 1996). In times of war, in Girls at high risk developmental
addition to the dangers of gunfire, bombings, It is estimated that half of the 104 million out-of-
setback for
landmines and sexual assault, women and girls school children, two-thirds of whom are girls, live
also face the risk of increased domestic violence. in countries in the midst of or recovering from
countries
Domestic violence is common during peacetime, conflict. Of the seventeen sub-Saharan countries affected by
but it increases during and after conflict. Many in which enrolment rates declined in the 1990s, conflict.
things contribute to the increase in domestic six are states that are affected by or are
violence: the availability of weapons, the violence recovering from major armed conflict (Angola,
that male family members have experienced or Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
caused, the lack of jobs, shelter and basic Liberia, Sierra Leone and Somalia) and of the
services (UNIFEM, 2002). Girls and women are fourteen countries with a very low enrolment GPI
therefore doubly vulnerable in times of war. of between 0.6 and 0.84, three are currently in
conflict (Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia) and
Education in the cross-fire two are recovering from it (Ethiopia and
The destruction of educational infrastructure Mozambique). Of the twenty-five countries with
represents one of the greatest developmental the lowest levels of female adult literacy, ten are
setbacks for countries affected by conflict. In either experiencing armed conflict or recovering
Mozambique, some 45% of primary-school from it.17 It is also significant that of the twenty-
networks were destroyed, and during the crisis in five countries targeted recently by UNICEF for
Rwanda more than two-thirds of teachers either accelerated action to improve girls’ participation
fled or were killed (Machel, 1996). The lost years in education,18 eight have experienced recent
of education make the recovery after war even conflict within their borders (Kirk, 2003).
more difficult. Once the fighting stops, the lack of
schools and teachers, the inability of authorities There is ample evidence from the Machel report
to rebuild the education system and to train, and from other sources that armed conflict
retrain and deploy new or returning teachers, is particularly disrupts the education of girls.
a difficult challenge that can take many years to During conflict girls may not be allowed to go to
overcome. school because parents fear attacks on the way.
The HIV/AIDs threat makes this of even greater
Providing education in situations of emergency concern. Of the seventeen countries with over
and crisis is critical, both as a way to resist the 100,000 children orphaned by AIDS, thirteen are
enemy and to provide some sense of normalcy in in conflict or on the brink of conflict (Machel,
disrupted lives. It is also the foundation on which 2002). In the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
to rebuild societies. Because schools are often it is thought that adult HIV/AIDS prevalence has
targeted, alternative sites for classrooms have to risen steeply to 20%, and that in 2001, 930,000 17. Angola, Burundi, Chad, Côte
d’Ivoire, Eritrea, Ethiopia,
be found, alternating the venues regularly. In children under 15 had lost either their mother or Mozambique, Pakistan, Sierra
Eritrea in the late 1980s, classes were often held both parents to the epidemic. The vulnerability of Leone, the Sudan.
under trees, in caves or in camouflaged huts women and girls to sexual violence in situations 18. UNICEF’s ‘25 by 2005’
initiative is likely to happen in the
built from sticks and foliage. Similar of conflict makes them also especially vulnerable following countries: Afghanistan,
arrangements were made during the fighting in to HIV/AIDS infection. This was indicated in a Bangladesh, Benin, Bhutan,
Bolivia, Burkina Faso, the
the former Yugoslavia, where classes were held recent study in the highly affected region of Central African Republic, Chad,
the Democratic Republic of the
in cellars of private homes, often by candlelight, North Kivu (Democratic Republic of the Congo), Congo, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia,
Guinea, India, Malawi, Mali,
witnessing the importance of maintaining where estimated infection rates are 54% among Nepal, Nigeria, Pakistan, Papua
education no matter how difficult the adult women, 32% among adult men, and 26% New Guinea, the Sudan, Turkey,
the United Republic of Tanzania,
circumstances (Machel, 1996). In interviews with among children (Watchlist, 2003). Infection rates Yemen, Zambia.
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0
of military forces can be far higher than those of Killer mines

0
the local population. Traditional chores such as One of the most neglected but significant
collecting firewood and water represent a real education-related outcomes of conflict is
2
danger during wartime. All these factors impact disability, particularly that caused by landmines.
negatively on education. In southern Sudan, the In Africa, an estimated 37 million mines are
demand that girls care for younger siblings and embedded in the soil of at least nineteen
children has considerably increased during civil countries. Since May 1995, children have
war, as adults and particularly women have comprised about half the victims of the
become more engaged in livelihood activities 50,000–100,000 anti-personnel mines laid in
than during pre-war periods (Biong Deng, 2003). Rwanda. Angola alone has an estimated
10 million landmines and an amputee population
In the case of the Aboke girls in northern of 70,000, of whom 8,000 are children (Machel,
Uganda, 139 girls were specifically targeted, 1996). For every child killed in armed conflict,
removed from a girls’ boarding school, and three are injured and permanently disabled.
forced into the rebel forces (De Temmerman, About two-fifths of the 26,000 persons killed and
2001). In northern Uganda, families have married injured by landmines each year are children.
their daughters to militia members in order to Over 10 million children have been
Despite its protect themselves and their girls. The same psychologically traumatized by armed conflicts
many horrific also happened in Somalia (UNICEF, 2001b). In (UNESCO website).
outcomes, the post-conflict periods, sexual violence and
destruction exploitation of women does not necessarily Education, gender and conflict:
caused by abate. In Rwanda, for example, during and after a challenge and an opportunity
the conflict, girls tended to stay close to their Notwithstanding its many horrific outcomes, the
armed conflict
homes, remaining for the most part with their general destruction caused by armed conflict
may open up mothers; education was the first of their activities may open up some avenues for women that
avenues for to be sacrificed (Oxfam UK, 1999). challenge their traditional roles and
women that responsibilities. Women may find themselves
challenge their Uprooted and out of school working outside the home for the first time,
traditional Recent conflicts have resulted in huge refugee becoming the income-earners and living in a
roles and populations, making demands on an already more public sphere. Male involvement in fighting
responsibilities. overstretched education system. The United often leaves women – and even young girls –
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees heading households. After the genocide in
(UNHCR) cares for 20 million ‘persons of Rwanda, females for a time accounted for 70% of
concern’, mainly refugees and asylum seekers the population. In southern Sudan only one-third
but also internally displaced persons. These have of the population is male (Obura, 2001). Thus,
been uprooted because of internal warfare but conflict tends to result in women taking on
have not reached a neighbouring country, and additional responsibilities (El-Bushra et al.,
are therefore not protected by international law. 2002). In post-conflict Somalia, in the absence of
The United Nations Special Representative for men, women have become increasingly involved
Internally Displaced Persons estimates there are in income-generating activities and in household
25 million IDPs worldwide, with major decision-making. This is also true in El Salvador
concentrations in Afghanistan, Angola, Bosnia (ICRC, 2001). The role of women in the 1979
and Herzegovina, Colombia, the Democratic Iranian revolution led to their recognition of their
Republic of the Congo, Sri Lanka, the Sudan, and own power and rights. In spite of the influence of
countries of the former Soviet Union. The religious fundamentalism and the rule of religio-
majority are women and children. In nearly half political leaders, Iranian women have had
of these countries, IDPs faced sexual violence. A significant achievements in the realm of
2002 study in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone education (Mehran, 2003). In Eritrea, those
found that displaced women and girls in camps fighting for national independence designed a
were constrained to exchange sex for scarce food school curriculum which reflected a commitment
and other basics – even for humanitarian aid. to socialist equality and the rights of women.
Twelve million children aged 5–17 are without Classes were co-educational and girls were
access to education due to conflict (Global IDP encouraged to participate fully in all fields,
Project, 2003). particularly the technical ones (UNICEF website).
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Chapter 3
Box 3.7. Girls in the armed forces
It is estimated that in the 1990s approximately in which boys and girls participate in armed forces
100,000 girls directly participated in conflicts in at and reintegrate into communities. In Angola, for
least thirty-nine countries around the world. In example, when the surrender of weapons was a
terms of absolute numbers, Africa is the region criterion for eligibility, girls who had been involved
with the highest number of children directly with the military, but not as fighters, were
involved (McKay and Mazurana, 2000), but the issue excluded. Those programmes that include girls Education is a
is clearly a global one. Precise data are limited, but nevertheless tend to ignore central gender issues. political asset
in countries such as El Salvador, Ethiopia, Sierra Little attention may be given, for example, to
Leone and Uganda, it is estimated that 30% of child addressing the complex shifts in gender identities,
and can be a
soldiers are girls. The Peruvian Shining Path has roles and responsibilities created by conflict stabilizing factor
one of the highest female participation rates. In (Strickland and Duvvury, 2003). The tendency to on which to build
Asia, young girls are recruited by the Sri Lankan channel girls only into gender-typical activities, a new post-
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), 900–1,000 such as soap-making or dress-making, is also a
conflict society
girls are participating in armed conflict in the potential source of problems (Barth, 2003).
north-east Indian state of Manipur, and large but education
The stigma of being involved with armed forces and
numbers of Nepalese girls are involved in the systems can also
their various atrocities may be stronger for girls
‘People’s War’ of the Maoist insurgents (Coalition
than for boys. There are high rates of pregnancy, alienate groups
to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, 2000). from each other.
and for young mothers there are serious practical,
The term ‘girl soldier’, however, tends to deflect cultural and psychological barriers to school
attention from girls’ multiple roles, not only as attendance and reintegration (McKay and
fighters, but also as cooks, porters, spies and as Mazurana, 2002). Communities can be particularly
‘wives’, servants and/or sex slaves. Disarmament, hostile to girls who have had a child of the enemy.
demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration They can often be rejected by their families,
(DDRR) programmes tend to assume male becoming vulnerable to prostitution.
experiences, and to ignore the quite different ways
Source: Kirk (2003).
Education is a political asset, and can be used as The hidden face of disability
a stabilizing factor on which to build a new post- Girls with disabilities are a large and diverse
conflict society, but education systems can also group whose educational needs have gone
be used to alienate groups from each other. One largely unnoticed by those committed to
recent study (UNICEF, 2001a) notes that in many promoting either gender equity or disability
conflicts around the world, such as the Balkans equity. Evidence is scarce,20 but it seems clear
and Rwanda, education systems can be used that these girls are not faring well. Widespread
negatively, as a weapon of cultural repression cultural biases based on both gender and on
19. In India, for example,
and to promote intolerance. Segregated disability greatly limit the educational the most educationally
disadvantaged children are triply
education, as in apartheid South Africa, can be opportunities of such girls. disadvantaged: by geographical
used as a means of reinforcing inequality and location, by gender and,
importantly, by caste
promoting stereotypes, including gender Disabled children are at severe risk of exclusion (Ramachandran, 2003).
stereotypes. Post-conflict reconstruction opens from school and other social activities. Especially 20. A recent review found mainly
up the opportunity to transform conventional in the case of girls, the victims may be seen as a anecdotal information in
response to a request for
education systems and to renew both teaching burden on the family because marriage information on barriers to
education for disabled girls, sent
methods and curricula. prospects may be hampered. It is quite usual for out to a broad range of disability,
disabled women’s and
a disabled woman to be hidden by her family. In educational organizations in
the Palestinian Autonomous Territories, for Africa, the Asia-Pacific region,
When gender meets disadvantage Australia, Eastern and Western
example, because of the symbolic importance of Europe, Canada and Latin
America. Out of the two dozen or
Earlier sections of this chapter show that many female beauty and health and the pivotal role of so responses received, a few
cultural practices perpetuate gender inequality, women in the family, a disabled woman is seen made reference to recent
reports on the status of disabled
and that more extreme circumstances often as a failure on several counts (Atshan, 1997, women and girls in their country,
and some created reports on
exacerbate it. Such trends are often associated p. 54, cited in Rousso, 2003). disabled girls and education in
response to the request. Most
with other kinds of disadvantage, which can be simply shared their perceptions
mutually reinforcing.19 Although available data are limited, they indicate on the issue or acknowledged
that they had no information
that women and girls with disabilities fare less (Rousso, 2003).
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well in the educational arena than either their causes disability, as is the case for 500,000
0
disabled male or non-disabled female children every year who lose some part of their
counterparts.21 For example, UNESCO, the World vision due to vitamin A deficiency, and for over
2
Blind Union and others estimate the literacy rate 40 million babies who risk mental impairment
for disabled women at only 1%, compared with due to insufficient iodine in their mothers’ diets.
an estimate of about 3% for people with Child labour and maltreatment can lead to
disabilities as a whole (Groce, 1997). Statistics mental illness, physical and psychological
from individual countries and regions, while often disabilities. Women and girls, in the face of
higher, nonetheless confirm the gender limited resources, are more likely than their
inequalities (Nagata, 2003). In terms of school male counterparts to be deprived of basic
enrolment, UNESCO suggests that more than necessities, such as food and medicine (Groce,
90% of children with disabilities in developing 1997). On the other hand, disability can also
countries do not attend school (UNESCO contribute to poverty, because of the additional
website). expenses that it entails and because of the
difficulties facing disabled income-earners. Thus,
There are many definitions of disability, not only disabled girls are more likely to grow up in poor
across but also within countries (see Box 3.8 for families, a reality that places them at further
those used in OECD countries). These varied educational disadvantage.
definitions demonstrate that disability is a social
There is a construct, as much rooted in cultural, social, Lack of programmes and policies
circular political, legal and economic factors as in biology. for disabled girls
relationship While the World Health Organization (WHO) is Just as there is little available information, so
between poverty currently leading an effort to achieve a new there is a dearth of programmes specifically
and disability international definition that considers many of aimed at addressing the educational needs of
these factors, no consensus has yet been disabled girls. In the United States, while there
which also
reached. Here, girls with disabilities are defined is a range of initiatives to promote educational
accentuates as those with physical, sensory, emotional, equity for girls, these have largely overlooked
gender bias. intellectual, learning, health or other disabilities disabled girls (Froschl et al., 2001). Similarly,
that may be visible or invisible, stable or strong disability rights legislation has produced
progressive, occurring at birth or during a range of efforts to promote educational equity
childhood. Their access to education is affected for disabled children, but few initiatives have
by their gender, their type of disability, the socio- included gender-specific components to address
economic status of their family, their ethnicity, the unique barriers facing disabled girls. Other
whether they live in an urban or rural area, and countries have similar experience. For example,
a host of other factors. the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) notes: ‘Despite the fact that the disabled
Given the diversity of definitions, no clear global girl-child deserves special attention, no country
statistics are available. WHO has estimated that in the SADC has given the matter specific
between 7% and 10% of the world population attention’ (SADC, 1999). Elsewhere, while there
have some type of disability and that 80% of are examples of special schools for disabled
these people live in developing countries (WHO, girls, there was no evidence that their
1999). UNESCO and others estimate that the programmes are gender sensitive, in the sense
number of children with disabilities under the of being designed with girls’ unique needs in
age of 18 around the world varies from mind (Rousso, 2003).
120 million to 150 million. Even assuming that
girls make up somewhat less than half of all
The rural–urban divide
21. The literature on disabled children with disabilities, as some research
girls and education is sparse
even for industrialized suggests (Groce, 1999, see also Box 3.8), the National statistics often conceal strong regional
countries (Rousso, 2001).
Research results are mainly number of girls with disabilities worldwide is patterns of inequality. In Ethiopia, for example,
the product of small qualitative very substantial. under-enrolment is very much a rural
studies. Such research, while
invaluable in identifying phenomenon, and a gender gap is largely absent
barriers, rarely includes
comparisons with both Poverty and disability: a vicious circle in urban areas, where primary GERs are over
disabled boys and non-
disabled girls, thereby making There is a circular relationship between poverty 100% for both boys and girls. In rural areas, on
it difficult to identify the joint and disability which also accentuates gender the other hand, only 25% of school-age girls are
impact of gender and disability
bias. bias. On the one hand, insufficient nutrition enrolled in primary school compared with 31% of
132
Chapter 3
Box 3.8. Disabilities and gender in OECD countries
OECD countries have distinguished three categories of disability:

A. Organic disabilities such as blindness, deafness and severe mental handicaps.
B. Disabilities that are at least partially acquired, such as behaviour problems
and specific learning disabilities such as dyslexia.
C. Disadvantages – rather than disabilities – associated with social background.
Figure 3.4. Students receiving additional resources in primary education

in cross-national category A as a percentage of all children in primary education
4
%
0
Finland
Czech Republic
Belgium (Fl)
Sweden
Canada (NB)
United Kingdom
United States
Spain
France
Netherlands
Ireland
Japan
Mexico
Italy
Category A: Students receiving additional In eight of the ten countries (or regions) having the
resources in primary education as a percentage of data, less than 40% of the children in Category A
all primary education pupils, OECD countries. The are girls. Only in Flanders does the female share
overall median value for these countries is 2.3%. (slightly) exceed 50%. In Category B, the seven
However, the amount of variation across countries countries that have the data report even lower
seems remarkable, as the incidence of organic female shares, ranging from just over 25%
disabilities is not likely to vary strongly among (Czech Republic) to just over 40% (Spain).
countries, particularly among those at similar
Although there is some evidence that boys are
levels of income. However, as the figure represents
more vulnerable than girls to the effects of illness
the number of children receiving additional
and trauma during their developmental years, this
resources, their magnitude is influenced by
is unlikely to fully explain the differences. It may be
differences in policies and diagnostic practices
that boys’ behaviour results in their being identified
between countries. A relatively low score may
as disabled more frequently than girls. This may be
indicate more severe selection criteria for special
especially relevant to Category B children, which
care, stronger financial constraints, or lack of
in many countries include those with behaviour
political will to invest in care for disabled children.
problems. Alternatively, it may be that in some
Although the data are not shown here, even
countries a greater social priority attached to boys’
stronger variation among countries occurs for
education results in their being more easily
children in Category B.
accorded additional resources to enhance their
school performance. More research is needed to
identify the causes of these trends.
Source: Evans and Deluca (2003).
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0
Gender boys, and it is estimated that a mere 1% of girls worsened as the transition to a market economy,
0
disadvantage in and 1.6% of boys in rural Ethiopia completed the the collapse of previous social support systems
education is eight-year primary cycle in 2000. The two and increased rural–urban migration pose severe
2
predominantly pastoralist regions (Somali and challenges for educational provision (Maher and
particularly high
Afar) exhibit the lowest primary enrolment rates Ling, 2003). In Bangladesh, too, there has been a
among
(11% and 7%, respectively, in 1995/96), whereas significant decline during the 1990s in the
marginalized the rate for pastoralist girls is estimated to be number of urban students achieving the basic
groups and below 1% (World Bank, 1998). The achievement competencies. This suggests an inability of the
increases with of enrolment and gender equity targets is school system to cope with the large additional
poverty and therefore to a large extent dependent on migrant population. Their destination is often the
social improvements occurring particularly in the two urban slum communities, which become
disadvantage. pastoralist regions, and in rural areas more educationally disadvantaged, particularly where
generally (Rose, 2003a). these semi-permanent settlements are not
legally recognized by urban authorities
In Chile, data disaggregated by geographical (Fransman et al., 2003).
location shows widening gender and rural–urban
gaps in educational participation for teenage
Indigenous peoples and ethnic
children. Household wealth also intervenes, with
minorities
rural non-poor girls having marginal advantage
over boys, but rural poor boys having an Indigenous peoples fare poorly in education
advantage over girls. Both poor and non-poor relative to non-indigenous children. In Chile,
households have higher participation rates in indigenous children and young people perform
urban compared with rural areas. The pattern is less well than children of non-indigenous groups,
intensified in the 20–24 age group. Contexts of especially at secondary and higher education
poverty and marginalization are, of course, not levels, and with marked gender disparities. A
static. In China, for example, access to education high proportion of girls leave school early, as a
of disadvantaged groups – minorities, migrant consequence of ‘behaviour problems’ (Avalos,
populations and the urban and rural poor – has 2003). In Romania, indigenous girls’ access to
education tends to be limited by their
communities’ traditional attitudes to women’s
status. These Roma girls tend to drop out of
Box 3.9. Harassment school earlier than boys, because of their
of disabled girls substantial household and family responsibilities.
They may also be married early or bear children
Little policy attention has been paid to the combined before the age of 15 (Magno et al., 2002).
sexual and disability harassment that female
students with disabilities may encounter. Yet pilot Data disaggregated by gender alone hides other
studies from the United States suggest that students inequalities. In the United Kingdom, attention
with disabilities face higher rates of harassment in paid to male disadvantage in education
school than non-disabled students, and that
(discussed in detail below), masks both the
disabled girls face higher rates of harassment than
educational disadvantages faced by some girls
both disabled boys and non-disabled girls. Girls with
multiple disabilities are at particularly high risk. and the particular success of boys from elite and
professional classes. Although gender
Harassment by teachers and other adults appears to differences have recently been eliminated in
be particularly widespread in residential schools
terms of performance, neither social class
(Sobsey, 1994). Reports from other regions,
inequality nor ethnic differences have been
including Australia, Latin America and Mexico
(INMUJERES, 2002) also acknowledge sexual and/or
transformed in such a way. Recent research
disability harassment in school as a barrier to suggests that these other social divisions have
learning for girls with disabilities. become more extensive. Statistics that focus only
on the national gender gap can therefore distort
Sources: Joint Commission of the Chancellor and the Special the picture (Arnot and Phipps, 2003). Thus,
Commissioner for the Prevention of Child Sexual Abuse (1994),
cited in Linn and Rousso (2001); Rousso (1996), gender disadvantage in education (and more
cited in Linn and Rousso (2001); INMUJERES (2002); widely) is particularly concentrated among
Alicia Contreras, personal communication (24 April 2003);
Bramley et al. (1990); Hastings (1995). marginalized groups, and intensifies with poverty
and social disadvantage.
134
Chapter 3
Rights to education: There is strong evidence from more qualitative

the supply of schooling sources that direct costs are one of the most
important causes of non-attendance and early
Earlier sections of this chapter have shown that drop-out from school. School costs are reported
household decisions to send children to school to be significant in this respect in China, Egypt,
are strongly influenced by the economic, social Ghana, Indonesia, Mexico, Pakistan and, for girls, Direct costs are
and cultural contexts in which they find in Bangladesh (Filmer, 2001; World Bank, 2002e). one of the main
themselves. They are also, however, affected by In Malawi, from over 1,000 primary-school drop- causes of non-
the terms on which schooling is made available outs interviewed, half of the boys from rural attendance and
to them, and by its quality. These ‘supply-side’ areas and 44% of the boys from urban areas early drop-out
issues – which include matters of costs, distance cited the lack of money for school expenses as
from school.
to school, the school facilities available, and the main reason for their having left school
broader matters of school quality and content – prematurely. This was also the most important
can have a significant impact upon whether or factor for girls, although a smaller proportion of
not girls attend. This section examines the nature girls than boys – about one-third in both rural
and impact of some of theses constraints. and urban areas indicated this (Kadzamira and
Chibwana, 2000, p. 61).
Schooling costs: unequal impacts
Children often also indicate their ‘need to work’
The direct costs of schooling to households are as the dominant reason for leaving school. If
made up of tuition or other fees, and the costs of these two sets of causes are combined – i.e.
purchasing books, materials, school uniforms costs and income – a majority of children are
and transport to school. Household decisions to typically found to cite economic circumstances as
educate the children respond to changes in the the main reasons for their having left school.
cost of these items. Although many empirical They accounted for 75% of the school drop-outs
studies, based on household data, suggest that interviewed in Zambia, 70% in Uganda and
demand reductions are comparatively small in Ethiopia, 57% in Ghana, 45% in Malawi and 40%
22. Jimenez (1987) summarizes
response to small increases in costs, some in Guinea.24 In Tajikistan, in 2002, 68% of parents the results of ten studies, most
evidence indicates – as would be expected – that surveyed considered family poverty and the of which suggest average price
elasticities substantially less
enrolments among the poor are much more increased costs of education as the primary than unity. More recent studies
from Africa include Birdsall and
sensitive to cost increases than is the case with reason for girls’ non-attendance (University Orivel (1996), for Mali, and
Grootaert (1999) for Côte d’Ivoire.
richer households.22 Degree Women Association, 2002). Evidence by income group is not
widely available, but Gertler and
Glewwe (1990, p. 269) estimate
Evidence on the gendered impact of such Finally, separate evidence is available from a that the price elasticity of
demand for education among
charges is available from micro studies, although wide range of sources on the importance of the poorest quartile of the rural
this is mainly from studies modelling the impact household income as a determinant of school population in Peru was, in
1985–86, generally between two
of lower travel costs, showing a strong and enrolments. In Senegal, the enrolment of and three times as large as that
for the richest quartile. More
positive gendered impact: girls enrolments rise, children aged 6–14 from the poorest households recent evidence from rural
Ethiopia confirms this larger and
and do so more strongly than those of boys, in is 52 percentage points lower than for those from significant negative effect among
response to reductions in travel costs to school.23 the richest households. In Zambia there is a sample of poor households
(Weir, 2000).
Similarly, clothing costs may differ for boys and a 36 percentage point gap (World Bank, 2002e).
23. The results of five such
girls. Clothes for school in Ethiopia, and uniforms Here too there are gender differences: in studies are conveniently
in Guinea and the United Republic of Tanzania, Ethiopia, increasing a household’s wealth index summarized by the World Bank
(2002a, Table 4.2). On the other
were the highest direct cost items facing parents by one unit increases a boy’s chances of hand, to argue that this result is
directly relevant to the gendered
in the mid-1990s (USAID, 1994; Sow, 1994; Mason attending school by 16%, whereas a girl’s impact of general fee increases
overlooks the fact that
and Khandker, 1996). More recent work in the chances are increased by 41% (Rose and Al- reductions in travel time may be
United Republic of Tanzania showed that Samarrai, 2001). In Guinea, whereas the effect is intrinsically more preferred by
parents for their girls than for
uniforms remained the most expensive cost item, insignificant for boys, girls’ chances are their boys. Accordingly, this
constituent of total costs is not,
and that girls’ uniforms were perceived by increased by 9% (Tembon and Al-Samarrai, in itself, necessarily gender
parents to be slightly more expensive than those 1999). These results indicate that poverty in a neutral.
for boys (Peasgood et al., 1997). Taking all these family will have a more detrimental effect on the 24. See Kasonde-Ng’andu et al.
(2000); Tumushabe et al. (2000);
items into account, the direct costs of schooling decision to enrol a girl in school than a boy. Rose et al. (1997); Avotri et al.
(2000); Kadzamira and Chibwana
in the United Republic of Tanzania were (2000); and Tembon et al. (1997).
estimated to be 14% more for girls than for boys For all these reasons, measures to reduce the Results are further discussed
and compared in Colclough et al.
at primary level (Mason and Khandker, 1996). direct costs of schooling are one of the most (2003).
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0
potent ways of increasing school enrolments – to be levied in at least one hundred and one
0
particularly for poorer households, and countries around the world (Table 3.3).
particularly for girls. There is ample experience,
2
now, of the potentially huge numbers of children Enduring school fees: how free is ‘free’?
who may enrol in school when costs are sharply The level and type of fees imposed vary between
reduced. For example, following the countries. A recent study undertaken across
Reducing implementation of fee-free primary-education seventy-nine countries showed that seventy-
direct costs of policies in Malawi and Uganda, primary seven of them had at least one kind of fee at
schooling is one enrolments increased in the mid-1990s by 52% primary level. The results are summarized in
of the best ways and 200%, respectively.25 Despite this evidence Table 3.4. The most prevalent fee is PTA or
of increasing and the many human rights instruments, ratified community contributions – charged in over 70%
by the vast majority of nations, which commit of cases.27 The costs of textbooks and uniforms
school
states to the provision of ‘free and compulsory’ are also commonly assigned to parents, as are
enrolment, education at primary level,26 school fees continue fees for sports and other activities. Tuition fees
especially of
girls and the
poor.
Table 3.3. Countries with primary school fees by region
Eastern Europe Middle East and Latin America Developed

Africa Asia and Central Asia North Africa and the Caribbean countries
Angola^ Bhutan^w Armenia^w Djibouti Bolivia^w No tuition fees are

Beninw Cambodia^w Azerbaijan^w Egypt^ Brazil^w charged, but some
Burkina Fasow China^w Belarus^ Israel^ Colombia^w direct costs have
been reported
Burundi Fiji Bosnia^w Lebanon^ Dominican Rep.^w from:
Cape Verdew Indonesiaw Bulgaria^w Qatar^ Grenada Austria^
C. A. R. Lao PDRw Georgia^ Saudi Arabia^ Guatemala^w Belgium^
Chad^w Malaysia Kyrgyzstan^ Sudan^ Guyana^ Japan^
Côte d’Ivoire Maldives Latvia^w United Arab E.^ Haiti Korea, Rep. of^
Comorosw Mongolia^ Rep. Moldova^w Yemen^ Mexico^w Netherlands^
Congo^ Myanmar Tajikistan^w Nicaragua^w New Zealand^
D. R. Congo^ Nepal^w TFYR Macedonia^w Paraguay^w Poland^
Equatorial Guinea^ Pakistanw Romania^w Peru^w
Eritreaw Papua N. Guineaw Russian Fed.^w St. Lucia
25. Note that other policies
aimed at stimulating demand, Ethiopiaw Philippines^w Turkey^w St. Vincent/
including the non-enforcement Gabon Singapore Ukraine^ Grenadines
of uniform and a policy to Suriname^
Gambia^w Solomon Is.w Uzbekistan^
allow pregnant girls back
to school after delivery, Ghana^w Vanuatu Trinidad/Tobago^w
accompanied the abolition Guinea Viet Nam^w
of fees in Malawi.
Guinea-Bissau^w
26. The right to education is Liberia
guaranteed, inter alia, in
Article 13 of the International Madagascar^w
Covenant on Economic, Social Mali^w
and Cultural Rights, Article 28
of the Convention on the Mauritania^w
Rights of the Child, Article 2 Mozambiquew
of Protocol I to the European
Convention on Human Rights Namibia^
and Fundamental Freedoms, Niger^w
Article 13 of the Additional
[Nigeria]w
Protocol on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights to the Rwanda
American Convention on Senegal^w
Human Rights, Article 17 of
the African Charter on Human Sierra Leone
and Peoples’ Rights and South Africa
Article 11 of the African
Charter on the Rights and Swaziland
Welfare of the Child. It is also Togow
recognized in many non-
legally-binding documents. Zambiaw
Particularly important is the Zimbabwe
Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (Article 26).
See Chapter 1 for further
discussion. Note: Countries with a commitment to the elimination of school fees in square brackets; countries with ^ have legal
guarantee of free education; w are identified in a review of school fees in 79 out of 125 countries where the World Bank
27. These fees are particularly is providing loans for education; countries in italics appear only in the World Bank (2002e) study.
prevalent in Africa, covering Sources: Tomasevski (2003); World Bank (2002e).
81% of countries surveyed.
136
Chapter 3
are charged in only about 40% of cases – Table 3.4. Summary fee survey results
somewhat less than the incidence of the other Percentage of
charges mentioned above. It is noteworthy, once Percentage Countries fee-charging
Countries of countries with illegal countries with
again, that these charges are levied in a with fees in survey fees illegal fees
substantial proportion of countries where it is
At least one fee 77 97 n.a. n.a.
formally illegal to do so.
Tuition fees 30 38 11 37
Fixing school costs, as part of UPE policy, may Textbook charges 37 47 12 32
not work in practice. Schools often operate
discretionary and ad hoc policies, and costs can Compulsory uniforms 39 49 0 0
often vary between schools. Treatment of poor PTA/community

56 71 22 39
children in such contexts tends to be highly contribution
arbitrary. Thus even where sanctions are not Activity fees 34 43 13 38
applied on non-payment of fees, the existence of
fee policies obviously serves as a deterrent to Source: World Bank (2002e).
their avoidance (World Bank, 2002e). Unexpected
costs such as funeral expenses for teachers, or
farewell events, may be requested in an ad hoc
fashion, as evidence from Zambia shows
Reducing distance
(Kasonde-Ng’andu et al., 2000). In some cases,
children may not be allowed to attend school Even where direct costs do not serve as a barrier, Where there are
if they are not able to afford books, pens or it is well documented that the distance of the not enough
‘adequate’ clothing. Finally, significant non- school from the home has an impact on school places,
monetary contributions are often made by enrolment (Gertler and Glewwe, 1990; Lavy, 1992;
enrolment is
parents (and children) in the form of preparation USAID, 1994). The average distance of schools
of food or cooking for school meetings, cleaning from homes declines as the expansion of primary often staggered,
the playground and school buildings, and secondary systems proceeds. However, so children enter
maintenance of buildings and garden, and remote habitations and dispersed populations school later than
collecting water and firewood. In some countries, continue to suffer disadvantages based on the they should.
these activities are not voluntary but imposed lack of physical access and this remains a
(Kasonde-Ng’andu et al., 2000). problem, particularly at secondary level, in many
countries. Where distance is a factor, girls feel
At present, a substantial part of the costs of the effects more severely. Focus group evidence
primary education are borne by households. It from Africa indicates parents’ reluctance to send
is estimated that this usually amounts to at least girls to schools far from home. Reasons cited
20% and often as much as 90% of total annual were sometimes that girls were considered to be
unit costs (Bray, 1996). In Cambodia, for example, weaker than boys and hence unable to expend
despite a constitutional commitment to provide the energy required to walk to and from school.
free education for all, parents and the community A more fundamental concern, however, was for
together bear 75% of the real costs of education, their safety en route – an issue that is addressed
with the state thereby contributing a minor more directly below (Colclough et al., 2003,
amount (Hammarberg, 1999, para. 111). p. 143; Anderson-Levitt et al., 1994).
Furthermore, in six African least developed
countries the average parental contribution
Enough schools for all
represented slightly less than one-third of the
total annual costs at primary level (UNESCO, Where there are insufficient school places,
2002b, Figure 4.1, p. 143). None of these enrolment is often staggered, resulting in
considerations imply that policies to institute children entering school later than they are
‘free’ schooling should not be pursued with meant to. Starting school late is likely to have
urgency. They merely make their implementation greater negative impacts on girls’ survival rates
more complicated than it might seem – as – because, for reasons discussed above, they
Chapter 4 shows. are more likely to be withdrawn from school at
puberty than are boys. Primary school availability
may also be biased against girls where single-
sex schooling is the norm, and where the priority
137
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0
of expanding enrolment is biased towards et al., 1997; Tembon et al., 1997). Where
0
schools for boys. In Pakistan, despite a doubling enrolments increase rapidly, pressure on school
in the number of single-sex public primary infrastructure can result in overcrowding, and in
2
schools between 1988 and 1998, the percentage poor sanitation and hygiene if there are
of girls’ schools among all public primary insufficient toilets.
schools has remained roughly unchanged, at

about 30% (Mahmood, 1997) This proportion As with reducing the distance between schools
reflects the earlier government practice of and homes, the case for investing in water,
building approximately one girls’ school for every toilets and basic school infrastructure is most
two boys’ schools (Warwick and Reimers, 1995). persuasively made by governments that, having
Villages in rural Pakistan are hence more likely done so, have experienced remarkable progress
to have boys’ than girls’ schools. Little is known in closing gender gaps and universalizing
about the extent to which investments have been education (see also Box 3.10). In Bangladesh,
made to upgrade and improve conditions in drinking water is now available in or near over
In some existing public primary-school facilities nor about 90% of schools. Almost half of government
countries how these resources might have been distributed schools have their own drinking-water facilities.28
NGOs are major between schools for boys and girls (Lloyd et al., Shortfalls still remain however – over 30% of co-
contributors to 2002). educational schools had no toilet facilities, and
educational only 19% had separate facilities for boys and girls
Narrowing this gap is, therefore, a vital step in (Chowdhury et al., 2002).
provision.
countries where single-sex schools are
important for girls’ schooling. A study of
Non-state providers: a booster
household demand and gender differences in
for girls’ education?
primary-school access in Pakistan concluded
that the decision by parents to enrol their In most countries in the developing world, non-
daughters is most influenced by the presence of state providers have had a longer engagement
a single-sex public school in their village, with education service provision than the state.
followed closely by their perceptions of the Their motivations and target groups are diverse.
quality of the school (Lloyd et al., 2002). In some countries, NGOs are major contributors
to educational provision, as in the case of the
Co-ordinating the expansion of school places at Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee
both lower and higher levels of schooling can (BRAC). These providers are generally committed
also be important. In Mali, for example, despite to promoting equity in education, ensuring that
recent school expansion there remains a serious education reaches the poorest, most
lack of places in the second stage of basic disadvantaged groups. Commercial providers are
education. Many children in the first stage of also growing rapidly in many countries. Their
basic education are enrolled under a double-shift motives vary, ranging from enterprises seeking
system, and there are not enough spaces to to fulfil a particular social responsibility – for
include all who graduate in the second stage. example to their own employees – to those that
Where some children have to remain out of run schools with a view to delivering high-quality
school, it is more often the girls who lose out education to improve the skills base and/or make
(Lange, 2003a). a profit.
Community groups, such as religious bodies,

Improving hygiene
also often run schools, targeting particular
The provision of gender-aware infrastructure can groups within the community, or located in areas
be extremely important for ensuring girls’ full where their particular social groups are
participation in schooling. The absence of latrines dominant. Others may be set up by the state, but
for girls can be decisive, particularly for managed and run by local communities, which
menstruating girls. Fewer than half the schools are responsible for recruiting local teachers and
visited during a recent Ethiopian study had managing the schooling process. Different types
28. These, however, remain latrines, and only one of these schools had a of non-state schools, therefore, have a range of
somewhat maldistributed, with
61% of urban schools and only separate latrine for boys and girls. Only one-third objectives, and may be aimed at different groups
42% of rural schools having of schools studied in Guinea had latrines, and in in the population.
such facilities (Chowdhury et
al., 2002). most cases these were not suitable for use (Rose
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Chapter 3
Box 3.10. The importance of the physical environment for disabled girls
The relative inaccessibility of some school Australia, Mexico and Uganda identify inadequate
buildings for disabled girls – including stairs, toileting facilities as a barrier to education for girls
narrow corridors, small desks and inaccessible with disabilities.
bathrooms – is often a major barrier. As with
Menstruation, which some disabled girls might
getting to and from school, differences in male and
need help to manage, can also be a compounding
female socialization in Latin America, and probably
factor. Menstruation can trigger the fears of some
elsewhere, allow boys to ask for help more readily
parents of disabled daughters, emphasizing their
from friends, who in turn, being male, may be
sexual vulnerability and further discouraging
better able to help.
school attendance. Schools may lack the resources
Inaccessible toilets, as well as the nature of some or willingness to provide personal assistance, and
disabilities, might mean that a disabled girl would a disabled girl’s need for help in such personal
need help with toileting. As many cultures tasks can reinforce negative stereotypes about her
emphasize modesty and privacy, the need for such potential, raising staff anxieties around sexuality.
personal assistance can be highly problematic; it
can also intensify safety concerns. Reports from Sources: DWNRO (n.d.); Bramley et al. (1990);
Alicia Contreras, personal communication (2003).
Higher income, private schooling hence the decline in their share means that the More and
The paucity of official data makes it hard to arrive state needs to play a greater role in promoting better public
at conclusions about the impact of private gender equity in non-state schools (Lange, schools for girls
schooling on gender equality, but evidence from 2003a). At secondary level, on the other hand,
some countries helps to identify some stylized private schools have contributed to an
remains a key
facts. Access to private schools remains mainly improvement in gender parity. This reflects class policy challenge.
limited to the non-poor in most countries, and privileges – new private senior secondary schools
reflects prevailing biases that affect girls’ have given better-off town dwellers access to
education. Access to private schooling for girls is ‘safer’ schools for their daughters because the
largely associated with household wealth. In discipline and security in these schools is
Pakistan, for example, increases in private considered to be better. Thus gender gaps may
school enrolment are associated primarily with be closing at the level of better-off households
rising levels of household income. For girls, a who are able to afford the privileges that private
shift from low to middle levels of household schools offer their daughters.
consumption resulted in a rise in enrolment in
public primary, but a shift from middle to higher Private schools in many poor countries are
income levels is associated with increased neither necessarily better than public schools,
frequency of private schooling. Furthermore, nor preferred choices to state schools for many
whereas mothers’ education to primary or higher parents. In Pakistan, there is little evidence to
levels reduced apparent discrimination between establish that private school availability increases
sons and daughters in enrolment, there remains overall enrolment in rural areas where a public
a significantly greater likelihood of daughters school is already present (Lange, 2003a). In India,
being sent to public primary schools and sons to too, government schools are the preferred choice
private ones (Lloyd et al., 2002, cited in of poor parents for their daughters
Fransman, 2003). (Ramachandran, 2003). Furthermore, children
disadvantaged on account of economic status,
In Mali, a country which is unlikely to achieve caste and gender return to public schools at
gender parity goals in primary or secondary upper primary and secondary levels to take
education by 2005, the proportion of state advantage of scholarships and other subsidies
schools in overall schooling provision has provided by the state (Balagopalan and
steadily declined, as non-state schools, Subrahmanian, 2003). The increased availability
particularly community ones, have overtaken of public girls’ schools and the improvement in
state schools in the first stage of basic education. their quality thus remains a key policy challenge
The latter, however, have higher female where gender ratios remain highly unequal.
enrolments relative to other types of school, and
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Community schools than government schools serving wealthier areas

0
Community schools often play an important role (Hyde, 2003). Mali is a fairly typical case, where
in supplementing the public education system. the Save the Children-US community schools
2
Defined in various ways, they are usually require school management committees to
characterized by the community either mobilize resources for school construction, and
contributing significant funding to, and/or subsequently for teacher salaries (Tietjen, 1999).
In Malawi, controlling the management of schools. Although construction costs and teacher
discussions Community schools span religious as well as payments overall are lower than in government
with parents state sectors, and may in some cases include schools, their being met by the community rather
and school schools established under decentralization than by the government has a strongly regressive
committees programmes. impact.
showed that
Several rationales exist for community schools in Unpaid labour of women
the burden of
Africa. They increase access to education where Community schools may also exacerbate gender
community government resources are lacking, and are often inequalities, not least as a consequence of the
activities was portrayed as being more relevant to local expectations placed on community members for
placed mainly development needs than public schools. contributing to and sustaining educational
on women. Community schools are often characterized as endeavours. The shift from household to
being cost-effective, providing at least community contributions that has occurred
comparable if not better instructional services for following the abolition of fees and subsequent
less money. Community participation is expected promotion of community participation in some
to improve educational quality and increase countries, often has implications for the relative
student achievement, through enhancing teacher burden placed on women and men. For example,
accountability and allowing for localized in Malawi, men were most often responsible for
management of schooling processes. Another paying school fees before their abolition, whereas
goal of community schools is improved women provide more support to the community
governance, partly by developing local schools that were subsequently established
democratic organizations such as school (Rose, 2003a). Similarly, in Benin, women tend to
management committees (Miller-Grandvaux and provide the human contributions, whereas men
Yoder, 2002). contribute more in financial and material terms
(Salami and Kpamegan, 2002).
Do community schools benefit everyone?
Several studies report that community schools With respect to community participation in
are successful in improving access to schooling, existing government schools, a recent survey
and some note that girls’ enrolments, in in Malawi indicates gender inequalities in
particular, have improved (Rose, 2003a). community contributions within households.
However, there are often hidden class and Of 238 households interviewed, 70% of those
gender inequalities in the ways in which involved in providing non-monetary contributions
communities function. The ‘community’ does not were women (Rose, 2003a). Wives of heads of
represent a homogeneous group of people, households provided most of the labour, followed
devoid of power relations, and does not by female heads, with male heads least likely to
necessarily present shared interests and contribute labour. On the other hand, women
concerns on the part of its members. Thus the participate far less in decision-making than their
promotion of community participation can fail to prominent role in giving their labour and time
acknowledge the ways in which local power is would suggest (Box 3.11). Discussions with
reinforced (Wolf et al., 1997; Mosse, 2001). parents and school committees generally
reinforced the view that the burden of community
Although innovative programmes aimed at activities was placed mainly on women.
encouraging community involvement in schooling
address a range of constraints faced by children In recognition of these extra and unequally
from poor households, they can nevertheless shared costs, some programmes allocate a
increase the direct costs for such households. monetary value to the labour contributions of
Community schools are often established in community members. However, marketization
poor, remote communities, but can require of community participation has in some cases
greater real contributions from the community intensified intra-household inequalities in
140
Chapter 3
Box 3.11. Unequal partnerships on school committees
School committees are a chance for communities At seven of twenty schools visited there were no
to exercise their voice in deciding how the women on the committee. At one, women absented
school should function. Despite much literature themselves on account of household
emphasizing the important role of women in responsibilities. Furthermore, it was evident from
promoting positive educational outcomes for discussions held with school committees that even
their daughters, the participation of women in if women were present, they often would not speak.
school committees reflects more general
Similarly, in Ghana school committees rarely meet
gender inequalities in decision-making
national requirements for women representatives,
processes and in the exercise of influence over
as membership is based on existing positions of
schooling.
leadership in the community and school which
Attempts have been made to ensure diversity of are usually held by men (Condy, 1998; Pryor and
membership of school committees in a number Ampiah, 2003). Evidence from Uganda also
of countries in sub-Saharan Africa. However, indicates that men mainly dominate discussions
they generally work within existing community in committees, with only a few women speaking.
structures and power relations. Malawian Women feel inhibited from taking part in formal
legislation stipulates that one-third of places on discussions where tradition assigns decision-
school committees should be reserved for women. making roles to men (Suzuki, forthcoming).
But this tends not to ensure their active
participation, even where the quota is met. Source: Rose (2003a).
community participation. For example, at a them to attend school and by influencing the
school visited in Malawi, it was noted that content of education in ways that reflect local
brickmaking undertaken by men was beliefs and practices.
remunerated as it required skill, whereas
carrying water by women, often for long Parents are often attracted to sending their
distances, was not given any value despite the daughters to religious schools because the values
amount of time and energy involved (Rose, they represent are judged important for girls’
2003a). Kadzamira and Ndalama (1997) also socialization. Cross-national comparative data
found that men participated more in services for are not available, but it is evident that religious
which they were paid in Malawi, whereas all schools have had a positive impact in boosting
contributions provided by women were free. girls’ enrolment in the Islamic Republic of Iran,
where 95% of female children attend primary
Religious education… school (Box 3.12) (WEDO, 1998). In Mali, recent
Over recent years there appears to have been a enrolment growth has been partly facilitated by
significant increase in the time given to religious many more children entering medersas
instruction in school systems around the world.29 [religious schools] (Lange, 2003a). In Bangladesh,
In parallel with this, the role of faith-based medersas have also helped the country’s
organizations as providers of education has educational progress, accounting for about 15%
remained strong. Historically, they have played of post-primary enrolments by the turn of the
an important part in education in many countries, century, of which over 40% were girls.30
offering schooling to children from deprived
social groups, reducing private costs, expanding … but does it promote gender equality?
school places and improving school However, evidence suggests that religious
infrastructure. Their role has been particularly schools boost the enrolment of girls partly
29. In approximately half of all
significant at times when economic crisis has because of the sex-stereotyped messages they countries, religious education is
compulsory at some point during
resulted in reductions in public services generally provide, which reflect gender- the first nine years of schooling.
(Kandiyoti, 1995). Their influence on gender differentiated community norms. Accordingly, In fifty-four of these countries,
approximately 8% of total
equality in education, however, has been mixed. most religious schools tend to reinforce teaching time is devoted to
religious instruction, which
stereotypes of women as submissive and compares with around 4% over
the period 1970–86 (UNESCO-
… helps to boost gender parity… dependent, rather than undermine them. IBE, 2003).
Faith-based organizations affect the education of
30. CDP Task Force 2001,
girls in two ways – by providing opportunities for cited in Fransman et al. (2003).
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Parents may value this kind of socialization for giving an explicit commitment to gender equality,
0
both boys and girls, but often send daughters with the notable exceptions of faiths such as
only to religious schools. Boys, on the other Baha’i, and the Quaker movement (Tietjen, 2000).
2
hand, may be sent to both religious and secular The vocational training they provide is often in the
schools to expose them to the full range of the domestic arts. Examples include the Salesian
curriculum. Although most religions do not Sisters in Honduras, who operate a Sunday
Religious explicitly discourage female education, many do school for poor girls who are trained in sewing,
schools are so in practice by requiring girls’ schooling to dressmaking, needlework and cooking. Training
more likely to offer a different curriculum to that offered to provided by the Roman Catholic organization
boys. Religious doctrine may explicitly sanction Opus Dei, in Kenya, segregated men into training
uphold gender the gender division of labour and the for technology and mechanical trades, and
differences subordination of women. Women are usually women into developing skills for catering and
than eradicate expected to be the bearers and markers of hospitality [cooking and cleaning] (Tietjen, 2000).
them. tradition and religious identity. Thus as agents of These initiatives, although well intentioned and
socialization within the family, their schooling in admirable in other ways, nevertheless reflect and
religious beliefs and tradition may be considered strengthen traditional interpretations of gender
more important than promoting their own roles.
educational advancement. Gender inequalities
follow from educational experiences designed to The impact of religious schooling on gender
socialize girls into narrowly conceived roles of equality is difficult to predict
wives and mothers. Women’s increased access to formal education,
even in contexts where religious belief influences
Thus religious education can contribute strongly the entire education system, can nevertheless
to boosting parity for girls, by offering them safe lead to changes in women’s status. In the Islamic
spaces to enter the public domain and receive an Republic of Iran, the paradox of schooling under
education. However, religious schools are highly conservative conditions is that women’s
essentially conservative institutions, established very participation in education provides an
to preserve and protect traditions, many of which impetus for social change. Education shows
are likely to uphold gender differences between people how to question received wisdom. There
women and men rather than eradicate them. is evidence that educated women in Iran are
Faith-based organizations generally lag far delaying their age of marriage, and seeking
behind other non-state providers of education in changes in the traditional role of women in family
and society (Mehran, 2003).
In Saudi Arabia, the government first allowed

Box 3.12. Iran: conservative girls to participate during the 1960s. Sensitive to
policies boost girls’ schooling widespread opposition, it determined that girls’
education would be within ‘Islamic margins’,
The ‘Islamization’ of education in post-revolutionary Iran has led to aimed at training women for suitably feminine
increased demand for girls’ schooling, mainly because it has assured tasks. These margins became broader as access
traditional families that the school climate is not in conflict with the to higher education brought women into the
values cherished at home. The main education policies introduced by professions. Although gender segregation
the religio-political leadership, shortly after the 1979 revolution, were continued, women rapidly caught up with men’s
as follows: banning co-education at all levels except at universities;
education in terms of participation and
assigning female teachers to girls’ schools and male teachers to boys’
performance. During the 1980s, however, in
schools; changing the content and pictures of school textbooks to
portray a traditional division of labour between men and women in response to rising conservative sentiment,
private and public spheres; introducing compulsory veiling for all women’s freedoms to travel abroad for study, to
female students and teachers; directing students towards ‘male- or manage businesses, even to eat in restaurants,
female-oriented’ fields of study based on their sex; and barring were all curbed (Doumato, 1995). Changes in the
women from entering ‘masculine’ disciplines at university. Although balance between politics, economy and society
some of the above measures have weakened over time, they have continue to make equality gains for women hard
acted as an assurance for more conservative families that their to predict in some cases, and hard to sustain in
daughters would be studying in an Islamic setting. others.
Source: Mehran (2003).
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Chapter 3
Religious institutions can exert debate in many societies. As much of the content
influence over policy-making of religion is dependent on textual interpretation,
Religious institutions exert important influence there are many opportunities for religious
over policy-making in some countries. In the schools, engaging with other education
Islamic Republic of Iran, for example, the stakeholders, to address gender equality issues
influence of the religious leadership is patent, more systematically than in the past, as
as discussed earlier. Notwithstanding its Chapter 4 indicates.
distinguished role in opposing persecution, the
Church in Latin America has also helped to
prevent some gender equity initiatives from being
attempted. In Chile, for example, a programme Rights within education
initiated in 1996 by the Ministry of Education and
the women’s national service (Servicio Nacional
Schools are not safe havens
de la Mujer – SERNAM) focused on informing
secondary-school communities (teachers, International efforts to increase participation in
parents and young students) about sexuality and schools, especially for girls, and to improve the
related issues. Resistance from conservative quality of the school experience, have tended to
families and Church representatives, who felt the assume that schools are universally benign.
campaign condoned the use of contraceptives Indeed, education institutions are supposed to be
and early sexual relations, led to the initiative places of learning, growth and empowerment,
being abandoned (Avalos, 2003). In Costa Rica, particularly for girls. When launching the United
the Roman Catholic Church used its influence to Nations Girls’ Education Initiative at the 2000 Schools are
block the implementation of sex education World Education Forum in Dakar, United Nations often places of
policies in the ‘Young Love Programme’, started Secretary-General Kofi Annan emphasized the intolerance,
in 1999. It mobilized religious associations and importance of girls’ education as a tool for discrimination and
neo-conservative groups to oppose contraception preventing conflict and building peace (UNESCO, violence. Girls are
and the use of condoms in preventing the 2000b).
disproportionately
transmission of HIV/AIDS. It also challenged the
contents and methods of sex education in state Recent research, however, shows that far from
the victims.
primary and secondary schools on the grounds being safe havens for learning, schools are often
that it threatened Christian morality. These sites of intolerance, discrimination and violence.
controversies compelled the state to modify its Girls are disproportionately the victims. Many
approach (Guzman and Letendre, 2003). Similar girls who surmount the barriers preventing them
controversies are reported from Argentina and from attending school face harassment and
Mexico (Tietjen, 2000, p. 150). sexual abuse from their peers or from their
teachers once they are enrolled. This violence
Addressing the role of faith-based organizations against girls perpetuates the gender gap in
in education is complex and important, but the education and impedes their right to education.
sector should be seen as dynamic, not static. Closing the gender gap means confronting
Religious schools operate in a political sexual violence and harassment of girls in
environment and they are often opened in the schools.
context of religious competition, within or
between faiths. Religious schooling may be
particularly important to religious minorities in Violence against women is a manifestation of
societies where maintenance of their identity is historically unequal power relations between
considered at risk. As research in India has men and women, which have led to domination
shown, the rise of religious schools is often a over and discrimination against women by men
and to the prevention of the full advancement of
response to failure of the public system to reach
women … Violence against women is one of the
areas where religious minorities and other
crucial social mechanisms by which women are
socially disadvantaged groups are located forced into a subordinate position compared
(Jeffery et al., 2003). with men.
Declaration on Elimination of Violence Against Women,

The tension between the rights to gender United Nations General Assembly Resolution 48/104,
equality, to religious freedom, and to choose 20 December 1993.
schooling on cultural or religious grounds, needs
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0
Although gender-based violence is often not South Africa were common even in the 1950s. It
0
reported, and thus not distinguished from other is often made more commonplace by popular
forms of school violence, there is no doubt that prejudice. One South African survey indicated
2
underachievement and high drop-out rates for that eight in ten young men believed that women
some children are linked to gender-based were responsible for causing sexual violence and
violence. One recent report from South Africa three in ten thought that women who were raped
(Human Rights Watch, 2001a) found that the ‘asked for it’ (Human Rights Watch, 2001a).
threat of violence at school is one of the most Female victims of sexual violence are often
significant challenges to learning for children. reluctant to report the crime to the police or the
In Ghana, Malawi and Zimbabwe, high levels of family. In a country where the women’s virginity
sexual aggression from boys, and sometimes is associated with the family honour, a woman
from teachers, against junior secondary girls can either be forced to marry her attacker or
went largely unpunished (Leach, 2003). In Latin may be murdered by her shamed father or
America, a study on Ecuador (World Bank, 2000) brothers, so called ‘honour killings’. A common
reports that 22% of adolescent girls had been prejudice is that women ‘provoke’ men to attack
victims of sexual abuse in an educational setting. or harass them.
Not just a developing-country problem

What is gender-based violence
A large body of research on school violence and
in schools?
bullying exists in Europe and North America. It
Explicit gender violence is chiefly sexual violence, shows that boys are more often involved in
but other forms such as unregulated and violence, both as perpetrators and victims. In the
Permissive excessive corporal punishment, bullying and United States, 25% of 16-year-olds – three times
attitudes to physical assault – sometimes with guns and as many boys as girls – reported that they had
violence against knives – verbal abuse and teachers’ use of pupils been victims of some form of violence during the
girls help for free labour can all be gender-specific. year (Finkelhor and Dziuba-Letherman, 1994). In
perpetuate it. Aggressive and intimidating behaviour, France, 17% of adolescents had been victims of
unsolicited physical contact such as touching and violence – twice as many boys as girls (Choquet
groping, assault, coercive sex and rape, all and Ledoux, 1994). These findings suggest that it
constitute abuse. This is also true of any sexual is mainly boys who expose themselves to risky
relationship formed by a teacher with a pupil. In behaviour and exert their performance of
most national contexts this kind of relationship masculinity to subordinate other boys. In the
offends teachers’ conditions of employment and case of sexual violence, however, girls are
– in the case of minors – is a criminal offence. overwhelmingly the victims.
Such behaviour exploits the teacher’s position of
authority and betrays their duty of care. Ending impunity
Permissive attitudes regarding violence against
Sexual abuse may also occur outside the school girls help to perpetuate it. An American study
with adult men (sometimes called ‘sugar found that ‘In schools, harassment often happens
daddies’) engaging in transactional sex in while many people watch … When sexual
exchange for gifts or money. A report from one harassment happens in public and is not
South African township (Wood and Jewkes, 1997) condemned, it becomes, with time, part of the
showed that physical assault, rape and coercive social norm’ (Stein, 1995). The few studies that
sex had become the norm, making it very difficult have been carried out suggest that much gender
for adolescent girls to protect themselves against violence in schools is unreported or under-
unwanted sexual intercourse, pregnancy and HIV reported, because students fear victimization,
infection. Boys seemed to define their punishment or ridicule (Leach et al., 2003;
masculinity by the number of their sexual Human Rights Watch, 2001a). Girls may also
partners and by their ability to control girlfriends. have incorporated violent gender relations to
They saw sex as their right, and forced sex as such an extent that they have accepted it as part
legitimate. of the school experience.
Sexual violence in schools is not a new Violent schools may thus have far-reaching
phenomenon. Niehaus (2000) shows that sexual consequences for gender relations between men
relations between teachers and schoolgirls in and women later in life. Interventions against
144
Chapter 3
gender violence in schools are essential to lay boys were those that were well-paid or
the foundation for equitable relations between prestigious, such as financier, pilot, politician or
men and women in society. computer specialist, whereas less well-paid jobs
such as hairdresser, flight attendant or secretary
were seen as more appropriate for girls. These
Making schools safe and equitable:
views often arise from deeply held attitudes – in
the role of teachers
Bangladesh most teachers themselves did not
Efforts at the national level to tackle teacher expect their own daughters to take a job after
misconduct are at best patchy. Studies from finishing their education. A majority of both male
sub-Saharan Africa indicate that prosecutions of and female teachers interviewed conceded that if
teachers for sexual assault or rape are rare, and they had 100 taka to spend, their first priority
that those that are pursued often fail. There is a would be to spend it on their son (Shondhane,
lack of political will to tackle the problem and 2001).
much shifting of responsibility from one
government office to another. Parents and Such discriminatory attitudes affect relationships
communities find it difficult to report teachers between boys and girls within the classroom.
for misconduct. Lessons observed in Jamaican schools were
characterized by a lack of praise from teachers
Teachers often require pupils to perform tasks for boys, and teachers gave boys a
for them in school in ways that reinforce gender disproportionate number of reprimands. A
differentiation. Girls may be asked to clean floors significant number of former students claimed
and fetch water, whereas boys are required to that girls were given better treatment and
clear bushes, cut grass and carry bricks. A study sometimes escaped punishment that would have
from nine countries in sub-Saharan Africa been meted out had the offender been a boy.
showed that girls were in general more involved Teachers were also said to be more likely to give
in such chores than boys (Colclough et al., 2003). more menial tasks such as yard-cleaning and
In Malawi, girls were sometimes expected to running errands to boys, thus reinforcing
substitute for male teachers’ wives when they commonly held gender stereotypes. Such actions
were away, performing tasks such as cleaning by teachers lower the self-esteem of the boys
the house, fetching water and pounding maize. In affected (Sewell et al., 2003). Teacher training
Guinea, parents mentioned teacher harassment rarely focuses
as a factor that influenced the withdrawal of Teacher training, however, rarely focuses on on gender
daughters from school after basic skills of issues of gender awareness. None of the awareness.
literacy and numeracy were acquired. Gender teachers in Ethiopia and less than one-fifth of
differentiation does not have to take violent forms those in Guinea had attended gender
for it to have negative effects. Many studies show sensitization courses (Colclough et al., 2003).
how teachers’ attitudes infuse everyday practices Of twenty-five transitional countries in Eastern
within schools, impacting on the formation of Europe, only eleven had pre-service teacher-
gender identities. This may happen even where training courses in gender awareness, while only
teachers believe that they are treating girls and two of them had in-service training courses,
boys equally. despite the fact that twenty-three of these
countries offer gender-studies courses at
Everyday classroom practices university level (Magno et al., 2002).
reinforce prejudice
In Tajikistan, teachers are stricter with girls than
Sexism in textbooks and curricula
with boys, applying different standards of
behaviour to them and often forbidding girls from Alerting teachers to the implications of gender
participating in activities that are considered differentiation in the classroom is nevertheless
natural for boys (Magno et al., 2002). A study in unlikely to make a significant difference if the
Albania revealed a widely held prejudice among curriculum itself remains gender biased. Getting
teachers that boys are more intelligent than girls, the curriculum ‘right’ is important, although
and that girls were only able to do well by extremely challenging. In some countries,
working extremely hard (Magno et al., 2003). In parents may not send daughters to school if they
Romania, teachers saw boys’ and girls’ potential feel that the curriculum is promoting ideas that
occupations differently – appropriate jobs for are at odds with prevailing social norms. In
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Guinea, parents perceived subjects such as home While women made rapid gains under socialist
0
economics, childcare and sewing, gardening and governments, particularly in respect of

handicrafts as important for girls, and criticized employment equity, less attention was paid to
2
their absence from the schooling curriculum gender equality within the family, with underlying
(Tembon et al., 1997). Yet expansion of schooling ideologies of gender difference remaining
achieved on the basis of conventional notions of relatively untouched. These are reflected in the
appropriate social roles for girls and boys would gender bias which remains within the
seriously thwart progress towards the 2015 curriculum, as Box 3.13 illustrates.
goals. This phenomenon is not just restricted to
more ‘traditional’ societies – in France, a report
Women teachers as role models
published in 1997 by two parliamentarians noted
that school books and teaching materials under- The importance of female role models is widely
represented women and too frequently accepted as a means of promoting greater
characterized them only in their roles as mothers gender equality: they expand the aspirations of
Silences in the and wives. This was despite two decades of young girls, and demonstrate that barriers to
curriculum stated policy concern about gender bias in female advancement are usually socially
about gender textbooks (Baudino, 2003). constructed rather than reflecting their different
inequality capacities or interests. Evidence from Jamaica
– the ‘evaded Sexism in textbooks thus continues to require shows that girls in sampled schools look up to
curriculum’ – attention, but the issue does not only concern the and emulate women (usually their mothers) as
are a danger. nature of the examples used. Silences in the boys do to men (usually their fathers). Role
curriculum about the issue of gender inequality models for older children are less frequently
– or what is sometimes termed the ‘evaded family members but remain defined by gender
curriculum’ (American Association of University (Sewell et al., 2003). Thus non-stereotypical role
Women, 1992), are equally important. The models for both boys and girls are potentially an
experience of transitional countries in Eastern important means of changing attitudes about
Europe is salutary in this regard. Some have gender.
been facing reversals in their overall educational
situation, together with declines in their GPI. While the number of female teachers has
increased gradually in India, the proportion
remains extremely low in most parts of the
country. Almost 90% of single-teacher schools
Box 3.13. Enduring stereotypes – which account for at least 20% of all schools –
are staffed by men. Furthermore, 72% of two-
In most countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia, teacher schools have no female teachers
textbooks present men and women as having different gender roles. (Ramachandran, 2003). Single and two-teacher
In particular, women are predominantly portrayed undertaking schools tend to be located in remote and rural
domestic activities at home. For example, Polish textbooks usually habitations, where girls are particularly
present women as mothers and housewives in family roles, doing disadvantaged. In Togo, the GPI for teachers
housework. Estonian textbooks contain traditional gender stereotypes
worsened over the 1990s, from an already low
by portraying girls and women at home and in childcare roles, very
level of 0.19 to 0.14 in favour of male teachers.
rarely depicting boys and men cooking, cleaning or taking care of
children. In Albania, Hungary, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan, the majority
Gender parity trends for teachers reflect the fact
of textbooks do not portray women outside their home environments. that increasing competition between young men
In Azerbaijan, one textbook implicitly condemns women who work and women for the few posts available has seen
outside the home, stating: ‘In modern families there is a dangerous women become increasingly unsuccessful in
decrease in the number of children. Among the main causes are being offered those posts (Lange, 2003b).
urban ways of living, the fact that women work too, and higher levels
of education.’ In cases where women working outside the household Research in Ethiopia, Ghana and the United
are depicted, they tend again to be in stereotypical roles. For example, Republic of Tanzania also revealed that the
primary-school textbooks in Romania depict women as distribution of female teachers varies strongly
schoolteachers, villagers, fruit or flower sellers, whereas men are
between schools. This partly derives from
viewed as astronauts, policemen, physicians, actors, conductors and
working conditions – female teachers tend to be
masons.
posted to urban schools that are more
Source: Magno et al. (2002). accessible, where the acceptability of female
teachers may be easier to achieve, and where
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Chapter 3
conditions of travel or accommodation may be Box 3.14. Sexism and parental

more secure (Colclough et al., 2003). In contrast, preferences in Mali impact negatively
in Pakistan, women teachers in urban areas are on recruitment of female teachers
sometimes reported to find the environment
around schools unfriendly, both physically and The ratio of female to male teachers in Malian
culturally, leading them to seek housing with primary schools ranged from 0.38 in state
watchmen, high boundary walls or companions schools to 0.05 in medersas in 2000/01. Both
for their safety (Warwick and Reimers, 1995, communities and parents tend to favour male
cited in Chapman and Adams, 2002). teachers. Thus in community schools, which are
becoming increasingly important in the Malian
education expansion process, the female/male
Traditional forms of pre-service teacher training
ratio among teachers is also very low, at 0.24.
can be a disincentive for women’s participation in In private secular or Roman Catholic schools,
countries where cultural norms prevent them where students are drawn from better-off
from staying overnight away from home, or families, there is a preference for male
where being trained by male teachers is not teachers, reflecting the views of the families
considered appropriate. In countries with poorly who fund the schools. Increased school
developed tertiary education systems, small autonomy and decentralization mean that the
proportions of female teachers in turn reflect low government has less opportunity to influence
gender parity in higher education, and the priority these outcomes: the diverse parties involved in
given to male employment (Gisselbrecht, 1996; school management, including households,
community leaders, local politicians and local
Rose, 2003a). As the case of Mali illustrates,
authorities, often have more ‘traditional’
biases may also arise from the preferences of
attitudes towards male and female roles.
parents and communities, in contexts where they
either pay for or control schooling (see Box 3.14). Sources: Sangaré et al. (2000); Lange (2003a).
An unequal distribution of female teachers is

also typically found within schools. In Guinea and
Malawi, female teachers are generally assigned state of West Bengal, where only 25% of single-
to the lower classes (Grades 1–4) whereas male teacher schools have women teachers, all of the
teachers tend to be in the higher grades. The Alternative Schools for which data are available
explanation given by teachers interviewed was have women teachers, following a decision to
that lower classes were easier to teach and appoint women above the age of 40 with five to
pupils were less difficult to handle than those in eight years of schooling to such posts
senior classes. The view that female teachers (Ramachandran, 2003). These shifts towards
find it hard to teach more senior groups feminization are being made within a changing
overlooks the fact that lower grades often have professional structure – contracts are short and
larger class sizes, and perpetuates a notion that insecure, and the pay is far less than that
female teachers’ intellectual abilities are lower received by teachers in the formal government
than those of male teachers (Kadzamira and schools. There are similarities in Mali, where
Chibwana, 2000). gender parity is higher among ‘relief teachers’
who have lower pay and less permanent tenure
Risks of a feminized profession than other teachers (Lange, 2003a). These
The extent of feminization of the teaching examples indicate that the diversification of
profession tends to increase as school employment opportunities for women and the
enrolments of girls and/or the economic roles of goal of creating more female role models for
women expand. In some cases, however, this schoolchildren should not be allowed to threaten
trend is accelerated by wage reductions imposed the implementation of gender equality in
by economic transition and adjustment (see employment contracts and non-discrimination
Box 3.15). In India, studies show a higher in training opportunities and teaching
percentage of women teachers in ‘Alternative responsibilities.
Schools’ relative to formal government schools in
some states. In the case of Bihar, with a low level
of female literacy, teachers in the Alternative
Schools are all female, due to a requirement to
recruit only women teachers. Similarly, in the
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Box 3.15. In the former socialist bloc, female teachers

0
on the rise as real wages fall

2
As is the case elsewhere around the world, schools these countries, teachers’ salaries are no longer
in Central and South-Eastern Europe and the sufficient for basic subsistence. In others, salaries
former Soviet Union are becoming increasingly for teachers are very low compared with those
feminized environments. In all the countries in the available in the private sector:
region, the majority of primary-school teachers are
‘There are cultural expectations in Azerbaijan that
women and in most of the countries this is true of
a male is head of the family and as such is
secondary-school teachers also. However,
expected to provide for the family. … Many males
circumstances differ from country to country.
are forced to leave teaching to pursue other more
Female teachers constitute more than 90% of all
highly paid careers. Among women, teaching is
primary teachers in Armenia, Belarus, Bulgaria,
seen as a career that fits well with raising a family
Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania,
since a choice can be made between teaching a
the Russian Federation, Slovakia, Slovenia, and
single (half day) or a double shift (full day)’
Ukraine, and between 75% and 90% in Azerbaijan,
(UNESCO, 2000g).
Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary,
Poland, Romania and Uzbekistan. School management hierarchies also reflect
gender inequalities. In Uzbekistan, whereas the
In most countries, the percentage of female
majority of teachers are women, most school
teachers has been increasing during the transition
heads are men. Women are poorly represented in
period. Between 1991 and 2000, for example, the
management structures in Croatian schools,
proportion of female secondary-school teachers in
whereas in Azerbaijan the majority of men
Albania doubled to 52%, and in Azerbaijan it grew
employed in education are school administrators
rapidly to reach 79% in 1998.
and managers.
Economic transition has often been associated with
declining real wages for teachers, which has led to Source: Magno et al. (2002).
an exodus of men from the classroom. In some of
Where gender Rights through education: Data for developing countries show that the
parity is still far achieving equality of over-performance of girls is weaker than in the
off and outcomes OECD group, and sometimes does not occur.
education
systems are Data from Chapter 2 show that where education These findings, however, cannot be generalized
systems are well developed and where girls enjoy to other countries. For many, where gender
poor, both boys
equal participation in schooling, the boys often parity is still far from being achieved, and where
and girls fare find themselves outperformed by them. What education systems are poor, both boys and girls
badly. explains this tendency? fare badly. Improvements in performance or
variations in performance gaps may reflect
Results from learning outcomes surveys and socio-economic advantages. In Mali, where
others, reported in detail in Chapter 2, show the overall repetition rates are high, the gender gap
following: in repetition is narrow for the first stage of basic
education, but increases to about 5 percentage
Girls achieve much better reading scores than points by the second stage of basic education,
boys in all the countries surveyed in the latest with more girls repeating years and dropping out
PISA survey (UNESCO Institute for than boys. However, at secondary level, the
Statistics/OECD, 2003b); boys do somewhat opposite happens, with – over the period 1967–94
better than girls in mathematics in most – almost always a smaller proportion of girls
countries; the performance of boys and girls is repeating than boys (Gisselbrecht, 1996, cited in
roughly equal in science. These results are Lange, 2003a). This probably reflects the low
drawn from countries which all have primary access of girls to secondary schooling in Mali,
NERs higher than 95. Thus they each have a where those who do attend are usually from
well-developed education system. more privileged backgrounds (Lange, 2003a).
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Chapter 3
In Ethiopia, some subjects reveal wider gender is required to establish which girls are
gaps in performance than others, notably outperforming which boys, in what institutional
mathematics, in an education system where context this occurs, and whether there are wider
aggregate achievement for boys is slightly higher socio-cultural factors that affect these outcomes.
than for girls, though with some regional Some of these issues are discussed below.
variations (Rose, 2003a). Gaps between boys and Evidence that girls are outperforming boys does
girls do widen through the system – in 2000/01 not always indicate a reversal of gender
only 20% of girls passed the Grade 10 inequality; it rather suggests changes in patterns The poor
examinations compared with 53% of boys, and of gender differentiation. performance of
46% and 67% respectively passed the Grade 12 boys has been
examinations (Rose, 2003a). In Togo, both boys The United Kingdom and France are both much noted in the
and girls fare badly in schools, but the impact of countries where the relative underperformance United Kingdom
girls’ failure has more serious implications in of boys has received much attention. Recent
and France.
that parents are less tolerant of repetition on the reports from the United Kingdom Government’s
part of their daughters than of their sons. Hence Department for Education and Skills reflect this
poor performance by girls more frequently leads concern (UK Government, DfES, 2000). Box 3.16
to their withdrawal from school (Lange, 2003b). reviews some of the debates and indicates likely
causes. The Caribbean region is also well known
for girls’ better performance, having closed the
Boys’ relative underperformance:
gender gap before the 1990s and having
cause for concern?
maintained a female enrolment advantage over
Evidence that girls are outperforming boys has the decade. In Caribbean states, on average, girls
created a stir in many countries, not least start schooling earlier, attend school more
because it appears to confound typical regularly, drop out of school less frequently, stay
assumptions about the nature of gender in school longer, and achieve higher levels of
inequality. Careful interpretation of the evidence functional education at the end of schooling than
Box 3.16. Why do girls consistently outperform boys in the United Kingdom?
Girls’ relatively better performance in examinations at age 16 The UK Department for Education and Skills, which has developed
has been a recent phenomenon in the United Kingdom, achieved a website addressing the problem of boys’ underachievement,
over the last decade. During the l960s, boys outperformed girls attributes the problem to the following characteristics:
by about 5%; for the next fifteen years, boys and girls were Girls put greater emphasis on collaboration, talk and
performing at almost equivalent levels. However, from about 1987 sharing;
only about eighty boys to every hundred girls achieved five high-
At each age girls have greater maturity and more effective
grade passes at 16+. Thus, after the mid-l980s, girls turned the
learning strategies;
tide of credentialism, in their favour.
(Some) boys disregard authority, academic work and formal
This new pattern of achievement has become evident even from achievement;
very young ages. Those studies that have tracked boys’ and girls’
There are differences in students’ attitudes to work, and in
progress through primary and secondary schools indicate that
their goals and aspirations, which are linked to the wider
girls make better progress than boys in reading, mathematics,
social context of changing labour markets, and male
and verbal and non-verbal reasoning. Data collected from
employment prospects;
national assessments at the age of 7 demonstrate that girls have
a better start at reading than boys and that their lead in English is There are different gender interactions between pupils and
maintained at ages 11 and 14 (Arnot et al., 1998). Thus a sizeable teachers in the classroom, particularly as perceived by
gap between boys and girls in reading and English is sustained (some) boys;
throughout compulsory schooling. By 2000, approximately 15% Laddish behaviour, bravado and noise, as boys seek to define
more girls than boys obtained high grades in English their masculinity, have a negative influence;
examinations at age 16 (UK Government, 2000). The fact that boys Male peer-group pressure weakens an academic work ethic;
have not reduced this female ‘advantage’ in language-related
Boys make efforts to avoid failure; but a ‘can’t do/can’t win’
subjects is one of the principal reasons why they have lost ground
insecurity leads to a ‘won’t try/won’t play’ culture.
relative to girls in terms of their overall school qualifications.
Source: Arnot and Phipps (2003).
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boys. This pattern also holds true for adult disadvantage. Despite boys and girls entering
0
literacy. In these countries, women are more Grade 1 in equal numbers, and with roughly the
literate than men. For example, the National same kinds of experiences and skills, major
2
Literacy Survey in Jamaica in 1994 reported that distinctions are observable in their attitude to and
the literacy rate among the population aged 15 interest in their studies. This leads to large
and older was 81.3% for women and 69.4% for differences in the quality of work produced and in
men. Thus, the gender gap in the Caribbean is their academic performance by the time they
the reverse of what it is in most other parts of the reach Grades 5 and 6. However, the evidence
developing world (Miller, 2000). suggests that male performance tends to be
mainly a reflection of lower attendance, rather
Reforms for better learning than lower performance per se (Sewell et al.,
In both France and the United Kingdom, policy 2003). The interconnections between schooling
reform has contributed greatly to closing gender performance and gender identities provide
gaps and to fostering a stronger culture of indicative explanations for some of these trends
equality between male and female. The improved (Box 3.17).
As education performance of girls relative to boys in the United
systems move Kingdom may partly reflect adjustments in the
Does gender parity translate
towards gender curriculum and examinations. Girls tend to
into gender equality?
parity and master reading skills at an earlier age. Thus, the
improved introduction of a National Curriculum requiring Data reviewed in previous sections suggest that
boys to engage more in language-based studies as education systems move towards gender
quality, girls are
tends to improve girls’ relative performance. parity and improved quality, girls are likely to
likely to perform Similarly, assigning greater assessment weight perform better than boys. However, what does
better than to course work (as distinct from written this mean in terms of greater gender equality?
boys. examinations) may also have benefited girls Many examples exist of the ways in which girls
(UK National Commission for UNESCO, 2003). are unable to convert their academic edge over
Research suggests that girls tend to do better boys into greater equality in other spheres of life.
than boys on sustained tasks that are open- In these circumstances their ‘rights through
ended, process-based, related to realistic education’ remain blighted. In Chile, for example,
situations and that require pupils to think for despite girls achieving better results than boys in
themselves; boys, on the other hand, show secondary school, they perform less well in the
greater adaptability to more traditional learning university selection test. A comparison of a
approaches with a strong emphasis on cohort of students taking the System of
memorization (Arnot and Phipps, 2003). Measurement of Educational Quality (SIMCE) test
in 1998 and the university selection test in 2002
Education policy reforms do not in all cases found that the poorer results of women in the
result in closing of gender gaps in learning and latter were not reflected by their earlier
performance. The ‘tremendous paradox’ of schooling achievement. One explanation
Jamaican education revealed by one recent study suggested was that men were more concerned
is that, despite strongly positive investments in to ensure that they achieved the scores needed
the education sector and high enrolment rates to enter prestigious university programmes and
throughout lower-secondary school, students hence took crash courses to prepare for the
demonstrate low learning interest and entrance tests (Avalos, 2003).
participation (Sewell et al., 2003). Special
concerns arise about examination performance Drawing women to science
and reading ability, which in particular reflect The differences in subject choices made by male
socio-economic disadvantage. Poor reading and female students are revealing in this respect.
ability starts in the lower grades, and is In France, data relating to gender balance in the
particularly concentrated among boys. By the science baccalaureate streams show that,
time students reach Grade 6, one-third of them despite their performing marginally better than
read below their expected level. By Grade 9 a boys in science at secondary level, only 44.2% of
huge divide is in place, where large numbers of science pupils in 2000 were girls. In other words,
students, especially boys, are not able to read or while they are over-represented among general
write. Some are functionally illiterate. Because of baccalaureate pupils (58%), the reverse is true
their reading deficiency, they are at a huge when it comes to science subjects. Thus other
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Chapter 3
Box 3.17. Caribbean paradox
Recent attention drawn to the ‘underperformance of boys in suggested that interest in reading might have been
Jamaica and the Caribbean countries has been associated engendered at an early age, with parents more likely to buy
with concern about the growing number of young males a book or doll for a girl, whereas a boy would receive a gun
engaged in serious crimes, and has helped focus on the or other toy. The differing nature of such gifts seems to be
complex links between schooling and society’ [Sewell et al., bound up with the parents’ concepts of masculinity.
2003]. Historically, men have occupied a wider social space,
The positive reinforcement that girls receive from the home
controlled more resources, maintained a higher social
and within the school is mutually reinforcing. Teachers at
position and exercised greater power than women.
school encounter boys who appear to be less motivated and
However, recent experience suggests that this privilege has
less likely to make an effort than girls, which tends to
come at a price.
reinforce their own perceptions. Parental attention to girls
A study of socialization patterns in Dominica, Guyana and and their schooling appears driven partly by a recognition
Jamaica found that, despite some minor differences related that in Jamaican society the rules of the game are different
to ethnicity and class, the socialization of boys and girls for the two sexes and by a fear of early pregnancy – now
was quite ‘gendered’ in terms of the nature of household more heightened with the growing threat of HIV/AIDS
chores, degree of parental supervision, severity of among the adolescent population.
discipline/punishment, and expectations in relation to
Traditional norms are therefore under transition. While
sexuality and its expressions.
gender norms have always been less restrictive than
Girls in the study of Dominica had more positive attitudes elsewhere, the mismatch between male gender identities
towards schooling and reported that they were supervised and the education system has grown. As schools become
more closely by their parents and received higher levels of increasingly feminized spaces, boys tend to develop their
encouragement. Parents also ensured that girls were more identities within a much more restrictive concept of
occupied with housework than boys, who were often left to masculinity.
their own devices. Focus-group discussion with parents
Sources: Sewell et al. (2003); Bailey (2003); Figueroa (2000).
factors prevent girls from turning their enrolment ratios for women in higher education
academically strong performance into opting to exceeded those of men by more than 15% in
study science in the higher grades (Baudino, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, the Russian
2003). Federation and Slovenia during the late 1990s. In
Latvia, this difference reached 25% in the Women are
Subject streaming in Chile occurs halfway 1998/99 academic year. One recent study from concentrated in
through the secondary-school system, when the the region suggests that these trends may reflect subjects leading
common curriculum is divided after two years a preference by male students for vocational and towards jobs in
into academic and technical specializations. technical training, rather than university study, in education and
Secondary technical education has become much order to gain more quickly the qualifications that
health, while
sought-after, as it provides greater chances of will allow them to join the labour market. On the
subsequent employment than the academic other hand, within higher education, women are
men dominate in
stream. Census data suggest that 82.2% of girls concentrated in subjects leading towards their courses about
compared with 33.8% of boys were enrolled in chosen professions in sectors such as education governance,
commercial specializations, whereas 58.5% of and health, whereas men dominate in academic finance and
boys compared with 13.1% of girls were enrolled programs related to governance, finance and banking.
in industrial specializations. Thus, of those girls banking (Magno et al., 2002). Similar tendencies
who join the technical streams the majority opt are also found in many other countries and
for traditional commercial and secretarial regions of the world (Arnot and Phipps, 2003;
specializations rather than for those preferred by Guzman and Letendre, 2003).
boys.
The idea of subject ‘choice’ needs to be
The feminization of higher education in the 1990s interpreted with care. Although a function of
has been a striking feature in countries of students’ aspirations, these themselves are
Central Europe, the former Yugoslavia, South- strongly influenced by expectations of what
Eastern Europe and the Baltic States and the opportunities are likely to be on offer. Box 3.18
former Soviet Union. For example, the gross shows that both the home environment and the
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Box 3.18. Student ‘choices’ are never unfettered

0
Despite girls doing well in school in many contexts, parents being generally the case. It is more common for restricted
2
may continue to hold stereotypical views about the abilities job opportunities for women to lead to lower educational
of girls relative to boys. In Mali, for example, almost one- persistence and performance. An example is given by Togo
third of 300 households surveyed said that the reason they where a general lack of employment for women, and a
differentiated between boys and girls was because boys scarcity of jobs for school-leavers and diploma-holders
were more intelligent. These expectations, being constantly since the implementation of economic reforms, is reported
reinforced within the home environment, inevitably to have undermined the demand for girls’ schooling.
influence subsequent behaviour.
Occupational expectations are widely reported to influence
Furthermore, the world of work also gives gendered subject choice.
messages, which influence boys’ aspirations in different
PISA survey data explored the occupations students’
ways to those of girls. In Chile, a survey of aspirations of
expected to have at age 30, and found that female students
out-of-school 14–17-year-olds revealed that two-thirds of
in the participating countries were far more likely than
boys hoped to find a job, compared with only one-third of
males to report expected occupations related to medicine,
girls; on the other hand, over half of the girls hoped to get
biology, nutrition and teaching. Male students on the other
back to school compared with less than half of the boys. In
hand were more likely to expect careers associated with
the older group of 18–24-year-olds, more women hoped to
physics, mathematics or engineering. It is unsurprising
study and more men hoped to find work.
that subject choices reflect these occupational
These aspirations indicate that boys see the world of work expectations.
as their dominant opportunity and are keen to enter it
early, whereas girls are more likely to want to stay on in Note: PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) is an
initiative covering twenty-eight OECD and fifteen non-OECD countries,
higher education in order to improve their chances in the aimed at measuring ‘how well young adults at age 15, and therefore
labour market. Somewhat perversely, labour market approaching the end of compulsory schooling, are prepared to meet the
discrimination seems here to be fuelling greater gender challenges of today’s knowledge societies’.
parity in education. This outcome, however, is far from Sources: Avalos (2003); UNESCO Institute for Statistics/OECD (2003b,
p. 12); Lange (2003a, 2003b).
labour market can profoundly influence student example, in Indonesia and Sri Lanka (both
performance and choice. Thus, achieving a better countries having reached close to gender parity
balance in the participation of males and females in enrolments), the unemployment rates for
in many educational programmes is likely to be women are higher than those for men across all
influenced as much by changes outside the levels of education. The Indonesian figures show
educational domain as within it. further that women’s unemployment rates rise
In Asia, with their level of education, up to and including
higher rates of those with university degrees. Equally, women
Does the labour market reward girls?
unemployment with vocational education are more likely to be
prevail for Despite genuine and soundly based concern unemployed than men (Lee, 2002).
women at all about male underachievement, it is clear that
many societies have different expectations for Has women’s greater presence in the workforce
educational
males and females. The underachievement of had an impact on gender wage gaps? There is a
levels. men in the educational arena has not yet large amount of evidence on this question which
resulted in their falling behind in the economic cannot be fully treated here. However, the
and political spheres. It seems that women may reliability and interpretability of the data on pay
often require higher levels of attainment than relativities by gender pose major problems. A
men if they are to be successful in competition recent UNIFEM report (UNIFEM, 2000) made a
for jobs, equal remuneration, decision-making heroic effort to tackle this question, but was
positions and access to an equal share of constrained by the limited range of countries for
productive resources.31 which internationally comparable datasets were
available (especially to assess change over time),
By the same token, a recent survey of Asian as well as by the incomplete coverage of different
31. Bailey (2003). Empirical countries’ performance in relation to gender economic sectors, with a bias towards urban
evidence for this is however equity shows that higher rates of unemployment formal sectors. Despite such shortcomings, the
ambiguous (Kamalich and
Polachek, 1982; Sloane, 1985). prevail for women at all educational levels. For report argues that in industry and services,
152
Chapter 3
women on average earned 22% less than men in Box 3.19. Education, gender and employment
the late 1990s. In East Asia, where more reliable in Maghreb countries
datasets are available, there is some evidence
that the gender wage gaps narrowed in a number The Maghreb region demonstrates the difficulty of making linear assumptions
of countries during the 1980s and 1990s, but even about the links between education and employment for women. It shows that
so they remained large by international while education can influence women’s opportunities to find formal
standards (Seguino, 1997, cited in Razavi, 2003). employment in non-traditional sectors, economic policies, legislation and the
Except in the case of service and farm social environment also matter.
occupations, men’s wages are between 20% and Both Tunisia and Algeria have attained gender parity in education but Tunisian
100% higher than those of women and the male women have wide access to the labour market, whereas in Algeria it is much
wage advantage occurs across all levels of more restricted. Tunisia introduced curriculum reform to improve the image
education (Lee, 2002). of women. The education system has expanded. Social reforms have been
implemented, giving women the right to vote and improved divorce and
marriage rights. Nearly 70% of Tunisian women are employed in the formal
Beyond equal numbers sector, and there is a growing number of female engineers. However, in
Algeria, declining rates of female participation in the formal sector are largely
This chapter shows that education generates
associated with the decline of the public sector, which was the largest
opportunity for women and men and that it, in employer. Women are thus increasingly dependent on the informal sector. In
turn, is shaped by the existing norms and values contrast, Morocco is far from achieving gender parity in school enrolments
which create gendered educational choices and and is falling further behind. However, Morocco performs much better than
outcomes. the two others in terms of female participation in the labour market. Poverty
is one factor propelling women into the labour market, as witnessed by high
Much has changed in the world to impact on rates of rural–urban migration for women. Thus, although most women are
girls’ education. While poverty continues to be a economically active, they are clustered in low-paid, low-skilled jobs.
major factor in the countries that have the
Source: EFA Global Monitoring Report Team.
highest levels of gender disparity, evidence
shows that where the gaps are closing, have
closed, or are reversing slightly in favour of girls,
they are doing so in ways that remain tightly
scripted by notions of gender differences attention. Making schools safe environments and The Maghreb
between men and women. We have seen that, ensuring equity in the distribution of educational region shows the
when given opportunities for education, girls take resources are crucial measures for promoting difficulty of making
advantage of them, work hard and perform well. gender parity. However, the provision of
assumptions about
However, it is ironic that boys’ declining levels of infrastructure is not sufficient in itself. Attention
educational performance may partly reflect wider paid to the content of classroom textbooks, links between
inequalities in the labour market, which continue process and practice is an important education and
to favour men, whereas opportunities for women precondition of ensuring the enrolment and employment for
often remain determined by the notion that completion of girls and boys. Discriminatory women.
women’s primary role is within the family as content and bias in textbooks serves to reaffirm
unpaid carers. Further, boys’ relatively worse the wider social inequalities that prevent girls
performance in some contexts indicates how from taking advantage of educational
masculine identity can have a negative impact on opportunities in the first place.
boys’ ability to perform as well as girls. The role
of education as a key institution for socializing The challenges of achieving parity do not end
young people is paramount in this respect. with the achievement of equal numbers of boys
and girls in school, although that does represent
Urgent action is therefore required to close gaps a significant step towards the achievement of
between boys and girls in countries where the gender equality in education. As this chapter
gender gap in education is still large. Addressing shows, gender equality is not a purely
poverty and economic constraints, as well as quantitative goal – it relates to the wider issues
practices that continue to legitimize unequal of equal opportunity, treatment and outcomes in
investment in boys and girls, require urgent education and in society more generally.
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EFA Global Monitoring Report 2 0 0 3/4

Why are girls

to equality process, as Chapters 4 and 5 demonstrate. It

range of ways. Gender-aware school systems Rights to education: what

Box 3.1. Gender and primary enrolments: some simple associations

1.20 120 1.20

1.10 100 1.00

Source: Statistical annex, Tables 1 and 5.

uncertainty (Kabeer, 1994, Chap. 5). Powerful Son preference

Box 3.2. Gender inequalities in education: the South Asian case

incidence of work performed by children are

of child labour by region. Africa has the highest Children in

In the name of tradition Tadfe Tsega, student:

or risky, early marriage is used as a means of Asia

that 38% of girls aged 15–19 were married.11 Middle East

burden. In these circumstances, early marriage Latin America and Caribbean

Box 3.4. Puberty myths

Box 3.5. How foster children fare in West Africa

The fostering of children is an ancient phenomenon in many parts of the

world. In West Africa, where it is widespread, the traditional causes vary

in Brazilian schools to merely keep education systems in affected

of military forces can be far higher than those of Killer mines

Box 3.7. Girls in the armed forces

Box 3.8. Disabilities and gender in OECD countries

OECD countries have distinguished three categories of disability:

Figure 3.4. Students receiving additional resources in primary education

Source: Evans and Deluca (2003).

Rights to education: There is strong evidence from more qualitative

Eastern Europe Middle East and Latin America Developed

Angola^ Bhutan^w Armenia^w Djibouti Bolivia^w No tuition fees are

often vary between schools. Treatment of poor PTA/community

schools has remained roughly unchanged, at

Community groups, such as religious bodies,

Community schools than government schools serving wealthier areas

Box 3.11. Unequal partnerships on school committees

In Saudi Arabia, the government first allowed

Declaration on Elimination of Violence Against Women,

Not just a developing-country problem

economics, childcare and sewing, gardening and governments, particularly in respect of

conditions of travel or accommodation may be Box 3.14. Sexism and parental

An unequal distribution of female teachers is

Box 3.15. In the former socialist bloc, female teachers

on the rise as real wages fall

Box 3.17. Caribbean paradox

Box 3.18. Student ‘choices’ are never unfettered

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