Lectura 102014 Cdppolicynote

Committee for Development Policy
Policy Note
Global governance and global rules for

development in the post-2015 era
United Nations
June 2014
DESA
The Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations Secretariat is a vital interface
between global policies in the economic, social and environmental spheres and national action. The
Department works in three main interlinked areas: (i) it compiles, generates and analyses a wide range
of economic, social and environmental data and information on which States Members of the United
Nations draw to review common problems and to take stock of policy options; (ii) it facilitates the
negotiations of Member States in many intergovernmental bodies on joint courses of action to address
ongoing or emerging global challenges; and (iii) it advises interested Governments on the ways and
means of translating policy frameworks developed in United Nations conferences and summits into
programmes at the country level and, through technical assistance, helps build national capacities.
Note
The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do
not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the
United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its
authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.
The term “country” as used in the text also refers, as appropriate, to territories or areas.
The designations of country groups are intended solely for statistical or analytical
convenience and do not necessarily express a judgment about the stage of development
reached by a particular country or area in the development process.
The views expressed in this publication are those of the Committee for Development Policy
and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and policies of the United Nations.
United Nations publication

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Global governance and global rules for development in the post-2015 era iii
Acknowledgements
The present note reflects the collective views of the members of the Com-
mittee for Development Policy. The analysis and ideas that they contrib-
uted during its preparation are greatly appreciated. Special thanks should
be extended to José Antonio Alonso, Giovanni Andrea Cornia, Ana Luiza
Cortez, Diane Elson, Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, Stephan Klasen, Keun Lee, Le-
once Ndikumana, José Antonio Ocampo, Tea Petrin, Claudia Sheinbaum,
Madhura Swaminahan and Dzodzi Tsikata, who prepared background
notes and contributed other materials that served as important inputs for
both the Committee’s deliberations and the present Policy Note. The pub-
lication also relied on comments from other CDP members and the sub-
stantive support from Ana Luiza Cortez, Hiroshi Kawamura and Namsuk
Kim of the CDP Secretariat.
iv Committee for Development o
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Foreword
As we quickly approach the target year for achieving the Millennium De-
velopment Goals (MDGs), Member States of the United Nations have
initiated a process to identify approaches to development strategies and
goals for the post-2015 era. Guided by the principles identified in the out-
come document of the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable
Development (Rio+20), progress has been made in the intergovernmental
deliberations on defining a set of sustainable development goals and on
developing a financing strategy for sustainable development.
At the same time, the members of the Committee for Develop-
ment Policy (CDP)—an expert body of the Economic and Social Council
composed of 24 members serving in their personal capacity—have been
providing intellectual leadership on the possible contours of the United
Nations development agenda for the post-2015 era. Previous work of the
Committee focused on the delineation of the national strategies necessary
for achieving the internationally agreed development goals. At its plena-
ry meeting in 2014, the Committee shifted its attention to the interna-
tional dimensions of the development agenda. In particular, it considered
how global governance and global rules could be strengthened to make
them more conducive to development in the post-2015 era. For the CDP,
MDG 8 on the global partnership for development—addresses global gov-
ernance in an incomplete way. In the Committee’s opinion, intergovern-
mental cooperation is at the centre of the global partnership for develop-
ment, and its role in the achievement of global development goals goes
beyond the resources and technical assistance it can provide. Intergovern-
mental cooperation is also required when global policy decisions are taken
and when global rules and norms are set, especially by multinational insti-
tutions that are in need of reform. The Committee argues that strengthen-
ing global governance and global rules is necessary in order to manage the
increasing interdependence among countries more efficiently, to reduce ex-
isting inequalities, and to guarantee the necessary policy space for countries
to pursue their own priorities within the limits given by interdependence.
Existing proposals to reform the current global partnership are
not truly comprehensive. The present Policy Note provides important in-
put towards filling this gap. An expanded version of the 2014 report of the
Global governance and global rules for development in the post-2015 era v
Committee for Development Policy to the Economic and Social Council,

the Note elaborates the arguments presented in that report and includes
additional detailed information and analysis. It provides practical policy
recommendations on the way forward and on strengthening the role of
the United Nations in achieving sustainable development worldwide. I am
confident that Member States, development practitioners and the inter-
national community at large will consider the findings contained in this
Note an insightful contribution to their discussions on how to promote a
sustainable world free of poverty and a life of dignity for all.
Wu Hongbo
Under-Secretary-General for Economic and Social Affairs
United Nations
May 2014
vi Committee for Development o
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Summary
Intergovernmental cooperation is at the centre of the global partnership for

development. It has a vital role to play in the achievement of global devel-
opment goals, in terms not only of the resources and technical assistance it
can provide, but also in the areas of policy decision-making and norm-set-
ting. Global governance encompasses the totality of institutions, policies,
norms, procedures and initiatives through which States and their citizens
try to bring more predictability, stability and order to their responses to
transnational challenges. Effective global governance can only be achieved
with effective international cooperation. Neither the existing proposals to
strengthen global governance nor the global rules to support development
are fully satisfactory; they have also not received sufficient attention by
the intergovernmental processes addressing the development agenda for the
post-2015 era. This Note presents comprehensive yet practical recommen-
dations on how international cooperation, through its various institutions,
arrangements and rules, could be reformed and strengthened to achieve
and sustain development gains beyond post-2015.
It argues that international cooperation and the resulting gov-
ernance mechanisms are not working well. First, the current global gover-
nance system is not properly equipped to manage the growing economic
integration and interdependence among countries, both of which are com-
pounded by the current globalization process. Globalization tends to ac-
centuate interdependencies among countries. Second, global governance
structures and rules are characterized by severe asymmetries in terms of ac-
cess, scope and outcomes. While developing countries must abide by and/
or shoulder the effects of global governance rules and regulations, they have
limited influence in shaping them. Meanwhile, the unbalanced nature of
globalization implies that important areas of common interest are currently
not covered, or sparsely covered, by global governance mechanisms, while
other areas are considered to be overdetermined or overregulated by a myr-
iad of arrangements with different rules and provisions, causing fragmen-
tation, increased costs and reduced effectiveness. These deficiencies have
contributed to the generation of asymmetric outcomes among countries
and have had important implications for inequality at the national level as
well. Finally, current approaches to global governance and global rules have
led to a greater shrinking of policy space for national Governments, par-
Global governance and global rules for development in the post-2015 era vii
ticularly in the developing countries, than necessary for the efficient man-
agement of interdependence; this also impedes the reduction of inequalities
within countries.
Five principles are critical to guiding the reforms of global gov-
ernance and global rules:
(i) Common but differentiated responsibilities and respective ca-
pacities: This principle calls for recognizing differences among countries in
terms of their contribution and historical responsibilities in generating com-
mon problems, as well as divergences in financial and technical capacities, in
order to address shared challenges. This principle also acknowledges the di-
versity of national circumstances and policy approaches—a diversity which
should be embedded in the architecture of global governance as an intrinsic
feature of the global community, not as an exception to general rules.
(ii) Subsidiarity: Issues ought to be addressed at the lowest level
capable of addressing them. This principle implies that some problems
can be handled well and efficiently at the local, national, subregional and
regional levels reducing the number of issues that need to be tackled at the
international and supranational level. Subsidiarity suggests an important
role for regional cooperation in addressing issues of mutual concern.
(iii) Inclusiveness, transparency, accountability: Global gover-
nance institutions need to be representative of, and accountable to, the
entire global community, while decision-making procedures need to be
democratic, inclusive and transparent. Robust governance implies mutual
accountability, verified by transparent and credible mechanisms and pro-
cesses to ensure that agreed commitments and duties are fulfilled.
(iv) Coherence: Definitions of global rules and processes need
to rest on comprehensive approaches, including the assessment of possible
trade-offs, so that actions in different areas will not undermine or disrupt
one another, but instead be mutually reinforcing. Enhanced coherence is
also needed between the international and national spheres of policymak-
ing. This also requires improved coordination among various stakeholders
and enhanced information sharing.
(v) Responsible sovereignty: This principle recognizes that policy
cooperation is the best way to achieve national interests in the global public
domain. It also requires Governments and States to be fully respectful of
the sovereignty of other nations so as to fulfil agreed policy outcomes.
After laying out these core principles, this Note then examines
how the principles could be applied to strengthen key areas of international
viii Committee for Development o
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cooperation that are in need of reform. It identifies deficiencies in their

respective governance structures and makes recommendations on how to
address the shortcomings based on the five principles introduced above.
In the final section, the Note considers the role of the United
Nations in the global governance architecture. It argues that the General
Assembly, with its universal membership and democratic decision-making
process, should function as the main political forum for managing global
challenges, in close interaction with the Economic and Social Council and
its subsidiary bodies on economic, social and environmental issues. For
the Organization to utilize its distinct advantages, however, Member States
need to strengthen its position in global governance. In particular, the Note
suggests that the Economic and Social Council take on greater responsibil-
ity for advancing the global governance reform agenda, and that it provide
guidance to the United Nations system in addressing current governance
deficiencies in areas requiring improved international cooperation. These
areas include the environment, international monetary and financial archi-
tecture, capital and labour flows, trade rules and inequality. Moreover, the
Council’s ability to coordinate and guide should be supported by appropri-
ate follow-up and monitoring mechanisms for bridging the gap between
commitments made and their implementation. The layout of such a system
will require special attention in relation to the quantification of targets,
data collection, and definitions and indicators measuring representative-
ness, inclusiveness, transparency and coherence of global governance.
The implementation of the post-2015 development agenda ulti-
mately depends on the political will of Member States. Success will depend
on whether all countries contribute to the reform of global governance and
use their policy space to implement policies for achieving common goals.
The probability of failing will remain high if global challenges continue to
be approached from the narrow national perspective. It is therefore urgent
that States cooperate in creating the conditions that will facilitate imple-
mentation of the current and future United Nations development agenda.
Global governance and global rules for development in the post-2015 era ix
Contents
Acknowledgements iii
Foreword iv
Summary vi
Abbreviations xi
I. Introduction 1
II. Global governance and global rules:
why do they need reform? 3
Interdependence and global public goods 4
Globalization and its asymmetries 5
Interdependence and policy space 13
Principles for reform 14
III. Strengthening global governance and global rules 16
Global governance and the environmental agenda 16
International monetary and financial architecture 21
International trade rules: fostering development and
preserving policy space 27
International tax matters: enhancing cooperation
in a world of high capital mobility 36
Managing labour mobility: a missing pillar of
global governance 40
Addressing inequality: why good global governance matters 47
IV. Global governance for development 52
The role of the United Nations 54
References 59
Figures
1. Share in world gross product and world population,
selected country groupings, 2012 6
2. Mobility of capital, goods and services, and labour
A. World FDI inflows and exports of goods and services,
1970–2010 8
B. Developing country net migratory outflows, 1970–2010 8
x Committee for Development o
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3. Share of wages in national income, selected countries,

1970–2010 9
4. Average per capita income of selected developing regions
as a share of average per capita income
of OECD countries, 1980–2012 10
5. World merchandise exports, 1980–2012 28
6. Number of physical RTAs entered into force, 2003–2013 30
7. Gini index of household income inequality by development
status, early 1990s and late 2000s 47
Boxes
1. Increased inequalities amidst increasing independence 11
2. Conventions and agreements relevant for labour mobility 43
Global governance and global rules for development in the post-2015 era xi
Abbreviations
The following abbreviations have been used:
AEITs automatic exchanges of LDCs least developed countries

information on taxation MDB multilateral development bank
ASEAN Association of Southeast MDGs Millennium Development
Asian Nations Goals
BIT bilateral investment agreement MFN most favoured nation
CDP Committee for Development MP Montreal Protocol
Policy NGOs non-governmental
CFC chlorofluorocarbon organizations
DSM dispute settlement mechanism ODA official development assistance
ECOSOC United Nations Economic ODS ozone depleting substances
and Social Council OECD Organization for Economic
EU European Union Cooperation and Development
FCL Flexible Credit Line OWG Open Working Group
FDI foreign direct investment RCPs regional consultative processes
FSB Financial Stability Board RTA regional and bilateral
G8 Group of Eight preferential trade agreements
G20 Group of Twenty SDGs Sustainable Development
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs Goals
and Trade SDRs special drawing rights
GDP gross domestic product SDTs special and differential
GHG greenhouse gas treatment measures
GPGs global public goods TIEAs tax information exchange
GVCs global value chains agreements
IEG international environmental TNC transnational corporation
governance TRIPs Agreement on Trade Related
ILO International Labour Aspects of Intellectual
Organization Property Rights
IMF International Monetary Fund UNCTAD United Nations Conference
IOM International Organization on Trade and Development
for Migration WTO World Trade Organization
Global governance and
global rules for development
in the post-2015 era
I. Introduction
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are an expression of the
broader United Nations development agenda agreed to at several United
Nations conferences and summits convened over many decades (United
Nations, 2007). These goals, as well as the broader United Nations devel-
opment agenda, underscore a global consensus, a shared vision of inclu-
sive development, based on the three pillars of sustainable development:
economic, social and environmental. They have also been instrumental in
drawing attention to development as a global priority and have become
reference points for development policy debates and practices worldwide.
Yet, the MDGs address issues of global governance in an incomplete and
limited way. Goal 8, the global partnership for development, is often rec-
ognized as the least satisfactory of the MDGs. In fact, the Committee for
Development Policy (CDP) had already noted that the “MDG narrative…
leaves out much of the important economic policy agenda of developing
countries in international negotiations. Issues of asymmetric power and
lack of voice in international rules related to trade, investments and fi-
nance as well as policy space and control over national economic policies
are barely reflected in the MDGs. While they do include a specific goal on
the building of a global partnership for development (Goal 8), its wording
is weak and lacks quantitative targets in several aspects” (United Nations,
2012a, p.13).
Intergovernmental cooperation is at the centre of the global part-
nership for development and has a vital role to play in the achievement of
global development goals, not only in terms of the resources and technical
assistance it can provide, but also in policy decision-making and norm-
setting. Existing proposals to strengthen global governance and global rules
to support development do not seem to be truly comprehensive and have
not received sufficient attention by the international community in discus-
sions on the development agenda for the post-2015 era.
2 Committee for Development o
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The “institutional view”, as embodied by various reports of the

United Nations System Task Team and the Secretary-General, seems to
reduce the tasks of the global partnership for development to goal setting,
monitoring and the provision of means of implementation (with participa-
tion from several actors in addition to Governments), without, however,
considering the adequacy of the rules and institutions that shape the envi-
ronment where economies operate.
Deliberations at the General Assembly Open Working Group
(OWG) on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) include consideration
of the issue of governance, but its discussions are focused on rule of law,
largely applicable to national contexts (particularly “failed” States) and in
post-conflict situations. When transposed to the global level, the concept
seems to apply to means of implementation, accountability and monitor-
ing, with few isolated suggestions on the areas of technology transfer, trade
and official development assistance (ODA).
Lastly, the High-level Panel of Eminent Persons on the Post-2015
Development Agenda seems to reduce the global partnership to a collection
of multi-stakeholder partnerships contributing to the implementation of
each specific goal.
All these conceptions are incomplete at best, and reflect the insuf-
ficient attention that current discussions on the post-2015 agenda have giv-
en to global governance. The present report aims to help fill this gap. It will
look more specifically at how international cooperation, through its various
institutions, arrangements and rules, could be reformed and strengthened
for achieving and sustaining development gains in the post-2015 era.
The remainder of the report is organized as follows: Section II
identifies the shortcomings and areas that need further strengthening in the
current system of global governance. It also puts forward the necessary prin-
ciples that should guide the reform process. Section III looks more closely
at selected areas of global governance. On the basis of the guiding principles
identified in the previous section, Section III also indicates the direction that
reforms should take. Section IV examines the role of the United Nations in
global governance. It recognizes key important features of the Organization
in terms of its universality, inclusiveness and transparency. It stresses that the
achievement of sustainable development worldwide requires a stronger and
more effective United Nations at the centre of global governance, as opposed
to a loosely defined, uncoordinated multi-stakeholder approach.
Global governance and global rules for development in the post-2015 era 3
II. Global governance and global rules:

why do they need reform?
Scholars have used the term “governance” to denote the regulation of inter-
dependent relations in the absence of overarching political authority, such
as in the international system. It encompasses the institutions, policies,
norms, procedures and initiatives through which states and their citizens
try to bring more predictability, stability, and order to their responses to
transnational challenges. While the importance of global governance has
been acknowledged, we are witnessing the increasing need to manage global
problems more effectively in the face of increased interdependence.
Effective global governance cannot be achieved without effective
international cooperation. Besides being a manifestation of international
solidarity, international cooperation is a means to promote common interests
and shared values and to reduce the vulnerabilities generated by increased
interdependence. It is also a legal obligation. Already in 1945, Member
States of the United Nations recognized the centrality of “international
cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cul-
tural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect
for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction
as to race, sex, language, or religion” (United Nations , 1945, Article III).
With the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948,
and the subsequent international treatises that put the Declaration into ef-
fect, there is legal obligation for States to facilitate the realization of human
rights by all individuals through international cooperation. While the ful-
fillment of human rights is the primary responsibility of individual States,
there is also an international obligation for States to remove those obstacles
that are beyond the reach of individual nation states and that impede the
creation of the conditions and social arrangements necessary for the fulfill-
ment of human rights (Fukuda-Parr, 2006). Meanwhile, the Declaration
on the Right to Development (United Nations, General Assembly, 1986)
explicitly calls on States to act collectively, as well as individually, to create
an enabling environment for development, particularly by removing ob-
stacles and creating opportunities (Ibid., Preamble, articles 1, 2, 4, and 7).
International cooperation and the resulting governance mecha-
nisms are not working adequately or effectively. Responses to common chal-
lenges have been mostly taken at the national level, with global responses
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being insufficient, incomplete or simply non-existent. Moreover, there has

been growing tension between decision-making processes at the national
and global level as local challenges “have become an integral part of global
stakes” (Severino and Roy, 2009, p. 9). Domestic policies can have signifi-
cant (positive and negative) spillover effects on global well-being, depend-
ing on the weight of a given economy and the pattern of its integration into
the global economy. Thus, a main question is how to reform the institutions
responsible for global governance. In this regard, three main issues emerge:
(i) the current global governance system is not properly equipped to man-
age the growing integration and interdependence among countries; (ii) the
current system is characterized by marked asymmetries in terms of access,
processes and outcomes; and, (iii) global rules have led to a shrinking of the
policy space of national Governments, particularly of developing countries,
in ways that impede the reduction of inequalities within countries and is well
beyond what is necessary for an efficient management of interdependence.
Interdependence and global public goods

The current globalization process tends to accentuate interdependencies
among countries, widening the scope of global public goods (GPGs).
Public goods and services are characterized by their non-rival consump-
tion—peace and security, for example—and whose consumption is non-
excludable. In other words, once they are supplied, public goods, such as
early warning systems, benefit everyone. Typically, social or collective net
benefits accruing from the provision of public goods are larger than pri-
vate or individual benefits, leading to an undersupply of these goods by
the market. GPGs are public goods that generate benefits (or costs) with
global reach or of a transnational nature (i.e., regional and subregional).
Accordingly, GPGs require collective action among countries, coordinated
by Governments, to be delivered in sufficient quantities and in an efficient
manner (Kaul, Grunberg and Stern, eds., 1999; World Bank, 2008). A
strong relationship exists between GPGs and development agendas: fail-
ures in one domain can produce setbacks in the other (United Nations,
Committee for Development Policy, 2013).
Currently, GPGs are insufficiently supplied, creating negative
consequences for all. Meanwhile, the supply of global public “bads” (emis-
sion of greenhouse gases, tax havens, biodiversity losses, human trafficking,
etc.), resulting from a lack of or ineffective collective action, is not adequately

constrained or properly regulated. Some areas of common interest, such as
commodity markets and migration, are sparsely or not at all covered by
global governance mechanisms. Others are overdetermined or overregulat-
ed by a myriad of arrangements with different rules and provisions, causing
fragmentation, increased costs and reduced efficiency. International trade is
a case in point with the mushrooming of bilateral and regional free trade
agreements that have differing rules of origin and standards requirements.
Globalization and its asymmetries

Global governance structures and rules are characterized by severe asymme-
tries. There are marked asymmetries of access to the various decision-making
processes, with developing countries having to abide by and/or shoulder
the effects of rules and regulations over which they have limited influ-
ence. While resolutions by the United Nations General Assembly reflect
the rule of one country, one vote, they do not create binding obligations.
Representation of developing countries’ shares in International Monetary
Fund (IMF) quotas does not reflect their shares in the world economy
today, and the moderately ambitious 2010 reform has not yet been imple-
mented. In any case, decisions on global monetary cooperation seemed
to have bypassed the IMF and taken place in the “G sphere”— the 1985
Plaza Accord, the 1987 Louvre Accord and, more recently, the Group of
Seven, for example. The creation of the Group of Twenty (G20) in the
aftermath of the 2008 crisis includes some major developing countries and,
in principle, may be a better reflection of power distribution in the world;
these countries account for about 85 per cent of global gross domestic
product (GDP) and about 65 per cent of the world’s population (figure 1).
However, the vast majority of developing countries are excluded. In reality,
the G20 represents a continuation of a pattern that could be called “elite
multilateralism” (Ocampo, 2011), a framework that raises serious concerns
about representativeness, inclusiveness and accountability.
An important force shaping governance at national and interna-
tional levels is big corporations, which lobby for laws and policies that serve
their interests. For example, in the preparation of the Transatlantic Trade
and Investment Partnership, the Commission of the European Union has
held at least 119 closed-door meetings with large corporations and their
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Figure 1
Share in world gross product and world population,
selected country groupings, 2012
Percentage
90
Share in world gross product
80 Share in world population
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
G5 G7 G20 China + India
Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators online database.
Note: World gross product calculated on the basis of current United States dollar market exchange rates.
lobbying groups, but has only held a handful of meetings with trade unions
and consumer groups (Transnational Institute, 2014). Some counter-
weight to corporate power is provided by public interest non-governmental
organizations (NGOs). While today some NGOs have very significant in-
fluence, resources at their disposal are relatively small when compared to
those of large corporations.
The current global governance structure also reflects the asym-
metric character or the unbalanced nature of globalization. There have been
important processes that facilitate the mobility of capital and of goods and
services; other processes have restricted access to knowledge and innovation.
There are only timid attempts to facilitate skilled-labour mobility and severe
restrictions on the migration of unskilled labour. In fact, the average annual
world inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI) jumped from US$ 200 bil-
lion in 1990-1995 to US$ 1500 billion in 2005-2010, a seven-fold increase.
The corresponding figures for world exports of goods and services recorded
a four-fold increase, from US$ 4.8 trillion to US$ 16.2 trillion. Meanwhile,
the annual average net migratory outflows from developing countries

are estimated to have increased from 12 million people in 1990-1995 to
17 million in 2005-2010 (figures 2.A and 2.B). The increasing mobility of
capital has been associated with declining taxation on capital and corpora-
tions both in developed and emerging countries (Devereux, Lockwood and
Redoano, 2008), while labour, the fixed factor of production, and consum-
ers (most of whom are also workers) shoulder most of the tax burden. This
is very costly, as tax revenues are the main source of revenue mobilization
for financing delivery of public services and social protection.
Asymmetries in both decision-making and various processes re-
lated to global governance have important implications for asymmetries of
outcomes. Within-country inequalities are primarily the responsibility of
national Governments and national societies. Yet, global rules and coopera-
tion, or the lack thereof, may facilitate or constrain government action at
the national level. Thus, initiatives to promote internationally agreed mini-
mum social standards in developing countries generate a positive effect,
to the extent that they are supported by financial and technical resources
provided through international cooperation. For example, international
research institutions, supported by public funds, were active in agricul-
tural innovation in developing countries in the past, leading to the Green
Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, which saved millions of people from
starvation. More recently, the development of vaccines and improved medi-
cal treatments for tropical diseases as well as for global pandemics such as
HIV/AIDS (United Nations, Committee for Development Policy, 2013)
has greatly assisted countries in improving health conditions at the national
level. At the same time, stringent patent protection increases the cost of
essential medicines in developing countries, making it more difficult for
them to improve the health of their populations, particularly the poor. Lack
of international tax cooperation facilitates tax avoidance by transnational
corporations (TNCs) and rich individuals and reduces the pool of resources
available for Governments to implement poverty reduction and redistribu-
tive policies. In general, the forces pushing towards rising inequality have
prevailed in recent decades, as reflected in the falling share of wage income
and the rising share of capital income in most economies (figure 3), among
other developments. Inequalities do not self-correct; instead, they perpetu-
ate and reproduce over generations, cumulating and combining to recreate
systematic disadvantages for particular groups and individuals.
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Figure 2
Mobility of capital, goods and services, and labour
Figure 2.A: World FDI inflows and exports of goods and services, 1970–2010
Billions of United States dollars
18000 1600
Exports of goods and services
16000 1400
FDI
14000
1200
12000
1000
10000
Exports
FDI
800
8000
600
6000
400
4000
2000 200
0 0
1970-1975 1975-1980 1980-1985 1985-1990 1990-1995 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Source: World Bank,World Development Indicators online database and UNCTAD,
UNCTADStat online database.
Note: Annual averages.
Figure 2.B: Developing country net migratory outflows, 1970–2010

Millions of people
25
Net migratory outflows
20
15
10
0
1970-1975 1975-1980 1980-1985 1985-1990 1990-1995 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010
Source: United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population
Division (2013). World Population Prospects: The 2012 Revision, DVD.
Note: Net migratory outflows are estimates.
Figure 3
Share of private sector adjusted wages in national income,
selected developed countries, 1970–2010
85
ADV
JPN
80 USA
DEU
75
70
65
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
60
1970 1980 1990 2000 2010
Share of adjusted wages in national income,

selected developing countries, 1970–2010
75
DVP3
DVP5
70
DVP16
65
60
55
50
1970 1980 1990 2000
Source: Stockhammer (2013), p.1 and p.3.

Note: Adjusted for self-employment, unweighted averages.
ADV: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan,
the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and
the United States of America.
DVP3: Mexico, Republic of Korea and Turkey.
DVP5: DVP3 plus China and Kenya.
DVP16: DVP5 plus Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Namibia, Oman, Panama, Peru, Russian
Federation, South Africa and Thailand.
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While interdependence has increased, inequalities among coun-

tries have persisted and, in some cases, amplified. Countries and people
have thus been left behind, participating at the margins of the global econ-
omy and/or unable to realize its potential benefits. At the global level, the
income gap between the developed and the developing countries remains
considerable; it has even deteriorated in the case of sub-Saharan Africa,
Latin America and the least developed countries (LDCs) in the last two
decades of the twentieth century, though with some improvement over the
past decade (figure 4 and box 1). Those countries that succeeded in lowering
the gap seem to have opted for strategic participation in international trade
and tactical association with foreign investors, thereby promoting domestic
backward and forward production linkages and the accompanying dynamic
structural transformation of the economy from low- to higher-productivity
sectors. These achievements often rested on the adoption of a wide range
of policy instruments and innovative institutional arrangements. But many
developing countries have not been able to do this, and continue to be
trapped at low- or middle-income levels.
Figure 4
Average per capita income of selected developing regions as a share of
average per capita income of OECD countries, 1980–2012
OECD average income=100
9 25
East Asia and the Pacific
8 South Asia
Sub-Saharan Africa
7 Latin America and the Caribbean (right axis) 20
Least developed countries
6
15
5
4
10
3
2 5
1
0 0
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators online database.

Box 1
Increased inequalities amidst
increasing interdependence
Increased interdependence between countries has been accompanied by persis-

tently high and sometimes increasing inequality—both among and within coun-
tries—in income, wealth, capabilities, voice and power.
In 2010, high-income countries, accounting for only 16 per cent of the
world’s population, enjoyed 55 per cent of global income (at market prices).
Low-income countries enjoyed just above one per cent of global income even
though they contained 72 per cent of global population. In sub-Saharan Africa,
average gross domestic product (GDP) per capita was $2,014a in 2010, com-
pared to GDP per capita of $27,640 in the European Union and $41,399 in North
America (United Nations, 2013a).
By some measures, international inequality in income is falling. For instance,
based on a population-weighted Gini coefficient (which takes each country’s
per capita GDP as a point in the distribution), international income inequality
has been declining since the early 1980s. Statistically, most of this decline has
been due to the rapid growth of China (United Nations, 2013a). However, other
measures show a less rosy picture. For instance, the absolute gaps in per capita
income between high-income and low-income countries have increased, from
$18,525 in 1980 to close to $32,900 in 2007, before falling slightly to $32,000 in
2010 (United Nations, 2013a).
Within countries, income inequality between households deteriorated in
the 1980s and 1990s in most countries (73 out of 105 developed, developing
and transition economies) and persisted in the 2000s (income distribution
worsened or did not change in 57 out of 105 countries) (Cornia, 2013). Rising
inequality in household income (as measured by the Gini coefficient) is cor-
related, in both developed and developing countries, with rising globalization
(as measured by indicators of foreign trade, foreign direct investment, portfolio
investment, income payments to foreign nationals, import barriers, tariffs, and
capital-account restrictions) (United Nations Development Programme, 2013).
The changing distribution of income between labour and capital is one of
the drivers of inequality in personal and household income, as capital is much
more unevenly distributed than labour. Longitudinal data on this aspect of
income inequality is not so widely available, but there is evidence for 16 devel-
oped countries that the average labour share declined from about 75 per cent a All dollars ($) are United
(cont’d) States dollars.
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Box 1 (cont’d)
of national income in the mid-1970s to 65 per cent just before the 2008 financial
crisis; for 16 developed and emerging economies, labour’s share declined from
about 62 per cent of GDP in the early 1990s to 58 per cent just before the crisis
(United Nations Development Programme, 2013). Globally, the share of wages
and mixed incomes (or incomes of the self-employed) in GDP has declined since
1980; the same pattern is observed in Asia, with the decline being quite sharp
after 2000 in China and East Asia, particularly in high-income countries in East
Asia (Malaysia, Republic of Korea) (Chandrasekhar and Ghosh, 2013). The fall in
labour’s share of income is correlated with increasing financial globalization and
external account openness (United Nations Development Programme, 2013).
In addition to the overall fall in labour’s share, the gap between top and bot-
tom earners has increased in the majority of developed and in many developing
countries, for which there is data (United Nations, 2013a; Piketty, 2014). Moreover,
there are persistent gender gaps in quality of employment, with women more
likely than men to be in vulnerable employment (United Nations, 2012b).
Underlying the inequality in income is an inequality in wealth. The 2013
Credit Suisse Global Wealth Report shows that global wealth has more than
doubled since 2000, reaching a new record-high of $241 trillion. The average
wealth per adult has reached $51,600 per adult; personal wealth for the world
as a whole increased by 4.9 percent from the year 2000. However, the bot-
tom half of the global population owns less than 1 per cent of total wealth,
while the richest 10 per cent hold 86 percent of the world’s wealth; the top
1 per cent alone account for 46 per cent of global assets. The countries with
the most wealth per adult over $100,000 are in North America, Western Europe
and among the rich Asia-Pacific and Middle-Eastern countries. Sixty-eight per
cent of world population has wealth below $10,000; in 2013, 30 per cent of the
population in developed countries fell into this category and more than 90 per
cent of the adult population in India and Africa. In some low-income African
countries, the percentage of the population with wealth below $10,000 is close
to 100 per cent (Credit Suisse AG, 2013).
Inequalities in income, wealth, health, education and employment are
especially pronounced for social groups with less voice and power, such as
women, youth, older people, disabled people and indigenous people (United
Nations, 2013a). These forms of exclusion intersect: for example, women ex-
perience disadvantage not only on the basis of their gender, but also of their
ethnicity and culture, as well as their age. Thus, there are persistent inequalities
in capabilities, as measured, for instance, by education and health outcomes
across social groups.
Interdependence and policy space

The above discussion takes us to the third main issue underlying the need for
reforms in the current global governance system—the noticeable shrinking
of policy space. The policy paradigm of deregulation and liberalization that
has characterized the current globalization has led to constraints on govern-
ment action and has promoted market mechanisms as the best approach to
resource allocation and distribution. While some constraints to national
policy space are necessary to guarantee an efficient functioning of the global
economy, the reduction of the policy space of developing countries seems
to have been exaggerated and applied in an unequal manner.
Global trade rules, for instance, while helping to make trade
flows take place and expand in a predictable manner, have not been suf-
ficiently flexible to allow for the implementation of national policies that
facilitate structural change in developing countries. Indeed, recent evidence
indicates that developed countries are using industrial policy more often
than developing countries, especially since the financial crisis in 2008 when
the United States of America and several European countries used various
forms of stimulus and protective measures to bail out private firms. Large
subsidies to agricultural producers in developed countries are probably the
most emblematic case of the widespread use of industrial policies to sup-
port the competitive position of specific sectors vis-à-vis foreign competi-
tors. This situation raises the concern of possible asymmetries in the use (or
abuse) of industrial policy between the developed and developing countries
under the World Trade Organization (WTO) regime.
There has been a noticeable trend towards the standardization
of rules and disciplines, usually those prevailing in developed countries.
Standardization has coincided with and facilitated the fragmentation of
production and distribution worldwide and the emergence of global value
chains (GVCs) as a main business model. GVCs have also contributed
to the explosion of regional and bilateral preferential trade agreements
(RTAs), which often go beyond what has been agreed at the multilateral
level, further constraining policy space, and spreading over areas well be-
yond trade flows, such as labour and environmental standards and capital-
account regulations. Further policy constraints originate in bilateral invest-
ment agreements (BITs), which regulate bilateral investment flows and go
well beyond the obligation of providing prompt, effective and adequate
compensation in case of expropriation. By encompassing financial flows,
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including short-term flows, under the concept of “investment”, BITs re-

strict the capacity of countries to regulate volatile capital flows.
Principles for reform

Moving forward, strengthened mechanisms for global collective action
should be built around the principles that support the development efforts
of developing countries and environmental sustainability. Key principles of
global governance include the following:
Common but differentiated responsibilities in accordance with re-
spective capabilities: This principle embodies equity in the formulation of
international law. It recognizes differences in the contribution and histori-
cal responsibilities in the generation of common problems as well as the
divergences in financial and technical capacity across countries in order to
equitably address shared challenges. It requires all States to participate in
internationally agreed response measures for tackling common problems,
while each country’s contribution to the solution should be compatible
with its individual capabilities. The principle also implies that recognition
of the diversity of national circumstances and of policy approaches should
be embedded as an intrinsic feature of the global community, not as an
exception to general rules. In other words, global governance should cater
to the fact that countries have a variety of initial conditions, and they will
adopt a variety of pathways to achieving global development goals (Girvan
and Cortez, 2013). The increased divergence among developing countries
and the emergence of economic powers among them may complicate the
political economy of finding acceptable solutions to current problems. The
difficulty in reaching an agreed solution to lowering carbon emissions is a
case in point. Nonetheless, the principle of matching responsibility with
capability should be at the base of global governance to ensure equity.
Accepting the differences in countries’ capabilities is a way of incorporating
emerging powers in the sharing of responsibilities.
Subsidiarity: This principle suggests that issues ought to be ad-
dressed at the lowest level capable of addressing them. It implies that some
problems can be handled well and efficiently at the local or national level,
reducing the number of issues that need to be tackled at the international
and supranational level. In this sense, the report of the High-level Panel of
Eminent Persons on the Post-2015 Development Agenda rightly recognizes
an important role for national Governments in meeting the challenges for

the post-2015 development agenda. At the same time, in the case of spillover
effects from one country to another, or in the case of GPGs, international
cooperation is imperative for addressing these concerns. But subsidiarity
also sees a role for regional cooperation to address issues of global con-
cern. In fact, the creation of any given global governance arrangement can
be based on existing regional or subregional institutions and capitalize on
their experiences and approaches in policy coordination and cooperation.
Regional governance structures can thus be considered as building blocks
for global governance structures. A greater role of regional institutions in
global governance also facilitates the participation of developing and small
countries, thus enabling more democratic global structures.
Inclusiveness, transparency, accountability: Global governance in-
stitutions need to represent and be accountable to the entire global com-
munity; moreover, decision-making procedures need to be democratic,
inclusive and transparent. Absent these characteristics, global governance
institutions will lack universal legitimacy and their effectiveness will be
compromised. As already called for in the 2002 Monterrey Consensus
(United Nations, 2002), developing countries need to have greater voice in
relevant decision-making processes as well as in the formulation of global
standards, codes and rules. Moreover, robust governance implies mutual ac-
countability, which can be verified by transparent and credible mechanisms
and processes to ensure that agreed commitments and duties are being ful-
filled. As such, accountability depends on a clear definition of commitments
and on agreed indicators and targets. But effective accountability is more
than that; it also implies policy change and strong follow-up mechanisms to
ensure compliance. Thus, accountability is not an end in itself, and it does
not stop in the review processes it entails. Rather, it is an instrument for
achieving agreed results.
Coherence: This principle calls for a holistic and comprehensive
approach in defining global rules and processes, including the assessment
of possible trade-offs, so that actions in one area will not undermine or
disrupt progress in others; indeed, processes in all areas should be designed
to reinforce one another. Enhanced coherence is also needed between the
international and national spheres of policymaking. Coherence requires
improved coordination among various stakeholders and enhanced infor-
mation sharing. The recognition that the only durable development is
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sustainable development, and that the ultimate goal of international coop-

eration is the promotion of global sustainable development reinforces the
importance of enhancing coherence across economic, environmental and
social governance structures at the global, regional and local levels.
Responsible sovereignty: This principle should guide Governments
to better exercise their policymaking sovereignty in an increasingly inter-
dependent world. It implies the recognition that policy cooperation is the
best way of achieving national interests in the global public domain. It
also requires Governments and States to be fully respectful of the sover-
eignty of other nations so as to fulfil agreed policy outcomes (Kaul, 2013).
Responsible sovereignty is necessary for the efficient delivery of the global
public goods that are relevant for the management of interdependence and
the achievement of global sustainable development.
Section III below identifies deficiencies in the current global
governance framework and recommends approaches for addressing these
shortcomings, according to these principles, in selected areas that require
improved international cooperation.
III. Strengthening global governance

and global rules
Global governance and the environmental agenda
The concept of sustainable development is built around three pillars that,
for many years, have been perceived as separate silos. This framework has
implied that environmental policies have been settled either in isolation
from economic and social policies or have been designed in a way that has
not promoted important changes in the other two pillars. This approach
has failed to reduce environmental damage while at the same time risks
social and economic gains.
International environmental governance (IEG) is complex. It in-
cludes agreements, international organizations, policy instruments, financ-
ing mechanisms, rules, procedures and norms. IEG also impacts other areas
of global governance besides the environment, such as international trade.
Outside the treaty realm, institutions have voluntarily developed mecha-
nisms, such as the environmental and quality standards of the International
Organization for Standardization and codes of conduct for corporate social

responsibility developed by various corporations.
Yet, in general, environmental degradation, particularly in areas
that transcend individual countries, has not stopped. The phasing out of
production of ozone depleting substances under the Montreal Protocol
(MP) is arguably the only example where negative impacts are reversing.
Overall, however, the environment continues to show signs of degradation
(United Nations Environment Programme, 2013a). Environmental indexes
for biodiversity loss and desertification continue to increase, while climate
change remains possibly the most dangerous of all environmental threats.
Regardless of countries’ commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions
(GHG), there is a significant gap between actual GHG emission trends and
the pathways needed to keep the increase in global average temperature be-
low 2°C to prevent dangerous climate change. Clearly, international efforts
to reverse and prevent environmental degradation have been inadequate,
have not been developed in the right direction or do not truly address the
causes of environmental decline (Afionis, 2012).
The MP is often described as the international environmental
agreement par excellence. The MP successfully led to the phasing out of 95-
98 per cent of all chlorofluorocarbon (CFC) use (Gareau, 2010; Andersen,
Halberstadt and Borgford-Parnell, 2013). Success is often attributed to a
combination of factors, including the economic opportunities for certain
multinational firms that were made available in phasing out CFCs. Big
chemical corporations supported the MP, once they realized the economic
opportunities that could result from phasing out the use of the ozone de-
pleting substances (ODS). This raises the question regarding whether the
MP approach could be used to address other environmental problems.
The technical and socioeconomic differences between the substi-
tution of CFC and other ODS by other substances, and the changes that are
needed to reduce GHG emissions, biodiversity loss and land degradation
are significantly larger in terms of the wide range of stakeholders involved,
the costs, and the levels of scale and intensity of required actions. This im-
plies that the magnitude of organizational, technological and behavioral
changes needed to overturn the global environmental damage goes beyond
the ones observed in the MP. Environmental sustainability requires deeper
changes in current production and consumption patterns—changes that
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constitute important threats and challenges for the way international corpo-
rations operate in energy, mining and chemical sectors, among others. Thus,
global environmental problems reveal a deeper crisis in current approaches
to growth, production and consumption, and in the presumption of no
limits to the exploitation of natural resources.
Moving forward
The formulation of the post-2015 development agenda requires a new
international consensus to incorporate environmental sustainability as an
integral part of the development process. Greater acceptance of the con-
cepts of green economy and sustainable development emerging from the
follow-up to the Rio+20 Conference seems to indicate that there is progress
in moving towards this consensus. However, further efforts are needed to
fully modify the current economic model of development that wrongly
assumes there are no ecological limits to growth. In this regard, and based
on the principles discussed above, the following is required.
First, dramatic changes in sustainable consumption and produc-
tion patterns are urgently needed. Advances in technology have enabled
higher efficiency in resource use, and these advances need to be available
worldwide. Technological innovation is essential to creating sustainable
complementarities between production and the environment. However,
there is a limit to enhancing efficiency. Thus, reducing the ecological foot-
print of current patterns of production of goods and services will not be
enough to ensure environmental sustainability. Unsustainable lifestyles,
particularly among the richer segments of the population, place enormous
pressures on the environment (Allwood and others, 2013). According to
current estimates of the ecological footprint, it would take three to four
Earths for the average consumption level of the current world population
to reach the level of average individual consumption in the United States
of America (Wackernagel and Reese, 1996). GHG emissions could be 3.8
times as high as the level of current emissions if developing countries were
to consume the same level of fossil fuels (measured in per capita terms)
as consumed in developed countries (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate
Change, 2007). The poorer segments, meanwhile, are unable to meet mini-
mally required food, health care, shelter and educational needs. Taking
the principles of inclusiveness and coherence into account, changing
consumption patterns will require focusing on demand, meeting the needs

of the poorest, and changing lifestyles and excessive material and energy
consumption by the richest. It also requires a new paradigm of success that
is not based on increasing consumption.
Second, it is necessary to move from per capita GDP as the
measure of development to sustainable development indicators. So long
as per capita GDP is the main indicator of development, the eradication
of poverty, the promotion of equity and addressing the physical limits of
growth will remain of secondary importance. Development goals must in-
clude environmental sustainability, poverty eradication and the reduction
of inequalities as the focus of policy attention. Agreed targets in these fields
must guide the actions of international development institutions, especially
international financial institutions. Actions directed towards meeting agreed
targets would increase the coherence of global governance for the environ-
ment. In this regard, public policies are needed to stimulate public, social
and private investments that will reduce GHG emissions and pollution,
restore ecosystem services, prevent biodiversity loss, and enhance energy,
material and resource efficiency. These environmental objectives need to
be consistent with job creation, poverty eradication, improved equity and
the recognition of the strategic role of local producers and communities in
sustainable agriculture, fisheries and resource management. The economic
transition also requires different methodologies for estimating the costs of
practices that place social benefits ahead of private profits.
Third, it is important to recognize that environmental problems
do not have frontiers. Countries compete for foreign direct investment
(FDI) by lowering environmental standards, while multinational corpora-
tions look for countries in which to place their investments on the basis
of lax or “business-friendly” environmental standards. The IEG needs to
develop a system—recognized by the World Trade Organization (WTO)
and incorporated into bilateral investment agreements and free trade
agreements—that promotes and enforces internationally agreed standards,
regulations and codes of conduct on FDI, thereby discouraging invest-
ment and development activities based on lack of effective environmental
protection regulation. Applying the subsidiarity principle discussed above,
global governance arrangements should rely on regional or subregional
structures or approaches of governance that need to be coherent across
regions. European Union (EU)-wide environmental policies to mitigate
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climate change (including emission trading as well as EU-wide regulatory

approaches) can offer lessons for other regions. Such experiences could be
emulated in other regions and eventually scaled up at the global level. The
new international role of the United Nations Environment Programme
brings enormous opportunities in this matter.
Fourth, applying the principles of inclusiveness, transparency
and accountability implies that the recognition of the linkages between en-
vironmental and human well-being leads to acknowledgement that the fun-
damental right to a healthy environment is a human right. Environmental
law, jurisprudence and environmental governance are central to resolving
problems of environmental justice. The recognition of environmental prob-
lems in current international justice institutions and even the possibility of
an international environmental court are key considerations in strength-
ening global environmental governance (United Nations Environment
Programme, 2013b). Today there is no dedicated international body with
delegated authority to enforce international environmental regulations. The
protection of fragile ecosystems, the sustainable use of natural resources
in the global commons, and the improved management of transboundary
resources are areas of special concern in the development of a global mecha-
nism for environmental governance.
Finally, the increasing differentiation among developing coun-
tries is a new feature of the current international landscape. Mechanisms of
global governance for sustainable development, particularly in reaching a
new international consensus in the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change, will have to give proper interpretation to the concept
of common but differentiated responsibilities. In this regard, it is necessary
to recognize the variety of development trajectories across countries and
determine responsibility based on historic emissions, current and projected
total and per capita emissions. In this regard, capacity to innovate and access
to technology are crucial for reducing the wide developmental gaps that
exist between developing and developed countries. This requires strengthen-
ing the capacity of developing countries to develop, review and implement
education, science, technology and innovation systems oriented towards na-
tionally relevant responses to the challenges they face in relation to climate
change, the preservation of biodiversity and the reduction and prevention of
desertification. Therefore, it is important to recognize that the increasingly
globalized protection of intellectual property rights is impacting developing
countries’ abilities to develop the necessary capabilities in basic research, edu-

cation, public health and environmental protection (Maskus and Reichman,
eds., 2005). A new international system is needed based on the recognition
of the links between international public goods and transfer of technology.
Similarly, the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities should
be taken into account in the provision and allocation of financial resources
to support sustainable development strategies. While estimates vary tremen-
dously, there is general agreement that high levels of resources are needed.
Several financing mechanisms have been discussed in recent years, but seri-
ous commitments are still to be made if environmental sustainability is to be
effectively integrated into a new development paradigm. In the allocation of
resources, clear priority should be given to the poorest countries with greater
vulnerabilities to environmental degradation, as well as to those more likely
to be affected by climate change. Additionally, the allocation of resources to
meet traditional development goals, such as access to water and sanitation,
electrification, etc., should be made compatible with and take into account
the sustainable management of natural resources, both as a policy for pov-
erty reduction and as a strategy for adaptation to climate change.
International monetary and financial architecture

The recent financial crisis—which originated in the North Atlantic but had
worldwide ramifications for both developed and developing countries—
underlined the need to deepen the reforms of the international monetary
and financial architecture. Several initiatives have been undertaken since
the crisis to strengthen prudential financial regulation and supervision, to
improve countercyclical financing and to enhance macroeconomic policy
cooperation. In contrast, steps to strengthen and improve the international
monetary system have been more limited, those aimed at creating an in-
ternational debt workout mechanism have been entirely absent, and only
small steps have been taken to reform the governance of the system.
Financial regulation and supervision

Under the leadership of the Group of Twenty (G20) and the Financial
Stability Board (FSB), which was created at the London Summit in April
2009, financial regulation and supervision has been strengthened and the
regulatory perimeter has been expanded to include agents and transactions
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poorly regulated before the crisis (D’Arista and Griffith-Jones, 2010).

Countercyclical prudential regulations—now generally referred to as mac-
roprudential—were introduced, following proposals that had been made
before the crisis (Griffith-Jones and Ocampo, 2010). The principle that
standardized derivative contracts should be traded in exchanges was estab-
lished, thus potentially increasing the transparency and reducing the coun-
terparty risks of these transactions. In addition, consumer protection was
enhanced, particularly in the United States, among other reforms.
The reforms increased capital and liquidity requirements, in-
cluding an overall (risk-unweighted) capital requirement of 3 per cent.
Systemically important agents (“too-big-to-fail” institutions, for example)
were made subject to stricter rules, which included the obligation to sim-
plify the structure of financial conglomerates and to draft “living wills”
that address their potential bankruptcy. Parallel to global processes, na-
tional and regional regulations have been adopted in the United States and
Europe to strengthen prudential regulation and to adopt macroprudential
frameworks. But the uneven progress of these reforms and inadequate co-
ordination of reforms between the two epicentres of the crisis may lead to
important differences in regulatory frameworks.
Overall, efforts so far have been incomplete and insufficient to
respond to the challenges posed by the current stage of global economic in-
terdependence. Furthermore, the introduction period for these new norms
began in 2013 and extends through 2019—an excessively long transition
period—and some have already been weakened under the pressure of major
financial institutions.
Capital-account regulation
Absent from the reforms proposed by the FSB was any consideration of
the risks associated with cross-border capital flows. The issue is particularly
critical for emerging and developing countries, as capital-account volatility
plays a major role in determining boom-bust financial cycles and, therefore,
macroeconomic risks and fluctuations. This issue was, nonetheless, taken
up by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The guidelines proposed by the IMF (International Monetary
Fund, 2011) and the IMF institutional view on the use of these regula-
tions (International Monetary Fund, 2012) accept that capital-account
regulations are part of the toolkit of macroprudential instruments, and

should be seen as a complement and not as a substitute for macroeconomic
policy. However, both (particularly the guidelines) view capital-account
regulations as what might be called interventions of last resort—i.e., poli-
cies that should be introduced only after all other options to manage booms
have been exhausted. In contrast to this view, they should be conceived
as part of a continuum that goes from regulation of domestic finance in
domestic currency to domestic financial transactions in foreign currencies
and cross-border flows, which should be regulated in a way that is consistent
with the characteristics of different financial systems and the policy objec-
tives of macroeconomic authorities.
Official countercyclical finance

The financial crisis generated the most ambitious response of official coun-
tercyclical financing in history, including a rapid expansion of IMF financ-
ing and that of multilateral development banks (MDBs). Both benefitted
developing countries, but IMF financing also helped some developed
countries. This was accompanied by the largest issuance of special drawing
rights (SDRs) in history. At the regional level, these efforts were reinforced
by old and new mechanisms in Europe and by the Chiang Mai Initiative
of ASEAN Plus Three (comprised of the ten ASEAN countries plus China,
Japan and the Republic of Korea). At the national level, these actions were
complemented by the expansion of financing by the major central banks
and by an unprecedented increase of swap lines among central banks; this
benefitted not only developed but also a few emerging economies.
Increased IMF financing was facilitated by a major redesign of its
credit facilities in 2009-2010. This included the creation of a new preven-
tive facility, the Flexible Credit Line (FCL), for countries with solid funda-
mentals but with risk of contagion, doubling the size of other credit lines,
facilitating the use of stand-by facilities with preventive purposes, and de-
termining that non-compliance with structural conditionality benchmarks
could not be used to stop programme disbursements. In August 2010, the
Precautionary Credit Line was created for countries with sound policies but
which do not meet the requirements of the FCL. It was later transformed
into the Precautionary and Liquidity Line, to allow countries to use it to ob-
tain funds of rapid disbursement for six months. The IMF also reformed its
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concessional facilities for low-income countries, which moved from a single

design to a menu of options, based on two factors: countries’ debt vulner-
ability, and macroeconomic and public finance management capacity.
Additional official financings benefitted high- and middle-
income countries to a larger extent than low-income countries (Griffith-
Jones and Ocampo, 2012). This imbalance was worsened by reductions in
ODA, following their peak in 2010 (United Nations, 2013c). Moreover,
the World Bank’s insufficient capitalization has compromised its capacity
to provide adequate external financing to developing countries in the fu-
ture. Finally, the expansion of official financing was smaller than the initial
contraction of private-sector financing, indicating that official resources
can only moderately smooth out boom-bust cycles in private financing,
and that the main instrument to reduce the volatility of external financing
should be capital-account regulations, particularly regulation on inflows
during the boom phase of the financial cycle.
Absence of a debt workout mechanism

A major deficiency in the response to the financial crisis was the absence of
steps to create a regular institutional debt workout mechanism for sovereign
debts, similar to those that help manage bankruptcies in national econo-
mies. The major mechanism currently in place is the Paris Club, but it is
limited to official financing; in the case of low-income countries, it has been
complemented since the late 1990s by the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries
and the Multilateral Debt Relief initiatives. For private obligations, the sys-
tem has relied on ad-hoc mechanisms, such as the Baker and Brady Plans
of the 1980s, but has essentially depended on traumatic individual debt
renegotiations. Solutions generally come too late, after over-indebtedness
has had devastating effects on countries; solutions are also horizontally in-
equitable, as they do not treat all debtors or all creditors with uniform rules.
A major attempt at reform took place in 2001-2003, when the
IMF proposed the creation of a sovereign debt restructuring mechanism.
These negotiations failed, but led to the spread of collective action clauses
in international debt contracts. However, experience indicates that volun-
tary debt renegotiations pose serious problems in terms of aggregation of
credit contracts and court demands by non-participants. This major gap
in the international financial architecture has, therefore, come back to the
global agenda in recent years.
Macroeconomic policy cooperation

Officially, the IMF is the major multilateral instrument of macroeconomic
policy dialogue and cooperation. However, most forms of macroeconomic
cooperation have tended to take place in ad-hoc arrangements outside the
IMF. The original Bretton Woods international monetary arrangement col-
lapsed after the United States unilaterally abandoned the convertibility of
the dollar for gold in 1971, and the later collapse of the system of adjustable
parities established at Bretton Woods. It was replaced by a “non-system”,
characterized by the central role played by the domestic fiduciary currency
of the major economies (particularly the U.S. dollar), with countries be-
ing able to adopt any exchange-rate system they choose, so long as they
guarantee a stable system (rather than stable exchange rates) and avoid
manipulating the exchange rates—with no agreement, however, as to what
“manipulation” means.
This system has faced several problems. First of all, the mon-
etary policy of the major reserve-issuing country is adopted without taking
into account its spillover effects on the rest of the world. Second, most ad-
vanced economies have opted for a flexible exchange-rate regime. However,
exchange-rate volatility increases during crises, without any clear contribu-
tion to the correction of underlying imbalances. Third, the major emerging
economy, China, continues to have limited exchange-rate flexibility, most
major oil-exporting countries peg their currencies to the dollar, and most
European countries lack exchange-rate flexibility among themselves. As a
result, the system lacks sufficient adjustment mechanisms.
The major problem of the international monetary system con-
tinues to be the asymmetry between the need for deficit countries to adjust
during crises and the lack of any pressure for surplus countries to do so,
which generates a deflationary (or, more properly, recessionary) bias in the
adjustment process (Keynes, 1942-1943). The system faces two additional
deficiencies: (i) the problems generated by the dependence of the inter-
national reserve system on a national currency; and (ii) those problems
associated with the need that emerging and developing countries face to
accumulate large amounts of foreign-exchange reserves as “self-insurance”,
in the absence of proper global regulation and insurance against capital-
account volatility (Ocampo, 2010 and 2011). To the extent that reserve
accumulation reflects strong current accounts, it also contributes to the
generation of a global recessionary bias. Despite these problems and several
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proposals under consideration (see below), no steps have been taken to

reform the system. The most important action was the largest issuance of
SDRs in history, agreed to in 2009, for the equivalent of US$ 250 billion.
Mechanisms of macroeconomic policy cooperation have been
strengthened but have not been particularly effective. G20 macroeconomic
cooperation worked relatively well in the early stages of the crisis, when
it assumed the form of a Keynesian consensus. But at the Toronto G20
summit in June 2010, consensus had already eroded, as several developed
countries decided to give priority to public sector debt sustainability over
supporting the recovery. Meanwhile, multilateral and bilateral IMF surveil-
lance was strengthened to a level never experienced before. But peer review
pressures and surveillance are weak forces; this is particularly reflected in
the limited attention given to the spillover effects of developed countries’
expansionary monetary policies on emerging markets (and associated cur-
rency wars), and the incapacity to prevent austerity in the euro area from
generating new global imbalances.
Moving forward
Several proposals for reform of the international monetary system were
placed on the global debate early in the crisis (Zhou, 2009; United Nations,
2009a; Boorman and Icard, eds., 2012). Undoubtedly, the most promising
way to reform the international monetary system, and to improve its stability
and equity characteristics, is to fully employ the SDRs, which remain one of
the most underutilized instruments of international economic cooperation.
Placing SDRs at the centre of the international monetary system
could free the system from having to depend on the monetary policy of
the leading country, whose policy tends to be managed without taking its
international repercussions into account. By issuing SDRs in a countercy-
clical way, new SDR allocations during crises would have the potential of
reducing the recessionary bias associated with the asymmetric adjustments
of surplus and deficit countries. SDR allocations could also reduce the need
for precautionary reserve accumulation by developing countries, and would
represent a lower cost than self-insurance (Erten and Ocampo, 2014).
Policy space for developing countries should be enhanced by: full-
er use of capital-account regulations; further improvements in unconditional
counter-financing mechanisms, including through the expansion of regional
financing networks; a better system of macroeconomic policy cooperation;

and the creation of an effective international debt workout mechanism.
Needless to say, these actions have to be matched by changes in
the governance of the system to “broaden and strengthen” the participation
of emerging and developing countries in “international economic decision-
making and norm-setting”, as called forth by the Monterrey Consensus
(United Nations, 2002, para. 92). This issue involves at least three elements.
The first element is the design of a more representative apex orga-
nization than the G20, possibly by transforming it into the Global Economic
Coordination Council proposed by the United Nations Commission of
Experts on the International Monetary and Financial System (United
Nations, 2009a).
The second element is further reform of the voice and participa-
tion of developing countries in the Bretton Woods institutions and the
FSB. However, even the limited 2010 IMF quota reform has not been fully
completed, owing to the fact that the United States contribution has not
been approved by its Congress.
The third element is the design of a multilayered architecture,
with active participation of regional and subregional institutions—in a
sense, reproducing the denser architecture that characterizes the system
of MDBs. The essential advantages of the denser architecture are that it
provides both more voice and more alternative financing opportunities for
emerging and developing countries.
International trade rules:

fostering development and preserving policy space
Development requires dynamic structural change based on continued tech-
nological upgrading of productive capacities and economy-wide increased
productivity. International trade provides opportunities for realizing econ-
omies of scale, potential for increasing the efficiency of production, and
facilitating the transfer of technology. The adequacy of global trade rules
has to be assessed in terms of their efficiency in maintaining stable and pre-
dictable trade flows and in providing a transparent regulatory framework to
the advantage of all participants. The framework includes not only the rules
negotiated multilaterally but also those disciplines agreed among regional
and bilateral partners.
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Overall, the system has succeeded in keeping trade open and

predicable, and flows have grown steadily, with occasional sharp contrac-
tions, as in the aftermath of the 2008 crisis. As a group, developing coun-
tries have increased their participation in world trade (figure 5), a trend that
is most noticeable in manufactures. However, at the individual country
level, trade performance has been rather diversified, and not all countries
are participating in world trade and receiving its benefits.
From the individual country perspective, integration into the
global economy should not be an end in itself, but rather a strategic com-
ponent of the path to development. Yet, as liberalization has progressed,
the policy space of developing countries has been reduced. While both the
WTO and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) have rec-
ognized that countries are at different stages of development and therefore
have different financial and trade needs, the pre-WTO regime included
provisions that could be used to support structural change, while the WTO
regime is increasingly moving towards flexibilities that facilitate the imple-
mentation of its rules, rather than supporting structural change. Moreover,
Figure 5
World merchandise exports, 1980–2012
Trillions of United States dollars, current values
20
18 World
Developing countries
16 Developing countries excluding China
LDCs
14
12
10
0
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
Source: UNCTADStat.
while certain flexibilities in terms of allowed policy tools are still available
for developing countries, and in particular for least developed countries
(LDCs), some of those currently enjoyed by developed economies (agri-
cultural subsidies being the most notorious example) are off-limits, which
introduces an important element of inequity in the system.
Preferential trade agreements and bilateral investment agreements

The increased popularity of GVCs as the preferred business model to or-
ganize production and distribution has contributed to the mushrooming
of regional and bilateral preferential trade agreements (RTAs). The RTA
proliferation contributes to undermining the principle of most favoured
nation (MFN), one of the pillars of the multilateral trading system. As of
November 2013, there are 250 RTAs in force, of which over 140 came into
force after 2003 (figure 6). RTAs often go beyond what is agreed at the
multilateral level. These practices raise concerns when RTAs are contracted
by partners of asymmetric economic and political power. In fact, a greater
number of WTO-plus and WTO-minus provisions, as well as provisions
on areas beyond the current scope of WTO, are found in RTAs among
partners of different levels of development than in those contracted be-
tween partners of similar levels of development (World Trade Organization,
2011). Some RTAs extend disciplines to capital flows that effectively reduce
the capacity to minimize financial instability associated with cross-border
capital flows. In their quest for greater market shares in developed countries,
developing countries are giving up policy space beyond what is envisaged
by WTO rules. But it is not clear what they actually gain in return, since
RTAs tend to exclude products of export interest to developing countries,
such as agricultural and food products and labour-intensive manufactures.
Further policy constraints originate in bilateral investment agree-
ments (BITs), which regulate bilateral investment flows, and go well be-
yond the obligation of providing prompt, effective and adequate compen-
sation in case of expropriation. A typical model BIT prohibits performance
requirements; it defines investment not only as physical investment but
also intellectual property, financial assets and, most importantly, legal and
contractual rights. The latter implies that changes in the national laws (for
social or environmental reasons, for instance) that may impose unantici-
pated costs or additional obligations on the foreign investors are considered
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Figure 6
Number of physical RTAs entered into force, 2003–2013
Yearly and cumulative
25 160
140
20
120
Cumulative number
100
Number per year
15
80
10
60
40
5
20
0 0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Source: World Trade Organization (2014), chart 13, p. 54.
as breach of contract and expropriation of the foreign investor’s contractual

rights (regulatory takings) and require compensation (Cotula, 2007).1
RTAs and BITs may undermine systemic consistency and in-
crease coordination costs in view of varying and divergent requirements
such as rules of origin, phytosanitary measures and other technical require-
ments (labelling, etc.). They may also create other difficulties for devel-
oping countries if some of the flexibilities they enjoy in WTO expire or
become no longer permissible under the WTO regime, but are considered
an integral part of the regulatory environment negotiated with the foreign
investor. For instance, flexibilities under the WTO Agreement on Subsidies
and Countervailing Measures, many of which are relevant for export pro-
cessing zones, are to be phased out by December 2015 and/or when a
country graduates from Annex VII status (Waters, 2013).2 Thus, under the
1 It is interesting to note that no two developed countries have stand-alone BITs
(i.e., one which is not an integral part of an RTA) with one another (excluding
with the former economies in transition that joined the EU).
2 Annex VII countries are LDCs and countries whose per capita income is lower
than $1,000 measured in 1990 U.S. dollars.
regulatory taking provision, a developing country may end up having to

compensate foreign investors because it had to reform its subsidy system to
comply with WTO disciplines.
In any case, it seems contradictory that developing countries
may resist the imposition of limits to their policy space at multilateral fo-
rums to relinquish that space at the bilateral or regional levels. A possible
explanation is that by resisting constraints at the multilateral level (as a
group) but granting concessions at the bilateral level, a country may boost
its attractiveness for FDI vis-à-vis other competing destinations.
WTO decision-making: power asymmetries?

The proliferation of RTAs also coincides with the difficulties in advancing
the multilateral trade negotiations. The Doha Round has been pronounced
dead several times in the past, and despite the recent Bali agreement, it has
a visibly declining vigour. The Bali deliverables (trade facilitation, some
items in agriculture, and development issues) are a far cry from the initial
ambitious agenda and are surrounded by controversies. Overall, there is
a great deal of discontent with the lack of a true development orienta-
tion in the Round. Developing countries’ concerns have not been properly
addressed, while tighter disciplines are being considered. These outcomes
may reflect the marked asymmetry in economic and political power among
members, despite the formal equality (i.e., one country, one vote) in terms
of decision-making rights. Yet, decisions are not taken by vote, but by con-
sensus, which would imply, in principle, the right by any country to block
any decision. However, there are problems on how consensus is forged
in some instances and there is a relative lack of transparency in some key
aspects of WTO operations. In this regard, applying the principles of in-
clusiveness and transparency discussed above, the consensus system should
be used in a manner that fully respects the views of developing-country
members and procedures should be established for smaller, issue-based
meetings, with authorization coming from all members and the meetings
being governed by transparent rules.
Asymmetries in power and capacities are also reflected in the use
of the dispute settlement mechanism (DSM), certainly not with respect
to the transparency of the process and the independence of its rulings,
but rather due to issues of access and actual use of remedies (retaliatory
measures) against faulty parties that are unable or unwilling to act on a
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given ruling. Few small- and low-income countries have initiated disputes;
Bangladesh is the only LDC that requested consultations. The costs of us-
ing the system are high and require a great deal of awareness and knowledge
of WTO disciplines, which is lacking in many developing countries, LDCs
in particular (Girvan and Cortez, 2013). In fact, the system seems to be
dominated by developed countries: a total of 40 per cent of cases were
between developed countries, while another 22.2 per cent of cases involved
developed countries requesting the investigation of middle-income coun-
tries (Lee, Shin and Shin, 2014).
Special and differential treatment:

the right approach to development?
To a large extent, trade agreements in multilateral, regional and bilateral
spheres have evolved in a manner that: (i) largely reflects the needs and
interests of the production sectors and big business in the dominant econo-
mies; (ii) covers new areas; and (iii) provides deeper disciplines as business
models have changed, new practices have emerged and the organization
of production have become increasingly complex and internationally frag-
mented. Development concerns in GATT/WTO legal texts are addressed
through special and differential treatment measures (SDTs). There are a
total of 139 SDT provisions in the agreements adopted at the conclusion
of the Uruguay Round (World Trade Organization, 2013). Many more
followed. But in general there is a great deal of dissatisfaction with the
SDTs, and the measures have failed to deliver as anticipated. The value
of preferential market access has been compromised—not only by pro-
gressive liberalization, but also by a wide range of complex rules-of-origin
requirements—and greatly offset, if not reversed, when preferential treat-
ment accorded to competitors under RTAs are also taken into account.
Meanwhile, conditionalities associated with adjustment programmes by
the international financial institutions have constrained the use of some
SDTs by developing countries, while most of the provisions are just indica-
tive of best endeavour, or policy guidelines, and are not subject to enforce-
ment through dispute settlement.
Recent trends seem to indicate that the system seems to be mov-
ing away from differential treatment for developing countries as a group
to preferential treatment based on specific, individual needs. While this
may be a practical solution in view of greater diversity among developing

countries, and in tandem with the principle of common but differentiated
responsibilities, the new approach has not yet been tested. A number of
problems will likely emerge, including difficulties related to country clas-
sification based on needs, the selection of needs eligible for assistance, and
monitoring the extent and modalities of additional resources committed
(Cortez and Arda, 2014). Moreover, there is a risk that while new disci-
plines will be binding, the provision of the technical assistance they require
will not. This can already be seen in the recently negotiated Agreement on
Trade Facilitation.
Another source of concern is the enhanced reciprocity that the
new trend entails, particularly if rules are not flexible enough to accommo-
date different country needs. It would also imply a breach of the principle
of common but differentiated responsibilities and of the very principles of
WTO, as the legal texts state that developing countries should only un-
dertake commitments that are compatible with their level of development.
In fact, these trends seem to suggest that the principle of less than full
reciprocity, which has been another important pillar of the multilateral
trade regime, has been eroded.
Moving forward
Trade rules, at a minimum, should not perpetuate or intensify current
asymmetries. Accordingly, the overall transparency and fairness of the
DSM could be further improved if the trade policy reviews—which pro-
vide an assessment of the state of trade policies—of member countries
with the largest shares of world trade could be geared towards the iden-
tification of WTO-incompatible practices that are harmful to the export
interests of developing countries, in particular of the smaller countries
and/or of those countries without established WTO legal competence. In
this regard, WTO could evolve from being a members-driven organiza-
tion to taking on a greater role in overseeing and enforcing the disciplines
contained in its various agreements to the greater benefit of developing
countries’ members and in accordance with the principle of common but
differentiated responsibilities.
Strengthening multilateralism offers the best option for develop-
ing countries in addressing the issue of reduced policy space and exercising
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their collective bargaining power to their benefit. With respect to fragmen-

tation brought about by RTAs, two complementary initiatives are sug-
gested: one is “bottom up”, the other is “top down”.
The bottom-up initiative would imply a multilateralization of
RTA disciplines that would bring some order to the pattern of deeper dis-
ciplines (Bhagwati and others, 2011). Yet, not all disciplines may be best
placed under global governance, and one-size-fits-all rules are not ideal in
all circumstances, as discussed above. In the case of the EU, for instance,
the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality have guided what has
been brought under EU governance while it imposes disciplines to control
for negative spillover effects from individual country actions, including
beggar-thy-neighbour policies among members (the supranational level is
involved to the least extent necessary) (Baldwin, 2014).
The top-down initiative would imply the negotiation of a code of
conduct to anchor policy action in the negotiations of RTAs and BITs. One
possibility could be a revision of GATT article XXIV, beyond what is being
envisaged by the Doha Round, so as to reflect the evolving nature of RTAs
(going beyond tariff liberalization). Similar observations apply to GATT ar-
ticle V on economic integration in the area of trade in services. This option
would also entail giving WTO a stronger overseeing responsibility. In fact,
reforming article XXIV has already been suggested to ensure the supremacy
of WTO rules vis-à-vis RTA rules so as to improve coherence and consis-
tency in the world trade regime (e.g., Picker, 2005; Davey, 2011) and to
protect policy space in developing countries (Lang, 2006). Another option
to be considered is a stand-alone agreement on basic investment rules or a
code of conduct for foreign investors and host countries. The UNCTAD
Investment Policy Framework for Sustainable Development, with its set of
core principles for investment policy, is one step on this direction. Either
way, these options may offer a much needed policy anchor to limit “unilat-
eral investment incentives and bilateral concessions over behind-the-border
policies” (Blanchard, 2013, p. 17), increase coherence and compatibility
with WTO rules and offset negative consequences of existing power asym-
metries in negotiating such agreements. Existing agreements would then
need to be modified or adjusted to be compatible with the rules or code of
conduct agreed multilaterally.
With respect to the multilateral disciplines, as WTO continues
to move the liberalization frontier from “at the border” to “behind the
border”, further exemptions may be needed in view of the varying develop-

ment levels and needs of WTO membership. If deviations are needed, then
some of the rules may not necessarily be in line with developing countries’
interests. Increasing participation by developing countries and LDCs in the
multilateral trading system may then strengthen the system itself, but not
necessarily promote the development of these countries, or, at a minimum,
be developmentally neutral. Of greater concern, this tendency may give
further weight to the relevance of the question whether the policy package
implicit in WTO agreements is in fact appropriate for economies at an
early stage of development.
Thus, the way forward is not necessarily to make the SDTs more
effective and operational. SDTs are in fact the second best solution to the
quest for development. What matters is not so much to have SDTs, which
are deviations to the rules, but to negotiate trade rules that are sufficiently
flexible and supportive of development so that no deviation is needed
(Cortez and Arda, 2014). Currently, just a few developing countries are
actively engaged in negotiating rules (Brazil and India being the obvious
examples, among others). Many developing countries seem to concentrate
their energies in negotiating SDTs, which in the current WTO context
mean little more than additional implementation periods and (non-bind-
ing) provisions for technical assistance. Developing countries would be
better off negotiating rules that are suitable to their development trajectory.
This is one of the greatest advantages of belonging to WTO: the possibility
to influence rule making. Thus, efforts need to be scaled up to improve
the negotiating capacity of developing countries, particularly of the LDCs,
and the more advanced or “trade-savvy” developing countries could play
an active role in that direction. Moreover, treating trade as a means to
development implies that developing countries should be negotiating trade
disciplines with the objective of maximizing development, which would
also improve the coherence of the global governance for development.
As Rodrik (2001) eloquently argued, increasing trade flows and
expanding market access do not necessarily imply moving up the devel-
opment ladder, particularly if greater access is obtained at the expense of
policy space beyond what is necessary for the efficient management of in-
terdependence. The development objective thus gives further weight to the
idea of approaching the WTO as the institution that manages diversity and
not as one that imposes uniformity.
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International tax matters: enhancing cooperation

in a world of high capital mobility
While the increase in trade in goods is the bedrock of globalization, the
most rapid expansion has been in the area of finance. Over the span of the
three decades between 1980 and 2012, capital flows grew five times faster
than exports. Most capital flows have been directed towards the service sec-
tor, including banking. At the same time, while there have been substantial
efforts to establish global frameworks for the regulation of trade in goods,
much less has been done to coordinate trade in financial services and as-
sociated flows. The increased mobility of capital and the ease of shifting
profits and savings across territories as corporations and individuals take
advantage of disparities in institutional and regulatory environments, as
well as the lack of transparency in international transactions, place a seri-
ous burden on national tax systems. Those systems must strike a balance
in meeting the dual objective of mobilizing government revenue on the
one hand, and facilitating trade and retaining and attracting investment
capital and savings on the other. The proliferation of tax havens, safe havens
(secrecy jurisdictions) and offshore financial centres has made matters even
more complicated. It is in this context that developments in globalization
become highly relevant for tax cooperation.3 There are four issues that are
relevant to this discussion.
First, there is increasing evidence that average taxation on capital
income has declined over time in developed as well as emerging countries
(Devereux, Lockwood and Redoano, 2008). This raises the question of
whether the decline in tax on capital is the result of deliberate attempts
by countries to unilaterally use their tax policy to attract foreign capital
and savings—a harmful type of competition by which countries would be
undercutting each other with a race-to-the-bottom approach.
Second, the increasing mobility of capital and the ease of incor-
poration of enterprises in foreign territories raise a concern not only about
multinational corporations engaging in profit shifting, taking advantages of
loopholes in tax policy and other regulatory frameworks, but also regard-
ing the lack of coordination of taxation and regulation across countries.
This has important implications for efficiency and equity. The problem is
3 The expressions “tax haven” and “safe haven” are related but have different
meanings. “Tax haven” refers to low or no taxation, while “safe haven”
encompasses broader aspects of secrecy and regulatory arbitrage provided to
investors.
exacerbated by the lack of transparency in the global financial services,

and especially in safe havens (Shaxson, 2011). Profit shifting results in
substantial losses in government revenue in developing countries, which
undermines their efforts to mobilize domestic revenue for development
financing. Moreover, safe havens facilitate illicit flows from developing
countries, which constitute a major drain on domestic saving and under-
mine domestic investment. More effective international cooperation on
taxation and increased transparency in the global financial system can help
alleviate these problems and advance the development financing agenda.
The third issue is that there is no level playing field in the glo-
balization process, and developing countries—particularly LDCs—are at
substantial disadvantage in the allocation of capital and savings. In particu-
lar, several developing countries suffer large losses owing to profit-shifting
practices of multinational corporations operating in the natural resources,
manufacturing and service sectors, while at the same time they face severe
hemorrhaging through capital flight and other forms of illicit financial
flows (African Development Bank and Global Financial Integrity, 2013;
Ndikumana and Boyce, 2011; Shaxson, 2011).
Lastly, from a global perspective, taxation policy can play an
important role in advancing global initiatives. In particular, taxation can
generate valuable resources to finance global public goods such as mitiga-
tion and adaptation to climate change and the fight against major endemic
diseases. Moreover, targeted taxation can help discipline the production of
global public bads. Achieving these goals requires a high level of coordina-
tion and political commitment by national Governments.
The existing national, regional and global initiatives geared to-
wards fighting tax evasion through improved tax cooperation and increased
transparency have produced limited and uneven results. For multilateral
frameworks, the implementation is especially hampered by the lack of
coordination among countries, lack of mechanisms of accountability to
penalize failure to cooperate, and inadequate technical capacity in the case
of developing countries. In this context the work of the United Nations
Committee of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters (a sub-
sidiary body of the Economic and Social Council) offers a useful framework
for addressing these challenges. In particular, the Committee can play an
important role in guiding the design of interventions aimed at enhancing
technical capacity in developing countries with regard to complex matters
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in taxation, such as the handling of transfer pricing by international institu-

tions, as provided for in the United Nations Practical Manual on Transfer
Pricing for Developing Countries (United Nations, 2013b).
In addition to multilateral frameworks to advance cooperation
in taxation matters, countries continue to establish bilateral agreements to
promote common interests in the area of taxation. However, bilateral agree-
ments also have their limitations. One important challenge is that operators
in tax havens are able to take advantage of the complex layers of secrecy and
intricate legal machinery to make detection of criminal financial activity
difficult and prosecution even harder. Moreover, tax evaders are able to
stay one step ahead of the regulator and the investigator. They are able to
shift shell companies, bank accounts and other transactions to territories
that are not yet covered by treaties. As a result, tax information exchange
agreements (TIEAs) have not yet produced a significant decline in tax eva-
sion or meaningful repatriation of funds. Their initial impact seems to be
a relocation of funds or redirection of new illicit financial flows towards
jurisdictions that are not party to TIEAs (Johannesen and Zucman, 2012).
Moving forward
Coordination of efforts to fight tax havens is challenging because not all
tax havens are created equally. The set includes both large and small off-
shore financial centres, including some in poor nations (Rawlings, 2005).
Determining how to sequence global action is difficult. Yet, the effective-
ness of efforts to fight tax evasion is bound to be limited in the absence
of a concerted global approach to take on safe havens at once through a
“big-bang” style multilateral intervention (Elsayyad and Konrad, 2012).
But the question remains as to how to organize such big-bang combat
against all safe and tax havens, especially given the difficulties in forging a
consensus among all stakeholders on a comprehensive, ranked list of safe
and tax havens.
Notwithstanding the above, the limited success in combating tax
evasion is largely due to lack of effective implementation and enforcement
of existing frameworks; accountability needs to be improved and this is
where efforts should be concentrated going forward. In this context, a few
areas are worth highlighting. The first is in the area of exchange of infor-
mation, which is critical to dismantling the tradition of secrecy. In this
respect, in addition to efforts to establish and enforce TIEAs, countries
should push for institutionalizing automatic exchanges of information on

taxation (AEITs). In the same vein, countries and international institutions
must swiftly endorse and enforce mechanisms to increase accountability
and transparency in the corporate sector, especially with regard to large
multinational corporations. Thus, the global community must rally behind
efforts to institutionalize rules on country-by-country reporting, as well as
unitary taxation of multinational corporations, to enable all countries to
collect taxes on all taxable activities taking place in their territory by every
taxpayer, regardless of geographical location. In addition to the establish-
ment of effective monitoring mechanisms, including clear and measurable
goals and targets to track progress in the area of international cooperation
in taxation, action is required on two other related fronts: (i) strengthen-
ing of the role and operational capacity of the Committee of Experts on
International Cooperation in Tax Matters, including its conversion into an
intergovernmental subsidiary; and, (ii) the promotion of an international
convention against tax avoidance and evasion.
While there are large potential gains from taxation aimed at fi-
nancing global public goods and controlling global public bads, the imple-
mentation of such tools faces substantial challenges at both technical and
political levels. The biggest challenge is building a global consensus and
mobilizing support from individual Governments and institutions around
these innovative taxation instruments. This challenge arises partly from the
fact that it is difficult to quantify and apportion the benefits accruing to each
member country. Individual countries may therefore avoid the first-mover
disadvantage associated with the free-rider problem. Moreover, global initia-
tives to mobilize additional tax revenue and to use taxation as a disciplining
instrument against global public bads are constrained by the lack of a global
institution entrusted with coordination and execution of such initiatives.
So far, proposals for the creation of an international authority in charge of
global taxation have not made any headway. Here, the principle of subsid-
iarity can offer some guidance, as a more feasible avenue would be to work
with existing institutions and capitalize on experiences at the regional level
in policy coordination. In this context, the EU can offer fertile ground for
implementation. Indeed, there is already a substantial degree of coordina-
tion on valued-added tax administration among EU members that could
offer some lessons for the way forward. Such experiences could be emulated
in other regions and eventually scaled up at the global level.
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International cooperation on taxation has important implica-

tions for official development assistance (ODA) as a means of helping
developing countries reach and sustain high growth rates and accelerate
progress towards their social development goals. Coherence would be
considerably improved if the debate on assistance to developing countries
moved beyond increasing budgetary allocations to foreign aid, and con-
sidered ways to help developing countries mobilize domestic resources. In
fact, international tax cooperation can help countries graduate from ODA.
In particular, it can help developing countries increase their tax revenue
by curbing tax evasion by multinational corporations, negotiating a fairer
share in natural resource rents, stemming illicit financial flows, and collect-
ing tax on private assets held abroad by their residents.
The donor community can help through two main interven-
tions. The first—as with international tax cooperation in general—is to
adopt and effectively implement measures aimed at preventing tax eva-
sion and related illicit practices by multinational corporations operating in
developing countries. The second action is to provide technical assistance
to developing countries in the design and implementation of tax reforms,
as well as the monitoring and prosecution of financial crimes, including
by establishing and strengthening specialized institutions, such as national
financial intelligence units. By scaling up global efforts to fight against tax
evasion and other forms of financial crimes, and by supporting domestic
institutional reforms in developing countries, the donor community can
better help these countries reap the benefits of globalization, or at least
minimize its negative effects.
Managing labour mobility:

a missing pillar of global governance
One of the most visible signs of the process of globalization is the increase
in international migratory flows. In 2013, there were about 232 million
migrants in the world, which represents over 3.2 per cent of the world
population. The percentage does not seem exceptionally high, especially
when compared to the proportion of other cross-border economic transac-
tions. However, the social and political relevance of migration goes beyond
numbers: migration involves not only production factors, but people—so-
cial agents that have rights, motivations and goals.
The international mobility of people is taking place in a regula-

tory context that is limited and fragmented and that gives ample room for
recipient countries to impose their national choices and policies; mean-
while, the room to manoeuvre is very limited for sending countries. In most
cases, those policies are too restrictive when it comes to labour immigration,
especially with regard to unskilled workers. This restrictive tone contrasts,
first, with the increasing liberalization of other economic flows, which il-
lustrates the unbalanced nature of the globalization process currently under
way. Since globalization benefits mainly those factors that are mobile (capi-
tal over labour and skilled over unskilled workers), restrictive policies on
migration tend to accentuate the asymmetries of the international order.
Second, the restrictive tone of migratory policies is contrary to the need for
labour in developed countries, given the countries’ stagnant demographics
and ageing populations; it also conflicts with the pressure on young people
in developing countries to seek employment and personal growth.
Migration can potentially improve the efficiency and well-being
of the overall international economic system, as both theoretical and em-
pirical studies have confirmed (Walmsley and Winters, 2005; World Bank,
2006, among others). History shows, moreover, that migration can, in
certain circumstances, be an important force in correcting international
inequalities and reducing international wage differences between host and
home countries (Hatton and Williamson, 1998 and 2005). In terms of a po-
tential increase in global well-being, the effects of a more liberal regime are,
even in their most modest estimates, comparable or superior to those that
would result from liberalization of trade in goods (Anderson and Martin,
2005; World Bank, 2006). Additionally, migration is an effective although
notably selective means of increasing the possibilities for individuals to bet-
ter themselves, improving individual income, health, education and living
conditions. It is, therefore, an important development factor, especially if we
believe that people (not just countries) matter (Clemens, 2010). Of course,
migration can also entail costs, not only for the countries of origin (break-
ing of family structures and loss of human capital, for example) and for the
recipient countries (reducing social coherence and increasing congestion in
the provision of social services), but also for the migrants themselves. All
these costs need to be considered and, to the extent possible, minimized
through adequate policies in both countries of origin and host countries.
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The recent economic crisis has only worsened the vulnerable

situation of many groups of migrants. The economic downturn has led to
increased unemployment among migrants (above and beyond that of the
native population), stricter conditions for new residents in countries hit by
the crisis, and a containment—albeit a limited one—in remittances that
migrants send to their families (Alonso, 2013). In addition, and this is the
most worrying effect, the crisis has stirred up unease about immigration,
causing discriminatory and xenophobic reactions even in countries with
well-established democracies. All these factors confirm that international
migration should be part of any development agenda and regulated by ad-
equate global mechanisms.
A fragmented and disorderly international order

The importance of migration and the aggravation of the conditions in which
it is produced suggest the need to regulate the phenomenon in a coherent
way. Initiatives undertaken to date have had very limited success. As a result,
what exists are a fragmented set of poorly supported rules and a group of in-
ternational institutions with partial competencies, overlapping one another
with informal mechanisms for dialogue and multiple and varied agreements
at a bilateral and regional level (Betts, ed., 2011; Ghosh, ed., 2000).
In the specific case of labour mobility, some international conven-
tions were promoted, but all of them harvested limited support (box 2). A
few universal legal instruments also have a bearing on migration. The most
important are the fundamental treaties on human rights, listed in box 2,
which contain clauses against the many kinds of discrimination. These trea-
ties oblige countries to respect, protect and fulfil human rights of all people,
including migrants, regardless of their citizenship status.
In addition to these binding treaties, the status of migrants was
tackled by various world summits and their programmes of action promot-
ed by the United Nations. Among them, the Cairo Programme of Action of
the International Conference on Population and Development (1994) was
the one that most comprehensively considered migration; but migration
was also addressed by the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action on
Human Rights (1993), the Beijing Platform of Action of the Fourth World
Conference on Women (1995), and, more recently, the Durban Declaration
and Programme of Action, approved by the World Conference on Racism,
Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance (2001).
Box 2
Conventions and agreements relevant for
labour mobility
Several international conventions have been negotiated to regulate migration,
with limited success. That is the case of the International Labour Organization
Convention 97 (1949), ratified by 49 countries, whose central purpose was to
tackle labour discrimination against migrants; the ILO Convention 143 (1975),
ratified by 23 countries, whose goal was to tackle illegal migration and the clan-
destine movement of people; and the United Nations International Convention
on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their
Families (2003), that was endorsed by 47 countries and tries to harmonize some
basic principles concerning labour migration.
Additionally, two other conventions should be mentioned, even if they
are not strictly related to labour migration: first, the Convention Relating to
the Status of Refugee (1954) and its Protocol (1967), which aim to regulate the
forced movement of people and conditions for granting asylum; and, second,
the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (2003), with the Protocol
to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons (2003); and the Protocol
against Smuggling of Migrants (2004).
Human rights treaties and conventions also have implications for regulat-
ing the status and protection of migrants. The most general of all are doubtlessly
the United Nations Charter of 1945 and the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights of 1948. However, there are six other regulatory frameworks that are
relevant to migration: the International Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965, signed by 170 countries); the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966, signed by 154 countries); the
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966, signed by
151 countries); the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination
against Women (1981, signed by 180 countries); the Convention against Torture
and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1987, signed
by 139 countries); and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1990, signed
by 192 countries).
The United Nations Secretary-General has promoted diverse ini-

tiatives in relation to migration. In 2003, he created the Global Commission
on International Migration, which elaborated a comprehensive report that
was launched in 2005. In 2006, and in response to the request by the
General Assembly (resolutions 59/241 and 60/227), the Secretary-General
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prepared a report on international migration and development that was

presented at the first High-level Dialogue on Migration and Development,
organized by the General Assembly with the aim of discussing the effects
of international migration and its regulation among Governments, interna-
tional organizations, civil society and the private sector. In 2013, a second
high-level dialogue took place.
Finally, as a result of the first high-level dialogue, and as an at-
tempt to overcome the inertia of the United Nations framework and the
unwillingness of Member States to create a formal intergovernmental or-
gan for regular debates on this issue, the Global Forum on Migration and
Development was promoted as a platform for informal and non-binding
dialogue. The Forum aims to exchange experiences and discuss relevant
policies and practical challenges. Between 2007 and 2013, as many as six
meetings were organized on themes related to migration.
There have also been several other initiatives to promote regional
dialogue on migration, some of them focused on specific aspects of human
mobility. Rather than oriented to “norm-dissemination”, these regional
consultative processes (RCPs) have been primarily engaged in “practice
dissemination”, attempting to define common standards of good practices
relating to regional migration.
The institutional landscape on migration is equally complex and
disorderly, with several institutions having partial and overlapping man-
dates on migration. For example, the International Labour Organization
is specialized in the rights of migrant workers; the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees focuses on the conditions of the refugee
and asylum-seeking population; the Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights is tasked, among other things, with de-
fending the rights of migrants who have been the victims of traffickers;
and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization,
the United Nations Population Fund and the Office of the United Nations
Against Drugs and Crime all have mandates involving some specific areas re-
lated to migration. Although without normative powers, the Department of
Economic and Social Affairs, the United Nations Development Programme
and the World Bank are also partly involved in migration. Lastly, the
International Organization for Migration (IOM) is specialized in this field,
although its mandate is limited and does not belong to the United Nations
system. All of these institutions are part of the Global Migration Group
(formerly the Geneva Migration Group), which was created with the pur-
pose of facilitating coordination at the international level.
Moving forward
The disorderly and fragmented nature of governance of migration has ef-
ficiency costs, since it is more difficult to contemplate the externalities that
the national policies generate for other countries. Migration is a global
phenomenon, and it requires global responses.
The difficulties of building a global regime in this field rest on
two main asymmetries. The first relates to the asymmetries of power be-
tween sending and recipient countries, the latter being in a better position
for regulating migration. The second is the asymmetric way in which the
benefits and the costs of the migratory process are distributed. While ben-
efits are mainly private (captured to a large extent by migrants), the costs
are social, affecting both home countries (loss of human capital) and host
countries (challenging social cohesion and the access to social services).
While beneficiaries in host countries are mainly foreigners, those who may
lose out are citizens and voters; this explains why recipient countries are
so reluctant to give up their autonomy to regulate in this area. Without
question, there are benefits to citizens in host countries that are not al-
ways recognized, including contributing human capital, filling jobs that
citizens are no longer willing to take, helping to smooth out the effects
of population ageing, and making social security and tax contributions.
Nevertheless, there is a consensus that more adequate international rules
and governance of migratory processes could increase the positive effects
(and reduce the negative ones) of migration, sharing its benefits more fairly
and guaranteeing the rights of those involved more effectively (Martin,
Abella and Kuptsch, 2006; Alonso, 2013).
In order to overcome resistance to building a global regime, a two-
track process might be put in place, combining the definition of a frame-
work of minimum standards at the global level with a dynamic of more
comprehensive bilateral and regional agreements. The framework should be
based on the principles that previous conventions on labour migration have
established. It should provide a balanced framework that: (i) recognizes the
right that countries have to define the rules of access of non-nationals to
their territories, while preserving the greatest possible freedom for people to
choose where they want to live and work; (ii) guarantees the rights of people
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who emigrate, regardless of their administrative status, and allows those in a

regular situation to achieve a dignified life in the host country without any
discrimination; (iii) accepts that all people have the right to stay in their
home country, holding Governments responsible for the consequences of
governance that may provoke mass emigration of their citizens; (iv) maxi-
mizes the benefits resulting from emigration both for the migrants them-
selves as well as for the countries involved; and, (v) establishes mechanisms
to compensate those that are damaged by the migratory process.
Taking into account these general principles, countries should
reduce unnecessary obstacles to migration. However, given that countries
face different conditions, that process should be carried out gradually and
flexibly, moving towards a progressive liberalization of migratory policies
while allowing regulation to be adapted to the circumstances of individual
countries. A way to define this process of dialogue and negotiation is by
using a system based on a request-offer type of negotiation, similar to that
used to liberalize services through the General Agreement on Trade in
Services, with countries negotiating on the basis of positive lists of liberal-
ized services, adapted to the conditions in each country (Trachtman, 2009).
At the same time, regional agreements on migration should be
encouraged, in some cases taking advantage of the existing regional integra-
tion mechanisms. The fact that there is a greater similarity between econo-
mies in regional frameworks means that deals on migration would be more
feasible. This could facilitate the path to global governance, even if through
denser and more diffuse structures and with a set of agreements that would
not necessarily be uniform.
Mechanisms of informal dialogue, both globally and regionally,
should continue to be supported. RCPs may create a dynamic of coordinat-
ed solutions, based on constant exchange of information, addressing issues,
dissemination of good practices and formulation of non-binding codes of
conduct. These networks might facilitate the environment for more formal
supranational agreements.
Finally, regarding the institutional structure to govern labour
migration at the global level, the most viable alternative is to start with the
IOM, changing its mandate and statute to transform it into a multilateral
body integrated within the United Nations system. Since in the last few
years the IOM has been increasingly active in the work processes of the
United Nations, much of the work here has already been started. In any
case, the IOM should add a standard-setting and monitoring mandate to
its current operational mission.
Addressing inequality:
why good global governance matters
The subsections above have addressed issues of global governance and
inequality between countries. Here we address the links between global
governance and inequality within countries.
Experience in recent decades has shown that economic growth
has been accompanied by rising inequalities within countries, in both de-
veloping and developed countries (figure 7), including not only inequali-
ties among households in terms of income but also in terms of wealth, and
multiple economic and social inequalities in relation to gender, ethnicity,
Figure 7
Gini index of household income inequality by development status,
early 1990s and late 2000s
48
Gini index early 1990s

46
Gini index late 2000s
45.3
44
42
41.4 41.5
40
38 38.5
36
34
32
High-income countries Low- and middle-income countries
Source: UNDP, 2013, Figure 3.1.
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age and location (United Nations, 2013a; United Nations Development

Programme, 2013a; Piketty, 2014).
For instance, despite the fact that Africa’s economic growth has
been consistently above 5 percent on average since 2002, the Africa Progress
Panel (a group of 10 eminent world leaders led by Kofi Annan) indicated in
its 2012 Africa Progress Report that class, gender, regional and rural-urban
inequalities are on the rise in many African countries. Among the social
groups adversely affected are: households living in poverty in rural and
urban areas and in inhospitable agro-climatic zones; food crop farmers,
particularly those operating on a small scale or assisting with family farm
enterprises; workers in the informal sector, the unemployed (particularly
youth who have dropped out of school). Adversely affected groups consti-
tute the majority of the population in Africa.
Growth and rising inequalities are also present in several Asian
countries. Inequality increased in countries that account for more than 80
per cent of Asia’s population. For developing Asia as a whole, the Gini
coefficient rose from 0.39 to 0.46 between the 1990s and the 2000s (Wan,
2013). The pattern of growth has favoured urban areas over rural, certain
regions over others (such as coastal areas versus inland areas in China), and
capital over labour. Growth has also favoured the more skilled over the less
skilled and the more educated over the less educated. In rural areas, access
to non-farm sources of income has been a factor in differential incomes.
A few countries, including 18 in Latin America and 4 in South
east Asia, have managed to reduce domestic inequality in the period 2000-
2010. Latin American countries have expanded social sector spending
substantially since the early 1990s, and the more successful countries also
adopted more vigorous education, health and social protection policies
(Cornia, 2013). However, while these measures have reversed the growth
in inequality in the region and led to a substantial reduction in some coun-
tries, inequality remains high and its reduction has recently tended to stag-
nate in several countries.
The barriers that current levels of inequality pose for achieve-
ment of the Millennium Development Goals and for sustainable develop-
ment in the post-2015 world are by now well-recognized. Such inequality
was the subject of one of the eleven global consultations instituted by the
United Nations in preparation for the post-2015 development agenda. The
significance of growing inequality between people has also been recognized
by the corporations that contribute to the World Economic Forum’s global

risk assessment (World Economic Forum, 2014), which in 2014 found
income disparity to be the risk most likely to have an impact on a global
scale in the next decade. Inequalities between people reduce the sustain-
ability of economic growth, diminish the productive potential of those
who suffer from them and deprive their societies of their full contribution.
Moreover, inequalities threaten national cohesion and create insecurity.
“Equitable societies promote social capital, social cohesion and stability,
trust and tolerance and thereby innovation, economic growth and sustain-
able development”, notes the Chairpersons’ summary statement at the
Addressing Inequalities in the Post-2015 Development Agenda: Public
Dialogue and Leadership Meeting, held in Copenhagen in 2013, hosted by
the Governments of Denmark and Ghana (Chairpersons’ summary state-
ment, 2013).
Domestic inequality is influenced by national actors and systems
of national governance as well as international actors and global gover-
nance. To reduce inequalities in income, wealth, capabilities and voice
requires better policies at the national level. But improvements in global
governance are also required, so as to prevent the establishment of global
rules and institutions that generate and/or perpetuate inequality, and to
allow Governments the policy space for financial, trade and fiscal policies
that support reduction in inequality.
Poor global governance makes it difficult to reduce inequality
within countries and can worsen existing inequalities by creating systemic
risks that are then downloaded to countries and people with the least ca-
pacity to absorb them. Thus, lack of effective global governance in the use
of environmental resources means that a large part of the damage created
by countries and people who generate high levels of per capita emissions of
greenhouse gases are shifted to lower-income countries and people with low
levels of emissions per capita, who lack resources to mitigate the damage.
The financial crisis that erupted in 2008 also amply illustrates
this creation and transfer of risk. It was a North Atlantic crisis, linked to
poor regulation of international banks and financial companies in devel-
oped countries, but it spilled over, via international financial markets, into
many developing countries, whose policies had played no part in the gen-
esis of the crisis. Some highly paid employees in the financial sector in
London and New York lost their jobs, but so did many millions of other
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people. Between the onset of the crisis and 2012, an estimated 28 million
people became unemployed, bringing the global total of unemployed to
200 million. Over half of the increase was in high-income industrialized
countries, but developing countries have been increasingly affected, ac-
counting for 75 per cent of the newly unemployed in 2012 (International
Labour Organization, 2013). The youth unemployment rate is particularly
high, globally standing at 12.6 per cent in 2013, compared to an adult
unemployment rate of 4.6 per cent (Ibid., 2013). A study for selected de-
veloped countries found that the growth in youth unemployment during
the economic crisis raised the Gini coefficient considerably (Morsy, 2012).
Pressure to maintain the confidence of private investors in inter-
national financial markets and to comply with conditions attached to loans
from the IMF and other international financial institutions has led many
Governments to introduce cuts to public expenditure, often falling on ba-
sic public services and social protection, not only in Europe, but also in
developing countries (United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the
Empowerment of Women, 2014). Basic public services and social security
transfers are, of course, vital tools for the reduction of inequality. The ca-
pacity of Governments to use them for this purpose has been undermined.
As a consequence, new obstacles to progress made in gender equality have
emerged, tending to intensify the amount of unpaid work that women have
to do to care for families and communities, and making it more difficult for
women to cushion their children against the impact of the crisis in many
developed and developing countries (Ibid., 2014).
Even in times of no financial crisis, the asymmetric governance
of international markets in goods, finance and labour is conducive to in-
equality among people and undermines the capacity of Governments to
reduce inequality through fiscal and regulatory measures. Trade agreements
undermine the fiscal capacity of Governments through loss of tariff rev-
enues, which are difficult to replace with revenue from taxation on large
corporations because of international capital mobility and lack of effective
international tax cooperation. The Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of
Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) makes it harder for Governments to
provide access to essential medicines. Trade and investment agreements oper-
ate “behind the border” to restrict the policy space available to Governments
to foster structural change, including movement to more inclusive patterns
of growth, based on economy-wide increases in labour productivity.
The current structures of asymmetric global governance that

make the international movement of capital much easier than the inter-
national movement of labour have a number of other adverse impacts on
equality. The prospect of capital flight puts pressure on Governments to
adopt an over-restrictive fiscal stance, starving basic services of the money
they need to ensure everyone has access to good quality services (Stiglitz,
2000). Moreover, capital flight can lead to sharp devaluation of the cur-
rency, pushing up prices with particularly adverse impacts on low-income
households. In addition, competition to attract FDI is reported to lead
to downward pressure on minimum wages and labour standards (United
Nations Development Programme, 2013).
Moving forward
Reforms of global governance to support enlargement of the policy space
for all Governments to secure sustainable reductions in inequality should
therefore:
(i) Strengthen fiscal capacity. Higher tax-to-GDP ratios and
greater progressivity in taxation and expenditure have been associated with
reductions in inequality. Fiscal policy has powerful redistributive potential.
Global initiatives need to be taken to: (a) reduce tax avoidance and eva-
sion, including a United Nations Convention to combat both practices;
(b) introduce new globally agreed measures, like the financial transactions
(Tobin) tax; and (c) change the norms against which tax policies are evalu-
ated, so as to encourage Governments to design progressive fiscal policies.
Enhanced and more efficient international tax cooperation is necessary to
guarantee positive outcomes in this direction.
(ii) Facilitate better regulation of finance and capital flows.
Reductions of inequality in the period 2000-2010 were associated with
stronger controls on banks and non-bank financial institutions, and con-
trols on international mobility of capital were instrumental in allowing
some countries to avoid large swings in economic activity and employ-
ment. The recent financial crisis made it clear that global financial reforms
are essential. Though some reforms have been adopted, more are required.
(iii) Enable better cooperation in macroeconomic policy so that the
fiscal space to promote greater equality within countries is not undermined by
recessionary bias in the international monetary system. The current prevalence
of recessionary bias undermines progress to reduce inequality.
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(iv) Support implementation of internationally agreed social and

labour standards, thus also securing greater coherence between global economic
governance and the global system of human rights obligations. In fact, reduc-
tions in inequality in some Latin American countries has been associ-
ated with policies that did more to comply with these standards, such as
increased health and education expenditures, increases in the minimum
wage, strengthening of wage bargaining institutions, and improved so-
cial protection. The International Labour Organization conventions and
human rights treaties set out rights that apply to everyone—citizens and
non-citizens alike—and progressively implementing these conventions and
treaties is an obligation of all United Nations Member States. Following the
principle of responsible sovereignty, countries should also have the obliga-
tion to ensure that the policies of any one Government do not damage the
capacities of other Governments to realize these rights. Rules and disci-
plines deriving from international trade and investment agreements have
some provisions that make it harder for Governments to meet international
social and human rights standards (an example is TRIPS). More must also
be done to secure the adherence of non-State actors, such as corporations,
to internationally agreed social and labour standards. Implementation of
these standards is particularly important for international migrants, who
frequently live in countries of which they are not citizens. Moreover, in the
context of pluri-ethnic and multicultural societies, a strategy for sustainable
development needs to recognize the rights of indigenous communities to
land, natural resources, ethnic identity and cultural heritage, as well as their
right to participate in relevant decision-making processes.
IV. Global governance for development

Global governance has become a domain with many different players
(Alexandroff, 2010; Weiss, 2009) including: multilateral organizations that
have a universal character, such as the United Nations General Assembly;
elite multilateral groupings such as the Group of Eight (G8) and the
Group of Twenty (G20) (Ocampo, 2011); different coalitions relevant to
specific policy subjects (such as climate change); informal multilateralism
(as exemplified in financial standard-setting bodies) and regional forma-
tions (for example, those relating to trade and investment agreements).
Also included are activities of the private sector (e.g., the Global Compact)
non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and large philanthropic foun-

dations (e.g., Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, Turner Foundation)
and associated global funds to address particular issues) (Anheier, 2000).
Participation of several actors is noticeable, for instance, in public heath
with the emergence of global health partnerships (United Nations, 2009b).
In this increasingly complex system of global governance, ques-
tions arise on how effective these institutions have been in identifying
and handling global issues, especially from a development perspective and
how these institutions fulfil desirable criteria such as effectiveness, repre-
sentativeness, participation and transparency, and coherence. This is of
particular importance for addressing ongoing and emerging challenges for
meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in 2015, for secur-
ing the reforms for global governance identified above, and for sustain-
able development in the post-2015 era. In this respect, promoting a global
economic governance system with the right balance between legitimacy
and effectiveness, built around the principles laid out in Section II of this
report, is an essential element in achieving these goals.
Currently, the system of global governance does not meet these
criteria. The representativeness, opportunities for participation, and trans-
parency of many of the main actors are open to question. Decision-making
processes at the International Monetary Fund and World Bank, for in-
stance, do not give major developing countries a share of voting power cor-
responding to their increasing relevance in the world economy, while other
developing countries seem to have very little or no weight at all. The G20 is
a self-appointed group where the participation of Governments of emerging
market economies is on their own account, and not on the behalf of other
developing countries. NGOs, while providing key impetus and innovative
approaches to tackle development issues (Bradford, Jr., 2005), often have
governance structures that are not subject to open and democratic account-
ability. The lack of representativeness, accountability and transparency of
corporations (George, 2014) is even more important as corporations have
more power and are currently promoting multi-stakeholder governance
with a leading role for the private sector (Pingeot, 2014).
Against this background, “the United Nations emerges as an
actor with distinct advantages, including the equal representation of its
192 Member States [now 193] under the United Nations Charter” (Deiss,
2010), as an institutional framework for monitoring the implementation
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of the internationally agreed development goals, including the MDGs,

and the post-2015 development goals for achieving sustainable, equitable
and inclusive growth. Nevertheless, the key question remains whether the
United Nations will function as the main political forum for dealing with
socioeconomic issues at the global level, playing a key and effective role
in managing global challenges, or whether Member States will leave this
role to other forums, including selective, elite multilateral groupings, and
multi-stakeholder processes.
Currently, it seems that the United Nations has not been able to
provide direction in the solution of global governance problems—perhaps
lacking appropriate resources or authority, or both. United Nations bodies,
with the exception of the Security Council, cannot make binding deci-
sions. Further, the United Nations system is very fragmented, with scarce
resources thinly distributed between competing agencies, each having its
own agenda and governance processes. As a result, most global issues do not
move forward as expeditiously as needed: there is little progress on climate
change or the broader sustainability agenda, and most development goals
are only voluntary commitments, with few enforcement mechanisms.
The role of the United Nations

For the United Nations to utilize its distinct advantages, it must strengthen
its position in global governance. Its intellectual history suggests that the
Organization is the source of many ideas that have led to human prog-
ress and to agreed global development goals, particularly through a series
of United Nations conferences convened since 1970, and more recently
through summits, starting with the 1990 World Summit for Children
(Ocampo, 2013). For example, “the concept of human rights, and ideas
about social and economic development and environmental sustainability
have guided the UN’s work in different countries” (Dutt, 2012). If this
has been the strength of the United Nations, the weakness has been its ac-
countability mechanisms and even a deficient monitoring of international
commitments (Ocampo, 2013).
There have been several proposals on how to enhance the
Organization’s central role in global governance, as an essential element to
achieving a broad development agenda including all dimensions of sustain-
able development. The key issue here is finding the right balance between
representativeness and participation on the one hand, and effectiveness

on the other. However, the very condition that generates the greatest le-
gitimacy of the United Nations among all international institutions—the
principle of one country, one vote—also makes it quite difficult to get
things done. The divergent interests, conflicting incentives and differing
values and norms of Member States can seriously impede the ability to
move from broad consensus to agreement on operational policymaking
and coordinated delivery of measures on the ground.
As a possible way forward towards more effective global gov-
ernance, the United Nations Commission of Experts on Reform of the
International Financial and Monetary System (United Nations, 2009a)
recommended to the General Assembly the creation of a new univer-
sal, constituency-based economic governance body within the United
Nations—a Global Economic Coordination Council at a level equivalent
to the General Assembly and the Security Council. This Council would
be a democratically representative alternative to the G20, and would aim
to “promote development, secure consistency and coherence in the policy
goals of the major international organizations and support consensus
building among Governments on efficient and effective solutions for issues
of global economic governance” and “help set the agenda for global eco-
nomic and financial reforms” (Ibid.). The new Council would thus secure
a more coherent and effective response of the United Nations on issues
related to global economic governance. The Commission also put forward
an alternative proposal of a body similar to the Intergovernmental Panel
on Climate Change, but dealing with economic and social issues. These
proposals deserve greater attention. However, there has been no action in
this regard; instead the focus has been on reforming the United Nations
Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the existing mechanism within
the United Nations for economic policy coordination.
When ECOSOC was created as one of the main United Nations
organs, it was expected to take over the function of coordinating economic
and social policymaking across the world and within the United Nations
system. However, it has not been able to fulfil this function very effectively,
owing in part to the ambiguous relationship between the General Assembly
and ECOSOC. Its responsibility for international and social cooperation
was to be discharged under the authority of the General Assembly, giving
ECOSOC few of the powers the Charter of the United Nations grants to
P licy
the Security Council (Steven, 2012), which operates independently of the

General Assembly. In practice, ECOSOC responsibility has been reduced
to the coordination and monitoring of social, economic and environmental
issues and related activities of the United Nations system.
ECOSOC has played no role in coordinating and providing
guidance for the post-2015 development agenda so far. Instead, the post-
2015 process has been largely coordinated directly by the Secretary-General,
who sought inputs from within the United Nations system (coordinated by
United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs), the High-
level Panel on Eminent Persons on the Post-2015 Development Agenda, a
global conversation with a broader set of actors (coordinated by the United
Nations Development Programme), and the Sustainability Development
Solutions Network, in which corporations play a leading role (Pingeot,
2014). In turn, at the intergovernmental level, the General Assembly has
merged this discussion with the agenda on sustainable development agreed
at the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development
(Rio+20), through the Open Working Group on Sustainable Development
Goals. This Open Working Group has emphasized, at its sixth session, “that
the United Nations remains the forum for a broad, development-focused
discussion of the international financial and economic system, notably in
the context of a reinvigorated ECOSOC”. To what extent ECOSOC will
provide more than a discussion forum remains to be seen.
Moving forward
There have been periodic initiatives to strengthen ECOSOC, including at
the 2005 World Summit, which led to General Assembly resolution 61/16
creating the Annual Ministerial Review and the biennial Development
Cooperation Forum. The most recent strengthening of ECOSOC by the
General Assembly was the adoption of resolution 68/1 of September 2013,
based on the follow-up to resolution 61/16, and given special impetus by
the outcome of Rio+20. At Rio+20, Heads of State and Government rec-
ognized the key role of ECOSOC in achieving a balanced integration of
the three dimensions of sustainable development, elevating the Council’s
function as a platform for sustainable development. The annual ministerial
meetings of the High-level Political Forum will take place under the auspices
of ECOSOC, while the Forum’s meetings at the level of Heads of State will
be convened every four years under the General Assembly. This framework
raises the visibility of the follow-up to the Sustainable Development Goals

(SDGs) and the future post-2015 development agenda (which will hope-
fully be one and the same) by including high-level government representa-
tives in its deliberations. It also creates a novel mechanism of coordination
between the General Assembly and ECOSOC.
ECOSOC, as a principal body for the follow-up on the imple-
mentation of the United Nations development agenda, should take on the
responsibility for advancement of the reform agenda set out in Section III.
It should provide guidance to the work of the entire United Nations system
in addressing deficiencies in the current governance in areas requiring im-
proved international cooperation, such as the environment, international
monetary and financial architecture, capital and labour flows, trade rules,
and inequality. This includes reviewing and improving upon the coherence
of existing structures as well as filling the gaps in global governance. These
issues should be part of the Council’s annual programme of work under the
main overarching themes of promoting the balanced integration of the eco-
nomic social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development, as
well as the post-2015 development agenda.
However, if the Council is to be the principal body for the follow-
up on the implementation of the United Nations development agenda,
its ability to coordinate and guide should be strengthened by appropriate
follow-up and monitoring mechanisms for bridging the gap between com-
mitments and the implementation of these commitments. For this, a United
Nations led monitoring and accountability mechanism with quantifiable
targets and indicators needs to be established for both countries as well as
United Nations agencies working on this agenda (United Nations, 2014).
This accountability mechanism would focus on the three dimen-
sions of sustainable development (economic, social and environmental),
while taking into account principles that support the development efforts
of developing countries and environmental sustainability as presented in
this report. It would systematically assess and monitor the effectiveness,
representativeness, participation and transparency and coherence of global
governance in achieving internationally agreed goals (currently the MDGs,
and, in the future, the SDGs and the post-2015 development goals). Such
a monitoring and accountability mechanism would provide an important
basis for regular discussion of the evaluation at a high political level on how
to further improve the outcome of the post-2015 development agenda,
P licy
both in countries and within the United Nations system. The layout of
such a system will require special attention in relation to the quantification
of targets (means vs. ends/outcomes), data collection (the availability of
data and/or the need for new data sources), and definitions and indicators
measuring representativeness, inclusiveness, transparency and coherence of
global governance.
Implementation of the post-2015 development agenda ulti-
mately depends on the political will of Member States to carry it through.
Therefore, success will depend on whether all countries contribute to the
reform of global governance and use their policy space to implement poli-
cies that promote the three dimensions of sustainable development in an
integrated manner. However, national States have tended to commit them-
selves to those solutions that are in their narrow national interest or do
not interfere with what they perceive as their national sovereignty, and/
or those from which they are expecting to maximize their national inter-
est at the expense of others, either by domination or by free-riding (Kaul,
2013). While global challenges continue to be viewed from this narrow
perspective, the probability of failing to address them will remain high.
The need for responsible sovereignty, one of the five principles presented
in Section II above, is more than relevant in this context. In this regard,
ECOSOC should take an initiative on how to operationalize this prin-
ciple. Responsible sovereignty is, no doubt, a necessary condition for States
to cooperate in creating the conditions for the realization of internation-
ally recognized rights and freedoms and to act according to the other key
principles of global governance put forward in this report: common but
differentiated responsibilities, inclusiveness, transparency, accountability
and coherence. Likewise, the relevance of the United Nations in global
economic governance largely depends on how much Member States are
willing to strengthen the Organization, so that it may become a more ef-
fective factor in global economic governance for implementing a post-2015
development agenda for the benefit of all.
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Committee for Development Policy

Global governance and global rules for

United Nations publication

Committee for Development Policy to the Economic and Social Council,

Intergovernmental cooperation is at the centre of the global partnership for

cooperation that are in need of reform. It identifies deficiencies in their

3. Share of wages in national income, selected countries,

The following abbreviations have been used:

AEITs automatic exchanges of LDCs least developed countries

The “institutional view”, as embodied by various reports of the

II. Global governance and global rules:

being insufficient, incomplete or simply non-existent. Moreover, there has

Interdependence and global public goods

etc.), resulting from a lack of or ineffective collective action, is not adequately

Globalization and its asymmetries

the annual average net migratory outflows from developing countries

Figure 2.B: Developing country net migratory outflows, 1970–2010

Share of adjusted wages in national income,

Source: Stockhammer (2013), p.1 and p.3.

While interdependence has increased, inequalities among coun-

Source: World Bank, World Development Indicators online database.

Increased interdependence between countries has been accompanied by persis-

Interdependence and policy space

including short-term flows, under the concept of “investment”, BITs re-

Principles for reform

an important role for national Governments in meeting the challenges for

sustainable development, and that the ultimate goal of international coop-

III. Strengthening global governance

Organization for Standardization and codes of conduct for corporate social

consumption patterns will require focusing on demand, meeting the needs

climate change (including emission trading as well as EU-wide regulatory

countries’ abilities to develop the necessary capabilities in basic research, edu-

International monetary and financial architecture

Financial regulation and supervision

poorly regulated before the crisis (D’Arista and Griffith-Jones, 2010).

regulations are part of the toolkit of macroprudential instruments, and

Official countercyclical finance

concessional facilities for low-income countries, which moved from a single

Absence of a debt workout mechanism

Macroeconomic policy cooperation

proposals under consideration (see below), no steps have been taken to

financing networks; a better system of macroeconomic policy cooperation;

International trade rules:

Overall, the system has succeeded in keeping trade open and

Preferential trade agreements and bilateral investment agreements

Source: World Trade Organization (2014), chart 13, p. 54.

as breach of contract and expropriation of the foreign investor’s contractual

regulatory taking provision, a developing country may end up having to

WTO decision-making: power asymmetries?

Special and differential treatment:

may be a practical solution in view of greater diversity among developing

their collective bargaining power to their benefit. With respect to fragmen-

border”, further exemptions may be needed in view of the varying develop-

International tax matters: enhancing cooperation

exacerbated by the lack of transparency in the global financial services,

in taxation, such as the handling of transfer pricing by international institu-

should push for institutionalizing automatic exchanges of information on

International cooperation on taxation has important implica-

Managing labour mobility: