Samara University

School of Law

Essay Title: The Challenges and Prospects of Ethnic Based Federalism in

Accommodating Diversity in Ethiopia

By:
Alima Wadaje ID/NO.1002548

advisor: Tsagaye Kidne

A Senior Essay Submitted to the School of Law, Samara University in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Bachelor Degree in Law

August 2022

S
amara Ethiopia
Table of Contents
Abstract.......................................................................................................................................................3
Acknowledgement.......................................................................................................................................4
Lists of Acronyms.........................................................................................................................................5
CHAPTER ONE..............................................................................................................................................6
1. Introduction.............................................................................................................................................6
1.2. Background of the study...................................................................................................................6
1.2. Statement of the problem................................................................................................................7
1.3. Research questions...........................................................................................................................9
1.4. Objective of the study.......................................................................................................................9
1.4.1. General objective.......................................................................................................................9
1.4.2. Specific objective.......................................................................................................................9
1.5. Methods and methodologies of the study........................................................................................9
1.5.1. Research design.........................................................................................................................9
1.5.2. Data source..............................................................................................................................10
1.5.3. Method of data collection.......................................................................................................10
1.5.4. Method of data analysis..........................................................................................................10
1.6. Significance of the study.................................................................................................................10
1.7. Scope of the study..........................................................................................................................10
1.8. Limitation of the study....................................................................................................................11
1.9. Organization of the paper...............................................................................................................11
CHAPTER TWO...........................................................................................................................................12
CONCEPTUAL / THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND REVIEW LITERATURE...................................................12
2.1. Conceptual Frame Work.................................................................................................................12
2.1.1. Definition of Key Concepts.......................................................................................................12
2.2. Theoretical framework...................................................................................................................17
2.2.1. Competing theories of ethnicity..............................................................................................17
CHAPTER THREE........................................................................................................................................20
3.1. Evolution of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia......................................................................................20
3.2. Comparative perspectives on Ethiopian ethnic federalism.............................................................21
3.3. Opportunities and prospects of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia.......................................................26
3.3.1. Ethnic federalism as a tool to manage diversity......................................................................27
 3.3.2. Ethnic federalism as a mode of conflict management.............................................................27
3.3.3 Regional Autonomy..................................................................................................................29
3.4. Challenges of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia....................................................................................29
3.4.1. Border conflicts........................................................................................................................31
3.4.2. Creating minorities within minority.........................................................................................31
3.4.3. Ethnic conflict..........................................................................................................................32
3.4.4. Discrepancy between theory and practice..............................................................................32
3.4.5. Low institutional efficacy.........................................................................................................33
3.4.6. Top-Down Politics....................................................................................................................33
3.4.7. Absence of an overarching identity and trust..........................................................................33
3.4.8. Power Rivalries........................................................................................................................34
3.5. Prospects of Ethiopian ethnic federalism.......................................................................................34
CHAPTER FOUR..........................................................................................................................................37
4. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION................................................................................................37
4.1. Conclusion......................................................................................................................................37
4.2. Recommendations..........................................................................................................................38
References.................................................................................................................................................40
Abstract
The very objective of this research is to investigate the challenges and prospects of ethnic based
federalism in accommodating diversity in Ethiopia after 1991: constraints, opportunities and
prospects. In line with the study, it assessed the general and specific objectives of the research.
The research also encompasses the background, history, features, constraints, opportunities and
prospects of the current Ethiopian ethnic federalism. In order to achieve the above mentioned
objectives, the study depends on qualitative research approach. Concerning the data sources and
type it relied on secondary data source that were collected from different relevant published and
unpublished books, journals, laws especially FDRE constitution and proclamations, the charter
of the transitional government, magazines, newspapers, internet sources and related documents.
The collected data are presented and analyzed through qualitative and descriptive form of
analysis. Finally the paper reach on conclusion shows that Ethiopian ethnic federalism after
1991.
Acknowledgement
First of all, we would like to thank an almighty God For his an endless mercy and graciousness.
God has done miracle in survival our life since our child hood, so I would praise him forever.

Secondly I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to our advisor Tsagaye, Kidne for his
valuable advice, technical while preparing this senior essay.

Taking this opportunity, we wish to provide our heart full thanks for our family for their
unreserved support.

Finally I would like to thank our classmates

 Lists of Acronyms
Abbreviations Full Name

FDRE Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

EPRDF Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front

COR Council of Representatives

OLF Oromo Liberation Front

HOF House of Federation

HPR House of Peoples representatives

CUD Coalition for Unity and Democracy

SNNPRS Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional States

 GPLM Gambela People Liberation Movement

USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republic

OPDO Oromo People’s Democratic Organization

SEPDF South Ethiopia Peoples, Democratic Front

TPLF Tigary People Liberation Front

EBC Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation

CHAPTER ONE

1. Introduction
1.2. Background of the study
Around the world ethnicity is one of the most frequently cited source of instability and conflict
within states1. Intra state conflicts between different ethnic groups or between ethnic minorities
and the state are much more common inter-state conflicts today. Federalism has been a central
issue in the constitutional deliberations of many states of the world. The main reason for
federalisms popularity is that it enables the state to combine self rule with shared rule.
Federalism emerged as an important instrument of nation (state buildings) particularly after the
collapse of European colonial empires in the immediate post World War II period2.

1
Ronald Watts, Ethnic Based Federalism and Its discontent Cambridge University Press, 1994, p.2
2
Ibid
At the beginning of 21th century, federalism again proved its resilience as an important form of
government and ideological dispensation3. In this respect many post colonial multi ethnic
countries of Asia and Africa adopted federalism. Even if several of this federation failed in their
infancy, the role of federalism in balancing the computing and perhaps conflicting demands for
autonomy and unity in such countries like India, Malaysia and Nigeria cannot be doubled4.

Among African countries, Nigeria is known in creating a federal system and committing itself
cultural and structural pluralism at the time of its independence in 1960. Its federal system
considered of three regions each a total of 12 states were created, by 1966 it had expanded to 36
states, in part so, and that the ethnic group and state would not correspond 5. In Africa, federalism
is associated with colonial experience of divide and rule; this means that in different contexts
federalism can mean different things depending on the cultural and historical connotations 6.
During colonialism, colonial rulers in Africa followed a unitary system of government in
governing African colonies7. The British had tried to introduce ethnic based federalism in some
of its colonies in Africa. However, African nationalists and anti-colonial leaders strongly resisted
the British attempt perceiving it as the connotation of “divide and rule” in another form8. Other
nationalist leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana had captained against federalism 9. After
independence the new African rulers referred unitary system of government rather than
federalism10. Many political leaders in Africa are not willing to entertain ethnic federalism
fearing that federalism reinforces tribalism 11. The pursuit of political unity and territorial
integrity at the

expense of ethnic-linguistic and religious diversity has been the most important objective of
Africa in general and Ethiopia in particular for state craft. This has had its costs with military and
one party rule and the systematic supervision of human and political rights have often been
rationalized as necessary means of safeguarding the unity of a given state. Yet, ethnic diversity
has not been banished. In 1991, following the collapse of military rule, Ethiopia established a
federal system by creating largely ethnic based territorial unit 12. Its framers calcimining they
have found a formula to achieve ethnic and regional autonomy it is manifesting as political
unit13. The initial process of ethnic based federalism lasted to four years and it was formalized in
a new constitution in 1995 by putting importance significance in which that it provides for
secession of any ethnic units and the secession clause is one of the most controversial issues in
3
Ronald Watts, Federalism, Federation and Ethnic Conflict: Concepts and Theories,p.2, 2001, p.2
4
Donald Rot Child, Challenges and Prospects of Ethnic Based Federalism: Theories and Practice, 1965, p.2,
5
John Markks, Ethnicity and State in Eastern Africa, 1990, p.7
6
Assefa Fisha, Ethnic Federalism and Its Discontents, 2007, p.101
7
International Journal of Human Science Volume 5, Issue Number 2, 2008, pp.5-6
8
Ibid
9
Ibid
10
Jihadu, State and System of Federalism in Africa, 2002, pp.14-15
11
Ibid
12
Solomon Gashaw, Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict in Ethiopia, 1993, p.54
13
Mohammed Hussen, Ethiopian Missed opportunities for democratization Process: Paper Presented at The 37 th
Annual Meeting of The African Studies Association, 1994, pp.12-14
public discourses in Ethiopia and its Diasporas communities to day14. Opponents of Ethiopian
ethnic based federalism fear that it leads to ethnic conflicts and for disintegration among
different ethnic groups15.

One of the ways Ethiopia’s federalism differ from the other corporate pluralist states however, is
in its allowance for the right of secession, the constitutional arrangement of political pluralism
and the right of secession makes Ethiopian federalism unique 16.Therefore a growing interest in
the use of federalism as a way of managing ethnically diverse countries in ethnical divided
countries for accommodating their diversity, the hope is that political recognition of cultural and
ethnic pluralism through federalism reduces ethnic tensions and conflicts17.

1.2. Statement of the problem

Ethiopia is a home land of many nation, nationalities and peoples who have distinct tradition,
history and culture at large18. Politically speaking, after the over through of the military regime,
the new government of Ethiopia has adopted ethnic based federal system by 1995 FDRE
constitution which could be regarded as a forerunner in the field of ethnic self determination in
Africa by offering large constitutional allowance for all ethnic groups of divergent interests 19.
Perhaps, to synthesize the core essence, pitfalls and practices of the federal constitution and its
ethnic federalism creation, rethinking on some of the scholarly works made so far it is
imperative, to begin with, as evaluated as the Ethiopian model of ethnic federalism with deep
diversity has a number of elements20. The very essence for establishing ethnic based federalism
in Ethiopia was desire to maintain unity by ensuring equality among various Ethiopian ethnic
groups and for providing a political mechanism to dissipating ethnic tensions21.

To end this right to self determination is constitutionally ensured to all ethnic groups. However,
the constitution is manifested by couples of unique features 22. Ethnicity constitutes one of the
major features of Ethiopian constitution used to form units for self government based on ethnic
profile. This consequently explains why the Ethiopian federalism is often referred to as ethnic
federalism23.

In conjoined reading of article 8 and article 47 of the FDRE constitution it confirms the
establishment of nine sovereign regional states and further it legalizes sovereign power to resign

14
Ibid
15
Assefa Galata, Oromo Nationalism and The Ethioipian Discourse, 1998, p.25

16
Ibid
17
David N. Gellner, Ethnicity in African Counties, 1983, p.1
18
Frank H. Easterbrook, Federalism and Commerce Harvard Journal of law 2009, pp.19-20
19
Twibel, Ethnicity and Federalism in Eastern Africa, 1999, p.401
20
Ibid
21
Tsegaye Tegenu, The Models and Making of Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia, 2009, p.42
22
Ibid
23
Yonatan Tesfaye, Ethiopian Ethnic Based Federalism Formation in Accommodating Diversity a Case Study in
Gurage Zone, 2008, p.382
with the nation nationalities and peoples from those regions some are homogeneous like Amhara,
Tigray, Afar, Oromiya, Somali, and Harari. However, the other regional states like Southern
Nation Nationalities and Peoples Region are (SNNPR) heterogeneous 24. Yet in those ethnically
homogeneous regional states, there are still ethnic minorities live in the middle of the
empowered and dominate regional minorities such as the Erob and Kunama minorities live in
Tigray, the Agaw, Argoba and Oromiya lieu zone in Amhara regional states25.

The treatment of minorities within the constituents units (regional states remains a serious
challenge of ethnic based federalism in Ethiopia26. The dilemma of ethnic based territorial units
and ethno linguistic orientation of the federal state has provoked harsh criticisms: - it is perilous
experiment more likely to exacerbate ethnic tensions, minority segregations and militate against
nation unity27. There are practical problems in the application of principles of identifying and
designing the territorial location of each ethnic group, it means that the process of boundary
delimitation is not guided by historical accidents such as internal migrations as a result of war,
demographic pressure and the like that have been given a particular legitimacy by the passage of
time28. The spirit of this principle is that internal boundaries have to involve on the bases of
ethnic criteria that is based on the identity of the group, the absolute size of the group and the
pattern of its traditional distribution 29. There are many peoples who speak about the impossibility
of demarcating the boundary between most ethnic group of contemporary Ethiopia and their
neighbors based on the level of language, culture, identity and territory so, they attempt to curve
out the territory of ethnic groups to create ethnic based federalism in Ethiopia it will leads it
violent, conflicts and sustained border wars because there is no bases for those boundaries at the
ethnic level due to the mosaic nature of the ethnic and cultural geography of Ethiopia30.

1.3. Research questions

In order to achieve the overall objective of this study the following questions are noted

1. What are the major challenges posed to Ethiopian ethnic federalism?

2. What are the computing perspectives towards the Ethiopian ethnic federalism?
3. How ethnic federalism can be important to accommodate diversity in Ethiopia?
4. What are the possible ways to manage the challenges of Ethiopian ethnic federalism?

24
Yonatan Tesfaye Etnic Based Federalism in African Countries Especially in Ethiopia Since 1991 Revolutionary
Government,p.469, 2008 and Solomon Negussie Fiscal Fedferalism in Ethiopian Ethnic Based Federalism,2010, p.42
25
Ibid
26
Ibid
27
Mulatu Amare, Political Science, 2014, p.60
28
Tsegaye Tegenu, Evaluation of The Operation and Performance of Ethnic Decentralization System in Ethiopia,
2006, pp.2-4
29
Ibid
30
Ibid
 1.4. Objective of the study
1.4.1. General objective
The general objective of this study is to assess the challenges and prospects of ethnic federalism
in accommodating diversity in Ethiopia.

1.4.2. Specific objective

The specific objective of this study comprises the following basic elements;

I. to examine the prospects of ethnic federalism in accommodating diversity in

Ethiopia;
II. To describe the computing views or perceptions on the Ethiopian ethnic federalism;
III. To identify the major challenges encountered or faced for the implementation of
ethnic federalism in Ethiopia.

1.5. Methods and methodologies of the study

1.5.1. Research design
To insure the openness of this study and to indicate the fundamental challenges and prospects of
ethnic federalism in accommodating diversity in Ethiopia, the researcher uses qualitative
research design.

Qualitative research is especially effective in obtaining culturally specific information about the
values, opinions, behaviors, and social contexts of particular population in that it will describe,
interprets and analyzes the research problem 31. Therefore based on the nature of the study the
researchers will use this method in order to collect appropriate amount of data. The researchers
also use descriptive and analytical approaches to describe the phenomenon as they exist, to
identify and obtain information on the characteristics of a particular issue, since it is important to
examine a problem it is undertaken to certain of and to describe the characteristics of the issue32.
The researchers also apply analytical method to describe, analyze and explain why or how
something is happen33.

1.5.2. Data source

In order to gather an information or relevant data the researches have used secondary data
sources. The Secondary data incorporates information from written materials such as books,
journals, laws, published and unpublished written materials which are available in the library and
internet.

1.5.3. Method of data collection

Secondary data has collected from different written materials including information from books,
Ethiopian laws such as FDRE constitution, proclamation and regulation and also other
31
Silverman D. Doing Qualitative Research: a Practical Handbook. London, Publications, 2005, p.12
32
Ibid
33
Ibid
miscellaneous materials about Ethiopian ethnic based federalism like new papers. These data
type is gathered by systematically taking more relevant and helpful for the purpose of this study.
Secondary data is collected, organized and prepared in the analysis phase of this study.

1.5.4. Method of data analysis

Data that is gathered from second hand information is organized, processed and analyze by
applying narration and description form. The analyses were carried out by selecting the central
idea of the document by organizing as topics and sub topics.

1.6. Significance of the study

This study can provide a paramount significance for different parties. The study has offer a better
understanding on the challenges and prospects of ethnic federalism in accommodating diversity
in Ethiopia. It has a considerable significance in assessing other materials as a reference in
studying topics which are related to this study.

1.7. Scope of the study

This study is delimited based on methodologically, theoretically and geographically.
Methodologically, the study is delimited only to the qualitative approach that is analytical and
descriptive. In theoretical aspect the ideal framework of the study has covered the challenges and
prospects of ethnic federalism in accommodating diversity in Ethiopia. Geographically the study
area is limited to Ethiopia. Institutionally, the study is delimited under FDRE government and in
terms of time frame work; the study has attempted to cover the period since 1991 periods.

1.8. Limitation of the study

When we conduct this research the researchers have faced by the problem lack of finance
(budget), shortage of time, lack of experience and lack computer access, lack of accessibility of
different documented materials abundantly which are valuable for the accomplishment of this
study.

1.9. Organization of the paper

The research paper is organized in to four chapters. The first chapter deals with an introduction
part which includes background of the study, statement of the problem, objective of the study
(general and specific objective), research questions, methodology, significance of the study,
limitation of the study, scope of the study and method of the study. The second chapter is, cover
review of related literature which is concerned on the theoretical and conceptual frame work of
the study. The third chapter is focused on data analysis and it shows the challenges and prospects
of ethnic federalism in accommodating diversity in Ethiopia since 1991 time period. The last
chapter which is chapter four includes conclusion and recommendation in which the researchers
have concluded some ideas based on the finding of the study.
 CHAPTER TWO

CONCEPTUAL / THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND REVIEW

LITERATURE
2.1. Conceptual Frame Work
2.1.1. Definition of Key Concepts

2.1.1.1. Federalism
The term federalism comes from the Latin word foedos which means compact and the term
represented a political compact between groups which had come together in an association34. The

34
Thomas O.Huleglin Early Modern Concept For Late Modern World; on Community and Federalism Issues of
Waterloo Ontario, 1999:27
sixteenth century Germany Calvinist thinker Johannes Althusius is the most important
intellectual forbear of federalism theory35.

Federalism is a system in which center of power and decision making power are dispersed
among territorial units36. The essence of federalism is not found in a particular relationship
among the participants in a political life rather consequently, federalism is a phenomenon that
provides many options for relations that are created a wide variety political structure can be
developed that are consistent with federal principle37.Federalism organizes power under several
territorial levels, bringing democracy, balance and efficiency at each of them. Federalism is a
system of government in which the political power and sovereignty are democratically divided
between several territorial levels, each one having its fields of competence.

Federalism also refers to the philosophical perspective promoting the federal solution while
federation is an empirical phenomenon for a particular form of institutional arrangement38.In a
federation, the self-governing status of the component states, as well as the division of power
between them and the central government, are typically constitutionally entrenched and may not
be altered by a unilateral decision of either party, the states or the federal political body.

On the other hand, federal political system is a broad term which includes federation,
confederations, and unions associated state condominium, leagues and cross-border functional
authorities39.

American political scientist William Riker also defined federalism as a political organization in
which the activities of government are divided between regional and central government in such
a way that each kind of government has some activities in which it make final decision40.

Ronald Watt also said that federalism provides a technique of constitutional organization that
permits action by shared government for their distinctiveness with each level directly responsible
to its own electorate41.Therefore we can understands from all the above definition that
federalism is the division of governments power between the central and regional government
rather than holding power on the hands of only central or regional government it is
decentralization system. In federal system no superiority among those power division. The
concept of federalism, so it has not common accepted definition different scholar gave different
meaning in different times from all definition we have understand that federalism is power
division among the federal and regional government or among different branches of government
like legislative power, executive, and judiciary and we say federalism is a mode of political
35
Ibid
36
Daniel J. Elazar, Federalism and Its Conceptual Framework Oxford University 1987, pp.11-12
37
Ibid
38
Burgess Michel, Federalism and Federation are Appraisal in Comparative Federalism and Federation New York
Press, 1993 p.4
39
Daniel J. Elazar, Exploring Federalism University of Albama,1987, p.7
40
Riker.W. Federalism Hand book of Political Science Governmental Institution, 1975, p.93
41
Ibid
organization that unites independent states and also it is the idea of splitting political power
among the large group and smallest groups to maintain its own political integrity. Or it is the
system of government in which power is divided between a central authority and constituent
political units. To sum up we can define federalism as a system of government which has
created, by written agreement, a central and national government to which it has distributed
specified legislative (law-making) powers, called the federal government, and regional or local
governments (or sometimes called provinces or states) to which is distributed other, specified
legislative powers.
2.1.1.2. Ethnic federalism

Ethnic federalism is defined as a political system consisting of ethnic based territorial units over
lapping with political administrative units42.There are arguments both in favor of and against
ethnic based federalism those who opposes ethnic based federalism argue that when a given
federal system is ethnic based that federal structure has caused ethnic consciousness and
contradiction, because there is a minor group within a minority. According to them it leads
ethnic conflict it does not ensure diversity in Ethiopia most opposing political parties raise this
argument that ethnic based federalism is not important to our country while the proponents of
ethnic federalism claims that it is a visible mechanism in accommodating ethnic diversity in a
given state if ethnic regions overlap between the ethnic groups of a territory43. Concerning this
issue for example in Ethiopia the supporter of this argument, they have slogans like our
federalism is the indication of our unity most of the time they raise it t the time of nation
nationality holiday on November 29,they also stated that our difference is the expression of our
unity However, according to the view of opponents “in practice it is impossible to achieve
such overlap because in each ethnic based region there will be ethnic minorities those peoples
who do not belongs the regional dominant group”44. Advocates further suggest that there are
three mechanisms help to alleviate the problem of ethnic minorities in ethnic based regions, the
first is a territorial approach which means that strive to achieve a better overlap between ethnic
groups and territory in this approach the borders of the existing regional states can be moved or
new regional state can created for ethnic group that do not have their own region, the second
mechanism is based on despair of autonomy and territory, it deviates from the idea that
autonomy can only be granted to territorial entity

if it is not possible or expedient to change any borders or to create new territorial entities, by this
mechanism ethnic minorities could be granted to non-territorial or cultural autonomy but these
two mechanisms are not important for federal states like Ethiopia, because in Ethiopia there are
more than 80 ethnic groups which have not their own regions and living comingling with other
ethnic groups in one region. Therefore it is difficult to create regions for each ethnic group,
because it needs great resource to create region and it also led to land fragmentation. On the
other hand the third mechanism, if the federal constitution or as the case may be the regional
42
Tesfaye Habisso, Multi-Ethnic Federalism in Plural Societies Addis Ababa University Press, 2012, p.12
43
Ibid
44
Ibid
constitutions grant a number of fundamental rights that can be invoked by the member of ethnic
minorities against the regional government this rights include universal human right as well as
the specific minority rights such as right to participate in regional administration45. This
mechanism is valuable for states which adopt ethnic based federalism in their constitution like
Ethiopia, because the first and the second mechanisms are strained to apply and the third
mechanism is effective in economic and resource wise to apply. Ethnic based federalism has a
problem that it may disintegrate the country by creating minor groups within a minor, the current
situation of our country in Gondar especially the Qmant ethnic group is best example which is
the means to hostilities. Some analysts express their fear that the current ethnic based federal
structure of the country may disintegrate the country by creating a minority within a minority
and a tension between different ethnic groups.tp sum up we have supported that ethnic based
federalism is important for Ethiopia because of the following facts:-

1. It is important to reflect the different ethnic and social structures in Ethiopian society
without fixing identities in a static image. The recognition of these conditions
would entail the adoption of individual minority protection and a more flexible
interpretation of identity that does not solely rest on ethnic categories. That means,
whereas ethnic and cultural heritage should be protected and fostered, it is
probably not a useful basis for access to resources and political participation.
Instead, an emphasis of multi-ethnic parties could be promoted to reduce mistrust against
ethnically biased political parties.
2. Communities networks could prove to be a useful source in overcoming ethnic
conflict and simultaneously reducing abuse of power by the elites. On the base of
interethnic cooperation, a network of regional trust is established which could
avoid the increase of corruption. Illegal transfer of resources would be more often
interrupted if the communities are well connected and collaborating. Ethnic tensions
could be addressed with on a dialogic approach if the interethnic network is
stable, and therefore prevent violent conflict based on identity.
3. Finally, it would be useful to invest in the relation between government and citizens in
order to foster democracy. Trust might be generated if the government provides
transparency and consistency in its policies. The adoption and support of
traditional forms of democracy could prove to be helpful in integrating the state
into the already existing networks of trust.

2.1.1.3. Ethnicity and ethnic groups

There is no universal definition for ethnicity, so different scholars define ethnicity in different
ways, etymologically, ethnicity is derived from Greek word which is “ethnos” that means race,
clan or tribe46.

45
Ibid
46
Gorge and Scott, Definition of Ethnicity, 2012:p.31
Scholars define and describe the term in various ways such as a modern cultural construct, a
universal social phenomenon, a personal identity, a particular kind of informal political
organization or effective association47. To begin with who identify the symbolic and subjective
side of ethnicity; Hutchinson and Smith “as a named human population with common ancestry;
shared historical members one or more element of common culture; a link with a home land and
a sense of solidarity among at least some its members”48.

Ethnicity is often assumed to be biological and cultural similarity of a group’s hierarchy of

superiority, inferiority related to their biological constitution49. Some scholars like John and
Smith (1996) define ethnicity based on genealogical and cultural criteria as ethnic group is
named “human population with a myth of common ancestry, shared historical memories, one or
more elements of common culture, a link with a homeland and a sense of solidarity among at
least some of its members50. Currently the Ethiopian federalism is based on a type of ethnicity
which is based upon biological makeup (blood relationship) or hereditary.

Besides, Fukui and Mar kakis define ethnicity based on the complex patterns of fusion and
fusion among groups51. Ethnic identity is to be understood as essentially political situation and
ethnic group is as not, groups because of ethnicity but because of its members engage in
common action and share common interest52. For Thomas Erikson ethnicity is the classification
of people and group relationship that has a political organization aspect as well as symbolic ones
hence, ethnicity for Erikson is simply relationship between groups53.

For us ethnicity is quality or affiliation resulting from racial or cultural ties and it connotes
shared cultural traits and shared group history. Some ethnic groups also share linguistic or
religious traits, while others share a common group history but not a common language.
Ethnicity is intrinsically about collective identity and belongingness to a specific ethno‐cultural
or ethno‐linguistic group often expressed in relation to a powerful or dominant collectivity in a
multi‐ethnic society. In this manner, it is a set of relationships that sustains primordial links,
cultural content and a sense of security against real or imagined treats. Although it often involves
the dichotomy of ‘us’ and ‘them’, this far ethnicity in itself or ethnic diversity per se is not
harmful; it is only when combined with greed and wild political ambitions that it causes conflict
and violence. In considering the totality of those complex features of ethnicity then, it is fair to
argue, on the one hand, that as a basis of identity and quest for rights, ethnicity could be
“libratory” when it stands for equality, but on the other hand, being self‐seeking and prone to
manipulation by politically self‐centered ethnic entrepreneurs, it could be “parochial” and
47
Ibid
48
Ibid
49
Gorge W. Ethnicity and Ethnic Based Federalism Hand Book, 1985:p.8
50
Ibid
51
Fukui and Markakis, Ethnicity in Contemporary World University of Alabama, 1994:p.6
52
David Turton, A Problem of Domination at a Periphery Essay in History and Social Anthropology Cambridge
University Press, 1986:p.17
53
Thomas Erikson, Ethnicity and Nationalism London Plot Press, 1993:p.13
unruly. Politicized ethnicity, which could easily evolve to ethnic‐nationalism, is, therefore, a
risky enterprise in a society where resources are scarce and power has been contentious ever
since. In the absence of institutional mechanisms to regulate or resolve interest‐group differences
and where traditional mechanisms are receiving staggering blows from all directions, the carving
out of a federal structure based on ethnic identity may invite risks of protracted instability that
could end up in violent conflicts, as we shall see below in the circumstances created by the ethnic
federalism of Ethiopia.

2.1.1.4. Ethnic group

The concept of ethnic group refers to a community or group of people who share the same
culture or to descendents of such people who may not share culture but, who identify with
ancestral group54. The dimension of ethnic group include: presence at least some community
institution or organization that the fact of having descendants and ancestors as focus of cultural
transmission and identity formation with the fact that there is “a script” for cultural behavior in
the form of customs, rituals and preconceptions which provides the content to culture and its
transmission and its manifested in overt behavior patterns55. For the purpose of ethnicity there
shall be some sort of similarities culture, language and ritual ceremonies between or among the
group who live in a limited territorial area. The dimension of ethnic groups refers to what
Frederick Barth’s work known as ethnic boundaries, this is social, psychological boundaries and
it refers to the fact of group inclusion and exclusion56. The psychological makeup and social
structure is important for ethnicity and ethnic group who share the same culture, social structure,
way of life and language.

In many ways the dynamics of inter ethnic relation depend on the relation between these two
boundaries, those the internal boundaries are the area of self identity and they articulate with the
feelings of sympathy and loyalty towards a member of the same ethnic groups where as the
external boundaries are the perimeter of exclusion of membership it is the demarcation of the
space of the outsiders57.The internal and external boundaries are the most important factors
which demarcate ethnic minorities within a given ethnic group. Due to these boundaries persons
will be identified by others as belonging to one or another ethnic group even if they do not
actively share anymore or the same cultural patterns with that ethnic group58.generally ethnic
group means a group of society which have common blood ties, race, language, region, religion,
and custom, and they live in the same and particular area.

54
Isaji.W, Definition and Dimension of Ethnicity a Theoretical Framework, 1974:p.122
55
Ibid
56
Ibid
57
Ibid
58
Ibid pp.123-124
 2.2. Theoretical framework
2.2.1. Competing theories of ethnicity
Theories of ethnicity emerged out of specific anthropological theories59. Those theories are:-

2.2.1.1. Primordial’s view of ethnicity

Primordial theory of ethnicity basically claims that ethnicity is fixed at birth60. Ethnic
identification is based on deep primordial attachments to a group or culture, this perspective was
popular until the mid 1970s61.primordial’s is an objectivist theory or essentialist theory which
argues that ultimately there are some real and tangible foundations for ethnic identification62.

According to primordial’s perspective there are two crucial factors those are: - (a) one is
ethnicity ascribed at birth and the other is (b) ethnicity is more or less fixed and permanent63.
Primordial’s theory views human society as a conglomeration of distinct social groups which
means at birth a person become a member of a particular group, ethnic identification is based on
deep primordial attachment to that group by kinship and descent since once ethnicity is thus
fixed and unchangeable part of once identity64. The root of primordial’s thinking can be traced
back to German romantic philosopher especially J.Herder, he argued for the atavistic power of
the blood and soil that bond one closely with once people65. According to them ethnicity is
accrued through nature, any one cannot create it, even the government itself could not form any
ethnicity. No major scholars today holds to classical primordial’s, contemporary primordial’s can
be subdivided in to two sub groups those are biological primordial’s the other is socio-biological
primordial’s66. The conclusion of the primordialists taking their cue from the importance of
primordial ties based on language, religion, race, ethnicity and territory, [is the] claim
that nations and ethnic communities are the natural units of history and integral elements
of the human experience. Even more important, primordial ties’ have always divided the
human species, as naturally as have sex or geography, and will always do so.

2.2.1.2. Instrumentalist view of ethnicity

Instrumentalists highly grasp ethnicity as a social construct that emphasizing the sharing of
cultural, linguistic characteristics and kinship roots for the purpose of group
mobilization67.Instrumentalists treat ethnicity as a socially constructed focal point for
mobilization and they argue that ethnicity is constructed by particular elite or group driver by

59
Philip Q.Yang, Theory of Ethnicity Issue and Approaches State University of New York Press, 2000:pp.39-50
60
Sokolosk Vaugha, Competing Theories of Federalism, 1992:p.13
61
Ibid
62
Ibid
63
Mark Krutezer, 2004, Theories of Ethnic Federalism in Contemporary Africa, 1992:p.13
64
Ibid
65
Ibid
66
Anthony Smith, Cited in Olle Frodin Anthony D.Smith Revised in Light of Relational Turn, Spring:2003, p.13
67
Messay Kebede, Directing Ethnicity Towards modernity Social Theory and Practice Volume 27 number 7 April
2001:p.268
competition for political power, economic benefits, social status or other objectives and
motives68. It is a social, political and cultural construct for specific and different interests and
status groups69. According to Paul Brass (1991) ethnicity or ethnic identity involves a claim to
status and recognition either as a superior group at least equal to other groups70. Therefore, it
seeks the articulation and acquisition of social, economic and political right for the member of
the group or for the group as a whole71.

Thus ethnic communities are created and transformed by particular elites in modernizing and in
post industrial societies under go in dramatic social through competition between competing
elites for political power, economic benefit and social status within and among ethnic category72.

Particularly competition and conflict between inter ethnicity is considered as the major cause for
ethnic self consciousness and ethnic based demand73. Basically, for instrumentalists ethnicity is
essentially a political phenomenon, in the sense that it is the association of cultural differences
with political cleavages74. It is the identification of political domination and operation with
identity manifestations in order to mobilize and organize political resistance and action75. Ethnic
consciousness usually has a political connotation as it easily provides the bases for joint political
action in case of treat or opportunity76. Accordingly, instrumentalists hold that rather than
common descent, shared political experience and communalities of political memories are
crucial in foreign ethnic consciousness and belief in common ethnicity77. According to Barth,
ethnicity is a form of social organization that emphasis cultural difference between groups whose
symbolic and social boundaries have been established due to specific ecological, economic,
historical or political situations78. Moreover, Barth argues that ethnic identities function as
categories of inclusion or exclusion and interaction about both are must agree if their behavior is
to be meaningful79. Similar to the instrumentalist approach, rational choice theorists like Hector
(1940) assumed that individuals adopt means to their ends in such as away to approach the most
efficient manner of achieving them, therefore, ethnic group will engage in collective action only
when the estimate that by doing so they will receive net individual benefit80. Generally
instrumentalists hold that ethnicity is the result of agreement of certain group of society rather
than it gain by nature that human beings create it sine it is permanent every day. The debate
between ‘primordialists’ and ‘instrumentalists’ then, is at the heart of the conceptual
68
Ibid
69
Ibid
70
Brass Paul, Ethnicity and Nationalism London and New Delgistge, 1991:p.18
71
Ibid
72
Ibid
73
Cohen Abner, Custom and Politics in Urban Africa Berkeley University of California Press, 1969:p.7
74
Ibid
75
Ibid
76
Ibid
77
Barth Frederick, Ethnic Group and Boundaries California University Press, 1969:p.130
78
ibid
79
Ibid
80
Hechter G. Theory of Race and Relations Cambridge University Press 1986:p.768
problem with ethnicity, touching on the direction of the causal vector between ethnicity
and action. Centrally, for primordialists, the primordial attachments inherent in ethnicity
cause and explain action, for instrumentalists, actions have other (often material) causes,
and ethnicity can be either a by-product, or resource in the achievement of these other
events and factors, but does not cause them.

2.2.1.3. Constructivist view of ethnicity

The basic notion of this approach is that ethnicity is something that is being negotiated and
constructed in everyday life81. Post modern theories are concerned more with nation and
nationalism than with ethnicity82. With the rise of post modern paradigm, attention shifted to the
issue of group boundaries and identity that scholars operating in this paradigm felt that term like
“group”, category and “boundary” cannot be a fixed identity83. This has resulted in much
confusion as various interested groups are now exploiting the elastic nature of the term ethnicity
this means there are no hard and fast rules or standards by which to judge84. Ethnic group is
instead, ethnicity has become so central to social discourse and social competition that its silence
and effectiveness have become attractive to all sorts of collectivities85.the constructivist view
stated that the centrality of social construction in ethnic formation and retention they have tends
to ignore the ancestral basis of ethnicity and they have focus on social construction.

CHAPTER THREE
3.Data Analysis and Interpretation

81
Wsevolod Isajiw, Definition and Dimension of Ethnicity a Theoretical Frame Work New York Press, 1996:p.141
82
Ibid
83
Eller N. Theories of Modern Ethnicity Cambridge University Press, 1982:p.50
84
Ibid
85
Ibid
This chapter mainly deals with the very themes of research objectives, analyze and interpretation
of the research topic at hand. Accordingly, presents and discusses the evolution of ethnic
federalism in Ethiopian context, comparative perspectives on the Ethiopian ethnic federalism, its
challenges, opportunities, and prospects of ethnic federalism.

3.1. Evolution of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia

Immediately after holding its power the EPRDF government, spear headed multiethnic coalition
which convened a national conference in July 1991 and quickly established the transitional
government of Ethiopia under a transitional charter, at that time there are 27 political groups
participated in the charter conference86.

According to the preamble of transitional charter, self determination of all the peoples shall be
one of the governing principles of political, economic and social life. Hence forth, it underlined
the need to end all hostilities, hell (ethnic) wounds and create peace and stability87.

The transitional charter affirmed the right of groups to self determination up to cessation88. It
provided for the establishment of local and regional government on the bases of nationality89. It
also stipulated that head of state, the prime minister, the vice chair person and secretary of the
council of representatives shall be from different nations and nationalities90. The charter
conference established on 87 members Council of Representatives (COR), comprising
representative of national liberation movement and other political organization and prominent
individuals91. EPRDF had the largest voting bloc with 32 seats, followed by Oromo Liberation
Front (OLF), with 12 seats92. In April 1993, EPRDF which has ethnic constituents in Tigray,
Amhara, Oromo and Sothern Regional states for expressing sympathy with opposition groups
meeting in Paris93. By that time the constitution was crafted in 1995 EPRDF,s ethnic federal
design as well as its political legitimacy, was already under challenge in some critical quarters, it
later adopted the draft and presented it for public discussion then the constituent assembly
ratified the federal constitution in December 1994, which comes in to force in August 199594.
The constitution of the FDRE starts with the words: “with the nation, nationality and people of
Ethiopia” this phrase indicates that all the ethnic groups as collective rather than individual
citizen are in principle the authors of the constitution. Thus, Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism is
federalism based on ethnic communities, as the constituent units and foundation of the federal
state comprising a preamble and eleven chapters, the constitution covered separation of state and

86
Aaron Wildavsky, Evaluation of Ethnic Federalism, 2002 ,p.75
87
Transitional Period Charter 1991 article 1
88
Ibid article 2
89
Ibid article 13
90
Ibid article 96
91
Ibid article 7
92
Alem Habtu Ethiopian Ethnic Federalism Background, Challenges and Future Prospects , 2003,p.32
93
Smith Anthony, National identity Conference 1993
94
Ibid
religion, transparency and accountability of the government, human and democratic rights, states
of the federal and regional state and division of powers95.

3.2. Comparative perspectives on Ethiopian ethnic federalism

Since its introduction, ethnic federalism and its impact on the country have become a point of
discussion and a source of highly debate. There are two arguments both in favor and against
ethnic federalism in general and ethnic federalism in particular. The proponents of ethnic
federalism point out that it is exactly an ambition to find an answer for the growing ethnic
contradiction that has stimulated the introduction of federal structure. According to them ethnic
federalism is important to avoid ethnic hostilities, because each ethnic groups have their own
rights like the right to self determination up to cessation, equal opportunities in sharing of
resource from the federal government, federalism decreases the demand for succession in
Ethiopia by increasing self government or the right to self determination.

The EPRDF officials argue that ethnic federalism was the only way of democratically
restructuring the country, enhancing the political participation of the Ethiopian population and
giving ethno-regional rights to the previously oppressed people or nationalities. In addition they
said that the inclusion of the right to self determination up to cessation clause in the constitution
is important for controlling the powers of the central government by the regional states. Because
the central government is duty bound to respect the equality of each regional state and no region
is oppressed by the other regional state and the central government due to fear of cessation of the
dominated group. As we understand from chapter II of the FDRE constitution, which enunciates
the fundamental principles of the constitution and identifies the seat of sovereignty. Article 8(1-
3) reads: “all sovereign power resides in the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia; this
constitution is an expression of their sovereignty; they exercise in accordance with this
constitution their sovereignty through their elected representatives and through direct democratic
participation. In these articles, the constitution affirms a commitment to the ultimate sovereignty
of “the nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia”. From this we can infer that the state is a
union formed through the free consent of each of the nations, nationalities and peoples. If
government abuses their right to self-government through their elected representatives or through
their direct democratic participation, they are entitled to reassert their powers of sovereignty by
changing or abolishing the government.

But according to some opponents like Der Beken in his book titled unity in diversity federalism
is a mechanism to accommodate ethnic diversity in the case of Ethiopia; he raised two criticisms
against ethnic federalism. Those are:

1. Ethnic federalism structure does not result in the creation of stability in the state, but it
leads to growing tensions, instability and ultimately it leads to the disintegration of the
states.

95
Ibid
 2. Ethnic federalism can be a perfect mechanism in accommodation of ethnic diversity in
the country if all ethnic regions are inhabited by specific ethnic group in other words
there is a perfect overlap between ethnic group and territory, however in practice it is
impossible to achieve such on overlap that in ethnic based regions there will be ethnic
minorities peoples would not belong to the regional dominant group. This can be
minorities that have their own region or minorities that constitute minority everywhere. It
also difficult especially for Ethiopia because it needs huge resources to create regions for
every minority groups as Ethiopia is a developing country.

The other opponents of ethnic federalism also argue that federal structure has leads to ethnic
consciousness and contradictions, ethnic-based federalism of Ethiopia is the “detribalization” of
the country, increases ethnic conflicts rather than defusing or minimizing ethnic strives. They
fear that the end result of this process could be the disappearance of Ethiopia from the political
map of the world. However, we are in favoring the proponent of ethnic based federalism is
important for Ethiopia specifically article 39 of the constitution an essential provision which
stipulates the right to self determination up to cessation and its trend is to protect minority right.
Article 39(1) of the constitution declares: every nation, nationality and people in Ethiopia has
unconditional right to self-determination, including cessation. This provision appears to put
cessation as a natural extension of the right to self-determination and grants ‘unconditional’ right
to self-determination including cessation. Yet, a close looks at of the provision and the whole
constitution reveals that the term unconditional applies to the right to self-determination, not to
cessation. Article 39(4) explicitly puts a set of conditions that should be met before a group
secedes. So the question of unconditional cessation must end there. EPRDF has historically
confused the right to self-determination with the right to secede, and that confusion is reflected in
article 39 of the constitution. Article 39(4) of the constitution speaks of self-determination and
cessation in a manner that gives the impression that the conditions enshrined were required to
exercise both rights. Yet, none of those conditions are actually required to exercise the right to
self-determination. Indeed, nations, nationalities, and peoples, whatever they are already
enjoying the right to self-determination. But no nation, nationality, or people in Ethiopia has ever
gone through the procedures specified under article 39(4) (a-e). Thus, article 39(4) (a-e) clearly
separates cessation from self-determination by placing conditions on the former but not on the
latter. This is instrumental in understanding the whole provision.Federalism is nothing new in
Ethiopia, because before the rule of Atse Haile Sillassie, most of the country was ruled by local
kings, sultans, and chiefs etc. they paid taxes and came up with troops in time of war. It was
since 1941 that changed greatly. Derg took that to the extreme. As an individual do not think
federalism is a bad idea. But we oppose ethnic federalism to the end, as it is nothing but a recipe
for the dismemberment of the nation. Antagonizing one group against another, it also destroys
provincial identities that took hundreds of years to form. There has never been an Amhara
Zone/province/region whatever you want to call it, ever, just as there was no Tigre Zone. It’s
always by region Tigray, Gonder, Wag, Wello, Lasta, Gojam etc. the whole federal structure has
to be changed. The ethnic names have to be dropped. Those with overwhelming majority of one
ethnic areas, say like Ogaden, can be called Ogadenia, or Afar can be called Awussa. Other than
that, the other provinces should be reestablished. We can see that ethnic federalism is an obstacle
to equitable growth and development. This is because it restricts the movement of labor, capital
and knowledge. A practical example would be a person from the capital Addis Ababa who wants
to start up business in Oromia is expected to speak Oromiffa, otherwise the regional government
may not allow them to run their business in the region even though Amharic is the working
language of the country. Therefore from this we can see clearly that, it has adverse effects on the
country’s economy as a whole since citizens are unable to share their knowledge or invest their
capital without any restriction. Likewise if a person wants to have a government position in a
region that he/she does not speak the local language, then they are barred from holding that
position. This means that citizens are not evaluated based on their merits but on their ethnic
identities which is not only wrong and detrimental but embarrassingly backward as well. In
addition to this, ethnic federalism creates inconvenience for citizens regarding some
administrative or legal issues. For instance, a person living in Debre Birhan has to travel all the
way to Bahir Dar (more than eight hours) to attend a hearing at the Supreme Court because
regional Supreme Courts sit at the capitals of the respective regions.

We can compare the Ethiopian ethnic based federalism with India .India became a federal state
as a result of de-colonization, while Ethiopia was turned into a federation after the fall of the
military-Marxist government of the Derg in 1991.The two federal states struggle with some
degree of instability, both in terms of localized ethnic conflict and secessionist movements. They
are facing “sons of the soil” movements questioning the fundamental rights of members of
competing ethnic groups and continued claims of further subdivision and separate statehood for
new ethnic groups. Separatist movements are operating in Kashmir and the Punjab in India, and
partly also in Oromiya in Ethiopia. But the Indian federation is still cited as a successful federal
system, and an example of how federalism has contained claims from ethnic groups to
secede.Ethiopia is probably the only federation in the world which has asserted the universal
right of all ethnic groups within its borders the right to govern them. In the Ethiopian
Constitution of 1995, ethnic groups have the right to self-determination, including the right to
secession. However, the Ethiopian system is marked by an overzealous central government, and
local ethnic conflicts are rife, particularly in ethnically mixed areas.In the academic analyses of
the Indian federation, three reasons are given for the Indian success. Firstly, in Indian politics
there is generally no incompatibility between claiming an ethno-regional and national identity.
Thus, it has been possible to maintain an overarching identity in addition to the ethnic one.
Secondly, India’s huge diversity, the many crosscutting cleavages within and between subunits
and ethnic groups, like religion, language, caste and tribe, are preventing the cultural and social
divisions to cumulatively reinforce each other, allowing for flexibility and shifting alliances both
between individuals and groups. Regular elections and the spread of democratic ideas has led to
increased political activism among the wider population, including marginalized groups but has
also enhanced the legitimacy of the central government and made it possible to justify a strong
centre, securing the unity and efficiency of the federation. The Ethiopian federation represents in
many ways the opposite of the Indian experience. The fundamental principle of the Ethiopian
political system since 1991 is loyalty to a separate identity, the ethnic one, as superior to an
overall national identity. Ethnically based organizations and parties are consistently favored.
Ethiopia’s major societal cleavages are partly crosscutting and partly overlapping. But the ethnic
divisions seem to absorb most of the controversies along other conflict lines. This means that
conflicts between subgroups within the federation are channeled into ethnic lines, thereby
“ethicizing” social and economic cleavages. The ruling party is using its access to the state’s
resources to enhance its position and undermine the opposition, and its centralized party
apparatus is intervening in regional affairs, undermining the federal division of power. Needless
to say, this creates conflicts, ethnic or other, and the state has no credibility as a neutral broker.
The Ethiopian federation seems therefore to lack what India has the political space for national in
addition to ethnic identities, crosscutting cleavages, a functioning democracy, and a legitimately
strong central state, all reducing the Ethiopian federation’s chances of creating a sustainable
accommodation of ethnic diversity96.

When we see the Ethiopian federal system with Switzerland, Switzerland is a small country of 7
million inhabitants surrounded by Germany, France, Italy, Austria and the small principality of
Liechtenstein. Although the first historical development of small local state units seeking
independence from foreign kingdoms goes back to the 12th century, modern Switzerland has been
constituted out of 25 sovereign (6 half cantons) cantons with the first Federal Constitution of
184897.The new Federal Constitution did not radically change the political system. But in
particular with regard to federalism it provides quite important new provisions, which might be
the beginning of a new federal policy of Switzerland. The Constitution has been drafted after
several failures to modify radically the old Constitution. Thus, the spirit of the founders of the
new Constitution was just to modernize the old Constitution without major changes in the
system. Actually, Switzerland faces three important challenges: Globalization and European
Integration, Privatization and growing public debts on all levels and finally migration. All those
challenges will have important effects on their federalism. Swiss federalism has developed out of
several different, independent and very diverse communities, which have been structured as rural
corporations, small democracies, aristocratic or economic oligarchies. These small corporations
did loosen their ties and finally secede from their big neighborhood empires, kingdoms or
nations98. On the contrary, they were able to form their own governmental system and to
constitute a state composed of different sovereign Cantons, that is, of politically very diverse
political units, of different language communities and different religions. The main purpose of
the Alliance which later developed into a federal state was to rule the political affairs of the
Cantons and of the Alliance independently and according to their own values of democracy.
Each of the cantonal democratic communities could thus live and develop according to its own
culture, history, language and religion. It followed the legal culture of its neighbors and
established its own perception of the State, Law, Democracy, and even state-church relationship.
They kept their own perception of a cantonal nation-hood and state legitimacy. In consequence,
they maintained their own cantonal and even municipal citizenship. Thus, until today every
Swiss has kept its three-fold citizenship: municipal, cantonal and federal.99 The Cantons and the
Swiss Federation have thus adapted in a very diverse manner to the constitutionalism of the
modernity and they maintained at the same time their way of cooperation in a rural environment
and culture. From this we can understand that the Swish federalism is most probably the same
96
Adeney, K. (2000). Regionalism, identity and reconciliation: federalism in India and Pakistan.
Paper presented at the Political Studies Association-UK 50th Annual Conference London
10-13 April 2000.
97
Professor Dr.Thomas Fleiner, Federalism: Basic Structure and Value of Switzerland, University of
Fribourg, Switzerland 2008, pp.1-5

98
Ibid
99
Article 37 paragraph 1 of the Swish constitution of 1999
with the Ethiopian federalism. Because, in both modes of federal structure; there is regional
autonomy, cultural, linguistic and religious diversity and equality. There are more than four
different languages spoken in Swish and the country is divided in to 26 autonomous cantons
(regions), there are also different cultures, religions and modes of worship. To cooperate and
tolerate this diversity the Swish formulates federal structure and the same is true for the Ethiopia.

3.3. Opportunities and prospects of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia

The FDRE constitution vests sovereign power for nations, nationalities and peoples of the
country that all nations, nationalities and peoples have their own representative in the House of
Federation (HOF) which is vested the ultimate power to interpret the constitution100. The House
of Federation as representative of the countries diverse ethnic groups will act in the best interest
of the nation nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia this in the final analysis leads to improve inter
ethnic relations and better conflict management prospects. The federal government intervenes in
the internal affairs of state under a variety of circumstances to give effective protection and
violation of human rights, upon request by regional state council or the highest executive organ
to the prime minister through the ministry of federal affairs, the federal government intervenes
where grave and deterring security conditions in regional states occur, the federal police or
national defense forces intervenes to assist regional law enforcement organs to mention law and
order through the use of appropriate measures proportionate to the circumstances101. The House
of Peoples Representative (HPR) can also extend effective protection against human right
violation by virtue of article 8 of proclamation number 359/2003102.

3.3.1. Ethnic federalism as a tool to manage diversity

The self rule nation of federalism could be entered linked with ethnic autonomy or the right or
groups to maintain and develop their peculiar identities103. The institutionalization of federalism
in Ethiopia also inters ethnic groups of the quotation of national self determination for the
diverse ethnic group of the country104.
Theoretical discussions on federalism as an instrument of managing ethnic linguistic diversity
exhibit to broad contending views, many scholars increasingly advocate the use of federalism as
an option for multi ethnic state which has been plagued by inter communal conflicts and
tensions105.
Post 1991 Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism is characterized by cultural pluralism, including language
pluralism. Amharic is the working language of the federal government as stipulated under article
5(2) of the constitution. In addition to Amharic, state television and Radio media broadcasts in
Oromiffa and Tigrigna and in other languages. But each regional state has the right to use its own
working language. In addition to this, Addis Ababa and Diredaw, Amhara, Benishangul Gumuz,
Gambela and Southern Nation, Nationalities and Peoples Regional state have used Amharic as
100
Hashim Tewfik, Prospects of Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia, 2010,p.226
101
Ibid
102
Federal Negarit Gazatta Proclamation Number 359/2003
103
Crawford, Ethnic Based Federalism and Diversity Oxford University Press,p.2
104
Ibid
105
Wats Ronald, Federal System and Accommodation of Distinction Group, 1998,p.56
their working language, moreover each regional state can use its own language of instruction in
primary schools with each regional state, municipalities, zones and districts can use their own
language of instruction106.
At the same time the move towards cultural pluralism has inevitable increased ethnically inspired
hostilities between previously dominant and dominated ethnic group as all are forced to adjust to
new terms of inter ethnic relationship107.

3.3.2. Ethnic federalism as a mode of conflict management

Federalism helps to manage inter group conflict that might otherwise escalate in to violence and
lead to proliferation of state without much visibility, it is important as a rule in managing
political conflicts by enabling local and regional authorities to wide deal of autonomous
power108. Some of the advantage of federalism in managing a multi ethnic society could be
examined from several analyses. For instance the creation of democratic self government for
minority ethnic group through a federal arrangement is exacted to increase their sense of security
and positive identification with the multi ethnic state and their by reduci Contrary to what some
overly simplistic analyses of the implications of diversity in Ethiopia and other countries suggest,
diversity is a necessary but not sufficient condition for conflict. In other words, the very fact that
a country has different ethnic, communal, religious, and racial groups does not make conflicts
and violence inevitable. And for that matter, empirical evidence shows that division and conflict
are not dependent on the degree of diversity, as some of the most diverse countries (for example,
Switzerland, Belgium, Malaysia and Tanzania) enjoy relative peace and stability, while some of
the least diverse are the most unstable or violent (for example, Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi and,
Sri Lanka). As shown by James Fearon and David Laitin, “a greater degree of ethnic or religious
diversity… by itself” is not “a major and direct cause” of violent civil conflict. Rather, they link
violent civil conflict with “conditions that favor insurgency,” including “poverty, which marks
financially and bureaucratically weak states109.

Contrary to what some overly simplistic analyses of the implications of diversity in Ethiopia and
other countries suggest, diversity is a necessary but not sufficient condition for conflict. In other
words, the very fact that a country has different ethnic, communal, religious, and racial groups
does not make conflicts and violence inevitable. And for that matter, empirical evidence shows
that division and conflict are not dependent on the degree of diversity, as some of the most
diverse countries (for example, Switzerland, Belgium, Malaysia and Tanzania) enjoy relative
peace and stability, while some of the least diverse are the most unstable or violent (for example,
Somalia, Rwanda, Burundi and, Sri Lanka). As shown by James Fearon and David Laitin, “a
greater degree of ethnic or religious diversity… by itself” is not “a major and direct cause” of
106
Noblu, Ethiopian Ethnic Federalism, 2003, p.15
107
Ibid
108
O.Leary, The Paradox of Federalism Does Self-Rule Accommodate or Exacerbate Ethnic Divisions?, 2010, pp.80-
92
109
Fear on, James D. and David A. Latin.) Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War American Political Science Review,
2003,pp 75-90,
violent civil conflict. Rather, they link violent civil conflict with “conditions that favor
insurgency,” including “poverty, which marks financially and bureaucratically weak states110.

Despite the horrific experience of inter ethnic conflict and disintegration in the former USSR and
ugsiliva federations. Federalism is still popular for recon culling unity and diversity under a
single political system. The academic debate and experiment of this system of administration is
ongoing. in the usa,siworthland,Canada,and Australia, in those countries federalism and political
decentralization contribute to regional stability by sharing power with the lower level of
government to decided on their on affaris.in contrast to this some scholars argues that ethnic
federalism is leads to ethnic conflect,as it facilities secession and eventually leads to
disintegration of countries .it could be over emphasize centrifugal forces at the expanse of
centripetal one as shown practically in countries like soviet union(1991),Yugoslavia(1991)and
Czechoslovakia(1993) where federalism failed to prevent countries from disintegration111.

Federalism could be used to reduce ethnic tensions and conflicts by proliferation the points of
power so as to take the heat off a single focal point encouraging inter ethnic electoral
cooperation, promoting alignments based on the interest of ethnicity, it reduce economic and
political disparities between groups112. From this we can understand that ethnicity does not cause
conflict in itself, it is a normal concept if we allow developing it independently, will develop
simultaneously with many cultures, languages and religions.

3.3.3 Regional Autonomy

The FDRE constitution of 1995 established a federal republic comprising 9 regional states
created on the bases of predominant ethnic group, except the southern regional state formed by
more than 46 ethnic groups and except two federal territories which are Addis Ababa and Dire
Dawa, it affirmed the unrestricted corporate right of all ethnic groups which gives the right to
self determination up to cessation113.

It is noteworthy that the multi ethnic federal territories of Dire Dawa and Addis Ababa have no
representation in the House of Federation. The constitution provides considerable executive,
legislative and judicial authority for regional states. All powers not expressly given to the federal
government are reserved for the state114. The constitution provides little guidance to management
of federal regional relation dealing with inter-state border dispute115. Article 48 stipulates
settlement by bilateral agreement among the disputant states. If the parties fail to reach an
agreement the House of Federation will decide on the bases of settlement patterns the general
need for mutual reciprocal respect between federal and regional government116.
110
Fear on, James D. and David A. Latin.) Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War American Political Science Review,
2003,pp. 75-90,
111
Ibid
112
Morton Horwitz, Purpose of Federalism Albania University Press, 1985,pp.59-60
113
FDRE Constitution Proclamation Number 1, 1995 article 39 (1)
114
Ibid article 52(1)
115
Ibid article 48(1)
116
Ibid article 62(2)
 3.4. Challenges of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia
As pointed out earlier, ethnic federalism in Ethiopia context faces a number of challenges to
threat fragmentation and implementation of uniform human right standard by accommodate
ethnic diversity throughout the country. The FDRE constitution with its explicit provisions on
the right to self determination both cessation and fragmentations are not far from reality. So
having this threat of fragmentation one may start to wonder how far the system can be operative
to sustain federalism. Furthermore, if cessation and fragmentation are threat born our ethnic
federalism due to the right to cessation clause, then how far if it a solution to the problem of
multi ethnicity it is a source of problem than of solution another challenges the Ethiopian model
of ethnic federalism posses related to issue of setting a uniform human right standard at country
wide level117. This would be the case when human right norms are placed as the top of the
hierarchy of norms in the domestic legal framework, this issue becomes further complicated
when one recalls that the FDRE constitution gives recognition to customary and religious norms
and values existing in various ethnic states. By so doing, it comprises standard known to be
applicable in the overall country118. However as we have follow from the debates of different
political parties on the issues of ethnic based federalism in the 2007 election campaign, the
opposing political party leaders raised that the federal system in Ethiopia, based on ethnicity, has
been a failure119. They have argued that federalism has kept the poor in poverty, denied
Ethiopian’s liberty, rights and good governance and has planted mistrust between ethnic groups.
And these circumstances stop the different ethnic groups from organizing themselves and pose
any challenge to the ruling party. They have said that the past 23 years federalism in Ethiopia has
proved nothing but to be a failure. The following nine points are put forward in support of their
arguments. Those are:-

1. The direct effect of Ethiopia’s federalism is its consequence of replacing the sense of
Ethiopianism with that of ethnicity. In today’s Ethiopia, people show more allegiance to
their ethnic background than their citizenship unlike any other time in Ethiopia’s history.
Hence ethnicity has squeezed out Ethiopianism since the down of federalism in Ethiopia.
2. Federalism in Ethiopia focuses too much on group rights and neglects individual liberty.
Rights such as respect for ethnic groups, culture, language and gender equality are given
due consideration while individuals are harassed, intimidated, detained, imprisoned,
exiled and killed.
3. Federalism in Ethiopia deliberately ignores democratic rights and good governance. In
the constitution it is clearly stipulated that people have the right to assemble, the right to
speak their minds (freedom of speech), as well as freely express their views in writings.
Unfortunately, these are nothing more than symbolic in nature for no one has truly
enjoyed them. Ethiopians who are brave enough to exercise their freedom of speech and

117
L. F. M. Besselink, Federalism and the Role of the State, Toronto: Toronto University Press, pp. 120-128
118
Ibid
119
The Debate Between Opposing Political Party Leaders and The Ruling Party of EPRDF in The 2007 E.C Election
Campaign as Transmitted by The Former ETV and The present EBC
 writing are either locked up exiled or have totally vanished from the face of the earth. In
addition, rampant corruption and the abuse of power are constant reminders of the lack
of good governance.
4. Ethiopia’s federal structure hampers the movement of labor and capital between regions.
This is mainly due to the language barrier and sense of insecurity. Over eighty languages
are spoken in the country where regions use their own languages for education and
administration. In addition business transactions are conducted accordingly, hence for
instance an investor from Amahara region is reluctant to go and invest in Oromiya or
Tigray for he/she does not feel secure to engage in any sort of business venture.
5. It is a federal system that impoverishes the majority and enriches the very few political
and entrepreneurial elites. Most Ethiopians are still trapped by poverty and languishing
in it. For them each day is a battle for survival and the ruling party wants to carry on for
it will keep Ethiopians preoccupied with survival issues. Hence the issue of survival is
what tops the agenda for most Ethiopians. At the same time, those who are in tune with
the ruling party’s rhetoric are getting richer and richer each day.
6. Ethiopia’s federalism has brought growth without development. The term double-digit
economic growth is music to most ears in Ethiopia. Regardless of how controversial this
claim may be, there is little or no change in the lives of most Ethiopians. This can be
attested by visiting different parts of the capital Addis Ababa and other regions.
7. Ethnic federation was impost on Ethiopia and they are required to embrace it. Different
parties (transitional government as it was known back then) and their elites gathered and
chose the path of ethnic federalism. The significance of geographical proximity, people’s
economic and psychological ties and relations were overlooked in the process.
8. Ethiopia’s federal structure is organized around the interest of the EPRDF whose main
political actors are the Tigrayan elites. The most important concerns of the EPRDF are
the issues of power and wealth. So the principle is staying on power for as long as
possible and accumulating as much wealth as possible. These have been possible because
Ethiopia’s federalism is Machvelian in nature with the aim to divide and rule by planting
mistrust between the different ethnic groups. Ethnic federalism has brought mistrust and
a wide social, economic and political cleavage between Ethiopians.
9. Perhaps the most devastating consequence of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism is its divisive
effect. The EPRDF,s policy of ethnic federalism has the appearance of autonomy to
Ethiopia’s ethnic groups, while at the same time eroding the political power and future
viability of the EPRDF,s ethnic based political rivals. As an example, the Oromo
language, once banned in public life, is now the required language in Oromia schools.
While this has promoted the use of Oromo language, it has also limited Oromo student’s
ability to obtain higher education in Ethiopia’s universities, where fluency in Amharic or
English is required.
 3.4.1. Border conflicts
Inter regional state conflicts have also emerged following the introduction of ethnic based
federalism120.Through Ethiopia’s diverse ethnic groups were accustomed to peacefully
enjoying,
Their common natural resource in neighboring area was they have lead together for many
centuries. However, lower level ethnic conflicts over land marks were created those
conflicts had been resolved through traditional conflict resolution mechanism illustration
of conflicts includes conflict between Guji and Sidama in the borders of Oromia and
Southern Nation Nationalities and peoples regional state, between Oromia and Somalia
regional states in area of Shinle which a border between Oromia and Somalia and
between Metekel zone and Awi zone in Amhara regional state can be cited as a few
instances of border conflicts121. All these offensive and counter offensives resulted in a
huge loss and displacement of thousand peoples from their regional state. The above idea
considering that the major source of border conflict in Ethiopia is absence of well defined
border or demarcation between two regional states involved in the conflict.

3.4.2. Creating minorities within minority

Tension in relation of regional minorities and settler minority relation between settler
communities and indigenous peoples could pose difficulties because of competition over natural
resource; difference in socio-cultural system of day orders the relation of the settler and the
indigenous majority122. In Ethiopian history there is a long experience where people are
migrating from largely northern parts of the country to the southern parts of the country due to
environmental degradation, shortage of farming land and search of opportunity for business and
other economic activities, this pattern of relationship between regional majority and settler
communities experience change as a result of the overall change in the political structure of the
country and its underlying ideologies. This also created difficulty for the formation of the federal
system along ethno linguistic lines on the bases of principle self determination and the increased
self assertiveness of ethnic groups particularly in the year of the tension between the regional
majority and settler communities123.Even if the federal constitution clearly stipulates the right to
Ethiopian citizen to live and work everywhere in the country124 some problems in the relation
between regional community and settler communities have been observed. Because as we have
observed practically the regional majorities they think as they have dominant over their regions
and there are instances in which the settlers group of societies ignored by regional majorities.

The problem of defining regional states boundaries and inter ethnic tension and conflicts are
another crucial problem that the new federal arrangement face is the difficulty of defining the

120
Assefa Fisha, Federalism and The Accommodation of Diversity in Ethiopia Comparative Study, 2007,p.49
121
Ibid
122
Ibid
123
Asnake Kefale, Ethiopia Ethnic Federalism a Comparative Study,2004,p.16
124
FDRE Constitution Proclamation Number 1 /1995 Article 32 (1)
boundary of regional states, this problem could be explained by the incompatibility of cultural,
ethnic and politico administrative boundaries. Several incidents of inter ethnic tension in the post
1991 period emerged over territorial issue125.

3.4.3. Ethnic conflict

The Ethiopian ethnic conflict is mostly resource based conflict. The adoption of a multi nation
federal system seems to have contributed to the realignment of a number of conflicts126. Sarah
Vaughn and Kjetil Tronvoll go on to write that “nevertheless apparently similar patterns have
emerged between agriculturalists and pastoralists as in, for instance between Sidama and Guji, in
the southern Oromia between Ari and lowland pastoralists and Oromo and Amhara peasants.
According to John Markakis a long time scholar on Ethiopia suggest that causes of ethnic
conflict are mostly competition for resource and power although in what look like a lapse. Ethnic
conflict in Ethiopia to among other things, contending nationalisms that have emerged and
involved over time in Ethiopia in which that the incomplete transition to democracy as a result of
political instability that is rooted in ethnicity127. Likewise, as we have observed that poor political
culture and poor federal culture continue to serve as the hotbed for ethno national connotations in
Ethiopia.

3.4.4. Discrepancy between theory and practice

The discrepancy between the theoretical aims manifested in the constitution and the political
practice by the EPRDF is one crucial problem which raised unexpected backlashes that gave rise
to new conflicts. In contradiction to the principle of regional power devolution and ethnic-self
determination stated in the constitution; the central government has increasingly exerted control
over the provinces and has treated ethnic groups discriminatively. For instance the Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF) has been excluded from federal elections and considered as terrorist
because of its secessionist ambitions. In addition, the ethnic federal system has apparently
reinforced and distributed human rights violations, for example by imprisoning opponents of the
government, religious leaders, journalists and internet bloggers128. Therefore these developments
limit the legitimacy of the central government and the willingness of several ethnic groups to
identify with a united Ethiopia.

3.4.5. Low institutional efficacy

Another factor that endangers the success of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia is the challenge of
strengthening the state while devolving power to the regional level. The Ethiopian government is

125
Asnake Kefale, Ethiopian Ethnic Federalism a Comparative Study, 2004,p.17
126
Sarah Vaughn and Kjetil Tronovoll, Federalism and Its Discontents Africa Report, 2009,p.52
127
Merara Gudina, Dominance of The Center to The Peripheries, 2003,p.4
128
Tronvoll, Kietil, Human Rights Violations in Federal Ethiopia: International Journal on Minority and Group
Rights,2008,pp.49-52
thus faced with a double challenge because it aims at democratizing a previously authoritarian
state while promising simultaneously to accommodate a variety of ethnic groups129.

3.4.6. Top-Down Politics

The extensive control by the federal government may have been necessary for state security;
however, it is eroding the trust in the government and alienating local people from politics.
Initially, Ethiopia’s federation was intended to hold the different ethnic groups together.
However, presently the central government has the power to decide which ethnic group has the
right to a proper administration130. In addition most state revenues are used by the central
government to pay administration, so that regions dispose only over small amounts of revenues.
Therefore a federation cannot be genuine if it a result of coercion from above. The post 1991
regime basically decentralized the problems by defining the sources of conflict to be on the local
and not national level. Thus, decentralization is not enough to avoid ethnic conflict. It becomes
clear that the question of how access to state resources regulated is much more important than
the question that has access to state resources.

3.4.7. Absence of an overarching identity and trust

The EPRDF succeeded to promote ethnic and cultural expression, but it has failed to
simultaneously foster a voluntary pan-Ethiopian identity. It has neglected the claim for unity
made by many Ethiopians131. For example, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), a
party that promotes Ethiopian unity, was banned by ex-prime minister Meles Zenawi in the
competition with the EPRDF during the 2005 election132. In the subsequent protests, more than
hundred protesters were killed and more than thousand detained.

3.4.8. Power Rivalries

Power rivalry accounts for many of the conflicts that took place in SNNPRS, Gambela, and
Benisahngul Gumuz regional states. A cause in points is the rivalry for presidency and other
decisive public offices in the SNNPRS between the Wolayita and Sidama ethnic groups133. There
has also been power rivalry between the Anywaa and Nuer ethnic groups in the Gambela
regional state. When the EPRDF force control the region following the down fall of the military
Junta of Derg, the Gambela People Liberation Movement (GPLM), which was dominated by
Anywaa ethnic group, instanced a disproportionate with their population size as was shown by
the 2003 population and house census. Similar rivalries for power has been took place between
the Gumuz and Berta ethnic groups in Benishangul gumuz regional state. The 2003 census
showed that Berta’s are the most populous ethnic group in the region followed by the Gumuz and
129
Aalen Lovise, Ethnic Federalism and Self-Determination for Nationalities in a Semi-Authoritarian State: The Case
of Ethiopia, “International Journal on Minority and Group Rights”, 2006,p.243
130
Marijke Frank, Effects of Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia Holding Together or Splitting Apart University of Toronto,
2009, pp.7-13
131
Abbink J. Ethnicity and Conflict Generation in Ethiopia, Some Problems and Prospects of Ethno-Regional
Federalism, Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 2006,p.293
132
Aalen Lovise, Ethnic Federalism and Self-Determination for Nationalities in a Semi-Authoritarian State: The Case
of Ethiopia “International Journal on Minority and Group Rights” 2006,p.252
133
Assefa Fisiha, Theory Versus Practice in The Implementation of Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism, 2007, p.50
other non indigenous ethnic groups. Hence the Berta’s claimed the presidential and other
regional administration posts of the regional government. Moreover, they complained that they
were disfavored state distribution of resource as well as in the development and expansion
infrastructure in the state134. As a result, the Berta political party boycotted the state government
of the Sosa Zone of the state was out of the state administration for nine months in the year 2000.
Berta’s come back to the state administration after the ministry of federal affairs organized a
peace conference in 2002. Nevertheless, the Berta’s are still dissatisfied with the power
distribution in state administration.

3.5. Prospects of Ethiopian ethnic federalism

Ethiopian ethnic federalism has created conditions conducive to ethnic and regional autonomy in
language and culture and in administrative, fiscal, judicial and police decentralization. Regime
supporters point to the fact that most ethnic groups appear willing to live within the framework
of the federal system as an important achievement of ethnic federalism. Through its
pronouncement of ethnic and regional autonomy, ethnic federalism has managed to maintain the
integrity of the Ethiopian state. The complex and fluid situation now has elements of both
intensification and amelioration of ethnic conflict. In any event, the success of the Ethiopian
experiment is far from assured. If it succeeds, it may encourage others to move in the direction of
ethnic federalism and if it fails (example, civil war or actual state disintegration), it may serve as
a warning of what form of state to avoid.

Ethnic federalism institutionalized ethnic groups as fundamental constituents of the state. It

established them as social categories sharply distinct from the overarching category of
citizenship135. Many citizens are worried that it might lead to the demise of the state altogether.
Thus far, there is no evidence that new ethnic nationalisms have emerged in Ethiopia as a
consequence of ethnic federalism, as they did in the former USSR and Yugoslavia136. The federal
constitutions of the USSR and Yugoslavia for secession, and both collapsed eventually, the
collapse attributed, quite rightly, far more to communism than to the secession provision. But the
ruling party EPRDF is not communist and the federal structure which is based on ethnicity may
not fail for the future like that of the USSR and Yugoslavia for the future. The FDRE
constitution provides for political pluralism. Indeed, 63 political parties all of them ethnic and
regional except the six were officially registered with the National Electoral Board by August
1996137.

EPRDF has been undergoing an organizational-cum-ideological crisis since 2001. In a series of

party meetings in June 2001, OPDO and SEPDF as well as the five allied regional parties,

134
Asnake Kefale, Federalism and Ethnic Conflict in Ethiopia a Comparative Regional Study, 2003, pp.51-72
135
Alem Habtu, Ethnic Federalism In Ethiopia: Background, Present Conditions and Future Prospects, Queens
College, 2003, pp.22-27
136
Ibid
137
Ibid
complained publicly of TPLF/EPRDF “tutelage”138. Its crisis was manifested in its employment
of Leninist organizational practices while adopting pluralist principles. Therefore from this we
understand that Ethiopian ethnic federalism may face great challenge in sustaining the ethnic
federal project for the future unless it undergoes ideological and organizational changes.
Inasmuch as EPRDF is a coalition, it is different from the Communist party of the USSR or
Yugoslavia. The viability and stability of the infant political system is dependent on its flexibility
and adaptability. Contingent events will shape the outcome of the ethnic federal experiment. For
the future democratization would be extremely difficult to realize, despite the principles of
political pluralism enshrined in the constitution.

As indicated earlier, ideological orientation and political necessity recommended ethnic

federalism as a framework for resolving issues of ethnic diversity and the right to self-
determination. If this federal experiment fails, no one knows what the future holds. Whether a
nation-wide consensus on some other form of federalism could be forged is unknown. A return
to some form of unitary state would be improbable, as many ethnic groups and regions, notably
Oromia, Afar, and Somali, are likely to object strenuously to such an outcome. As the saying
goes, “the genie is out of the bottle.” Alternatively, the military may once again seize power. But
if the military itself fractures along ethnic lines, we could witness a Yugoslavia-like scenario. All
that can be concluded provisionally is that the viability and durability of ethnic federalism is
indeterminate. Contingent events (such as whether or not there is equitable power sharing among
ethnic groups, equitable revenue-sharing between federal and regional states, further
democratization, and rapid economic and educational development) will shape the outcome of
the politically fragile ethnic federal experiment. The success of the experiment is contingent on
the ruling party’s willingness and capacity to disengage itself from democratic centralism, extend
and deepen the democratization process, reduce poverty, ensure a sustained economic growth
rate, and expand educational coverage.

It could be possible to utter that federalism opens new political arenas by facilitating different
political parties to organize themselves along ethnic lines which after all creates competition
effect among ethnic-groups to be politically represented in the Federal government of the
country. However, it is sound to conclude that these competitions sometimes may lead to
disintegration rather than integration sentiments. As transmitted through EBC on December
4/2015 the Sudanese government officials have commented Ethiopia’s constitution and the
federal system saying it has guaranteed sustainable peace, economic development and rule of
law. The Sudanese officials told reporters they shared lots of experiences from Ethiopia’s federal
government and the significant benefits the country garnered out of it while the system was in
infant stage139. The Sudanese delegates said the Ethiopian federal system was the foundation for
stability and socio-economic development achieved following the constitutional-based
introduction of the system. And other members of the delegation said they had observed

138
Kidane Mengiteab, New Approaches to State Building in Africa: The Case of Ethiopia’s Ethnic Ethnic-based
Federalism African Studies Review 1997,p.197
139
Ethiopian Reporter News Paper The English version 2015, p.4
Ethiopia’s federal system playing a significant role in reconciling different interests within the
nation apart from securing peace and stability.
Ethiopia pride itself saying that federal system is exemplary to its neighbors considering the
peace and harmony, the extraordinary economic development and democracy the system has
rewarded the Horn of African nation. Officials at Ethiopia’s HOF say the previous unitary
systems had been sources of divergence and were major setbacks that dragged the nation from
advancing in all developmental endeavors. Under the current government, Ethiopia has managed
to register a double digit economic growth for over a decade in a row making the East African
country Africa’s non-oil producing leading economy. While appearing on the state-run Ethiopian
television, the Sudanese participants further said the system had executed appropriate power
sharing and any difference between nations could easily be resolved through dialogue as far as
the system is properly applied. The delegates who said they had learnt a lot from the Ethiopian
federalism further called on other African countries particularly neighboring countries to acquire
Ethiopia’s experience on federalism in order to achieve sustainable peace and development.
Hence from this we conclude that the Ethiopian ethnic based federalism is a role model for other
African countries especially East African countries and it is one manifestation of its future
prospects.
 CHAPTER FOUR

4. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION

4.1. Conclusion
In 1991 Ethiopia established ethnic federalism system that gives full recognition to ethnic
autonomy, while maintaining the unity of the state. Its new constitution created a federal system
largely consisting of ethnic-based territorial units. The federal system is significant in that its
constitution provides for secession of any ethnic unit. In principle relating federalism to multi-
ethnicity and evaluating its success as a balance between unity and diversity involves a number
of factors. Particularly, how the boundaries of member states are drawn up and how powers are
distributed horizontally as well as vertically. More over the institutional set up should be
examined if it represents a structure of diversity or at least minority accommodation providing
institutional and political power which democratically command loyalty to the common sate.
However, daring decision has already been made in 1995 in Ethiopia adopting this approach as a
solution to the longstanding ethnic problems of the country. Albeit with difficulty, the choice
was made, and ethnicity was favored as the underling factor in the process of the state formation.

The institutionalization of ethnic federalism led to the making of intra-federal boundaries

with the premise of matching ethnic and politico-administrative boundaries. However, this
process was accompanied by violent conflicts. In some cases, the process of making boundaries
between the new regions transformed resource conflicts between neighboring ethnic groups
into nation-state type boundary conflicts. In other cases, boundary making resulted in new
border wars between communities that had no history of protracted territorial conflicts.

The new model of government nevertheless, appeared to be peculiar from the outset not only
because it follows an ethno-linguistic line for state formation but also in a sense that it allows the
right of self-determination including secession. The inclusion, particularly the latter has made the
Ethiopian model of federalism prone to critiques. The study attempted to evaluate the success of
the Ethiopian model of federalism in light of the inherent problems it poses along with some of
the existing opportunities. Particular emphasis was given to power sharing arrangement with
some of the existing opportunities. Particular emphasis was given to power sharing arrangement
with a view to see how wholehearted is the federal arrangement, inclusion of secession clause
how far is a threat to unity of the country, and uniform human rights implementation how far will
it serve as a binding force of the federation.

A close examination of a power sharing arrangement and the explicitly recognition of the right to
self determination including secession to nations, nationalities and people depicts that there is an
apparent paradox in the federal arrangement. On the one hand, the nation, nationalities and
people have been granted the right to exit from the federation without any constituent units is
more independent compared to other federal arrangements. On the other hand, the powers of
member states are relatively meager and regional government remain dependent on the federal
level to be able to carry out their duties.

4.2. Recommendations
Based on the conclusion and findings of the study, the researchers forward the following
recommendations. In line to some opponents argue that the federal structure has caused of ethnic
consciousness and contradiction. And ethnic federalism further that it invites ethnic conflict in
search for mobilizing the group for certain resources. Thus, the researchers recommend that
ethnic federalism a viable mechanism in accommodating of ethnic diversity means that as we
know that Ethiopia have above eighty (80) ethnicity so to be equalize the nationalities without
any discrimination. Ethiopian government legally provides special treatment and affirmative
action for that state which are unable economically and politically to administrate themselves
fully. And to correct regional disparities and bring about even and balanced development among
regions for this cause regional states are not rise for secession question. The Ethiopian
government shall give more emphasize for the more ethnic conflicting region and it shall give
solution if conflict is arise between regions and different ethnic groups. As clearly depicted in
the discussion above, ethnic federalism in Ethiopia enables to recognize the diversity of distinct
ethnic groups specially by granting them an opportunity to speak by their own languages.
However, it also led to ethnic conflicts by which different ethnic groups mistrust each other and,
as a result, endangered the sense of nationalism. Thus, it is highly recommended that the
recognition of diversity should not go at the expense of national ideal. A mixed federal system
that guarantees ethnic groups self-government with high inducements for integration and inter-
ethnic collaboration is the right way to move federalism forward in Ethiopia.

Exploit the structures inherent in federalism. This can be done by instituting true bi-cameralism
through making the upper house a legislative upper house with a veto power over legislations
this can happen only if its composition is restructured, either through equal representation of
each state as it is the case in mature democracies or through equal numerical representation of
each people group as it is intended to be done (on the face of it in Ethiopia). A clearer separation
of power must complement this bicameralism. Delegation of the task of constitutional
interpretation to the courts or special constitutional court might also be considered.
Intensification of democracy requires the increase in civil society’s substantive pluralism of
parties and a secure legal ground protection freedom of association. Furthermore, it is imperative
that parties be organized in a manner that can access cross-ethnic constituencies. On the other
hand some of the criticisms advanced by commentators on the

Ethiopian model appear to be excessive as they stem from what seems exaggerated expectation
from the process. Knowing the situation the country has underwent for 17 years, knowing the
change undertaken with a totally new institutional set up, new political personnel etc. it will be
utopian-looking optimism to expect bloom and blossom out of the new model of federalism. One
should also note that federalism is hardly a perfect institution. As any imperfect institution, it
evolves, and dealing with the problems that unfold is worth the experiment as the solutions given
promote the politics of love, tolerance and association than hatred, intolerance and dissociation.

Ethnicity is the major or sometimes the only organizing criteria for ethnic federalism in Ethiopia.
As Brown (2007) apparently said that ‘a federal system that calls its constituent parts by ethnic
names is asking for trouble’. Therefore, the federal system in Ethiopia should be based on
several criteria such as socio-economic factors, geography, population mix, etc. Nigeria, having
almost a similar ethnic composition as Ethiopia, follows federalism but with a mix of criteria to
form its states has been largely benefited from it.

The boundary make-up of ethnic federal states generates inter and/or intra-ethnic conflicts in
Ethiopia. Its special focus on the twin ethnic and politico-administrative boundary settings
created new fierce conflicts and converted the previous power and resource rivalries into
boundary conflicts. Hence, evading the need to link ethno-linguistic and politico-administration
has a paramount importance.

Article 39 of the current constitution which grants the right to session creates controversy among
politicians, scholars and peoples by and large. Though the government defends the dilemma of
the right to session by proclaiming that session is a safety valve by which any members of the
federation will decide freely either to remain or withdrew from the association, nevertheless, the
logic of secessionism presumes the collapse of the federal structure. Secession in simple manner
is the consolidation of local authority over the boundaries of the ethnic group by excluding the
federal government. In consequence, it led to the disintegration of the federal state. Furthermore,
it is a potential source of ethnic conflict as it has been seen between Ethiopia and Eritrea. It
seems, then, essential to getting rid of the secession provision from the constitution.

Among the positive records of ethnic federal arrangements, ethnic minority groups, even
numerically small ones, are recognized. However, their political representation at local and
federal levels is in question due to the domination of the majority groups. Another category of
minorities, in its disgusting form, are peoples who settled out of their regions. Due to the impact
of federalism, they are in most cases considered as secondary citizens. They may also expel from
their property especially from their land, and may not also have a legitimate political
representation. So, unless the new arrangements which entertain these kinds of setbacks are not
engineered, ethnic conflicts between settlers and indigenous peoples will continue. It may also
after sometime become a wider national agenda.
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