Managing Spatial Temporal and Cultural B

TELEWORKING: INTERNATIONAL
PERSPECTIVES
Teleworking: International Perspectives is an up-to-date, groundbreaking and

comprehensive assessment of teleworking. Inspired by a conference at Brunel
University, which was sponsored by BT and the European Commission, the
book features contributions from a range of international and interdisciplinary
perspectives. As well as an original analysis of the theoretical context of the
post-industrial and postmodern world, the book also contains detailed empirical
studies examining teleworking in a number of different countries. Contributors
explore many of the main issues in teleworking, drawing on insights from
business, economics, sociology and information systems. These include:
conceptualising teleworking; the management of spatial, temporal and cultural
boundaries; the possibility of the virtual organisation; integrating teleworking
into an organisational perspective.
Teleworking: International Perspectives is a valuable introduction to teleworking
and an important contribution to the debate on the future of work.
Paul J. Jackson is a lecturer in Management Studies at Brunel University, UK.

Jos M. van der Wielen is a researcher and consultant for O&i Management
Partners and former lecturer at Tilburg University, The Netherlands.
THE MANAGEMENT OF TECHNOLOGY
AND INNOVATION
Series editors: David Preece, University of Portsmouth and John
Bessant, University of Brighton/SPRU
The books in this series offer grounding in central elements of the management
of technology and innovation. Each title explains, develops and critically explores
issues and concepts in a particular aspect of the management of technology/
innovation combining a review of the current state of knowledge with the
presentation and discussion of primary material not previously published.
Forthcoming titles:
THE MANAGEMENT OF TECHNOLOGY AND INNOVATION

Edited by David Preece and John Bessant
CREATIVE TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE

Ian McLoughlin
TECHNOLOGY IN CONTEXT
Technology assessment for managers
Ernest Braun
TELEWORKING:
INTERNATIONAL
PERSPECTIVES
From telecommuting to the virtual organisation
Edited by Paul J. Jackson and

Jos M. van der Wielen
London and New York

First published 1998
by Routledge
11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE
This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2002.
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001
© 1998 Selection and editorial matter by Paul J. Jackson and Jos M. van
der Wielen; individual chapters to their authors
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced

or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and
recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without
permission in writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data
Teleworking: international perspectives: from telecommuting to the
virtual organisation/edited by Paul J. Jackson & Jos M. van der Wielen.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical reference and index.
1. Telecommuting. 2. Virtual organisation and management. I. Jackson
Paul J. II. Wielen, Jos van der.
HD2336.3.N48 1998
331.25—dc21
97–28677
CIP
ISBN 0-415-17354-X (hbk)
ISBN 0-415-17127-X (pbk)
ISBN 0-203-05308-7 Master e-book ISBN
ISBN 0-203-21650-4 (Glassbook Format)
CONTENTS
List of figures viii

List of tables ix
List of contributors x
Foreword xvii
Preface and acknowledgements xix
1 Introduction: actors, approaches and agendas: from

telecommuting to the virtual organisation 1
PAUL J. JACKSON AND JOS M. VAN DER WIELEN
PART 1
Making sense of teleworking concepts and contexts 19
2 From teleworking to networking: definitions and trends 21

LARS QVORTRUP
3 Work, space and time on the threshold of a new century 40

CONSTANCE PERIN
4 Conceptualising telework: modern or postmodern? 56

PAUL MCGRATH AND MAEVE HOULIHAN
5 Rethinking the virtual organisation 74

MARTIN HARRIS
v
CONTE NTS
PART 2
Understanding and managing boundaries in telework 93
6 Telework: managing spatial, temporal and cultural

boundaries 95
MARTIN KOMPAST AND INA WAGNER
7 No longer a struggle? Teleworkers’ reconstruction of

the work–non-work boundary 118
KIRAN MIRCHANDANI
8 The experience of teleworking: a view from the home 136

LESLIE HADDON
9 Teleworking and quality of life 144

ANDRÉ BÜSSING
PART 3
Integrative frameworks for teleworking 167
10 Organisational assessment in the distributed work

environment: using measures of intellectual capital in
the planning process 169
ALISTAIR CAMPBELL AND CHARLES GRANTHAM
11 Teleworking service management: issues for an

integrated framework 185
SCOTT A. JOHNSON
12 Planning for telework 207

LOIS M. GOLDMAN AND BENJAMIN A. GOLDMAN
13 Flexible work and travel behaviour: a research framework 215

ANN M. BREWER AND DAVID A. HENSHER
14 Telework and crisis management in Japan 233

KOJI SATO AND WENDY A. SPINKS
vi
CONTE NTS
15 Integrating the teleworking perspective into

organisational analysis and learning 245
PAUL J. JACKSON
PART 4
Actors, networks and experiences: international
cases of telework 259
16 Telework as social innovation: how remote employees

work together 261
DIMA DIMITROVA AND JANET W. SALAFF
17 Evolution of the telecommuting withdrawal model: a

US perspective 281
STEVEN FIREMAN
18 A social innovation in its infancy: experiences with

telework centres 292
GEORG AICHHOLZER
19 Organisational fitting and diffusion of new culture:

internal telework at telecoms 303
PATRIZIO DI NICOLA AND RUGGERO PARROTTO
20 The mis-match between suppliers and users in telework 319

LENNART STURESSON
21 Telework – the critical management dimension 329

REIMA SUOMI, ARI LUUKINEN, JUHANI PEKKOLA AND
MARYA ZAMINDAR
Conclusion: new networks and agendas 337

PAUL J. JACKSON AND JOS M. VAN DER WIELEN
Index 341
vii
FIGURES
2.1 Life form categories 32

2.2 Life form interactional relations 33
2.3 Life forms and work organisation 34
4.1 What is telework? 58
4.2 Organisational dimensions of modernity and postmodernity 64
4.3 Additional organisational dimensions of modernity and
postmodernity 67
5.1 New organisational paradigms 80
9.1 Organisational forms of teleworking 145
9.2 A model of links between telecommuting and quality of life 147
10.1 Virtual workplace arrangements 170
10.2 Skandia’s model of intellectual capital 172
10.3 SoftCo OAS results 180
10.4 SoftCo intellectual capital 181
13.1 Schematic overview of the major potential causal linkages 228
13.2 Hypotheses of direct effects among endogenous variables 229
14.1 Types of damage caused by the Great Hanshin Earthquake 241
17.1 The Telecommuting Withdrawal Model 282
viii
TABLES
2.1 Surveys of teleworkers in the UK 29

2.2 Sub-categories of telework 31
10.1 Definition of business factors 178
10.2 Elements of the OAS 179
10.3 Comparative OAS analysis 180
13.1 Australian labour force participation and work schedules 216
13.2 Urban travel activity in Australia, 1971–91 218
13.3 Company policy on alternative work arrangements 221
13.4 Current work arrangements for commuters 221
13.5 Reasons for not working a compressed workweek or
telecommuting 222
14.1 Business use of communications technologies 235
14.2 Individual use of communications technologies for business 238
14.3 Change in commute methods 238
14.4 Change in commute hours 239
14.5 Number of commuters in the metropolitan regions 239
15.1 Ends, benefits and costs of spatial reorganisation 253
18.1 Variants of centre-based teleworking in the context of other
telework categories 295
19.1 Teleworking cases A–H 304
ix
CONTRIBUTORS
Georg Aichholzer is Senior Researcher at the Institute for Technology Assessment

(ITA) of the Austrian Academy of Sciences and Lecturer at the Vienna
University of Economics and Business Administration. His current fields of
research are in the sociology of telework, evaluation of information technology
projects and technology foresight. He has co-edited, among others, a book on
technology policy.
Ann M. Brewer is an Associate Professor of Transport Management, Institute
of Transport Studies, The University of Sydney. She is the author of four
books as well as numerous research publications. Her current research
investigates work organisation, distributed work practices and their impact on
travel behaviour.
André Büssing, Ph.D., is Professor of Psychology and Chair of Psychology at the
Technical University of München. He is currently directing projects on teleworking,
new information and communication technologies in hospitals, occupational stress
and burnout. He is on the editorial board of several journals, including Work and
Stress. He has authored and edited eight books, including Teleworking: Analysis,
Evaluation and Design, and has written numerous articles in journals.
Alistair Campbell is a Lecturer in the Department of Computing and Information
Systems at the University of Paisley, Scotland. He has presented at UK national
and international conferences and published papers in the areas of electronic
commerce, virtual organisations and business transformation. Current research
interests are in network and web forms of enterprise, and organisational learning.
Dima Dimitrova is in the final stages of her Ph.D. on telework at the
University of Toronto. She is a Research Associate at the Centre for Urban
and Community studies at the University and has worked for the
Telepresence project and the Telecommuting project. She has co-authored
several articles on telework, such as ‘Computer Networks as Social
Networks: Collaborative Work, Telework and Virtual Community’ in the
Annual Review of Sociology, 1996. Her current interests lie in the areas of new
x
CONTRIBUTORS
forms of work and the implications of information technologies for the

workplace and organisations.
Patrizio Di Nicola is an Italian sociologist and co-ordinator of the European
Telework Development Initiative. He is President of the Work and Technology
Association, a virtual research centre based in Rome, where he is undertaking
research into teleworking and virtual organisations. He is the author of books
and articles on telework, the Internet and post-industrial society.
Steven Fireman is a doctoral student in the Department of Management and
Organisation at the University of Washington. Following careers in information
technology and the law, his research interests centre around the impacts of
technology in the workplace, decision-making, motivation and negotiations.
He is an author of ‘An unfolding model of voluntary employee turnover’, a
lead article in the Academy of Management Journal.
Benjamin A. Goldman, Ph.D., is a consultant and author on various
development and environmental issues. He has co-founded and directed several
non-governmental organisations in the US, and is a former Lecturer at Tufts
University. He has published numerous books and articles, and has been
appointed to a variety of government advisory boards.
Lois M. Goldman, M.C.P, is a transportation planner who has worked for
several governmental organisations in New York and Boston. Her 1996 masters
thesis for Boston University is entitled ‘A Planner’s Guide to Telecommuting
and Economic Development’.
Charles Grantham, Ph.D., is President of the Institute for the Study of Distributed
Work in Walnut Creek, CA. He is also a founder of eWork Systems LLC, and
has authored The Digital Workplace (Van Nostrand-Reinhold 1993). His current
research projects include investigations into intellectual capital management,
formation of electronic communities and distance learning.
Leslie Haddon is a Visiting Fellow at the Graduate Research Centre in Culture
and Communication at the University of Sussex. He has worked on a range
of projects examining the social shaping and consumption of various
information and communication technologies and is co-author of The Shape of
Things to Consume: Bringing Information Technology into the Home.
Martin Harris, Ph.D., lectures at the Department of Management Studies, Brunel
University, England. He is joint editor of Innovation, Organisational Change and Technology
(1997) (London: International Thompson Business Press). He has advised a number
of public bodies on the social and economic aspects of information technology.
Current interests include an investigation of internal markets at the BBC and a
forthcoming book on the political and cultural consequences of the new ICTs.
David A. Hensher is Director of the Institute of Transport Studies, The Australian
Key Centre in Transport Management, The University of Sydney. He is an
xi
CONTRIBUTORS
economist with skills in microeconomics, econometrics and business policy.

He is on the editorial boards of all the major international transport journals,
and has been a visiting lecturer at the most distinguished universities throughout
the world. He is the author of five books and a significant list of research
publications. He is regularly engaged as a consultant on the crucial transport
issues and projects in Australia, and has also held senior advisory positions in
Australian transport.
Maeve Houlihan is a doctoral student at the University of Lancaster’s Department
of Behaviour in Organisations. She has lectured and researched at University
College Dublin and her current research focuses on organisational behaviour
in the context of new information and communication technologies.
Paul J. Jackson lectures in Management Studies at Brunel University, England.
He holds a doctorate in Management Studies from Cambridge University.
He has been a European Research Fellow at the Work and Organization
Research Centre, Tilburg University, The Netherlands. He has undertaken
international speaking and consultancy assignments on new technology and
flexible working, innovation and organisational learning. He is also a co-
founder of the International Workshops on Telework series and the
International Telework Foundation. He is currently researching and
publishing in the area of innovation in virtual organisations and small
businesses and the Internet.
Scott A. Johnson worked for AT&T for nine years in management positions,
including in a virtual office environment. He is currently completing a
doctorate in Organizational Behavior and Human Resources Management
at Arizona State University, where he is also part of a faculty team responsible
for teaching business students. His research interests focus on the management
of service employees and he has most recently been published in the Journal
of Market-Focused Management (‘Psychological Contracts and Fairness: The
Effect of Violations on Customer Service Behavior’, with D. Blancero and
C. Lakshman, 1996).
Martin Kompast is a teacher of physics and mathematics. Since 1993 he has

been an Associate of the Institut für Gestaltungs- und Wirkungsforschung,
Technische Universität Wien, participating in research on the use of computers
in design (architecture, theatre, film) and on telework arrangements in the
computer industry. He has been actively involved in a series of school reform
projects and developed innovative approaches to teaching physics.
Ari Luukinen is one of the pioneers in the field of Telework in Finland. He has
worked as a researcher and in project management since the late 1980s.
Originally an economist, he has worked both in universities and business in
close connection to government. Recently he has been active in research and
development projects funded by the Finnish state and the EU. Among other
xii
CONTRIBUTORS
things, he has been involved in theme groups on telework as well as the Finnish
Labour Relations Association.
Paul McGrath is Lecturer in organisational behaviour at the Graduate School
of Business, University College Dublin. His current research interests include
management practices within knowledge-intensive firms and social issues within
virtual organisational arrangements. He has published a number of articles
and book chapters on the topics of organisational decline and change
management.
Kiran Mirchandani is working on the Social Science and Humanities Research

Council of Canada (SSHRC) Postdoctoral Fellowship at the Department of
Management, St Mary’s University, Canada. She holds a Ph.D. in sociology
from McGill University, Canada, and has published articles on gender, work
and organisations. She is currently conducting a project on the social and
economic implications of work-at-home arrangements in Atlantic Canada.
Ruggero Parrotto works for Telecom Italia, where he is Industrial Relations
Research Projects Manager. He is a member of AISRI (Italian Association of
Industrial Relations Studies) and he is the author of books and articles on
information society, human resources management and telework.
Juhani Pekkola is Senior Researcher, Licentiate of Social Science at the Ministry
of Labour, Helsinki. Since 1983 he has worked for the Ministry of Social
Affairs and Health and for the Ministry of Labour, related to research and
development activities in the area of labour relations and telework. During
1996 he was Project Co-ordinator for The National Workplace Development
Programme and since 1997 has been Project Secretary for The Team for the
Information Society.
Constance Perin is a cultural anthropologist specialising in the study of

organisations and work systems. She is the author of three books and several
articles analysing American culture and professionals’ work and careers. She
has held Guggenheim, Fulbright, and Ford Foundation fellowships and visiting
appointments at universities in the US and Europe. She is currently a Ph.D.
visiting scholar in the Program in Science, Technology, and Society at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Lars Qvortrup is Professor in the Department of Communication, Aalborg

University. His research areas include: the theory of the artificial; IT and
regional development; the aesthetics of multimedia and telework. He is the
author of fifteen books in Danish and English, including Mellem kedsomhed og
dannelse (‘Between Boredom and “Bildung”’) and approximately 100 papers in
journals and books, including The Social Construction of Humancentredness (1996).
He is a member of the editorial board of the journal Cybernetics and Human
Knowing.
xiii
CONTRIBUTORS
Janet W. Salaff is a Professor of Sociology and Principal Investigator of the

Telecommuting Project, as well as serving on the Executive Committee of the
Knowledge Media Design Institute (KMDI) of the Computer Sciences
Department, University of Toronto. She has co-authored many books, such
as Working Daughter of Hong Kong: Filial Piety or Power in the Family? She has
written numerous articles on various aspects of telework which include telework
and the family, specifically young children and the elderly, control and
coordination in telework and the organisational implications of telework. She
is currently interested in virtual organisations.
Koji Sato is Associate Professor in the Faculty of Economics, Kanagawa University
at Yokohama and also a Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Public
Policy, George Mason University in Virginia. His research interests focus on
regional industrial policy, communications policy and telework. He is a member
of the International Flexwork Forum and has served on several telework related
government committees in Japan. He is a co-author of several books, including
most recently Regionale Modernisierungspolitik published by Leske and Budrich,
Germany.
Wendy A. Spinks is Assistant Professor in International Studies at Josai
International University. She is a founding member of the International
Flexwork Forum and has served on several telework-related government
committees in Japan. Her major research interest is corporate applications of
telework and her most recent publication is a 30-part series on telework in the
Nihon Keizai Shimbun, Japan’s major economic daily.
Lennart Sturesson is Research Assistant at Tema Technology and Social Change,
Linköping University, Sweden. His study of Swedish efforts to implement
telework is part of research into discrepancies between information technology
as presented in visions and as used in real life, carried out by the research
group, Man, Information Technology, Society. He is editor of two books about
the information society, the most recent with Magnus Karlsson, The World’s
Largest Machine’. Global Telecommunications and the Human Condition (1995).
Reima Suomi is Professor of Information Systems Science at Turku School of

Economics and Business Administration, Finland. His research interests focus
on telecommunications management, including telework and
telecommunication cost structures. He has published in journals such as
Information and Management, Human Systems Management and Information Services
and Use.
Ina Wagner is a Professor at Technische Universität Wien and Head of a Centre

for CSCW research. She holds a Ph.D. in physics from the University of
Vienna. She has edited and written numerous books and authored over 80
papers on a variety of technology-related issues, amongst them a feminist
perspective in science and technology, ethical and political issues in systems
xiv
CONTRIBUTORS
design, computer support of hospital work, CSCW and networking. One of

her main current interests focuses on the multi-disciplinary design of computer
systems for architectural design and planning.
Jos M. van der Wielen is a researcher and consultant for O&i Management
Partners in Utrecht, The Netherlands. He has a degree from the Free University
of Amsterdam and has lectured in Organisational Psychology at the Department
of Policy and Organisational Sciences at Tilburg University. He is currently
completing his Ph.D. thesis at Tilburg University on the social and
organisational implications of telework. He has been involved in telework
research since 1990 and has written several articles and book chapters on
telework and virtual organising. He is a co-founder of the International
Workshop on Telework Series and the International Telework Foundation
and is on the editorial board of Telewerken.
Marya Zamindar is a researcher and consultant to the Finnish Ministry of
Labour. She has been responsible for managing country reporting projects to
the OECD and the EU in the areas of enterprise flexibility and Finnish labour
policy, and has published reports on telecommuting, enterprise flexibility and
in-firm training. Her work also involves consulting in Russia, advising clients
on how to create local labour agreements within St Petersburg organisations.
Marya received her BA from Johns Hopkins University and her MA in Public
Policy from Georgetown University, Washington.
xv
FOREWORD
The idea of ‘telework’ has been with us for more than 20 years. Ever since its
introduction it received great interest from many different sides. Managers and
employees were the first to experiment with electronic distance work, but soon
city planners, transportation experts, telecommunication firms, computer vendors,
employment agencies and many others also showed a keen interest. Telework
was heralded as the solution to many different problems. It was expected that
rearranging work with respect to space and time, using new information and
communication technology, would resolve traffic congestion, save energy, eliminate
skill shortages, offer employment opportunities for the handicapped, reduce labour
and overhead costs, increase work flexibility and reconcile the conflicting demands
of work and family.
While convenient as a notion into which everyone could project his or her
desires, telework also appeared to suffer from evasiveness and lack of substance
when it came to research and practical work. Many attempts were made to define
telework in a satisfactory way, but with little success. It appeared impossible to
come up with an unequivocal definition that covered the essence of what telework
was supposed to be and that differentiated it from other forms of work. As a
consequence it has not been possible to make reliable assessments of the scale of
use of telework, nor of its development and growth perspective. It so happened
that estimates of the scale of use differed by a factor of 10 or more, and that some
researchers called telework a marginal phenomenon, while others depicted it as a
genuine revolution.
In recent years scholars have begun to realise that telework discussions often
revealed a problematic focus, that the early fascination with technology and the
way people could use it had diverted attention from me organisation as the place
in which work is performed and had blurred the organisation’s role in the economy.
More and more scholars became aware that it was not only the on-line worker
who was of interest, but also the change in organisational functions and forms
enabled by new technology. At present one can witness a transition to another
vocabulary. Some authors prefer to speak about dispersed organisations,
distributed organisations, network organisations, virtual organisations, and so
xvii
FOREWORD
on, rather than about telework. The focus is shifting towards the alternative ways
in which organisations can use information technology for realising their business
purposes – production, marketing, sales and distribution of goods and services –
repositioning and restructuring themselves with respect to time and place.
This book gives the first clear account of this transition. It marks a new stage
in our thinking on distributed work. It shows how old notions are now being
abandoned and replaced by concepts referring to the rearrangement of
organisational processes. This opens a new perspective on organisation and work
that gives scientists a chance to effectively describe and analyse the changes made
with the help of information technology, many of which are radical and pervasive
indeed. This perspective is not only useful for research and theory, it is also
promising with respect to further innovations in organisation and work. Needless
to say, I would wish this important book to have a large and attentive readership.
Professor Robert A. Roe
Scientific Director of WORC
xviii
PREFACE AND
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
By the mid-1990s the debate on teleworking seemed to be stuck in an orbit

around certain issues and perspectives. Many of the articles and events dedicated
to the subject tended to replay the discussions that had dominated the previous
decade. Traditional issues such as reducing commuting, work flexibility and cutting
overheads were central items on such agendas. Telework was promoted as very
much a ‘plug and play’ solution for problems as wide-ranging as worker motivation
and corporate competitiveness. This was often reinforced by discussion of several
popular cases of teleworking, giving the impression that teleworking success stories
could be easily emulated. This also came at a time when the wider practical and
intellectual context was concerned with ideas such as corporate restructuring
and ‘reinvention’ – more systemic responses to organisational problems and
opportunities. This left a widening gulf between teleworking – which increasingly
became seen as a tactical tool – and more fundamental responses that addressed
long-term imperatives for corporate survival.
A two year project was therefore conceived. This was intended to start moving
the debate on telework out of orbit and create a new sense of gravity around a
revised set of issues and perspectives that embraced more contemporary imperatives
– such as those concerned with the opportunities of Internet-based working and
virtual organisation. This began with an international workshop and concluded
with the production of this book. As workers in the field we were aware that a great
many developments (both theoretical and practical) had taken place over the years,
and that there was an appetite within the telework community for such a venture.
A workshop on ‘New International Perspectives on Telework’ was thus held
at Brunel University, England, in the Summer of 1996. This brought together an
international and interdisciplinary group of over 60 researchers and consultants
from 14 European countries, as well as Australia, Canada, the US, Israel and
Japan. These included transport theorists, sociologists, management scientists,
economists, philosophers and anthropologists. The workshop therefore enabled
participants to take a fresh, more holistic look at the teleworking agenda and
helped to provide a kick-start for a new debate on the subject.
The original workshop was made possible by the support and hard work of a
number of people. For her many hours of toil leading up to and during the
xix
PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
workshop, we would like to thank Liz Ackroyd from the Centre for Research on
Innovation, Culture and Technology at Brunel University. For their moral support
and advice, thanks are also due to Adrian Woods from the Department of
Management Studies, Brunel University, and Rob Roe from Work and
Organization Research Centre (WORC), Tilburg University. We must also thank
WORC for their financial support of the Workshop. For helping to organise and
chair workshop sessions we must thank Ian McLoughlin and Martin Harris from
the Department of Management Studies, Brunel University; Tharsi Taillieu from
the Department of Work and Organisational Psychology, University of Leuven;
and Sandra Schruijer, from the Department of Policy and Organizational Sciences,
Tilburg University. For their financial help, thanks are also due to both British
Telecom, especially Mike Maternaghan and Mike Tate, and the European
Commission, DG XIII in the person of Maarten Botterman.
In producing the book we must give particular thanks to the series editors,
especially David Preece; and from Routledge, Stuart Hay. For reading parts of
the book draft we should thank Reinout de Vries, Lisa Harris and Ian McLoughlin.
If you would like details on future international workshops and publications on
telework by the editors please get in touch via e-mail. Paul J. Jackson can be
contacted at [email protected] and Jos M. van der Wielen at
[email protected]
xx
1
INTRODUCTION
Actors, approaches and agendas: from
telecommuting to the virtual organisation
Paul J. Jackson and Jos M. van der Wielen
Ideas, like commodities, have fashions. They come and go. One year something’s
in; the next it’s out. But as tastes change and markets shift, we often find things
coming around again – repackaged, refocused – sometimes reborn. Those who
have followed the topic over the years may recognise the same pattern in discussions
of telework. Trumpeted in the 1970s as an answer to energy consumption and
commuting demands (for example, Nilles et al. 1976), the 1980s saw telework
relaunched as a flexible working arrangement, by which job and family demands
could be balanced, skill shortages addressed and economic peripheries integrated
with core regions (Kinsman 1987; Huws et al. 1990). In the 1990s we find more
attention being given to issues of workplace design, facility management and the
need to manage work time and work space to encourage productivity and
effectiveness (for example, Becker and Steele 1995).
In this sense, the ground sometimes appears to shift beneath teleworking
discussions. Yet while the world may move on, many people still see telework as
an answer waiting in the wings. The difficulty this presents is that the concepts
and theories available to inform such discussions often reflect the priorities, mind-
sets and values of earlier contexts. But as circumstances change – due, for instance,
to the globalisation of markets and production, economic restructuring and the
diffusion of new technologies such as the Internet – the need to question our old
assumptions about teleworking becomes evermore important.
As interest in the idea is renewed, many different stakeholders become
involved in discussing and promoting telework. These include, for instance,
transport ministries, telecom companies, personnel managers and flexible
workers. The consequence of this is that the meaning, role and value of telework
became more ambiguous. To achieve a more thorough understanding of the
complex nature of the phenomenon, therefore, we need to take a fresh look at
the theories and concepts developed until now, rethink old assumptions and
1
I NTRODUCTION: ACTORS, APPROACHES AND AGENDAS
reconceptualise the issues at hand. To find new ways of looking at teleworking

opportunities, we must build bridges with adjacent debates – on restructuring,
re-engineering, business networking, and so on – as well as with relevant
disciplines, such as social geography, economics, IT-sciences and work
psychology. In short, we need to develop new, integrative perspectives that
provide more robust ways of analysing and theorising teleworking phenomena
and so aid the task of understanding, implementing and managing it. A
recognition of this – and the fact that there is a range of interests involved – is
essential if the debate on teleworking is to move forward.
This book presents a concerted effort to develop new perspectives. We intend
it to provide a timely contribution to the debate on telework. In so doing, it draws
upon a range of international experiences and reflects the variety of disciplinary
backgrounds of the contributors. The present chapter provides an introduction
to this by looking at the main teleworking approaches, actors and agendas. It
starts with a discussion of the three dominant approaches to the subject. Next,
the complexity in telework caused by the array of actors involved in research and
practice is examined. The chapter then discusses the key social and organisational
issues involved in teleworking developments, before concluding with a look at
the emerging agendas that need to be addressed.
Different approaches to telework
Teleworking phenomena have been approached in many ways: as an icon of

technological innovation, as a ‘new way of working’ or as a modern lifestyle for
young dual-career couples with children. In conceptual terms, several authors
have attempted to characterise developments using terms like ‘remote working’,
‘distance working’ (Holti and Stern 1986a and b) or ‘outwork’ (Probert and
Wajcman 1988). Others seek to categorise the various forms of telework, like
‘homework’, ‘alternative officing’ and ‘mobile working’ (see Gordon 1996).
Alternatively, distinctions have been made between residential workers with a
fixed central workplace, hybrid workers with central and decentral workplaces,
and nomads with no fixed workplace (for example, Stanworth and Stanworth
1991). More analytical approaches, such as Brandt (1983) and Holti and Stern
(1986b), have sought to categorise flexible work arrangements according to forms
of spatial dispersal and means of co-ordination (from market to hierarchy).
In theoretical terms, efforts have taken place to integrate teleworking issues
within different contexts of change. These range from the role of teleworking
within organisations (Lenk 1989; Stanworth and Stanworth 1991; Jackson 1992)
to the broader issues of economic and industrial restructuring (for example, Pfeffer
and Baron 1988; Probert and Wajcman 1988; Van der Wielen 1991; McGrath
and Houlihan, this volume). In developing new ideas and lines of analysis we
must therefore start by identifying the conceptual, methodological and theoretical
strengths and weaknesses found in existing approaches.
2
Back to the future: technology, symbolism and telework
The last two decades have seen the steady realisation of teleworking ideas in the world
of work. In the 1970s, at the time when Nilles et al. (1976) introduced the notion of
‘telecommuting’ (the American synonym for telework), research was aimed at giving
public policy-makers technology-supported solutions for several societal problems, such
as urban crowding, energy shortages, transportation congestion, environmental pollution
and the peripheralisation of economic regions. The main idea here was that geographical
dispersion of the labour force from central business districts would significantly decrease
the number of daily commuters, with IT used to bridge distances.
The idea was adopted by futurists such as Toffler (1980), who integrated the
notion of telecommuting into broader speculations about the future of Western
society. Telecommuting here was encompassed by Toffler’s notion of the ‘electronic
cottage’, and became an important icon in revolutionary (post-industrial)
predictions about the birth of the Information Society. The electronic cottage
exemplifies a disjuncture with previous ways of living and working. This involves
a new world in which technology allows for a reintegration of work, family and
community, and contrasts with the harsh divisions caused by life under
industrialism. The approach sees IT as the fundamental factor explaining economic
development, and the emerging information economy more generally.
Several problems are created by this line of thinking. One is that discussions of
telework, as well as the technologies that support it, may pay more attention to
symbolic issues than those of practical usefulness (see also Sturesson, this volume).
This treats telework as a vision of the future, rather than considering its practical
merits as a technology-supported work innovation. Another problem is that the
role of technology in social and organisational change is under-theorised and
treated in a deterministic way (Jackson 1992). It is presumed, for instance, that
technologies will be appropriated and configured in ways that accord with
teleworking, rather than supporting alternative arrangements in general.
It is now widely recognised that while fundamental changes in organisation
and production are associated with technological advances, we cannot regard
technological development as a unique, independent factor determining social
and organisational change. We instead need to understand the adoption of IT as
a social and political process, in which actors do not passively ‘adapt to’ new
technologies but actively shape them to their own ends, transforming them as
they conceive of new configurations (for example, McLoughlin and Harris 1997).
Telework as an objective phenomenon
As the amount of studies on the subject shows, there is enormous interest in

ascertaining the extent, shape and potential of teleworking. However, in order
to gain a picture of developments in the field, there is a need to define the
phenomenon under study. Moreover, in extrapolating from this to identify the
3
potential for, or growth in, telework, we need to establish a link between telework
developments and changes in areas of technology, the economy, industry,
demographics and society.
Conceptual difficulties therefore compound the problems involved in theorising
and predicting telework developments. As the literature shows, defining telework
is easier said than done (see for instance, Huws et al. 1990; Korte and Wynne
1996; Quortrup, this volume). The presence of information technology in a
particular work arrangement does not in itself define it as telework. Moreover,
whilst it might support its development and help to accelerate the rate of adoption,
the diffusion of new technologies does not correlate in a straight-forward way
with the growth in teleworking. This in part explains the difficulties involved in
(and failures of) projecting a spread in teleworking based on the takeup of
technology. The same goes, of course, for the relationship between teleworking
and the growth of information processing work.
Despite this, understanding the viability of telework, the reasons behind its use and
the potential for its growth, has been a matter of interest to many people. Initially, this
mainly concerned governments, consultants and academics, although in more recent
years it has been vendors of the technology who were keen to track and extrapolate
trends. So far as this latter group is concerned, there is a clear interest in the market
potential for products targeted at potential teleworkers and their organisations.
Forecasts and estimates of teleworking developments
Many studies have sought to calculate existing and future teleworking

developments. Statistics fall into three general areas: measurements of actual
penetration (for example, Huws et al. 1990; Korte and Wynne 1996); estimates of
the potential for take-up (Nilles et al. 1976); and predictions of future growth (Holti
and Stern 1986b). In setting about the task in each of these areas, a variety of
definitions, approaches and methods have been used. Certain studies (such as
Kraut 1987, 1989; Find/SVP 1995) place the home as a defining attribute, while
others include a variety of workplace arrangements. Others place new technology
or activities related to the spread of new technology as a central factor (Find/SVP
1995). So far as calculations are concerned, some figures are based on occupational
employment data, others on home-based work statistics, whilst some utilise opinion
surveys regarding awareness and interest in teleworking.
Nilles et al. (1976), for instance, estimated the number of US information
workers in 1978 at 48.3 per cent or 38 million of the total US workforce (78.6
million in 1970) and 55 per cent by the year 2000. This was used to suggest a
massive potential for telework. Simarly, Kraut (1987) sees a significant potential
for teleworking growth through analysis of data on ‘professional occupations’
(such as para-legal personnel, computer systems analysts and computer
programmers). These, he argues, are growing quickly in percentage terms and
are likely to be accompanied by a rapid growth in teleworking.
4
More recently, Miller estimated the total number of homeworkers/teleworkers

in the US at 5.5 million (4.5 per cent of the workforce) – including about 876,000
full-time telecommuters – based on the number of part-time teleworkers in the
US (Miller 1990). A similar study conducted by Find/SVP a few years later
indicated that 9.1 million workers in the US workforce could be considered
telecommuters, an increase of almost 100 per cent compared to 1990 (Find/SVP
1995).
In Europe, the potential for telework has also been considered vast. In an
early study, Holti and Stern (1986b) reported that whilst the actual amount of
teleworkers in Europe was still very small, it was expected to rise dramatically
within 10 to 15 years. The European Commission, who are actively promoting
and supporting telework developments, even expects as many as 10 million
teleworkers in Europe by the year 2000 (see Qvortrup, this volume). An opinion
survey, conducted with more mediodological rigour, and based on a sample of
more than 16,000 households in the Federal Republic of Germany, France, Italy
and the UK, showed that 13 million workers (14 per cent of the labour force)
showed serious interest in home work (Huws et al. 1990).
A recent study by Korte and Wynne (1996) on the penetration of telework in
the five largest countries of Europe (Germany, France, Britain, Italy and Spain)
concluded that the actual penetration of telework in European organisations is
around 5 per cent (1.1 million workers). Extrapolated for the whole of Europe
this would mean 1.25 million teleworkers. This study shows that the extent of
telework practice varies considerably beween member states: nearly half of
European teleworkers live in Britain (560,000), France has 215,000, Germany
149,000, with Southern Europe lagging far behind – Spain has 102,000 and Italy
97,000.
In many cases, though, the rigour of methods used to collect data is variable.
As Kraut (1987) acknowledges, approaches based on occupation and employment
data are often unreliable, and provide only a rough indication of the ‘outer limits’
of possible developments. Such difficulties are also reflected in figures based on
homeworking statistics. The problem is that these accounts may fail to consider
a number of important social, economic, legal and political forces that also influence
the spread of telework. In addition to this, many studies are often undertaken by
(or on behalf of) vendors and funding bodies who seek to promote teleworking
or to legitimise the allocation funding. Where the actors involved here have
considerable power and profile, they may therefore be in a position to skew the
debate in terms favourable to themselves.
A central problem in quantitative studies of telework is the way in which the
lack of conceptual clarity frustrates cross-study comparison (see Kraut 1987; Huws
et al. 1990). Given that surveys are undertaken by a variety of organisations, with
different interests and concerned with different analytical variables, it is therefore
no surprise that the operational definitions used do vary. For instance,
telecommunications companies wishing to promote the use of the Internet among
teleworkers may place more emphasis on technology as a defining feature than
5
would gender studies researchers looking at the impact homeworking has on

domestic role conflict. In other words, what we choose to call ‘telework’ and then
go on to study also depends on why we conduct the study in the first instance.
Since we cannot say incontrovertibly what is or what is not telework, it is perhaps
better to look at the usefulness of such studies given the purposes for which they
were intended.
The search to understand telework in the above manner involves a distinctly
‘objectivist’ approach to the subject. It is concerned with ascertaining the shape,
variants and extent of teleworking (how many are doing it, where, in what jobs
and so on). Accompanying this, we also find an attempt to illuminate the motives
behind the schemes in question, as well as the forms of employment involved,
and the means of control and management exercised (see also, Huws 1993). The
objectivist stance then, presumes the existence of teleworking phenomena ‘out there’
in the world, and that they can be identified, placed in (often pre-defined)
conceptual categories, counted and then analysed. In this case, the researcher
stands ‘outside looking in’.
However, the shortcomings of the objectivist stance are not simply that it
entails the use of data that makes for difficult comparisons, but that it also tends
to rely on concepts and categories that people in organisations may not recognise.
Moreover, it may discuss issues in terms that the actors involved would not employ
themselves. For example, the introduction of call-centres may not be viewed as a
form of teleworking by the companies involved, even though such innovations
correspond to many teleworking orthodoxies, such as the use of IT to provide
remote services. For these reasons we also need to consider the viewpoint of
telework which seeks to ‘get inside’ organisations and understand the way
phenomena are treated.
Telework as a conceptual representation
In a world that has seen the rise of the World Wide Web and a whole array of
multimedia technologies, discussions of telework that emphasise the role of IT in
facilitating homeworking may often ignore many broader business pressures and
opportunities. And yet this comes at a time when technological advance outstrips
the expectations many would have had even at the start of this decade. Often,
discussions of telework have been eclipsed by other ‘big(ger) ideas’ such as re-
engineering, web-based working and virtual working.
Restructuring trends, such as downsizing, de-layering, or ‘rightsizing’ – despite
their well-discussed shortcomings – have helped to ensure corporate survival,
competitive repositioning, as well as lowering operating costs (Keen 1991).
Developments in business process re-engineering (Hammer and Champy 1993;
Davenport 1993) have produced a greater attention to process management and
redesign, and an increase in customer focus. We can also observe the loosening
of hierarchical structures towards independent and smaller units. The intention
6
here is to achieve strategic flexibility by externalising or eliminating activities that

are not seen as vital to core processes (Van der Wielen et al. 1993). This has
sometimes been accompanied by the use of IT to create new (often dispersed)
structures that involve the creation of inter-business networks and project teams
(Jackson and Van der Wielen 1997).
What this illustrates is that while the concept of telework may lack currency in
many quarters, the ideas with which it is associated (IT-facilitated flexibility, remote
service provision, increased efficiency, lower overheads and operating costs) are
often pursued through other programmes of change (see Jackson, this volume).
Technology is indeed playing an instrumental role in support of many teleworking
orthodoxies, although such developments are not articulated in teleworking terms.
Hence, the same issues, pressures and opportunities that are central to teleworking
debates are also conceptualised as part of other organisational developments and
work initiatives.
A concentration on ‘teleworkers’, as people who work remotely from their
central offices by using IT, may leave one blinkered to developments in areas of
general business process and policy. In this instance, teleworking provides an
alternative perspective, which illuminates possibilities for reorganisation based on
IT-supported dispersed working. In this sense, rather than presuming the existence
of instances of telework ‘out there’ in the world, teleworking ideas provide new
ways of representing work phenomena. As such, this helps us to get inside situations
and actively frame issues to identify new business solutions and opportunities.
In many ways, the use of telework-related ideas as a ‘framing device’ is what
occurs in discussions of ‘virtuality’. In contrast to telework, there is less
concentration here on individual work tasks or jobs, particularly flexible work
arrangements. Instead, such discussions focus on issues of IT-supported work
dispersal. There have been several terms used to describe the work phenomena
involved here: for instance, ‘cyber business’ (Barnatt 1995); ‘virtual corporation’
(Davidow and Malone 1992); and ‘virtual organisation’ (Birchall and Lyons 1995).
In the more radical approaches, such as Barnatt’s, organisational structures become
synonymous with the cyberspace through which relations are articulated. In this
sense, organisations are seen to operate in an ‘information space’, rather than a
material world, situated in time and space. The ‘representational landscape’ on
which this takes place is supported by the discourses, images and metaphors
provided by new forms of IT, particularly the more evocative ones such as virtual
reality and the World Wide Web (see Jackson 1997).
The ideas underpinning these approaches demand some elucidation. For
example, virtual organisations sometimes imply an atomisation of actors, in which
they are treated not simply as employees or human beings, but as market actors (cf.
Birchall and Lyons 1995). This is more so where cyberspace is treated as a
‘marketplace’ (for example, see Gates 1995: 6) in which economic transactions
take place and which provides ‘perfect information’ about products (including
labour) (see Jackson 1996). Although internally consistent, such perspectives are
also based on simplified images of people, work, market decisions, as well as time
7
and space. Moreover, they are constructed through certain discourses that have
their own ideological connotations (symbolic, in the information view; free-market
economics, in the case of cyberworking). We need to challenge and supplement
them with the insights offered from different theoretical vantage points, such as
those that concentrate on the social constitution of organisations. The ability to
represent issues in teleworking and virtual organisation to serve a range of agendas
is something that lies at the heart of the subject’s complexity. It is to this matter
that we now turn.
Understanding teleworking’s complexity
1997 saw the relaunch of the Star Wars trilogy, and the famous scene where Luke
Skywalker and Han Solo visit a bar on the planet Tatooine, surrounded by an
array of weird and wonderful creatures from all different planets. On the face of
it, these creatures have little in common. Yet they have found a common-meeting
place because of a shared interest in drinking and having a good time. In a similar
way, the idea of telework – and the conferences, publications and projects dedicated
to it – forms a common-meeting place for some similarly different animals
(metaphorically speaking). These include:
• information systems designers, hardware vendors, telecom companies

• policy-makers in transport planning, urban planning, rural regeneration and
environmental protection
• personnel managers, equal opportunities managers, flexible work specialists
• business redesign experts, researchers and consultants on new organisational
forms
• psychologists and sociologists of work
• anthropologists and social geographers
• economists
• line managers and business owners searching for new ways of working.
These parties have a shared interest in teleworking because of its implications for the
way we work, live, travel and purchase and consume goods. It offers some radical
sociotechnical disjunctures that cut across many areas of practical and academic
concern. As such, it provides a meeting ground for people who would usually not
meet. This, of course, is a potential strength of teleworking discussions, in that such
people bring a range of views, analyses and prescriptions to the subject.
Yet the range of actors involved, and their differences in background and
oudook (especially in academic disciplines), is also a source of complexity. Reasons
for interest may lead to different approaches to the subject, and alternative
conceptualisations of the phenomena involved. In addition, the context within
which this takes place is also likely to influence which actors engage in debates
and developments. For example, skill shortages, oil crises and road traffic pollution
8
have all been a spur to certain actors getting involved at particular points in time.
We need therefore to understand the relation between teleworking concepts and
issues, practical developments, the networks of actors that take part and the
contexts within which these occur.
This is also important for another reason. By examining the actors, motives and
strategies employed in teleworking developments, we can appreciate in a more robust
way the relation between changes in technology, work and organisations. This provides
a useful antidote to the deterministic way in which technology is sometimes treated.
To do this, we will turn to the ideas espoused by ‘actor network theories’.
Actor network theory
Actor network theories have been developed to address the way that technologies
form and stabilise into particular configurations (see, for example, Callon 1986,
1987; Latour 1988; Law 1991, 1997). The approach involves examining the
‘heterogeneous associations’ (human, technological, conceptual, material, etc.)
which constitute such networks, and the means by which they are changed or
consolidated. It sees the formation of these associations as a process of ‘translation’,
in which the elements of the network (e.g. workers, technologies, buildings) take
on a role defined for them by a translator (such as a manager, engineer or even a
company (Callon 1986, 1987)). Translation is achieved through a strategy of
problemisation, in which a scenario is constructed such that membership of the
network best serves the solution to an actor’s problems, or the means of seizing
certain opportunities. If successful, this creates what Callon calls an ‘obligatory
point of passage’ for the actors involved – that they can only solve their problems
through membership of this network. Following this, the next stage of the translation
process can begin. This involves a series of displacements, through which a range of
entities is mobilised to ensure stabilisation of the network.
We can see an example of this in teleworking if we follow the strategies
sometimes employed by telecom and IT companies. To push their products and
services, such companies need to translate clients’ needs and problems in terms
that involve the sale of IT devices and telecom services. One way of achieving
this might be to persuade clients that teleworking (using their technologies and
services) is an ‘obligatory point of passage’ in meeting, for example, the desire of
individuals for work flexibility, or for a company to collaborate better with allied
businesses. The success and stability of these translations rely on a whole series
of heterogeneous alignments. For example, home-based workers must be willing
and able to turn their houses into workplaces. Managers must have attitudes
towards supervision and control that are not based on physical surveillance. This
alignment cannot, of course, be guaranteed, even where ‘problemisation through
telework’ seems attractive. To appreciate the dynamics involved here, we need to
understand two other processes that are crucial to the formation of actor networks:
simplification and juxtaposition.
9
Besides their membership of any one network (such as a work organisation) –

which involves a particular role (as a worker, for example) – actors are also
members of juxtaposed networks in which they perform other roles. For example,
as well as working for an organisation, individuals are also members of family or
social networks. In travelling to work, they take part in additional networks,
which involve a heterogeneous association of vehicles, travel fares, energy
consumption and environmental damage (noise, pollutants, etc.). However, in
attempting to enrol them into these networks, the actors are looked upon in
terms of those properties compatible with membership of the network. Callon
(1986) and Law (1991) warn, though, that the actors in question may reject such
simplifications, since their role in juxtaposed networks may more strongly influence
them. This is especially the case where such networks conflict. For example, the
role of parent (in the family network) is not always compatible with that of a
worker. This is especially true where work involves spending considerable time
at locations away from the home, especially where this requires long commutes
and job-related stress.
Understanding the actors involved in teleworking networks
Using actor network theories in telework helps us to make sense of the complex
web of relationships and agendas. Where we take teleworking to imply a reduction
in commuting, those who are members of transport planning and environmental
protection networks (typically, government ministries and agencies) have a clear
interest. Where this is accompanied by a shift in demand for housing and public
services, urban planning authorities also have a stake. Where they view telework
as a means of bringing jobs to depressed or remote regions, further agencies are
likely to become interested. These may include those charged with rural regeneration
or the social inclusion of local communities. Where they see it as a means of
promoting IT innovation more generally, ministries for trade and industry, as well
as technology transfer and innovation centres, may also see a role to play.
As for work-related matters, problems and issues exist in which managers
from a variety of functions have an interest. These range from personnel in real
estate and facilities management, to those developing flexible work packages and
remote services. Individual employees seeking to secure a better balance between
on-site working and the home may also see incentives. We can also include here
entrepreneurs wanting to establish SOHO (small office, home office) arrangements.
Finally, as far as workers’ interests are concerned, we must also recognise the
influence that works councils and trade unions may seek to make.
In the consultancy and research communities, telework provides an opportunity
to sell advice and undertake studies. It defines a market and focus at which projects,
books and research proposals can be targeted. Finally, we can add those organisations
mentioned above – telecom and IT companies – that may benefit from telework
innovations through the provision of the technologies that support it.
10
Yet while telework provides the meeting ground for all the above actors,
their motives in getting involved in developments clearly diverge. Additionally,
though taking actions that promote teleworking may be of mutual benefit,
each actor may prefer alternative alignments. One reason for this is that in
the complex world outside that of (simplified) teleworking translations,
membership of other networks may better serve actors’ interests. For example,
the desire to balance better job and family demands is translated in telework
as a problem about commuting and work location. The workers involved may
reject this, and choose instead to see the real problem as one of long hours or
inflexible work times. As such, job-sharing, part-time working, flexitime or term-
time working may all be seen as alternative solutions. Additionally, other
associations created by office-based networks, such as social contact and the
opportunities to impress one’s superiors, may be another reason to reject the
telework alignment.
The danger of network simplification is something of particular relevance to
actors involved in the supply side of telework. For example, unless the role of
telework is also in alignment with clients’ business strategies and other responses
to strategic challenges, it may be difficult to provide a persuasive translation of
their opportunities and problems in terms that favour a teleworking response.
Similarly, the promotion of telecentres and satellite offices also demands
understanding clients’ requirements in terms other than simple access to technology
or low-cost accommodation. For instance, the need to build personal relationships
with customers, and to project image and prestige by having offices sited in
commercial centres, may militate against remote working.
This also highlights the need for a better appreciation of the symbolic aspects
of space and the built environment. We must be cognisant of the fact that certain
places – the home, the office, town centres, even entire cities and countries –
evoke particular meanings and experiences. This has important implications for
both office and work location (see also Kompast and Wagner, this volume).
There is also an issue here as far as IT, telecom and consultancy companies
are concerned. By employing telework-related concepts and ideas as their
problemisation strategies, these companies necessarily translate clients’ problems
and opportunities into terms that they can address through IT-supported work
configurations. There is a danger, though, that such strategies may downplay the
social and organisational dynamics of different work configurations in favour of
a ‘technical fix’.
Perhaps more problematical is that the more radical the work concept, the
greater demands for change and psychological adjustment it places on people.
For example, managers used to having all functions beneath the same ‘roof’, with
employees operating under the watchful gaze of their supervisors, may lack the
sort of values, attitudes (particularly that of trust) and behaviour needed for
more virtual forms of organisation to operate. As such, appropriating new
technologies to create new business models and ways of working may require an
alignment that involves a whole turnaround in thinking (cf. Handy 1995).
11
The same also goes for the skills needed to manage under these arrangements.
For example, managers dealing with remote employees, (virtual) team members
who may seldom meet and home-based individuals managing the psychological
boundaries between work and non-work, all need to develop new abilities if they
are to profit from the new ways of working (see Part 2 of this volume).
To address these issues we will turn now to the changing nature of modern
organisations and the issues they highlight for successful change.
Rethinking social and organisational issues in

telework
Where telework has been promoted based on the notion that it is technologically
feasible and economically desirable to reduce office space, eliminate commuting
and start working at home, results have often been poor. This is particularly so
where such ideas illustrate some common, yet flawed, premises concerning the
nature of work and organisation, as well as the social aspects of technological
change (Van der Wielen et al. 1993; and Taillieu 1995; Jackson and Van der
Wielen 1997). Such ‘supply driven’ approaches tend to highlight the shift in
physical workplace (from company offices to working at home), giving little
attention to the organisation of work. This creates the impression that work is an
individual activity, rather than a collaborative effort. Many test cases, pilot studies
and experiments therefore failed to recognise that the work place is not primarily
a physical location but the locus of collective endeavour (Hirschheim 1985; Jackson
1992; Gillespie and Feng 1994).
Many advocates of teleworking have underestimated the social and organisational
changes neccesary for successful innovation (see Forester 1988; Dürrenberger 1989;
Gordon 1988; Olson 1988; Jackson 1992; Van der Wielen 1991). In several cases
the advantages of telework did not outweigh the (unexpected) social and
organisational problems linked with the relocation of workplaces (see Olson 1988;
Dürrenberger 1989). Moreover, given that many approaches focus on the
technological possibilities for dispersed working, they tend to downplay broader
problems with which organisations are having to cope. Insufficient attention is
often given to the rapidly changing business environments. Such approaches
therefore failed to develop a meaningful vision of how telework could be introduced
as a viable, strategic solution. However appealing, the substitution of transportation
and geographical dispersion of workplaces cannot be isolated from the broader
influences on production (Van der Wielen 1991; Van der Wielen et al. 1993).
Despite this, only a few authors have questioned the underlying assumptions of
initial approaches to telework, or sought to develop it within a more meaningful
conceptual framework (for example, Holti and Stern 1986b; Huws et al. 1990).
This is essential if we are to understand the transition from a modern society based
on bureaucratic mass-production to a postmodern one based on flexible, client-
oriented production. This would allow telework to be appreciated as part of a
12
broader transformation of organisations, involving the dispersal of activities in space

and time (cf. Harvey 1989; Van der Wielen et al. 1993).
Organisation, space and time
In the days in which mass-production was the dominant basis for organisation,
industry depended largely upon a concentration of people, tools and resources in
a common setting. Rigid bureaucratic structuring – the ability to routinise and
repeat activities – proved to be the key success factor for production (Hassard
1989). This relied on co-ordinating the activities of employees by synchronising
their movements in time and space (Pollard 1965). This also provided for worker
discipline, since co-ordination and control could take place in face-to-face settings
under the watchful eye of a supervisor (cf. Foucault 1979).
Such spatial and temporal structures are also reflected in the cultural values and
norms of an organisation. Mass-production industry, for instance, relied on a culture
of punctuality, precision, discipline, obedience and conscientiousness to support time-
space concentration and maintain coherence of the collectivity (see Erneste 1989). As
such, co-ordinates of space and time have served as surrogates of performance and
discipline. Time-span and presence, for instance, are used as indicators of performance,
with (in)visibility often reflecting status and hierarchical position (Giddens 1987).
The spatial-temporal concentration of workers in conventional work practices is
therefore not simply a product of technical decisions and requirements, but is a highly
social and political phenomenon (cf. Thompson 1967; Foucault 1979; Marglin 1974).
New forms of spatial-temporal cooperation
Increasing environmental turbulence has confronted bureaucratic, hierarchical

organisations with their inability to adapt to changing circumstances and their failure
to reduce uncertainty. Global competition, shorter life cycles of products and services,
and pressure to speed up product development and rate of innovation, have forced
management to replace rigid hierarchical structures with more fluid and dynamic
horizontal relationships (Taillieu 1989). In an environment of rapid change, requiring
constant innovation, a more ‘organic’ or ‘integrative’ organisation is needed (Moss-
Kanter 1991). The impact of this on corporate strategies and forms is to de-legitimise
bureaucracy, weaken the power of hierarchy and loosen the employment relationship
(ibid.). By redistributing activities organisations aim to reduce complexity, increase
flexibility, improve efficiency, and create new strategic opportunities.
The redistribution of activities also causes existing boundaries between different
internal organisational units to disappear. At the same time, the external boundaries
of organisations become more and more blurred. As a result, new organisational
forms emerge that are characterised by temporal and spatial dispersion (Van der
Wielen 1991; Van der Wielen et al. 1993; Gillespie and Feng 1994). These dispersed,
13
or ‘virtual’ organisations are designed to overcome time-and-place constraints

associated with rigid bureaucratic structures. They are also based on a different
design philosophy with regard to how, where and when work should be done.
For instance, the integration of dispersed activities demands new forms of
cooperation, co-ordination and control. Consequently, telework becomes not
simply an experiment in cost-efficient production, but more importantly, an
exercise in self-management by the workers themselves. It demands reduced
input control, and output-oriented management and supervision. Where work
takes place in the home, workers may need to develop the skills involved in
managing the psychological and social boundaries between work and non-
work. The design of new information systems must address the need for better
knowledge management and organisational learning. Where workers seldom
operate at a central site, issues of commitment, loyalty and organisational identity
become important. In cases where IT allows for individuals to work together
across space, better team-building skills are needed. This is especially so where
inter-organisational (as well as spatial) boundaries dissolve. In this case, the need
to establish trust between the parties is essential if such arrragements are to
succeed.
To understand these emerging issues we need to develop a new agenda for
teleworking. This demands new perspectives on the subject – new ways of looking
at phenomena and new ways of addressing them.
The parts of the book: developing a new agenda for

telework
In Part 1 of the book, Making Sense of Teleworking Concepts and Contexts, we

take a look at practical and theoretical developments that have taken place in the
area of teleworking. A bridge is built here between debates on telework and broader
discussions of virtual working and virtual organisation. This part also seeks to
locate teleworking developments as part of a more encompassing framework
involving the changing spatial and temporal dynamics of work and organisation.
Part 2, Understanding and Managing Boundaries in Telework, examines the
consequences of new ways of working for different work and non-work
boundaries. It highlights the need to manage time, space and social relationships
in new ways. It also provides an analysis of the symbolic nature of time and space
and how they relate to the meaning and experience of work itself.
In Part 3, Integrative Frameworks for Teleworking, we examine how teleworking
ideas can be integrated into planning and strategy development to address a range
of problems and issues, both inside and outside organisations. This illustrates the
different interests and agendas involved in teleworking, and the need for frameworks
that help to combine issues from different points of view.
The final part of the book, Part 4, Actors, Networks and Experiences:
International Cases of Telework, draws on examples from both Europe and North
14
America to illustrate the strategies and experiences of different actors involved in

a variety of teleworking forms.
Part 4 is followed by a short conclusion, which draws together the books’
chapters and discusses the consequences of these for future research and practice.
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17
Part 1
MAKING SENSE OF
TELEWORKING CONCEPTS
AND CONTEXTS
The chapters that form Part 1 have two main aims. First, given the conceptual
ambiguity in telework discussions, and the links that are often made between
telework and virtual work, they address some of the conceptual problems involved
in accounts of these subjects. Second, because teleworking and virtual working
issues are often poorly integrated within wider debates on economic, technological
and social change, the authors examine frameworks that provide a more robust
theorising of these issues within broader contexts of development.
In Chapter 2, Lars Qyortrup traces the origins and developments in teleworking
concepts, stressing the importance of a purpose-based definition. For Qyortrup,
telework should be linked to an individual’s work situation, macro-sociological
changes and the individual’s life form. He identifies three life forms – self-employed,
wage earner and career-oriented person – which are characterised by the way
work and leisure time are related, and involve different attitudes and values towards
work and family life. These different life forms, according to Qyortrup, are essential
for explaining innovations in new forms of work.
In Chapter 3 Constance Perin looks at the social and cultural implications of
work schedules, flexibility and project work, and contrasts the different time-
space scheduling demands of industrial and modern production systems. The
latter illustrate the greater scope for temporal and spatial flexibility in the way in
which much modern work is carried out. This is particularly shown by
developments in project work and temporary organisation. As part of this, Perin
argues that old demarcations between industrial and household production
systems, paid and unpaid work, are becoming outdated.
Paul McGrath and Maeve Houlihan in Chapter 4 consider the relevance for
telework of the postmodern perspective on organisations. They identify the macro-
level changes that characterise the new organisational structures and forms of
19
MAKING SENS E OF TELEWORKI NG
economic activity that are viewed as postmodern. The chapter summarises the
contrasting imperatives of modernism and postmodernism as described by Clegg
(1990). In order to incorporate teleworking into such frameworks, the authors
identify additional dimensions that need to be added. They conclude that telework
impacts on organisational arrangements in three main ways: to increase
centralisation and control; to decentralise and empower; and to facilitate micro-
enterprise.
In Chapter 5 Martin Harris examines some of the conceptual and theoretical
questions raised by debates on virtual organisation. He notes that the
development of these forms has, in common with other related social and
organisational transformations, generally been treated as part of a paradigm
shift and rejection of Fordist/Taylorist modes of organising. Harris argues instead
for a more sophisticated reading which recognises continuities as well as
discontinuities in ways of working. To reframe the debate in a way that recognises
the co-existence of ‘virtual’ and Fordist forms, Harris points to the work of
Fukuyama (1995) and Clegg (1990). These are used to help identify the role of
culture and divergent organisational rationalities in understanding the way
organisational forms come about.
20
2
FROM TELEWORKING TO
NETWORKING
Definitions and trends
Lars Qvortrup
Introduction
The current telework terminology is becoming more and more problematic because
it focuses on the remote work location of individual workers instead of emphasising
the important organisational dynamics made possible by advanced communications
and the networking aspects of computer-mediated work. Consequently, current
quantifications of teleworkers have failed. Counting teleworkers is like measuring a
rubber band. The result depends on how far you stretch your definition.
Still, as a concept for individual persons’ working conditions telework and
related terms are relevant. But in order for us to benefit analytically from these
concepts they must be context-oriented, i.e. related to the concerned persons’ life
form situation and to his or her organisational context. Particularly, it is crucially
important that specific ways of organising telework are adapted to the specific life
form of the potential teleworker. In my opinion this is a pre-condition for
understanding the organisational dynamics related to telework, and thus for
making telework socially acceptable.
What is telework? The history of a changing concept
The history of telework definitions
How do we define telework? This is not just an academic discussion. On the

contrary, our understanding of telework has major impacts on the way in which
we organise telework, on the identification of potential teleworkers and telework
regions, on the specification of pros and cons of telework, and of course on the
statistical registration of teleworkers. Only if we know what telework is, is it
21
possible for us to establish the appropriate organisational frameworks, to identify

which geographical regions can and cannot benefit from telework initiatives, and
of course to actually count the number of teleworkers.
So, what is telework? Is it ‘electronic homework’ – which already sounds a bit
old-fashioned? Is it ‘telecommuting’, using the well-known concept coined by
Jack Nilles in 1973 (Nilles et al. 1976)? Or is it ‘flexiwork’, a term becoming more
and more popular in Europe? As I will exemplify, all three names have been used
as the defining term for telework.
During the 1970s and 1980s in Europe telework was looked at with quite
some scepticism. At that time, telework was often termed ‘electronic homework’,
connotating unskilled, low-paid office work from the home, either based on a
full-time contract or on a freelance relationship with the employer. Normally, the
connotations of this definition of telework were negative. The typical teleworker
was exemplified by the housewife with child-care responsibilities who, in isolation
from the working office community, performed monotonous wordprocessing for
a remote employer. Critical literature used ‘electronic homework’ as the
terminology for ‘telework’ in order to emphasise what was thought to be a close
connection between today’s telework and early industrial homework. For instance,
Maciejewski related telework closely to traditional homeworking (Maciejewski
1987: 2f). According to critical analyses, the main group of potential teleworkers
were female office workers. The foreseeable impact of telework was therefore
social isolation, dis-organisation of workers and further centralisation of
management and control (for instance Bahl-Benker 1988; Dobbertheim 1985;
Lux 1985; Moran and Tansey 1986; Vorjans 1987). In Denmark a similar
approach has been articulated in Vedel (1984 and 1986).
Even if skilled work was added to this definition, it was still based on the
assumption that telework was organised in relation to a central office with
employees working at a distance from their basic place of work. In the United
States in 1985 Margrethe H. Olson, Chairman of the National Research Council’s
Planning Panel on Office Workstations in the Homes, defined telework (or, rather,
‘telecommuting’, which was and still is the dominant American term) as simply
‘people working at home with computers connected to offices many miles away’
(National Research Council 1985: 1; also Olson 1982 and 1988), and with only
minor modifications in 1986 Cross and Raizman confirmed this definition:
‘Telecommuting means performing job-related work at a site away from the office,
then electronically transferring the results to the office or to another location’
(Cross and Raizman 1986: 3f).
In the United States, the discussion of telework started much earlier than in
Europe, not least thanks to the ‘telework prophet’ Jack Nilles who introduced the
idea as early as 1973 (Olson in National Research Council 1985; and Nilles et al.
1976). The first systematic analysis of the pros and cons of telework at a societal
level was published in 1976 by Nilles together with co-editors Carlson, Gray and
Hanneman (Nilles et al. 1976). Here, the human and economic costs and benefits
of the physical travel to and from work were compared with the costs and benefits
22
FROM TE LEWORKI NG TO NETWORKI NG
of staying at home and using a telecommunications link to communicate with the

employer. Generally speaking, in the US the discussion of telework has been
closely related to the commuting problems from home to central offices or big
cities with traffic problems. Consequently, the dominating term has been
‘telecommuting’ (this still seems to be the case, see Nilles 1994).
It is, however, not difficult to give examples of types of work which do not fit
into the above definitions, yet still would be instinctively conceptualised as telework.
This has been realised by many telework researchers – for instance, Huws (1988:
71), who emphasised that official definitions of the late 1980s might exclude a
large proportion of people actually teleworking from home.
First, many teleworkers live as sole employees at their own, home-based business.
They may be private consultants, working at home, sending reports of information
to single customers or to subscribers of the said service. They may, for instance, be
architects, working part time at home, telefaxing or e-mailing their designs and
construction plans, part-time commuting in order to physically supervise the
construction of a building, or they may be information providers, selling information
to a mass market, for instance via Internet standards such as the World Wide Web.
Second, many teleworkers use telecommunications in order to avoid travelling
to their customers or clients, or, similarly, end-users pick up their information
commodity at a distance through the telecommunications network. Examples
are video-communication-based interaction, or public, computer-based social
service provision at a distance – perhaps even home shopping and home banking
belong to this category.
Third, with the expansion of electronic network accessibility and the growing
availability of portable computers, work may be performed ‘everywhere’ (at the
office, at home, on travel), using computers and telecommunication, one example
being the flexible consultant or the journalist, transmitting his or her reports via
a modem from any corner of the world. In order to express this growing flexibility,
and, presumably, to support positive connotations, the current dominating official
term in Europe is: ‘flexiwork’.
The distortion of a term
Still, both electronic homework, telecommuting, flexiwork, plus an abundance of

other terms are used for telework. Just to mention a few: teleworkers, telecommuters,
flexiworkers, distance workers, electronic homeworkers, teleguerrillas, home-based
nomads, electronic moonlighters, satellite office workers, mobile teleworkers, full-
and part-time homeworkers, telecottage workers, etc. However, obviously, they are
not synonymous. Even worse, they are based on different – technical, geographical,
organisational, legal and so on – criteria, which means that they cannot be combined
into a coherent system of sub-categories.
Based on examples like the above a number of researchers have concluded
that it does not seem appropriate to define telework along any single parameter
23
or dimension (Korte 1988: 375; Steinle 1988: 9; Huws et al. 1990: 9). As an
example, Huws et al. suggest that an adequate definition should include three
variables: the location of work; the use of electronic equipment; and the existence
of a communications link to the employer or contractor. In their book they present
the following definition. Telework is
work the location of which is independent of the location of the

employer or contractor and can be changed according to the wishes
of the individual teleworker and/or the organisation for which he
or she is working. It is work which relies primarily or to a large
extent on the use of electronic equipment, the results of which
work are communicated remotely to the employer or contractor.
The remote communications link need not b e a direct
telecommunications link but could include the use of mail or
courier services.
(Huws et al. 1990: 10)
Huws et al. present a number of good arguments for proposing this definition.
First, telework is not covered by ‘telecommuting’, i.e. by the substitution of
telecommunications for commuting, partly because (according to Huws et al.
1990: 2) a number of surveys have shown that the desire to save on commuting
for many teleworkers is not an important motive,1 and partly because many sole
employees have no choice to but work from their home (self-employed service
and information providers). Second, telework certainly is not covered by ‘electronic
homework’. It can be organised in many other ways, as for instance in local
satellite centres, neighbourhood centres, etc.
Still, a number of problems remain. If it is accepted – and there is good reason
for doing so – that telework can be organised in many ways, an additional problem
of definition emerges: what about remote branch offices in, say, banks, insurance
companies, decentralised social service offices, or libraries? Should work executed
at such branch offices be defined as telework? In addition, it is a problem that
Huws et al., under the concept of telework, include work the products of which
are not exclusively distributed electronically, but also via mail services. Although
their point is that there is little difference between distributing a text through an
electronic mail service or on a diskette via the traditional mail service, in my
opinion the inclusion of all kinds of distribution makes the definition of telework
too broad. The problem which is not fully realised by Huws et al. is that ‘telework’
is not defined by work contents, but by the organisational and technical context
of work. In other words, exactly the same work qualifies as ‘telework’ in one
technical context, but not in another. Finally, one must ask what is exactly meant
by ‘contractor’. Are subscribers of electronic network information services
‘contractors’ of this service? As I have indicated in the above examples, such
providers of electronic information services should, in my opinion, be covered by
the definition of telework.
24
First sub-conclusion
It is obvious that it is extremely difficult to define telework. However, the difficulties

are not necessarily rooted in the lack of skills among researchers. On the contrary,
the problem may spring from the nature of telework itself. Consequently, I would
support Stern and Holti (1986) in that one is tempted to conclude that ‘the term
has become as distorted and so lacking in conceptual meaning as to defy serious
investigation’ (Stern and Holti 1986: 7).
As a first conclusion, among the vast number of terms, three telework categories
seem to have attracted attention: electronic homework, telecommuting and
flexiwork. However, while on the one hand they obviously do not have the same
meaning – and while none of the three terms covers the whole spectrum of
meanings represented by telework – on the other hand they are difficult to compare,
because they are based on different conceptual criteria. Electronic homework has
clear political connotations, both critical (being sent back home to old-fashioned
isolated cottage work) and positive (the idyllic electronic cottage (Toffler 1980)
reminding us of Laura Ingalls Wilder’s little house on the prairie); thus the term
evokes clear premodern associations. Telecommuting focuses on the wage earner’s
commuting problems; normally it does not include independent, homebased
micro-enterprises and its main rationale lies in society’s reduction of transportation
time and traffic pollution. Here, the dominating connotations include modernity’s
separation of workers and means of production, and its dream of creating a
rationally planned society. Finally, flexiwork is of a more recent origin; it reflects
current organisational changes, while also having obvious connotational
advantages – for instance, in a European Commission Telework Programme
context, the term arouses postmodern associations. However, none of these terms
covers the full spectrum of telework. Also, they are not compatible. Thus, with
their present definition, they cannot be used for a sub-classification of telework as
the generic term.
Current definitions: towards a more dynamic

approach
If we look at analyses of telework from the 1990s, implicitly or explicitly the

conclusion has been made that there is no reason to believe that an unambiguous
and restrictive definition can be established. However, definitions are still being
proposed, the difference being that they are less ambitious, less exact and more
inclusive and dynamic than earlier. In the Handbook for Teleworkers published by
ExperTeam TeleCom and IDATE telework is defined as ‘work carried out at a
place other than that where the results of this work are needed using information
and communications technology’ (Becker et al. 1994: 12). In its lack of specification
the handbook seems to have accepted as fact that ‘telework’ evades a strict
definition.
25
The orientation towards flexibility and dynamism is represented by a number of

recent publications. In Teleworking Explained, Gray, Hudson and Gordon define
teleworking as ‘a flexible way of working which covers a wide range of work activities,
all of which entail working remotely from an employer, or from a traditional place of
work, for a significant proportion of work time’ (Gray et al. 1993: 2, my emphasis).
Even more outspoken, Wierda, Overmars & Partners in their Handbook Teleworking.
Code of Practice define teleworking as ‘flexibilization of work in the aspects of time and
place where the geographical separation is bridged by telecommunication and micro-
electronics’ (Wierda, Overmars & Partners 1994: 4). A similar trend can be found in
the US. According to Telecommute America’s homepage telecommuting ‘is an
encompassing concept that has emerged as an umbrella term referring to the wide
range of alternative officing arrangements. The term is often used to symbolise the
substitution of computing and telecommunications technology for the traditional
automobile or bus commute’ (Telecommute America 1995; Christiansen et al. 1996:
15). Perhaps the most radical – in the sense of dynamically oriented – definition can
be found in Britton’s Rethinking Work. According to his definition, telework ‘covers a
range of new ways of working, using telecommunications as a tool, and for at least
part of the time outside a traditional office environment’ (Britton 1994: 23).
The crisis of the telework concept
One of the problems of the concept of telework is that its borders are very vague; if
one tests the concept empirically, i.e. through specific examples, one repeatedly realises
that it is almost impossible to specify what is and what is not telework. On the face of
it, the concept seems unambiguous, ‘telework’ signifying the situation where a person
works at one place and delivers the work products to another place through
telecommunications. But what about the big group of flexiworkers? They work at
home, at the office, while travelling – does this make them teleworkers, and exactly
when do they make the ‘quantum leap’ from being ‘ordinary’ workers to becoming
‘teleworkers’? What about academics or bureaucrats, i.e. people in modern public
administrations, are they teleworkers? They work at home, at their office, they go to
meetings and conferences, and normally they communicate continuously via telephone
and modems with their departments, their colleagues, their clients and students.
Most of them, however, would not consider themselves ‘teleworkers’, but ‘just’ ordinary
academics and administrators using telecommunication equipment more and more
extensively. What about those millions of people working in the financial sector?
Most of these work at branch offices with working relations partly to local customers,
partly to their head office, to foreign exchange dealers, etc. So, in reality, do not local
banks qualify as telework centres? Taxi drivers certainly are true flexiworkers, using
telecommunications to interact with their employer, their central office and their
customers. People working in supermarkets are on-line, connected to banks, stocks,
suppliers, etc. from when they arrive in the morning until they leave, but we would
never call a small local supermarket a satellite work centre.
26
Second sub-conclusion
While the current conceptually liberal approach to telework reflects the growing
understanding of the fact that new information technologies have broader
organisational impacts than just moving the place of work, it certainly does not
solve the conceptual crisis of telework. As telework researchers we still lack a
common conceptual language. Particularly, when doing telework research or
when making telework statistics we often count those people who for some reason
or another experience themselves as teleworkers, while others with very similar
working conditions are not recorded (also Huws 1993: 1). Also, the practical
definition of the concept is often influenced by the political context in which it is
used, turning research into a kind of academic propaganda. Here, I can fully
support the conclusion of Luc Soete et al. that as telework seems to be ‘one of the
major forms of new modes of work which will be established in the Information
Society . . . a much higher quality of debate on teleworking . . .’ is certainly
needed (Soete et al. 1996: 22f).
Telework statistics: the problem of counting the

uncountable
The difficulties of counting teleworkers
While all the above-mentioned definitions of the 1990s certainly reflect current
organisational flexibilisations, from an operational point of view they are not very
useful. For instance, how would one make statistics with such broad definitions?
For reasons of definitions, it is difficult to perform quantitative telework surveys,
and even more difficult to transform such surveys into concrete predictions. As an
example, based on a telework survey covering fourteen European companies, Huws
et al. in their above-mentioned book on telework in Europe concluded that
‘(g)eneralisations are . . . fraught with danger’ (Huws et al. 1990: 148). Consequently
they warned that ‘(translating the results of such surveys into concrete predictions
is notoriously difficult’ (Ibid.: 201). Still, they concluded that ‘telework is likely to
grow steadily, albeit more slowly than early commentators predicted. Teleworkers
who are home-based all the time are likely to be outnumbered by part-time and
occasional teleworkers who are otherwise office-based. A majority of the workforce
will not be engaged in telework’ (Ibid.: 207f).
Past and current optimism
Nevertheless, the short history of telework is filled with over-optimistic predictions.

In 1971, AT&T predicted that by 1990 all Americans would be working from home
(Korte 1988: 374), and ten years later another forecast modified the 1990 figure to 50
27
per cent of the entire American workforce (Steinle 1988: 7). In the early 1980s futurists
forecast that 15 million people would be teleworking two or three days each week by
1990 (Cross and Raizman 1986), and at the same time the Institute of Future Studies
at the University of South California assumed a number of 20 per cent in 1990 and
40 per cent in the year 2000 (Korte 1988: 374). Although the expectations have been
modified from year to year, in 1987 it was still a common belief among employed
people in Europe that it would be entirely feasible to decentralise about two-thirds of
all jobs, implying that roughly 80 million jobs in Europe could be carried out from
the home or from locations near the places where people live (Steinle 1988: 7).
Over the last few years, the European Commission has been much engaged
in telework development. In the White Paper presented by Head of Commission,
Jacques Delors, in late 1993, and discussed by Heads of State in December 1993,
the development of telework, along with other uses of information infrastructures
was given high priority.
At the same time, the European Commission decided on a new set of telework
stimulation actions. Most started in January 1994. Over 30 co-operative actions
should bring together more than 150 organisations, with a further 150 other
sponsoring and associated bodies. Their principal objectives were:
• to encourage companies to experiment with and implement telework networks;

• to examine the practical problems associated with teleworking, particularly
across the European Union’s internal borders;
• to evaluate what new developments in technology were required;
• to analyse the impact on business organisation, industrial competitiveness, the
environment and energy consumption; and
• to provide support and co-ordination for regional and national initiatives in
this field.
The target of the European Commission’s telework initiatives was to create

teleworking centres in 20 places by the end of 1995 involving at least 20,000
workers. The aim was for 2 per cent of white-collar workers to be teleworkers by
1996; and to have created 10 million teleworking jobs by the year 2000.
Third sub-conclusion: the problem of measuring

a rubber band
However, with the recent trend towards organisational flexibility and ‘rightsizing’,
with the structural transformation of rural society and its need for economic
diversification, with the changing organisational attitudes, leaving traditional
organisational conservatism behind, with the growing social and infrastructural
problems of urban regions, and with increasing political and social awareness of
the need for organisational change and support of telework, the number of
teleworkers is expected to expand.
28
According to the results of the TELDET survey (Korte et al. 1994, and personal
communication) the actual total number of teleworkers in 1994 in France,
Germany, Italy, Spain, and the UK was approximately 1.1 million, representing
about 1 per cent of the total workforce. In terms of absolute figures the UK
reached top figures with 560,000, followed by France with around 215,000
teleworkers. Italy and Spain, but also to some extent Germany, are at an early
stage of telework diffusion. This does represent a growth trend, not least as regards
the awareness of telework. When comparing the results from the surveys in 1994
with comparable surveys in 1985 it is ‘apparent that interest in telework among
the workforce . . . has risen dramatically from 1985 to 1994 and in European
countries by a factor of three to four’ (Korte et al. 1994: 3).
The TELDET results can be compared with a telework survey conducted by
Analytica in 1992. Here, a more restrictive definition of telework is used: a
teleworker is defined as someone who:
1 has worked for the employer in question for at least ten days, or an equivalent
number of hours, in the four weeks immediately prior to the survey;
2 has been based at home for at least 50 per cent of his or her time;
3 has a direct contact with the employer, which might or might not confer
employee status;
4 uses both a telecommunicating device and a computing device in the course
of carrying out his or her work;
5 would not be able to work remotely without the use of this technology
(Huws 1993: 3).
Huws concludes that calculations based on her survey suggest that in the UK
less than one worker in 200 is a genuine teleworker. With 22 million wage earners
in 1992 (Gray et al. 1993: 276) this equals less than 110,000 teleworkers.
Going in the opposite direction Gray et al. state that in 1992 there were 1,224,000
teleworkers in the UK (ibid.: 277) and 6,243,000 teleworkers in the USA. These
figures represent the addition of the following categories: self-employed and small
business sector; formal, wholly employed in major organisations; informal, wholly
employed in major organisations; mobile teleworkers in cars; possible size of the
tacit teleworking population of major organisations, less those included in the
earlier categories (and thus duplicated). One of the big figures for this table is the
latest ‘possible size of the tacit teleworking population of major organisations’
which is estimated at 528,000 (the UK) and 2,880,000 (the US). This figure is
based on considerations of Franklin Becker of Cornell University concerning the
Table 2.1 Surveys of teleworkers in the UK
29
number of desks occupied and unoccupied at an unspecified ‘large office’ in the

US, and on some confidential guesses of an unnamed information technology
manager at an anonymous ‘major institution in North America’ who thinks that
12.5 per cent are unofficially homeworking during a typical day. These – and
only these – considerations lead to the following conclusion: ‘We can guess-
timate that between 12.5 % and 0 % are home working – say 6%’ (ibid.: 276).
If one compares these three surveys, the dilemma is obvious. On the one hand
one may count what is measurable, knowing that this does not represent what is
instinctively understood as teleworking. On the other hand one may count all
teleworking, knowing that this is not measurable. Doing the latter should at least,
however, avoid operating with exact figures.
Telework and life form
The importance of a purpose-based definition
As demonstrated above, the definition of telework has become more and more
distorted. One possible conclusion is that the category should be given up.
However, in my opinion this is not appropriate in all cases. Instead, the term
should be used much more in relation to specific analytical purposes. For instance,
when one talks about organisational changes, i.e. at a macro-sociological level,
one should avoid the individual category ‘telework’. But when focus is made at
the impacts of such changes for individual persons (employees and self-employed
persons), of course a term must be used which reflects their situation as individuals.
Here, a well-defined generic concept for ‘telework’, ‘teleworker’ and ‘teleworking’,
as well as sub-categorisations following a common standard, are needed. However,
as I have argued, ‘telework’ does not signify the work contents, but the working
situation within an organisational and technological context. Consequently, an
appropriately defined telework concept should link the individual working situation
partly to macro-sociological organisational changes, and partly to the individual
person’s general life situation.
Telework: electronic homework, telecommuting and

flexiwork
In order to fulfil this purpose I will return to some of the categories presented in the
beginning of this chapter. However, the idea is to give them a social interpretation
in order partly to connect them to the general life situation of individuals in a
modern society, partly to relate them to current organisational phenomena.
In this context, I will maintain telework as the generic term. Here, I agree with
the definition given by Jack Nilles in 1988. Fifteen years after having launched
the concept of electronically mediated distance working, Nilles proposed a broad
30
definition of telework, simply stating that telework ‘includes all work-related

substitutions of telecommunications and related information technologies for
travel’ (Nilles 1988: 301, and 1994: xix). Thus, the concept of telework is used
for all kinds of electronically mediated work-related interactions across distance:
interactions with the employer at the company headquarters, with colleagues in a
central office, or at other workplaces, and – as either an employee in a large
company or an independent home-based or shared-facility-based self-employed
person – with contractors, subscribers and customers.
However, the generic term must be broken into sub-categories in order to
specify the many different modes of telework which can be found today. Here, it
is relevant to include all the above-mentioned three sub-concepts.
These three sub-categories can be defined as seen in Table 2.2:
Table 2.2 Sub-categories of telework
Telework and life form
Many definitions and categorisations of telework are not based on any explicit
rationality, but often mix different (technical, organisational and social) criteria.
However, the inherent idea of the above tripartite definition of telework is to
build on a social rationality. Each of the three basic categories of telework is
related to a basic life form in modern society. This implies that one type of telework
is related to one social category, while others appeal more to other social roles
and positions. However, we have seen again and again that telework has been
identified with only one of the above sub-categories, thus narrowing the scope,
and we have seen that one social group has unconsciously used their own implicit
definition of telework, thus subsuming others under their specific favourite type
of telework, and under their (but not necessarily others’) most appropriate
organisation of telework.
Basically, in our modern society there are three historically rooted life
forms2: the self-employed’s, the wage earner’s and the career oriented person’s
life form. The self-employed’s life form is of course most dominant among people
who are associated with self-employment: farmers, artisans, shopkeepers,
manufacturers. The wage earner’s life form is, as indicated by the term, tied to
being a wage earner. The career oriented person’s life form refers to occupational
31
groups aiming at a career, especially within larger enterprises and organisations

(Storgaard and Jensen 1991: 124).
The basic idea of these ‘life form’ categories is that the form of work is closely
related to the whole life form. Thus, all three categories can be defined by the
way work and leisure time are related (see Figure 2.1). While wage earners place
leisure time above work, career oriented persons prize work above leisure time.
In comparison, self-employed people are very reluctant to draw a line between
working hours and leisure time. They cherish other values, such as running their
own farm or firm, and they do not experience any significant conflict between
family life and working life (Storgaard and Jensen 1991: 125ff).
Figure 2.1 Life form categories
This also implies that different life form representatives have different attitudes
to work. For career oriented people, work is a goal in itself (you live to work),
while for wage earners work is rather a means to improve family life and leisure
time (you work to live). While the former go to work in order to work, for the
latter the social and interactional qualities of work are important: having a job is
a key to social interaction at the workplace. Finally, the self-employed cannot
really tell the difference between leisure and family time and work.
In addition, these life forms have different historical roots and interactional relations.
The self-employed’s life form is rooted in traditional (rural) society and is related to
stable, positional interaction relations. The wage earner’s life form is rooted in modern
society with its urbanised personal interaction relations. Finally, the career oriented’s
life form is related to hyperpersonal interaction patterns and connotates postmodernity.
From this analysis it is much easier to characterise the three different forms of
telework, and it is also much more understandable why one form of telework
attracts one life form representative, but not necessarily other life forms (Figure
2.2 slightly modifies the illustration in Storgaard and Jensen 1991: 127).
Ways to organise telework
Having characterised the main forms of telework and their relations to life forms,
social history and interaction types, I will now look at ways in which telework has
32
Figure 2.2 Life form interactional relations
been organised, one purpose being to demonstrate that different life form categories
can be related to different ways of organising telework.
I think that the following five categories cover most of the spectrum:
1 Electronic home-offices In this form the worker undertakes paid employment

either entirely at home or predominantly from a home base, with none or
few visits to the site of an employer or client.
2 Shared-facility centres In this form a building, an office or a work centre is
equipped with various new information technology facilities both for on-site
work and for communicating at a distance. These facilities are shared by a
number of users who may be employees of different companies, independent
freelance professionals or small businesses unable to afford such facilities on
their own, and the centres are placed in residential areas or in rural villages.
3 Satellite work centres These centres are placed in residential areas or in rural
villages, but they are owned by a specific company which has relocated part
of its operations at a distance from an original or main site. The operations
in the branch office are normally relatively integrated ones, and the branch
communicate with the head office by means of new information technology.
4 Private Enterprise Centres These centres are privately owned, and they provide
information technology-based goods and services largely, if not entirely, at a
distance. Those working at such enterprises are likely to be employees living
locally, but the customers and clients of the enterprise are located at a distance.
Typically, these centres are placed in rural regions, providing services for
urban companies.
5 Flexible work facilities (flexiwork) Here, the distance workers may be located in
more than one place: they are mobile, using portable equipment and
telecommunication facilities, partly working at home and on trains and planes,
partly at the central office or at shared-facility centres.
How should these different types of telework organisation be understood? In the

current context I would prefer to analyse the different organisational forms in
relation to the different life forms. It is my hypothesis that different life forms and
types of human relations are related to different types of work organisation. The
appropriate way to organise self-employed teleworkers is through electronic home-
33
offices, often developing into small telework enterprises providing information-

based services. For wage earning teleworkers, electronic homeoffices should
normally be avoided. Here, it is much more appropriate to establish satellitework
centres or private enterprise centres, because they provide most of the qualities of
a traditional place of work. Finally, career oriented teleworkers will normally
favour flexi-facilities. Shared-facility centres like, for example, telecentres, should
be attractive for all categories; however, their weakness may be that they do not
have any obvious specific life form profile (see Figure 2.3).
The trend towards networking
The dominating current trend in Europe seems to be that telework is performed

by skilled information workers using computers and telecommunications for flexible
work, i.e. working part time at home, part time in the office, and also bringing
their portable computer on trains, aeroplanes, and to hotels, or visiting intelligent
buildings. With the above life form categories this trend is easy to understand. It
reflects the strong career oriented tendency of current urban life, making us less
and less tied to positional or personal networks. With its celebration of electronic
networking and its highly mobile work ideal, flexiwork is closely related to
hyperpersonal forms of personal interaction. Consequently, the current explosion
of telework as flexiwork is an obvious example of convergence between a social
and a technological development trend. The downsizing of computers, the
increased independence of mainframes and the growth of networking opportunities
go hand in hand with the growing dominance of the career oriented lifestyle.
Figure 2.3 Life forms and work organisation
34
Thus, apart from contributing to a conceptual framework for telework research,

my point in discussing the lack of statistical appropriateness of telework concepts
is to emphasise the fact that the conceptual problems do not necessarily only
reflect research problems, but that they are also the result of more fundamental
structural changes in work relations and in organisational forms made possible
by advanced communications. These changes should of course be part of telework
research. Instead of focusing strictly on ‘telework’ as a static category one should
rather consider ‘the diffusion and impact of these applications of NIT (new
information technology) communications in the spatial organization of work’
(Stern and Holti 1986: 7). Earlier, when the organisational context was given ex
ante, there was a tendency to focus on the individual worker’s relation to the
organisation. At that time, telework was synonymous with moving the place of
work away from the organisational centre, everything else being equal. Today,
with information workers working at different places and for changing – and
even non-localisable – organisations, one should rather focus on the structural
changes of modern organisations.
As early as 1983, Turoff and Hiltz went one step further, arguing that
current office technologies make the concepts of centralisation and
decentralisation outmoded, substituting a structure based on fluid networks
by means of which teleworkers – or rather, they would say, knowledge workers
– become members of ad hoc groupings formed around particular projects.
These groupings – or ‘online communities’, as they were later coined by
Hiltz – are not restricted by time or space, but are only based on the specific
knowledge project which relate a number of project participants (Turoff and
Hiltz 1983; Huws et al. 1990: 32)
The most well-known example of ‘networking’ in ‘online communities’ is
provided by computerised conferencing systems used by groups of scientists
working within the same research speciality. Typically such systems provide message
systems which enable members to send private communications to individuals or
groups on a topic of discussion, conferences which build up a permanent transcript
on a topic of discussion, and notebooks where text processing features may be used
to work on jointly authored reports (Hiltz 1984).
Based on such examples, Hiltz totally changes the definition of an office.
‘Usually’, she writes, ‘one thinks of it as a place, with desks and telephones and
typewriters. In thinking about the office of the future, one must instead think of
it as a communications space, created by the merger of computers and
telecommunications.’ According to Hiltz these computer-mediated communication
networks can best be thought of as a new kind of social system, in which the
familiar social processes in the workplace and the organisation become subtly
altered by electronically mediated interactive processes, creating new kinds of
‘online communities’ (Hiltz 1984: xv and 30).
In the context of telework, Huws et al. accepted the same kind of definition.
Looking into the future, they believed ‘that the traditional concept of the workplace
as a fixed geographical space will be replaced by more abstract notions of the
35
working context as a set of relationships, a network, an intellectual space’ (Huws

et al. 1990: 208). This ‘network office’ is coined The elusive office.
The consequences of broadening the scope can be found in many areas, a characteristic
example being the discussion of computer interfaces. Still today, the computer interface
is related to the desktop metaphor, the desktop being the appropriate horizon of an
individual person’s working situation. Currently, however, with very fundamental
structural changes of organisations and with the emergence of ‘network organisations’,
‘virtual offices’, ‘electronic libraries’, ‘intelligent buildings’, etc., we should move our
focus away from the adjectives of these compound concepts to their nouns: we are
experiencing that we are not just putting new adjectives to otherwise unchanged nouns,
but that we are changing the noun itself, i.e. the ‘nature’ of organisations, offices, libraries,
buildings, etc. Consequently, the user interface should include and integrate buildings,
office equipment, human relations and facilities; organisational structures and their
design should reflect the need for continuous reproduction of organisational identity
and of individuals’ positions within organisations. Thus, the emerging user interface
does not just include the desktop, but includes organisational culture, loyalties, working
relations, continuous establishment and re-establishment of work teams, identification
of individual organisational positions, and so on.
Also, the discussion of telework should learn from this trend. If we stick to the
individual approach of telework, we may risk forgetting about all those important
things below the surface, as Gil Gordon recently put it:
Telework as we typically discuss it is only the tip of a growing iceberg.

Above the surface is the visible issue of remote work locations and how to
use them effectively, a subject about which we have learned a great deal
and which is no longer . . . much of an issue. Below the surface are related
issues of flexibility in the workplace in general, managerial (in)competence,
rethinking of office space requirements and designs, transportation and
land use planning, and . . . ‘life after bureaucracy’ – the prospects for
organizational forms other than traditional hierarchical structures.
(In Britton 1994: 26)
Notes
1 However, a contradictory conclusion can be found in the Empirica survey report

from 1985. In a summary of the main findings it is emphasised that ‘commuting costs
(in terms of time spent) play a decisive role in determining attitudes towards electronic
home-based work’ (Empirica 1986: 21)
2 This specific analysis of life form was introduced by the Danish sociologist Thomas
Højrup, (1983, 1984, and Højrup and Rahbek Christensen 1989); the idea to combine
life form analysis and sociological analysis of information technology was introduced
by Storgaard and Jensen (1991), and the following analysis is very much based on
their categorisations. As regards the combination of life forms and telework categories
I have been inspired by discussions with my MA student Janne Larsen.
36
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Wierda, Overmars and Partners (1994) Handbook Teleworking. Code of Practice.
39
3
WORK, SPACE AND TIME ON THE

THRESHOLD OF A NEW CENTURY
Constance Perin
Like bicycles, trains, planes and spacecraft, information technologies have come
to unsettle the fundamental cosmologies through which we have understood
ourselves in space and in time. We might say the same of the sometimes more
welcome but perhaps more ambiguous disturbances that biotechnologies provoke.
As genetic engineering and organ transplants ask us to recreate the meanings of
health, life and death, we are forced to reconsider our understandings of what we
have seen to be life’s inevitabilities. By comparison, the ways in which computerised
communications allow people to reposition themselves in space and time can
appear trivial. These new modes may become commonplaces ultimately, but in
the meantime the questions they raise about what we have taken for granted are
as momentous for how we understand our present and future experiences of
living and getting a living, of individual and collective life itself.
The evidence has been mounting for several years now that the very idea of
working partly in an office and partly at home or in a place remote from a central
office raises questions about the moral and social principles around which we
organise our working and living relationships. Can we trust the conversations we
have with those we cannot see? Can we make room in the sacred space of home
(organised around the principle of love) for the profane space of work (motivated
by a monetary principle)? Can managers believe sufficiently in workers’ judgement,
self-interest and good will to lower the whip of personalised control? Can the
quality of work and employee productivity be measured substantively rather
than only quantitatively? Can the work of making a living be reorganised to take
as much account of the work of living? (Perin 1991, 1996).
Over the last decade and more, my research has been focusing on the cadre of
salaried professionals and technical employees in the US and Western Europe
for the reason that culturally they are likely to respond ‘yes’ to the above questions:
they are said to enjoy greater managerial and collegial trust (Zussman 1985),
they expect to work at home as an adjunct to working at the office, their higher
40
WORK, S PACE AND TIME
level of self-management allows them greater schedule flexibility (to attend school
plays and civic meetings), and the cadre as a whole has come to be populated by
about as many women as men. Even within this cadre, however, employees’
experiences of temporal and spatial flexibility are at odds with organisational
authority and work systems. And at odds as well with the cadre’s own
understanding of what it takes to advance professionally and financially: they
believe that being ‘absent’ from the office (especially when working from home)
will be disadvantageous to their careers and their employers believe it to be
impossible to supervise people out of their sight. The nineteenth-century
‘panopticon’ principle of control over industrial production – co-location, presence
and visibility – remains active at this millennial moment.
A source of this persistence is a symbolic scheme where co-presence sustains
owners’ moral and actual authority and distance undermines it. This ‘presence’
discourse has yet to yield to ‘performance’ discourse, another moral and technical
system that would evaluate outputs instead of counting inputs. It would recognise
the value to individuals and organisations of the self-management implicit in
temporal and spatial flexibility. Together, the semiotics of time and space and the
panopticon principle override communicative, competence and household logics:
the communicative logics of substituting presence with asynchronicity and virtual
presence, the competence logics of time for thinking without interruption in a
high ‘noise’ office and the household logics of self-scheduling to meet the routine
and non-routine exigencies of domestic households (Perin 1991).
Social and moral imperatives that employees themselves introduce against spatial
and temporal flexibility reinforce the symbolic system and the disciplinary principle.
‘Going to the office’ is driven almost as much by personal and social interests as by
financial need. Besides enjoying pleasures in their work, professionals especially
locate much of their identity in their office influence and relationships, and no
matter how trying or challenging their colleagues, bosses and work are, being ‘in
the office’ is an important social experience that can, often enough, enhance their
work and their lives. It had better; an enjoyable workplace can be a necessary
counterpoint to the built-in coerciveness of making a living, and for some few men
and women the workplace is as much a respite from stressful domestic demands
(Hochschild 1997) as home is respite from office stresses. Another source of
employees’ rootedness to workplace is that in this same decade industrial restructuring
has clouded the career prospects of many; there may be even less willingness to be
invisible to bosses and to colleagues who are also competitors for a steady job,
interesting work and higher pay, even for only two days a week.
The overarching moral and social principle around which today’s working
and living relationships are organised is that the paid work of industrial production
and the unpaid work of household production are ‘separate spheres’. The untoward
consequences of this principle in our time have belatedly been made more apparent,
perhaps only because over the last few decades two-earner households among
those in white-collar occupations are becoming as widespread as they have always
been for those in blue-collar occupations. Given a century-and-a-half of
41
industrialisation, why do the survival imperatives of work remain so much stronger

than the temporal, spatial and moral imperatives of personal fulfilment, child-
raising and community involvement? Of the responses that might be made to
this question on various grounds – philosophical, political, moral, economic –
mine will be largely cultural and social.
The project organisation
Over the last decade or so professional work of all kinds has come to be organised
into ‘projects’ bringing together various specialties around a common problem,
usually temporarily; each specialist remains permanently assigned to a function
or department. For the non-routine (or less routinised) work activities that
distinguish professional and many technical employees from others wearing white
collars (Midler 1995) project management models have become a standard
organising technology. Off-the-shelf models define specific steps for developing
input and output requirements, defining work phases, specifying tasks, making
cost estimates, allocating resources, scheduling reviews and deliveries, and tracking
project activities in monthly, quarterly, and annual reports about progress and
expenditure. Through project reporting systems, managers monitor strategic and
research goals to see that financial and contractual obligations are being met.
These systems also furnish managers with data for evaluating employees’
performance – whether they meet their obligations and accountabilities project-
by-project and meet organisational criteria for productivity, innovation, creativity
and career progress, among others.
The project format appears to have become a ubiquituous ‘batch production’
technology for short runs, for repetitive operations, and for one-of-a-kind outcomes,
at all scales of innovation and complexity. Project management models descend from
the decades of the ‘scientific management’ scheme of Frederick Taylor, who in turn
extended the observational principle of Jeremy and Samuel Bentham’s Panopticon:
an all-seeing, centralised surveillance and control system. Today, project management
models attempt to approximate factory Taylorisation in non-manufacturing activities
(construction, biotechnology, product design, software development). They are also
used to rationalise approaches to so-called ‘ill-structured problems’ (first-generation
technologies, organisational change) (Shenhar 1991, 1992).
Industrial and household production systems:

relating paid and unpaid work systems
How do these models relate to the temporal and spatial flexibility men and women
need for integrating the work of living and making a living? The differences between
industrial and household production systems are defined by conventionalised meanings
understood not as being arbitrary but as natural. Coded in ‘industrial’ and ‘household’
42
are Western understandings of ‘money’ and ‘love’, ‘public’ and ‘private’, ‘work’ and
‘home’, ‘work’ and ‘leisure’, ‘adults’ and ‘children’, and all that symbolises them
materially, socially and institutionally (Nippert-Eng 1996; Perin 1988). These semiotics
produce persistent organisational, professional and personal issues that managers,
employees and families are, consciously or not, addressing. My sketch of these
differences suggests the domains in which data and theorising are needed:
The Industrial Production System is a monetised social unit, whose

work systems are believed to be rationally ordered and highly
predictable. The Household Production System is a non-monetised
unit for generational reproduction and caretaking, for personal
development, for private life, and for maintaining and supporting
health and well-being; its activities are believed to be affectively ordered
and relatively unpredictable.
Cognitively and emotionally, employees performing paid work focus

their attentions preponderantly on remunerated obligations and tasks
and their meanings for their organisational future. They interpret
their experiences partly in terms of their role in their organisation’s
economic, social and cultural structures and partly in terms of their
life goals, priorities and non-work situations. Away from their paid
work (wherever located), when at home and during leisure, they fo-
cus on unremunerated obligations and relationships, interpreting their
experiences partly in terms of familial and communal structures and
partly in terms of occupational and career interests.
The incentives and rewards of participating in industrial production con-

trast so markedly with those of household production that managers do
not trust employees to fulfill their paid duties at home. Another differ-
ence is between the random activities associated with ‘home’ and
unsynchronised with industrial clock-time and the predictable activities
of ‘work’. For example, younger children’s activities are seen as highly
random and will therefore interfere with paid work, whereas school-age
children’s activities are increasingly predictable, thereby allowing for an
office-like, regularised work-at-home schedule. Hence the widely accepted
advice that employees with younger children at home should hire care-
takers or not work at home. Parents’ experiences may run counter to
these beliefs, however: the sleep needs of younger children can leave
large chunks of uninterrupted time, while the psychosocial needs of school-
age children can require parental energy and attention.
Within project organisations, random events are as likely as routines,

and the day itself is punctuated by coffee breaks, hallway conversa-
tions, last-minute meetings, unexpected tasks. One common experi-
43
ence of the office/home pattern is that managers soon learn that their
industrial realm is more randomly organised than they assume, as
seen in ubiquitous crisis management when they want employees right
there. After telecommuting programmes are established, managers
observe that they plan work more efficiently and design more effective
meetings. At home, employees may reverse the expected order by keep-
ing random interruptions to a minimum (voice mail, child-care) and
by incorporating household production into industrial production, e.g.
taking planned breaks by walking the dog, starting supper.
Paradoxically, however, managerial distrust of industrial work in house-

hold space is active only when employees are at home during the regu-
lar industrial workday and workweek. Most professionals and techni-
cal workers are expected to complete tasks or respond to schedule
pressures even if they have to work overtime at home in the evenings
and at weekends. Upon learning that an employee needed computer
equipment at home to keep up with a heavy schedule as a project
manager, one manager arranged for it quickly. A few weeks later, when
he asked how her work was progressing, she said, ‘It’s much better
now that I can get so much more done during the day away from the
telephone and other interruptions.’ The manager was surprised, ‘You
mean that you’re sitting home during the week? I only intended the
equipment for you to use during evenings and weekends.’ After this,
she was free to work at home if she discussed it with him ahead of
time. (In the 1980s IBM gave computer equipment to employees only
on the condition that they use it for overtime work.) On the other
hand, evening and weekend work may represent employees’ own time-
shifting, where they voluntarily work at these times in order to use
scheduled office hours for family and personal concerns. In this case,
‘overtime’ is a self-managed flexibility strategy.
Beginning as temporal innovations, flexible schedules in industry have become spatial

as well. They recognise, however faintly, that it is through their external, non-work
and unpaid activities that employees sustain their individual capacities to contribute
to their organisations’ well-being. Company-time is not always lifetime. But firms
acknowledge this relationship mainly by recognising those nonwork activities that
debilitate their employees’ at-work capacities (e.g. health-care benefits, firm-supported
programmes for alcohol- and drug-abuse prevention and treatment, child-care facilities
that make it possible for some employees to work at all and to work at irregular
hours). As studies have consistently shown, ‘flexible’ schedules and places of work
are truly flexible only for those on the top organisational rungs.
The new sense of flexibility as being both temporal and spatial, the unprecedentedly
high levels of dual-earner households in all socioeconomic groups, the longevity of
parents, and the persistence of gender role stereotypes at work and at home suggest
44
that the nature of the relationship between the paid work of industrial production and
the unpaid work of household production is under great pressure to change. But
studies of project management tend to concentrate on the internal structural questions
posed by a ‘matrix organisation’. They address practical tensions between functional
departments (to which specialists owe their allegiances for professional and career
development) and the parent organisation that controls resources (Midler 1995) and
suggest that projects are ‘temporary organisations’ with special characteristics within
the larger organisation (Goodman 1981; Lundin and Soderholm 1995; Packendorff
1995). The internal operations of projects within their organisational contexts are
one aspect of the anthropology and sociology of work systems. Once juxtaposing
project activities with schedule flexibility, distance working, and an office/home pattern,
external contexts become equally significant. What is the relation between industrial
paid work and households’ unpaid work? Unacknowledged, project management
models and practices control both.
A research prologue
A number of new questions arise when acknowledging the ubiquity of the project
organisation of work, the technologically created opportunities for spacetime flexibility,
the competing time pressures on dual-earner households, the new highs in female
employment, and such new social forms as networks, alliances and teams. Are project
management models more than just practical tools for systematising professional and
technical work? Do they obviate alternative approaches to organising work and non-
work activities – that is, are they as much social, cognitive and cultural systems as
they are technical systems? Do the models’ premises, expectations and implementation
conventions foreclose other ways of understanding individual and interdependent
work processes? How do these models reinforce or moderate career and survival
imperatives? Several issues deserve deeper consideration in order to begin to respond
to such questions empirically and theoretically.
Across the ‘boundaries’: rights and obligations at work, at

home and in the community
Project management models and the schedules and work-plans they result in
constitute an implicit contract and set of promises. These elaborate on and specify
obligations in the employment relationship, which is itself shaped by explicit and
implicit expectations, demands and commitments. The ‘psychological contract’
between employees and employers acknowledges that although all expectations
and commitments may not be spelled out, those that are taken for granted are
equally operative. Looking at these mutual expectations as systems of ‘rights and
obligations’ acknowledges their structural significance. Professionals’ ‘contracts’
with families and communities are no less binding but likely to be only implied
45
(until they decide to dissolve them). These non-organisational contracts are unlikely
to be organisationally acknowledged.
How do professionals evaluate their work and non-work priorities, including
career and other organisational considerations? That is, how do they relate their
unpaid obligations to families and communities to their employment rights and
obligations? How might they rewrite the provisions of their employment and
non-employment ‘contracts’ (Kingdom 1996; Nippert-Eng 1996; Williams 1996)?
Their rights in and obligations to firms, no less than families, are colloquially
expressed as ‘commitment and loyalty’, but in the workplace these often translate
into employers’ expectations of office presence and work-related travel that can
colonise household and personal time (Perin 1991). Commitment and loyalty
are also signified by ‘willingness to work long hours . . . [perceived] as an indicator
of some valuable, yet hard to observe, characteristics of employees’ (Landers et
al. 1996: 1; emphasis in original). Again, temporal inputs rather than substantive
outputs are the basis for evaluating employees and, again, this expectation relies
on a presence model rather than a performance model of professional work (Perin
1991: 257–61). The presence model appears to underlie project management
models and thereby perpetuates workplace and work schedule inflexibility.
In internal labour markets structured by formal rules, ‘new problems such as
work/family difficulties are solved through the introduction of new formal programs,
i.e., work/family programs’ (Osterman 1995: 683). Calling their nonwork obligations
‘difficulties’ is a result of that original failure to recognise the life context of employees’
obligations to household members, relatives and communities and the moral and
personal satisfactions their rights in these relationships provide. These contribute
to their well-being not only away from work but at work as well. The cultural
postulate of the encapsulated ‘ideal worker’ is the source of this analytical and
practical neglect – imagining employees as being single men or women with few if
any competitors for time, attention, commitment and loyalty. Without this controlling
myth, there would be no category of ‘work/family difficulties’.
Gender matters: obligations at home define rights at work, and vice versa
The evidence continues to confirm that males’ at-home obligations, if not also
their rights, remain traditionally defined. No matter what age or at what
educational level fathers, husbands and partners are, men take on far fewer
obligations than women to use their time for caretaking and domestic tasks;
women with children are likely to work half again as much at home as at their
workplaces (Perkins and DeMeis 1996: 85–6). Even when men regard themselves
as coearners and co-providers and even when they believe that ‘work and family
roles should be shared equally . . . [they performed] an average of 40 per cent of
the family tasks’ (Perry-Jenkins and Crouter 1990: 154).
What is the relationship between the persistence of at-home patterns to the
persistence of at-work norms and expectations? This persistence largely accounts
46
for women’s higher at-home workload, and, when (over)time at work is seen as a
measure of ‘loyalty’ and career ‘commitment’, their inability to be ‘ever available’
counts against women’s advancement opportunities (Seron and Ferris 1995).
Where such employers reinforce a predominantly ‘homemaker’ perception of
women, do they also advance a ‘breadwinner’ perception of men? If so, this is
likely to influence men’s understandings of their domestic obligations or make it
difficult for them to act on alternative beliefs.
Are at-home gender roles influenced by at-work gender norms and expectations
(Anderson and Tomaskovic-Devey 1995; Rowe and Snizek 1995)? How do men
and women compare in their definition of and use of their workplace right to
request time for their parental, spousal and communal obligations? Do their
employers’ policies and informal decisions define their workplace obligations
differently? If so, how are their respective rights to career-enhancing tasks defined?
Cultural and social properties of projects in time and space
Project management models are a technique for reducing uncertainty and managing
risk in organisational activities. They are understood as self-evident, straightforward
techniques for planning, tracking, controlling and co-ordinating human, technological
and financial resources and tasks. Their formal structures, represented visually in
PERT configurations, in Gantt charts and ‘waterfall’ or tree structures, can also be
seen, however, as cognitive templates that set expectations of linearity, transparency
and predictability. The models also carry implicit promises of helping managers
and project participants to anticipate and reduce financial and technical mis-steps,
and in turn they elicit promises from them. Rhetorically, the format of ‘milestones’
and ‘deliveries’ is a quasi-contract (often levying penalties for missed milestones,
for example). The simultaneous existence of other projects, likely to draw on the
same resource pools, paradoxically increases organisational uncertainty and risk.
These also increase professionals’ levels of project ‘density’ (their number of assigned
projects) and their task ‘congestion’ (the queue of task demands). Employees
experience high density as ‘fragmented’ involvement, which, they report, can prevent
them from learning new skills and can diffuse their attention; a low density of
involvements can deepen their skills or isolate them, in that their opportunities to
broaden their repertoires can be foreclosed. This technology intricately influences
career systems.
In the variation of their levels of uncertainty and risk, projects are guided by
rules-of-thumb that suggest how to categorise and manage them appropriately
(Wheelwright and Clark 1992). When projects face few uncertainties and rely
primarily on technical competence, managers can proceed ‘by the book’ to pay
most attention to the formal steps and to technical content. But where uncertainty
is higher because people are expected to be creative and innovative and projects
are more vulnerable to failure, managers are instead faced first with process and
organisational issues and second with control and content issues – organisational
47
processes such as developing teamwork, building consensus, sharing information

and managing conflict (Buchanan 1991).
Those dynamics constitute the province of project managers, whose job is to
corral resources and foster co-operation within and across organisational, occupational,
technological and institutional units. They typically orchestrate activities, often without
themselves being a topical specialist and often without commensurate authority. Hence
there is a large literature providing advice for this cadre (e.g. Frame 1995), which
only recently has begun to be complemented by a developing research literature
concerned with ‘stressing behavioral aspects [of project management] rather than
techniques’ and conceptualising projects as temporary organisations (Goodman 1981;
Lundin and Soderholm 1995: 437; Packendorff 1995).
Project management models thereby embody a particular set of understandings
about how to reduce the uncertainty of outcomes and the risk of financial loss
and technical failure over time. These draw on a limited set of assumptions about
work activities: arithmetic assumptions that work activities can be added,
multiplied, divided and subtracted; geometric assumptions that they intersect
and are tangential; logical assumptions that they form definitive categories, sets
and subsets. Together with linearity, these characteristics of project management
models can promote mechanistic expectations of exactitude rarely fulfilled in
practice (Midler and Boudes 1996: 3). Despite their task of co-ordinating the
work of specialists over social time and space, these models tend to assume away
the social and cultural dynamics of project work and neglect its further temporal
and spatial intersections with career and family concerns. Projects are not structured
to consider these dimensions systematically; whether project activities take them
into account in practice depends on the concerns, sensitivities and influence of
project managers and participants.
Project social dynamics and organisational theory
‘Projects’ are structural elements of organisations that significantly affect

organisational objectives, work schedules, task design, assignments and careers.
The design of projects and their management are the concerns of at least four
constituencies, each likely to have differing goals and time horizons: subject matter
leaders, professional employees, firm executives and administrators. The relative
influence of each occupational culture is revealed in actual project design and in
project activities. Combining a structural and experiential focus on projects and
their management provides primary evidence of the dialectic between structures
and practices – that is, how formal organisational policies are informed and modified
through practices and vice versa (Barley 1986). When do these result in work
design and schedules where employees’ participation is ‘high’ and ‘low? What
implications do these differences have for temporal and spatial flexibility in project
design and schedules? What fora are available for discussing and negotiating
demands on financial, temporal, professional and material resources?
48
Project social organisation varies. The one constant is what some employees
call the ‘core group’ to describe those doing the ‘real work’. Then there are those
who work solo, or as a duo, trio, or quintet. These vary for each project during
its different phases. ‘Core’ also implies that there is often a ‘periphery’ of people
contributing a small number of ‘hours’ and infrequently appearing at meetings.
These shifting relationships organised by the nature of projects and tasks suggest
that the unit of analysis in ‘organisational’ studies may more productively be
seen as the project and the work systems it defines.
Time reckonings: project time, career time, household time
Criteria for employee performance, efficiency and productivity are highly

dependent on calendar and clock time (Clark 1985), which neglects the multiplicity
of time reckonings to be found in any organisation. Each has an implicit set of
‘“repertoires” of rules, structures and forms of action [that] meet the varying
rhythms of demand, competition and regulation’ (Whipp 1994: 103). While
these can be assumed to vary by occupation and industrial sector, they have been
little studied or conceptualised with reference to career and family time reckonings
(Dubinskas 1988). A project staff, for example, may represent people in a variety
of career and life cycle stages that influence the desirability of task assignments.
Differences in career and household time reckonings are themselves sources of
organisational conflict as well as of co-operation, as when employees adjust work
arrangements to accommodate one another’s temporal and spatial needs. When
those in households without children observe the ‘perks’ afforded those with
children there can be resentment and bitterness.
The central “time problem” for organisational sociology is to penetrate

behind the metaphor of clock time, because existing approaches to the
“time dimension” rely totally on clock time. Essentially this view of time
follows Newton’s mistaken claim that time is separate from events [which
is] the same time concept [of] seventeenth-century classical mechanics . .
. [M]odern theories of time have, since the theorising of Bergson . . . and
the development of quantum mechanics, claimed that time is in the events.
According to the modern viewpoint time-reckoning systems are
constructed by selecting various events in the form of sequences or
trajectories, from arrays of events which can be apprehended relative to
one another . . . Time is therefore relative, not absolute.
(Clark 1985: 36, 40)
How professionals reckon the time their activities need (event time) is likely to
differ depending on the context. According to a study of hospital staff, their
intimate, local knowledge of their activities’ temporality is rarely reflected, however,
in time/cost accounting and timetabling (Zerubavel 1979). The tendency is to
49
imagine a Tayloristic homogeneity rather than a plurality of time-reckoning

rationales. When limited in their ‘richness of time-ordering devices’, organisations
may become overly reliant on ‘fixed routines’ and unable to see both near-term
and far-term implications together, as occurred in the failure of UK merchant
banks in 1979–84 (Pettigrew and Whipp 1991: 174).
Projects, pace and productivity
In highly competitive markets, project designers may assume that accelerating the
pace of work will also speed up innovative products. A study of 72 projects from 36
Asian, US and European firms in the ‘high-velocity’ computer industry finds that
project designers modify conventional project management models by compressing
steps and offering incentives for meeting tight schedules and by ‘skimping on analysis
and information, slashing conflict, or being centralised’ (Eisenhardt and Tabrizi
1995: 86). These tactics do not, however, guarantee market success. Nor are they
the only approaches to achieving speed-up. Pace can be accelerated in three ways,
this study claims: through more tightly connected experts, more focused leadership
and more frequent milestones; through ‘real time interaction, flexibility, and
improvisation’; through less linear, iterative ‘experiential tactics’, especially where
uncertainty is greater, and, where it is less, through ‘a rational engineering
perspective’. By experiential tactics is meant ‘improvisation, testing, milestones,
and powerful leaders’ who maintain employees’ motivation (ibid.: 104, 107, 108).
The dynamics of iteration and flexibility needed for innovative projects appear to
depend on these social processes combined with activity-based understandings of
temporal issues. The engineering perspective that dominates project management
models tends instead to be linear and additive (Whipp 1994: 107).
Taking into account the value to business and scientific success of improvisation,
leadership, iteration, learning and small-group relations would open the possibility
of alternative scenarios for the design of work. Defining tasks and relationships
differently may also make them more amenable to flexible scheduling. Redesigning
project work may promote self-managing workgroups that can consider their
members’ priorities for career time and family time (Bailyn et al. 1996), a study that
supports long-term observations (even by engineers!) that ‘work-group autonomy
. . . [is] the most rational form of organising work to cope with the spatial and
temporal characteristics of work in modern enterprises’ (Clark 1985: 46).
Projects across organisations: networking, time, and space
The viability of growth industries is partly due to the information and collegial
networks that employees build and use. The survival of small biotech firms, for
example, has been found to depend partly on the intensity of their external social
relationships, recent studies in the USA and in France, Britain and Canada report;
50
these agree that biotech firms’ external collaborations contribute to innovation

(Clarysee 1996; Liebeskind et al. 1995; Walsh et al. 1995; Zucker and Darby
1995). Professionals’ ‘social work’ to develop and maintain networks and alliances
is as much part of project design and management as their technical work.
Social networks are grounded in ‘norms of trustworthy behavior in exchanges of
information . . . reciprocity, respect for individuals’ intellectual property rights, and
honesty in research’ (Liebeskind et al. 1995: 9), as observed within and across
biotechnology firms. Those cultural properties of successful collaboration, exchange
and access to valuable resources take time to develop and to be appreciated by each
partner, but they provide the benefit of reducing the costs of knowledge acquisition
and the costs of hierarchical organisation (ibid.: 23). Organisational support for ‘both
the internal and external exchanges that are essential to the firm’s survival and success . . .
may be the critical capability for knowledge-based firms . . . However, self-coordination
across organisational boundaries cannot take place without (at the very least)
organisational permission or (at the very best) active organisational support’ (ibid.:
24; emphasis in original). To exploit the benefits of collaborations, however, firms
need to ‘develop certain routines or build up certain resources’ (Clarysee 1996: 40),
which suggests the integration of these social processes into project designs, tasks and
schedules especially for internal and external meetings.
The empirical and conceptual bases of theories of networks and alliances have
heretofore overlooked the work design implications of those social and cultural
processes. Nor have they extended organisational boundary-crossing issues to
include the relationships between professional and household obligations (Nohria
and Eccles 1993; Powell 1990). Likely to be structured by schedules, milestones
and deliverables defined by clock and calendar time, project activities may overlook
the business and scientific significance of work activities such as networking,
reading, attending meetings; they may make conventional or outdated assumptions
about the characteristics of careers and life stages; they may assume that
independent work predominates over interdependent work; they may structure
work believing that the time needed for resolving conflicts and for competing for
resources, for example, is an interruption and a problem and not inherent in
project-based organisations.
The end of a myth: the office is no place for ‘real’ work
Temporal and spatial flexibility is widely regarded as a ‘privilege’ or ‘reward’

and ‘non-salary’ benefit. These ideas of privilege, reward and extra benefit do
not recognise that distance working already relies on unpaid household resources
without acknowledging or compensating them. The centrifugal force of industrial
work has long been felt in households across occupations of all kinds. For
professional and technical employees today to accommodate the demands on
them, they may begin the regular workday well before leaving home and after
they return at night. They may be preparing presentations to give on trips,
51
using their private telephones to co-ordinate with colleagues, managers and

vendors, writing up reports of trip meetings and contacts, and so on. For
themselves as well as their household members, these are more likely to be
regarded as intrusions, inconveniences and interferences with domestic life than
as ‘benefits’ and ‘rewards’.
The split between industrial and household production systems is founded on
outdated presumptions, in the experience of many who have exercised the option
of working at home some days out of the working week. Only at home can they
count on uninterrupted stretches of time for ‘my real work’ of writing plans,
reports, suggestions, recommendations, specifications and for the contemplation,
deep reading and ‘incubation time’ the quality of their work depends on. During
a project’s ‘idea phase,’ for example, a major task is reading and reflecting, without
interruptions that divide attention and fragment time. Not only does home provide
a refuge from meetings (often of questionable utility and quality), from the
undisciplined demands of bosses, from a frantic, competitive atmosphere, from
office politics and time-wasting, but so does any time away from the office and
from telephones, e-mail and fax when on trains or planes, or in hotel rooms. The
myth dies hard, however, when it comes to demands for employees to be ‘ever
available’ – the at-home daily schedules of telecommuters may reproduce their
in-office schedules. In one case, most of those working at home two days a week
felt that they were more available electronically than before, perhaps because
they are less mobile at home than in the office.
‘That which is associated with the private sphere . . . is necessary for
“public” activities’ (Mirchandani 1996: 288). So concludes a study in which
50 female and male salaried professionals in public and private organisations
described their ways of working between home and office. Their ‘real work’
is that on which they are ‘measured’, the very heart of the job they are paid to
perform – and their own standards for its quality can be met best at home
when interruptions and pace are under their control. Their unpaid household
production – its emotional ‘work’ as well as its practical labours (food shopping,
cooking, cleaning and laundering) – women and men alike regard as ‘non-
work’.
The subtleties of ‘boundary’ analysis in social life (Nippert-Eng 1996; Perin
1988; Zerubavel 1993) are lost in industrial discourse, at least in the United
States, which perpetuates the myth of discontinuities between paid and unpaid
activities. An ‘open door’ between work and home – not a territorial fence,
wall or gate – perhaps better captures the experiences of the continuities and
discontinuities of the threshold shared by paid and unpaid work. To arrive at
systematic understanding of the surroundings in which we live and make a
living requires a shift in focus from mythology to the realities and
complementarities of production, paid and unpaid, industrial and social. Only
then will we have grounds for reconsidering moral and social principles we
have inherited not chosen.
52
Acknowledgement
This work has been supported partly by the Center for Coordination Science,
Sloan School of Management, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and partly
by a grant from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation to the Radcliffe Public Policy
Institute, Radcliffe College, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
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55
4
CONCEPTUALISING TELEWORK
Modern or postmodern?
Paul McGrath and Maeve Houlihan
Introduction
Co-ordinated research on the topic of telework has long been hampered by the
marked absence of any coherent and agreed upon conceptual framework for
the topic Jackson 1992). This chapter will attempt to address this deficiency by
developing a broadly based conceptual framework for telework within the
context of organisation behaviour/organisational studies. The purpose of the
framework is to help explain the seemingly contradictory trends and
developments in this area and to aid the development of a unified and systematic
research agenda. Telework will be examined within the reputed movement of
organisations from modern to postmodern forms drawing primarily from and
extending the work of Clegg (1990). It will be argued that telework, broadly
defined, can be seen as both a modern and postmodern manifestation and
often adopts a hybrid form. Two case studies will be used to illustrate the
applicability of the framework.
Our point of departure was telework as a manifestation and intrinsic component
of the postmodern organisational form (Clegg 1990). As will be explored below,
postmodernism is presented here as a conceptual receptacle sufficiently broad to
encompass a wide range of parallel contemporary societal and organisation-specific
developments such as flexible specialisation (Piore and Sabel 1984), post-
industrialism (Bell 1973), network structures (Miles and Snow 1992), the
information society (Webster 1995) and, indeed, the virtual organisation (Davidow
and Malone 1992). Following the arguments of Harvey (1990) and Kumar (1995),
postmodernism is not presented here as a massive and radical rupture with the
past but as the crystallisation of a set of relatively profound changes (economic,
political, social and cultural) at the end of the twentieth century that have clear
continuity with the past. In this context postmodernism is seen as the latest,
though radicalised, phase of modernism.
56
CONCEPTUALISI NG TE LEWORK
Before progressing it is worth briefly highlighting the key assumptions

underpinning this work. First, the primary focus of this study is on the use of
telework by existing medium and large business organisations. In this regard it
confines its consideration to full-time employees engaged in teleworking activity.
The issue of telework involving self-employed contractors will be addressed at
the end of the chapter. Second, the unit of analysis is primarily the individual
organisation as opposed to any network relationship within which the
organisation may be involved. Third, the tentative framework presented is
blatantly modernist in orientation. No apologies are made for this in that our
concern is to talk about real organisations with real implications for real people
(Parker 1992). Fourth, the framework presented below is hindered by the obvious
conceptual limitations of any modernist dualistic framework. A partial solution
to this problem will, however, be suggested at the end of the chapter. Fifth, the
framework is largely speculative and has not been empirically tested. Finally,
the ideas in this chapter are constrained by the authors’ experiences of telework
within Ireland. This final issue warrants further brief explanation in that Ireland
may present a rather unique and possibly constraining context within which to
examine trends within telework.
Ireland, at a national policy level, is projecting itself as a nation eager to
become a true information society, the ‘intelligent island of Europe’. This image
is reinforced by a relatively young and highly educated workforce, the highest
growth rates of any economy in Europe, a sophisticated telecommunications
infrastructure and a strong and rapidly growing computer/telecommunications
hardware and software sector within the country. New information and
communication technologies are seen as enabling Ireland to overcome its lack
of natural resources and locational disadvantage (being an island behind an
island on the edge of Europe) and compete effectively in the new global
information economy. Notwithstanding this vision, Ireland, with a few notable
exceptions, appears to have a very traditional and conservative management
ethos within industry, with poor investment in employee and management
training and a questionable uptake in the usage and perceived strategic
importance of information and communication technologies. A 1997
Government-sponsored report ‘Information Society Ireland. Strategy for Action’
highlighted the very low level of public awareness of the idea of an information
society or of the technologies necessary for participation in such a society. Ireland
is currently estimated to have approximately 15,000 teleworkers representing
1.4 per cent of the workforce, one of the lowest percentages in Europe (Bertin
and Roberts 1996). Bearing this context in mind it should be noted that we
were unable to find any company, private or public, beyond certain sales and
consulting operations which have traditionally had a mobile workforce, that
engaged in teleworking with full-time employees on a systematic level. A number
of companies did, however, have informal arrangements whereby a small number
of core employees would be occasionally facilitated to work from home or
some other remote location.
57
What is telework?
The first step in the development of the framework was to establish some clarity
over the meaning of the term ‘telework’. Rather than going down the tortuous
and disputed route of trying to establish a clear definition of telework we identified
a number of its key defining features which would, in turn, be used to develop
the conceptual framework. Drawing on the telework literature and in particular
the work of Brandt (1983), Holti and Stern (1984), Allen and Wolkowitz (1987)
and Jackson (1992) the following particular defining features of telework were
identified:
Multiple manifestations: Telework comes in many different guises. Moorcroft and

Bennett (1995) have identified a number of telework arrangements which are
illustrated in Figure 4.1. Telework typically encompasses four of the categories in
Figure 1 namely, (a) homeworkers (the stereotypical teleworker, employees or self-
employed who work at home, on the road, at client sites and occasionally in the
central office or a combination of all four); (b) neighbourhood work centres (typically
telecottages or business exchanges providing local office space for employees and
self-employed teleworkers); (c) nomadic staff (including sales executives and training
specialists); and (d) satellite offices (typically off-shore, back office operations
involving administrative or specialist services that have been hived away from main
sites to take advantage of skill availability and lower overhead costs).
Flexible location and employment status: Brandt (1983) in his discussion of new work
design possibilities, identified location and affiliation of workers as key dimensions
of telework. He predicted a gradual shift away from permanent, salaried employees
located in a central office building towards a wide variety of combinations of workers’
location and affiliation (Brandt 1983: 3). Atkinson (1984) presents a similar though
more formalised and sophisticated analysis of variable employment contracts from
an organisational/managerial perspective. As mentioned earlier our primary focus
is on permanent employees engaged in telework arrangements.
Figure 4.1 What is telework?

Source: Moorcroft and Bennett 1995. Used with permission.
58
Centrality of information and communications technologies: In general, telework is assumed

to be work that is mediated or supported by advanced information and
communication technologies, whether via telephone lines, faxes, computers,
modems or video conferencing (Nilles et al. 1976; Huws et al. 1990). This, in
turn, enables work to be carried out remote from its source at a place other than
where the results of the work are needed.
Information-based work: Linked to the importance of information and communication

technologies, we see telework as primarily concerned with service-type activities and,
therefore, highly-information intensive. This view ties in with the literature on the
information society (Webster 1995) where the gathering, processing, storage, retrieval
and manipulation of information assume great economic importance. In addition,
the search by organisations for sustainable competitive advantage is increasingly turning
to the issue of the exercise of ‘specialist knowledge and competencies, or the
management of organizational competencies’ (Blackler 1995: 1022). This type of
knowledge is seen as essential in the successful functioning of new organisational
forms based on networks, partnerships or contractual arrangements – the postmodern
organisational form (Blackler 1995). It is this shift in the nature of business and
organisational activities that has partially facilitated the adoption of more distributed
work arrangements and forced organisations into more collaborative, network
relationships with other organisations.
Bearing these features in mind the challenge set was the development of a
framework that was sufficiently broad and flexible to cater for the rich and highly
complex dynamic that is telework.
Developing a tentative framework
As was mentioned earlier, our initial point of departure in the development of

our framework was telework as a manifestation and intrinsic component of the
broad concept of postmodernism. Jackson (1992: 8) highlighted the frequent
appearance of telework ‘in the same vortex as discussions on Post-Fordism and
flexibility’, but has cautioned against a simplistic inclusion of telework within this
complex and troubled model. While telework can be seen as a manifestation of
the casualisation and externalisation policies of the flexible firm, this is obviously
only a partial picture and does not do justice to the complex reality of teleworking.
We wish to stay within the flexible firm debate by examining the contemporary
postmodern perspective on organisations and considering its relevance, or
otherwise, as a home for telework.
Postmodernism is a term that has been increasingly and heatedly debated in
recent years. Kumar points out that there are ‘far more books and articles telling
us what is wrong with post-modern theory than there are statements in its favour
or even, for that matter, telling us clearly what it is’ (1995: 139). The debate
59
concerning the utility or otherwise of postmodernism in organisation studies is in

its infancy but remains equally heated and inconclusive. A number of recent
contributions in the organisational studies field have tried to put some structure
on the postmodern debate. One such approach is provided by Parker (1992)
who develops two perspectives on post-modern writings. The first perspective is
post-modernism (hyphenated) as an historical periodisation. Parker’s argument
is that society is entering a new epoch, beyond modernity. From an organisational
perspective the focus is on understanding these new times and designing
appropriate organisational structures and adopting new management and
information technology practices to cope with the increasing disorganisation,
messiness and attendant need for flexibility. As will be elaborated in the next
section, this view of postmodernism is a realist ontology deeply rooted in
conventional modernist discourse (Parker 1992). Parker’s second perspective,
postmodernism (unhyphenated) is an idealist epistemology and refutes the reality
of any true ‘metanarrative’. The work of Cooper and Burrell (1988) and Burrell
(1988) best typify this perspective. Parker’s postmodern epistemologic stance
embraces the work of Baudrillard, Lyotard and Derrida. It rejects the idea of
rational progress, totalising control and embraces the reality of instability,
uncertainty and dissensus. Attempts to discover ‘truth’ are merely forms of
discourse of which there are a multitude of equal significance. The main thrust of
this approach is a rejection of the meta-narrative of modernity with its associated
baggage of liberalism, enlightenment, progress through science and
industrialisation and a general disillusionment with politics.
While this distinction in terms of periodisation and epistemology is artificial and
limiting, it is useful in that it facilitates a more orderly analysis of much of this diverse
and complex literature. The periodisation approach fits snugly with the requirements
of late capitalism celebrating ‘mass culture, consumerism and commercialism’ (Kumar
1995: 193). On the other hand, the epistemological approach can be seen as a reaction
against capitalist culture resisting pressures towards standardisation, ethnocentrism
and homogenisation. The focus here will be on postmodernism as periodisation, but
periodisation which contains strong continuity with the past. Postmodernism in this
sense is ‘postmodern capitalism’ (Harvey 1990; Jameson 1992), a capitalism sufficiently
distinctive at a cultural, political and economic level, a ‘capitalism with a new face,
one that shows many peculiar and unexpected features’ (Kumar 1995: 195). However,
as should become apparent this simple distinction increasingly breaks down in the
face of analysis with the periodisation and epistemology perspectives becoming
indistinguishable at times.
Postmodernism, as a movement, emerged primarily from the cultural sphere
(predominantly art and architecture) but has been slowly embraced by an ever
increasing circle of social life. A number of writers (Bell 1973; Piore and Sabel
1984; Lash and Urry 1987; Crook et al. 1992; Stehr 1994) highlight the impact of
postmodernism on the economy. In their view postmodernism can be seen in the
gradual emergence of a new structure and organisation of economic activity which
can be summarised in terms of the following interrelated, macro-level changes:
60
Disaggregation and diminishing size of organisations: There will be a clear shift away
from traditional bureaucratic/Fordist organisational arrangements towards greater
structural diversity, collegial forms of work, self-employment and an ever
expanding range of flexible work practices. Collaborative networks or
interdependencies between economic sectors and organisations will become
increasingly important.
Globalisation: Markets and competition adopt a global orientation. Deregulation

and anti-protectionism increase in pace.
The emergence of the symbolic economy: Symbolic commodities such as capital movements,
exchange rates, credit flows, statistics, fashion regimes, computer programmes
assume a pivotal role in the world economy increasing uncertainty and the rate of
obsolescence. The service economy will become increasingly influential and the
distinction between goods and services will become increasingly ambivalent.
Shift to knowledge work: There will be an increasing emphasis in advanced economies

on intellectual labour and on knowledge and learning in shaping work and the
ability to work. While there is general acceptance that the conditions of work
have changed there is no agreement as to whether the management of intellectual
labour represents a new paradigm of management or simply a more technologically
sophisticated ‘intellectual assembly line’.
The eclipse of time, distance and place: As commodities and services increasingly embody
information and knowledge, the constraining nature of time, place and distance
diminish allowing for many more locational configurations than was previously
the case. This ‘irrelevance’ of time and place is linked with technological advances
which provide the means by which the size and volume of information flows can
be exponentially increased.
The fragility of the future: The postmodern economy will increasingly be subject to
a rise in indeterminacy. The fragility of markets and the need of organisations to
become more flexible are further compounded by the nature of technological
developments. Linear progress is no longer assumed to be inevitable.
Working within these broad economic trends the postmodern organisational form
is invariably defined, described or contrasted with the modernist/ bureaucratic
form. Both Harvey (1990) and Hassard (1994) suggest that post-modernism can
be seen as both a progression from modernism and as a rupture with or negation
of modernism. Harvey (1990) has produced a collage of terms to represent ‘Fordist
modernity’ and ‘flexible postmodernism’ as two regimes of accumulation and
regulation that ‘hang together’ as distinctive and relatively coherent types of social
formation (Harvey 1990: 338). Harvey suggests that while an examination of
the oppositions within each profile would suggest that postmodernism is a reversal
61
of the dominant order found in Fordist modernity, another way of looking at the
table is as a representation of the totality of political – economic and cultural –
ideological relations within capitalism (ibid.: 339). As he explains:
To view it in this way requires that we see the oppositions across as well
as within the profiles as internal relations within a structured whole . . . It
helps us dissolve the categories of both modernism and postmodernism
into a complex of oppositions expressive of the cultural contradictions of
capitalism. We then get to see the categorisations of both modernism
and postmodernism as static reifications imposed upon the fluid
interpretation of dynamic oppositions. Within this matrix of internal
relations, there is never one fixed configuration, but a swaying back and
forth between centralisation and decentralisation, between authority and
deconstruction, between hierarchy and anarchy, between permanence
and flexibility, between the detail and social division of labour . . . The
sharp categorical distinction between modernism and postmodernism
disappears, to be replaced by an examination of the flux of internal
relations within capitalism as a whole (Harvey 1990: 339–42).
Harvey’s contribution provided the needed flexible context for our framework.
However, we felt that his collage of terms was too conceptual and diverse for our
purpose and so turned to the work of Stewart Clegg. Clegg’s work, Modern Organizations:
Organization Studies in the Postmodern World (1990) expresses similar sentiments to that of
Harvey and represents one of the most sophisticated empirical analyses, to date, on
postmodernism (periodisation) as it applies to work organisations. This work, as
Clegg himself explains, is ‘an analysis of distinctive, emergent and possible postmodern
practices’ (1990: 15) in an organisational setting and can be seen as an attempt to
ground the notion of a postmodern organisation in empirical data (Parker 1992: 4).
His approach, which is clearly objectivist in intention (Hassard 1994: 317), is to
identify the structural characteristics of postmodern organisations based on a
comparative study of Swedish, East Asian, Italian and particularly Japanese business
enterprises. He sees these empirical examples of postmodern organisations as different
from the dominant bureaucratic model of the past. These empirical tendencies raise
questions as to the continual utility and validity of modernist organisation theory in
providing a framework for understanding organisations. He sees organisation theory
as a creation of modernity ‘springing as it does from Weber’s modernist vision of the
modernist world’ (Clegg 1990: 4). Weber’s bureaucracy was seen as the epitome of
rationality and technical efficiency and gave rise to the TINA (There Is No Alternative)
tendency (Clegg 1990: 58) within organisation theory where the need for efficiency
and industrial growth was seen as requiring large organisations with a high division
of labour. From this perspective, Clegg sees postmodernism as a reversal of the
modernist tendency of differentiation.
Clegg adopts a ‘modes of rationality’ approach focusing on elements of ‘power’
and ‘institutions’ perspectives – what agents actually do in accomplishing the
62
work of organisations. His approach is also pluralist in orientation allowing for

diverse modes of rationality (Clegg 1990: 17) in seeking understanding. He regards
Weber’s bureaucratic ideal form with its mechanistic structures of control built
upon the principles of division of labour and legal-rational authority as the epitome
of the ‘modernist’ organisation. Contemporary literature typically refers to this
model as Fordism which embraced Taylor’s empirical approach to work and
added the linear semi-automatic assembly line and machine-paced and machine-
dominated work design (Aglietta 1979: 118). The Fordist model, Clegg suggests,
entered a stage of internal and external crisis in the 1970s and from the various
organisational responses to this crisis the term ‘postmodern organisation’ emerged.
Clegg identifies the components of a postmodern organisation (typically portrayed
as a contemporary Japanese business organisation) by developing a contrast with
an ideal form of modernist (bureaucratic/Fordist) organisation. The contrast is
developed by examining how each type might typically handle what Clegg
identifies as seven ‘organisational imperatives’ (from Blunt 1989), perennial
problems faced by any administratively co-ordinated recurrent and routine activity,
which occur between transacting agencies and which all effective forms of
organisation must be capable of resolving. The contrast or comparison developed
is not to suggest that all Western organisations conform to the modernist ideal
but to assist in developing thinking about our organisations outside our strongly
modernist assumptions. Clegg suggests that the postmodern organisational form,
while remaining relatively ill-defined, is an empirical reality. He views it as a
model which may become widely imitated and diffused but cautions against it
being read as a blueprint:
Postmodernism can be about possibilities denied by the project of

modernity. Yet no necessity attaches to the future of organisational
diversities. The view of this book [sic] has been that everything
depends upon the indeterminate outcomes of struggles for meaning
and power in and around organisations, struggles which take place
under quite distinct national and institutional patterns . . . It is
certainly never a simple matter of organisational design as an
intentional process – this is the rationalist illusion of the modernist
age (Clegg 1990: 235).
Figure 4.2 summarises the contrasting imperatives of modernism and post-

modernism. The dimensions contain a number of implicit factors. Focusing on
the modernist organisation, we see a high concern with mass consumption; high
diversification; technological determinism; large size; a high level of structural
differentiation; tall hierarchy; job specialisation; de-skilling; rigid production
systems; formalised power and authority structures; compartmentalised
information flows; highly formalised and externalised co-ordination and control;
a focus on individual accountability; the dominance of profit centres with short
term focus on quarterly or annual return-on-investment and capital budgeting
63
Figure 4.2 Organisational dimensions of modernity and postmodernity

Source: Clegg 1990. Used with permission.
techniques; individualised effort-related bonus systems; and autocratic and

untrusting leadership. The postmodern organisation, in contrast, is concerned
with niche consumption; Keiretsu form; technological choice; small size; de-
differentiation, tenure; self-managing teams; multi-skilling flexible production
systems; informal and internal control combined with a high level of socialisation
and indoctrination; empowerment through training and learning; long-term
planning; rewards for the core workers linked to seniority and organisational
performance; and trusting open transformational leadership.
Clegg ( 1990) put forward two main postmodern alternatives. First, postmodern
enlightenment, largely following the Swedish experience, involves an increase in
industrial democracy and an associated increase in the skill levels and quality of
work-life of labour. The second alternative, postmodern seduction, largely based
64
on the Japanese experience, raises a cautionary note in arguing that the post-
modern form may be based on a highly segmented labour force ‘where an enclave
of privileged workers would be formed on highly exclusivist principles of social
identity, such as gender, ethnicity and age, characteristics which were tightly
coupled to the processes of skill formation’ (Clegg 1990: 234). However, this
casualisation of the workforce can also be readily embraced by the modernist
form in its efforts to reduce costs, reduce size and to become more flexible in the
face of increasing environmental uncertainty.
Clegg’s work provides an interesting and challenging framework but
unfortunately, from our perspective, has a shortfall in that it has an almost exclusive
focus on large manufacturing organisations. Telework, while having a presence
in the manufacturing sector, is primarily a manifestation of the ever increasing
service sector and the attendant emergence of the information society (Galbraith
1967; Drucker 1978, 1993, Coulson-Thomas 1991, Handy 1989). Reflecting
this reality we propose four minor additional dimensions to Clegg’s framework
to enable it to fully embrace the complexity of telework.
Dimension 8 – Technology: centralised vs. dispersed
The central issue here concerns the tendency for highly centralised and controlled
mainframe or PC networks within modernist organisations as opposed to a focus on
flexible end-user computing in the postmodernist frame. The key difference is the
extent of individual autonomy and discretion in the use of hardware and software.
Dimension 9 – Activity: production/dataprocessing vs.

information/knowledge
As was identified earlier, the espoused development of an Information Society

implies a shift in focus from manufacturing and simple data processing to
information and knowledge-based work. While there is considerable futuristic
debate as to the nature of this new, emerging age and its implications for
organisations, most commentators tend to give a high level of emphasis to the
key roles of creativity, innovation and knowledge and to the fact that these are
only attainable through people who must now become the key assets of any
organisation. Contemporary analyses of the processes of knowledge creation and
cognition have sought to identify core activities but have unlayered a complex
web of processes. Weick (1995) uses the term ‘sensemaking’ to describe this
multi-level, complex, often tacit process of seeing. Boland and Tenkasi (1995)
emphasise that knowledge production involves communication between
‘communities of knowing’. They characterise communication that strengthens
‘within community’ knowledge as a process of perspective-making and
communication that improves the ability to take the knowledge of others into
65
account as perspective-taking. They characterise the essential process by which

these activities occur as one of information processing and narrativising of unusual
events. Clearly much remains to be understood about these processes but the
essential point to be stressed is that knowledge work is an activity involving
complex processes rather than a simple concept of information processing.
Dimension 10 – Knowledge: embodied/embedded vs.

embrained/encultured/encoded
While the postmodern form suggests a tendency away from data processing
towards knowledge creation it can also be suggested that there is a shift in the
nature of knowledge in use. Blackler (1995), drawing on the extensive literature
on organisational learning, identifies five common images of knowledge:
embrained, embodied, encultured, embedded and encoded. Embodied knowledge
is partially explicit, action oriented and can be explained by reference to situations
where successful problem-solving depends more on an intimate knowledge of
the situation rather than abstract rules. Embedded knowledge is knowledge which
resides in the systemic routines of organisations. Embrained knowledge is abstract
knowledge dependent on conceptual skills and cognitive abilities. Encultured
knowledge refers ‘to the process of achieving shared understandings’ (Blackler
1995: 1024) and is closely related to the process of socialisation and acculturation.
Encoded knowledge is information conveyed by means of signs and symbols
and typically occurs in books, manuals and codes of practice. Blackler suggests
that recent commentaries on the emerging significance of knowledge work suggest
a growing shift in interest and emphasis from embodied and embedded knowledge
to knowledge which is embrained, encultured and encoded.
Dimension 11 – Time and Space: static vs. dynamic; fixity vs.

mobility; centralisation vs. localisation
A recurring theme within postmodernism is the issue of time/space compression.

Postmodernism exists in ‘neutral time’, ‘eternal presentness’ (Kumar 1995: 147),
or, in Foucault’s words, ‘a moment, I believe, when our experience of the world is
less that of a long life developing through time than that of a network that connects
points and intersects with its own skein’ (in Soja 1989: 10; quoted in Kumar 1995:
147). Advanced technology, linked to the increasing informational/ symbolic nature
of workflows has facilitated time/space distanciation and compression (Harvey 1990;
Giddens 1990) in turn allowing organisations to ‘achieve a speed, flexibility and
reach in their operations simply undreamt of by earlier generations’ (Reed 1996:
580). Relating this issue to the telework literature, Jackson (1992) suggests that
telework involves new forms of spatial relationships within organisations. In his
view industrialisation was about separating work from home and the attendant
66
focus on centralisation about bringing the worker to the work. New information
and communication technologies may challenge, if not reverse this philosophy
through their facilitation of connectedness from a distance. Time boundaries may
also be transcended via technology and global location.
These four additional dimensions are integrated in Figure 4.3 below and should
be considered as extensions to Figure 4.2.
When combined, Figures 4.2 and 4.3 represent a tentative framework within
which to view the development of and evolving nature of telework.
The cases
Preliminary research was carried out on two Irish companies, both subsidiaries of
foreign multinationals. To protect their confidentiality the companies will be referred
to as ‘Telebed’ and ‘Outsource Inc.’. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with
staff from each company, predominantly senior managers. The following analysis
will loosely follow the various dimensions detailed in Figures 4.2 and 4.3.
Telebed
Telebed is the reservation centre for European customers for a large multinational
conglomerate encompassing a hotel chain, holiday resorts, travel agencies and,
indirectly, an international airline. The company employs around 25 employees.
Calls, primarily by telephone, are received into the centre from around 15 different
Figure 4.3 Additional organisational dimensions of modernity and postmodernity
67
European countries. The centre operates a flexible rota system between the hours
of 7 a.m. and 8 p.m. Irish time thereby catching the core hours of most European
time zones. At present the centre processes around 700 calls per day.
Telebed is one of four call centres established by the company outside the
USA. It was attracted to Ireland due to the suitability of the time zone, the
availability of staff with language abilities, reasonable telephone tariff rates and
an attractive government incentive package. Telebed has a highly specialised and
focused strategy, largely determined by its parent company. Its central concern is
the provision of a blanket, high quality holiday/business service based on an
understanding of and maximum response to the varying cultural dynamics of
European customers. Working arrangements are highly formalised and most
work processes highly programmed due to the requirements of a centralised
reservation database which prompts the employees to ask certain questions. Staff
are, however, encouraged to interact at an informal, interpersonal level with their
customers with a view to encouraging the development of a successful and
enduring business relationship. Control is exercised through strong socialisation
and ongoing training and through tight computer-based surveillance and random
call monitoring. Operations staff are paid on an hourly basis and earn a commission
on the revenue generated on each call which can account for up to 20 per cent of
gross salary. Despite the Tayloristic appearance of working arrangements in
Telebed, the employees appeared to be highly motivated, enjoying the pressurised
nature of the work. In addition, employee turnover rates were substantially lower
than equivalent USA operations. The technologies in use are highly centralised
and have a substantial impact on behaviour. The activity is primarily one of
information or data processing with the knowledge component consisting largely
of embedded knowledge. In terms of time and space both, in reality, are centralised
but the company does attempt to create the illusion of localisation primarily by
insisting that all calls are answered in the language of the customer.
Outsource Inc.
Outsource Inc. is a relatively new strategic business unit within the Irish subsidiary
of a large USA-based computer company engaged in manufacturing, software
development and support services. It provides the European hardware and software
support services for a number of global computer companies and currently employs
around 250 employees, mostly on a permanent basis. Most of the employees
have third-level technical educational qualifications and are located in a central
office in Dublin, Ireland. The remainder of the employees, logistical support staff
and engineers, are based in six different European countries. In a way, the mobile
engineers represent the stereotypical conceptualisation of the teleworker/
homeworker (see Figure 4.1). They are mostly permanent employees and typically
operate from home in their base country. They have the ability to make twenty-
four-hour mobile or PC-based contact with the Dublin office and are only required
68
to make occasional visits each year to the Dublin office for training, performance
review and general socialisation purposes.
While the strategic focus of Outsource Inc. is relatively specialised at present
(technical support for personal computers and associated software) it has begun
to become more diffused as its potential client base expands due to the merging
of the IT and communications industries. Its core competencies are technical
excellence and quality customer care. It operates between 6. a.m. and 6 p.m.
Irish time with a view to covering the main working hours of most European
time zones. The company currently operates in six European countries. Customers
can access the company via telephone, e-mail, fax, the Internet and electronic
data interchange and are dealt with in their own language. The Dublin office,
where most of the employees are based, is relatively hierarchical. The work system,
while relaxed, is formalised and focused on the individual. Staff are largely recruited
with the relevant technical skills and tend to remain within their area of expertise.
There is tight, constant computer-based performance monitoring and a strict
system of monthly quality assessments. The reward system is primarily salary
based with progression up the scale contingent on meeting individualised
performance targets. The technology in Outsource Inc. is moderately centralised,
consisting of a distributed PC local area network supported by an expert system
to aid technical diagnosis of problems. Its core activity is knowledge based, given
the problem orientation of the customer contact. The nature of the knowledge in
use is, however, difficult to categorise. Customers typically contact Outsource
Inc. with a technical problem and the employee is expected to find a technical
solution to this problem in the shortest possible time. Referring to the knowledge
dimension on Figure 4.3, there would appear to be strong elements of embodied
and embedded knowledge as well as encoded and embrained knowledge within
the company. An expert system is available to staff to aid common diagnoses but
tends not to be used by the more experienced staff. In terms of time and space, as
with Telebed, we find a relatively centralised operation providing a highly
geographically mobile service with a high emphasis on the illusion of localised, in
temporal and linguistic terms, service provision.
An example may best illustrate this latter point. Outsource Inc. provides the detailed
technical support for a major computer (PC) manufacturer which has its European
manufacturing base in Ireland. A customer in Paris purchases one of these machines
and experiences a problem setting up the machine. They dial a local Paris number
and are automatically routed to the manufacturer’s support facility in Ireland. If the
manufacturer is unable to solve the problem themselves they immediately switch the
call to Outsource Inc. in Dublin who continue with the diagnosis. If the problem
cannot be resolved over the telephone, the caller is told that an engineer will call them
within two days. At that stage the call is terminated. The support person in Outsource
Inc. then logs an incident report on the call and refers the matter to a resource controller
in the same area who will arrange for one of the company’s engineers, based locally
in Paris, to call on the customer (as a representative of the main manufacturer) having
been briefed on the likely nature of the problem and on any likely hardware or
69
software requirements. If the problem is likely to be hardware related (e.g. a failed

hard drive) then a parallel logistics report is also logged to ensure that the engineer
will be supplied with the appropriate piece of equipment. Outsource Inc. maintains a
small equipment dump, typically a small rented unit, in each of the areas supported
by the engineers. Throughout this exchange the client assumes that he/ she is dealing
with a single company. He/she is unaware that his/her call has been switched to
another country, has gone through two different companies and has been fixed by a
subcontractor.
Discussion
This chapter has outlined a very broad conceptual framework on the nature of
contemporary trends in organisational functioning and design. This framework
is presented as providing a ‘space’ within which to place and examine the concept
of telework. The view presented is that telework, as a concept, is real and
meaningful though not amenable to simple definition. While it is possible to talk
of ‘telework’ as a distinct trend it is essential that this trend be seen in its proper
context namely, as a subsidiary issue within the broader study of the changing
nature of work organisations in contemporary society. In this regard, the complex
nature and impact of telework is diffused across a number of the dimensions
presented in the framework. In this way it is not suggested that telework is simply
and exclusively a postmodern concept but can be either modern or postmodern
or, as in the two organisational cases discussed above, an hybridisation of both
forms. In this regard, the modified framework presented in this chapter can be
used to chart or locate the seemingly contradictory development of telework
initiatives within a definite organisational context. Each of the eleven headings in
the framework identifies a relevant research issue within which the role of telework
can be explored (see figures 4.2 and 4.3). Taken together, the various headings in
the framework offer the potential to integrate past and present research into
telework and to guide further research on the topic.
While the adoption and diffusion of telework practices within organisations would
appear to be relatively evolutionary and ad hoc, it is suggested here that telework, directly
or indirectly, impacts upon organisational arrangements in three main ways:
1 to increase centralisation and control;

2 to decentralise and empower; and
3 to facilitate micro-enterprise (the growth of small entrepreneurial firms).
Teleworking which increases centralisation and control can ideally be seen in

the substantial growth in off-shore teleservice or back-office companies typical
of the Telebed case detailed above. These organisations typically are
bureaucratic in nature, focus on standardised data input operations and are
clearly modernist in orientation. Telework which decentralises and empowers
70
can be seen in the way that a number of organisations are facilitating and
encouraging their core employees to operate from flexible locations with the
latest technologies. Such occurrences can be technology and/or strategy led;
just as strategy is not always deliberate, but sometimes emergent, so too it is
not always determining, but sometimes offers opportunities which shape
organisation and work structure.
These decentralising tendencies are partially in evidence in the case of
Outsource Inc. detailed above. Organisations of this nature typically lean towards
the postmodern side of the framework. It is interesting to note that in the case of
both Telebed and Outsource Inc. the issue of networking and network
collaboration is equally important. Telework which facilitates micro-enterprise
can be seen in the increasing use of independent contractors by both modernist
and postmodernist organisations as part of their deliberate business strategy
(outsourcing, downsizing, cost reduction, numerical flexibility, etc.). These
‘independent contractors’ can tender and provide services irrespective of distance
and location utilising advanced information and communication technologies.
Telecottages are a related development of this tendency. While these forms, which
we see as central to the future growth of telework, are presented here as an
associated feature or adjunct of the organisational tendencies within both modernist
and postmodernist organisational forms, it is possible to see this trend as a
reemergence of a premodern discourse (a feudal society based on vassalage and
skilled artisans and associated guilds operating under a system of patronage)
with premodernity, modernity and postmodernity operating simultaneously in
contest (Boje 1995). The elaboration of a third, interlinked premodern dimension
to reflect the unique dynamic and independent existence of stand-alone,
entrepreneurial homeworkers and the associated development of telecottages is a
project requiring attention. If successful, this third dimension would partially get
around the obvious limitations of a simple dualistic framework which lends itself
too easily to simplistic notions of progress and linearity.
A final comment would appear appropriate as to the nature of the changes
discussed in this chapter. Clearly, information and communication technologies
have played and will continue to play a significant role in the shaping of
organisational geographies, particularly in terms of their facilitation of collaborative
work arrangements between geographically dispersed associated and independent
organisations. However, it is fair to say that these postmodern/virtual tendencies
within organisations, to date at least, have remained firmly within the logic of
capitalism. As Kumar suggests, the ‘imperatives of profit, power and control
seem as predominant now as they have ever been in the history of capitalist
industrialism’ (1995: 154).
To conclude, this chapter has presented a tentative conceptual framework with a
view to locating the issue of ‘telework’ within the broader ongoing debate on the
changing nature of work organisations within the organisational behaviour literature.
Building upon and extending the work of Clegg (1990) we suggest that telework
should not just be seen as a stage in the inevitable slide towards the virtual organisation
71
but more as an intrinsic and complex feature of changes currently being experienced
by both modernist and postmodernist organisational forms.
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73
5
RETHINKING THE VIRTUAL

ORGANISATION
Martin Harris
Introduction
The view that new technology is fundamentally affecting work organisations has
been a rich source of controversy and comment over the last fifteen years or so.
In the UK, the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) has announced
a new research programme on ‘the virtual society’ whose purpose is to investigate:
the role of electronic technologies over a range of human and social

activities and determine the extent to which they are fundamentally
affecting the way in which people behave, organise themselves and
interact with each other.
ESRC (1996)1
Many accounts of contemporary restructuring have been influenced by the idea

that production has become more ‘disorganised’ (Lash and Urry 1987). This
trend is particularly apparent in organisational theory, where there is a widespread
belief that we are seeing a paradigm shift away from bureaucracy towards
disaggregation and ‘the end of organisation’ (Lash and Urry 1987; Kanter 1991;
Quinn 1992; Handy 1995). This broader context forms the background to the
analysis of the virtual organisation in this chapter.
Part 1 of the chapter provides a brief introduction to the debate on the virtuality,
and identifies two aspects of the debate that deserve further investigation. First,
the virtual organisation has been represented as an historically significant paradigm
shift. This produces a strong sense of déjà vu in the mind of the critical observer,
and begs the question of how far the new virtual forms can be seen as a real and
significant new departure from existing modes of organising. Second, the debate
has been dominated by overtly prescriptive and rationalist interpretations, and
there is a need for a more robust theorisation of the issues. Part 2 examines more
closely the precise ways in which the virtual organisation has been represented as
74
RETH INKING TH E VIRTUAL ORGAN ISATION
a radically new, discontinous ‘paradigm shift’. The argument here is that newly
emergent forms of organisation may, broadly speaking, be more ‘Fordist’ in
character than has been acknowledged by proponents of the paradigm shift.
The issue of trust has featured prominently in discussions of innovative
‘networked’ alternatives to markets and bureaucratic modes of organisation. Part
3 argues that analyses of the virtual organisation are pervaded by a highly
generalised ‘portmanteau’ treatment of trust which underestimates the part played
by culture and ethical values within a broad diversity of extant organisational
forms. Recent empirical work on MITI (the Japanese Ministry of International
Trade and Industry), the BBC and the NHS shows that ‘market’, ‘hierarchy’
and ‘network’ forms of organisation may co-exist in the same institutional setting.
This suggests that the ‘end of organisation’ thesis may be radically premature,
and that the assumption of a paradigm shift may need to be revised. The
concluding part of the chapter offers an alternative theorisation of the virtual
organisation which moves decisively away from the existing ‘epochal’ framework
assumed by proponents of the paradigm shift.
Part 1: defining the virtual organisation
Several authors have sought to establish a comprehensive definition of the virtual

organisation. Barnatt (1995) identifies virtuality with malleability and transient
work patterns. He also argues that the virtual organisation has no identifiable
physical form and that its boundaries are defined and limited only by the
availability of IT. Barnatt also argues that technology allows the new form to
dispense with bureaucratic rules and contractual relations. Davidow and Malone
(1992) emphasise the malleable and amorphous form taken by virtual
organisations. The boundaries will be ill-defined so that:
To the outsider it will appear almost edgeless with permeable and

continously changing interfaces between company, supplier and
customer. From inside the firm will be no less amorphous, with
traditional offices, departments and operating divisions constantly
reforming according to need. Job responsibilities will regularly shift,
as will lines of authority – even the very definition of employees will
change, as some customers and suppliers begin to spend more time
in the company than some of the firms own workers.
(Davidow and Malone 1992: 5–6)
Jackson and Quinn (1996) argue that moves towards the virtual organisation result
from ‘two mutually supportive developments’. Corporate restructuring (see, for
example, Kanter 1989; Quinn 1992) involves changes in the ways in which
organisational sub-units and functions are fitted together within the corporation. This
can be located in more theoretical work on the ways in which different contractual
75
and control structures may be appropriate for different sub-units (Ouchi 1979;
Williamson 1975; Sako 1992). The second aspect cited is overtly technological and is
centred on the potential innovations which take place at the conjunction of technology
and organisation. Research on the virtual organisation has recieved renewed stimulus
from developments in information and communications technologies (ICTs). ICTs
allow temporally or spatially dispersed organisational functions, work teams, or
individuals to work on a common project or work task. Teleworking, which is closely
associated with homeworking, subcontracting and franchising, has typically been
confined to lower-order tasks. Leading commentators are confident, however, that
the virtual forms allowed by more advanced communications technologies will include
significant numbers of professionals and ‘knowledge workers’.2
The virtual organisation as a paradigm shift
Accounts of the virtual organisation are invariably concerned with defining the
virtual organisation in contradistinction to earlier forms, and they are usually
constructed around the assumption that the virtual organisation should be viewed
as an emergent new paradigm. A number of prominent themes are present,
including the role of information in the creation of new business opportunities,
marketisation, debureaucratisation, value chain analysis, moves away from
Taylorism, and calls for the moral fabric of the organisation to be overhauled.
Innovation and new business opportunities
Enthusiasts regard the virtual organisation as synonymous with new business

opportunities, technological innovation and organisational change. As with earlier
developments in the field of information technology, and with currently influential
representations of ‘cyberspace’, proponents of the virtual organisation are concerned
with the innovative potential of vastly increased information flows. Information
technology is closely associated with improvements in the control and co-ordination
of core activities; functional integration, quality levels and responsiveness. A large
part of Handy’s argument for the virtual organisation (Handy 1995) turns on his
conception of organisations as processors of information. Thus he argues that:
more and more of our economic activity is a churning of information,

ideas and intelligence in all their infinite variety . . . an invitation to
virtuality.
(1995: 41)
The pervasive belief is that information can itself be equated with wealth creation
and economic progress. Davidow and Malone (1992) treat the move to virtual forms
of organisation as an economic necessity, and link it to calls for industrial renewal.
76
The business-led models of virtuality are as much concerned with efficiency

as they are with innovation. Several of the best-known accounts are rooted
mechanistic assumptions about the nature of organisations. Thus, Davidow and
Malone argue along strictly rationalist lines, that:
the creation of the virtual corporation will result from linking relevant
databases into ever more extensive and integrated networks. The
information that we generate often induces and controls the actions
of others.
(1992: 64–5)
They also argue, in a similarly rationalist vein, that the provision of timely and
accurate information allows the organisation to concentrate on results rather
than task supervision:
bringing the crucial information instantly to the right decision maker

and then transmitting the resulting decision through the network just
as quickly means that the organisation must organise around outcomes
rather than tasks. Success means working to product results.
(1992: 172)
Market rationality and ‘friction free capitalism’ pervades the writings of leading
commentators such as Nicholas Negroponte and Bill Gates. As Jackson (1996)
points out, Gates (1995) has argued that the superhighway metaphor is an
inappropriate one and that:
A different metaphor that I think cornes closer to describing a lot of the

activities that will take place is that of the ultimate market. Markets from
trading floors to malls are fundamental to human society, and I believe
that this one will eventually be the world’s central department store.
(1995: 6)
Cyberspace and virtual working have been associated, in a second strand of thinking,
with fragmentation and social atomisation. High-trust relationships between contracting
parties are seen as an antidote to this. For Charles Handy, the new virtual forms offer
the possibility of establishing new social employer-employee relations based on trust
and co-operation. If we are to enjoy the benefits of the virtual organisation we will, he
concludes, need to run organisations more on the basis of trust than control. However,
Handy is in no doubt that many Western firms remain firmly wedded to the idea that
control remains the sine qua non for efficiency. He calls for the ‘instrumental’ contract
of employment to be replaced by a ‘membership’ contract for a smaller core. This
emphasis on trust for a core of valued employees is strongly reminiscent of Piore and
Sabel (1984) and of comparative work on the more inclusive models of employment
developed in Sweden, Japan and Germany.
77
Virtual organisations, postmodernity and the rejection of

Taylorism
The emergence of the new virtual forms is also closely associated with the
assumption that late twentieth-century organisations are moving decisively away
from Taylorism, scientific management and bureaucracy. Virtuality is associated
with new approaches which require responsibility, autonomy, and enterprise.
The new subject at work is represented as:
enterprising; self-regulating; market oriented; productive; autonomous

and responsible.
(Brigham and Corbett 1996: 46)
Kanter (1989) claims that ‘commitment to organisation’ still matters but that
managers build commitment by offering ‘project opportunities’:
The new loyalty is not to the boss or company, but to projects that
actualise a mission, and offer challenge growth and credit for results
(Kanter 1991, quoted in Brigham and Corbett 1996: 49)
The concern with fluidity, responsiveness and less restrictive forms is often equated
with the emergence of the postmodern organisation. Brigham and Corbett draw
on Clegg’s theorisation of the postmodern organisation (Clegg 1990) to argue
that the virtual organisation is the archetypal postmodern form:
These organisational forms become a virtual necessity in order to

come to terms with the new external environment organisations are
facing; flexiblity and responsiveness are key factors for economic
success and only the virtual organisation has the speed and flexiblity
to cope with this new external environment.
(Brigham and Corbett 1996: 49).
The above excerpt from Brigham and Corbett contains an important clue as to the
underlying nature of the debate on the virtual organisation. The assumption is that a
range of external factors make the move towards high-trust virtual organisations
imperative.3 Underlying this assumption is a particular reading of Clegg’s depiction of
the postmodern organisation as a paradigm shift away from bureaucracy and Taylorism
(Brigham and Corbett 1996: 49; Clegg 1990: 272). McGrath and Houlihan (1996; this
volume) base their analysis on a reading of Clegg which assumes a similar binary
opposition of modern/postmodern organisational forms, but this chapter also incorporates
empirical evidence which is not easily squared with the blanket assertion of a paradigm
shift away from Taylorism. These authors adopt a much more equivocal reading of
virtuality and the postmodern organisation, and they conclude by identifying the
emergence of ‘hybrid’ organisational forms (McGrath and Houlihan 1996: 272).
78
Summary
The above analysis provided a broad treatment of what has been argued within
the debate on the virtual organisation. There are two underlying aspects of the
debate that deserve comment at this point. First, the virtual organisation has
been represented as an historically significant paradigm shift. This produces a
strong sense of déjà vu in the mind of the critical observer, and it begs the question
of how far the new virtual forms can be seen as a real and significant new
development. Second, there has been a preponderance of business-led models
whose orientation is overtly prescriptive and rationalist in character. The result
has been that the debate is generally undertheorised. The next part of the chapter
examines more closely me precise ways in which the virtual organisation has
been represented as a radically new, discontinous paradigm shift. It also relates
the debate on virtuality to a broader account of contemporary restructuring, and
puts the case for further theoretical development.
Part 2: the virtual organisation as a paradigm shift
Proponents of the virtual organisation have not thus far produced a theoretical
synthesis which integrates complex changes in technology, markets, institutions
and organisations into an overall schema. The virtual organisation concept can,
however, be related to a number of earlier attempts to develop a comprehensive
account of techno-organisational change. These attempts would include flexible
specialisation/post-Fordism, moves towards ‘disaggregated’ organisational forms,
and new production concepts such as lean manufacturing and business process
re-engineering. Within these models, market, technological and organisational
factors are typically bound together in what Jones has termed a ‘tight nexus’
(Jones 1990).
Figure 5.1 identifies three key aspects including: the assumption of a paradigm
shift; the central role accorded to technology; and ‘emancipatory’ calls for the
ethical/moral fabric of the organisation to be overhauled. The substantive content
of each model varies – the key point to note is the ways in which a very broad
spectrum of factors are subsumed within the paradigm shift itself. The assumption
of an overarching paradigm shift promotes an ‘apocalyptic’ (or millenarian) view
of the historical process (Collingwood 1961) in which new social structures emerge
from a sharp disjuncture and old forms are discarded in favour of the new (Kumar
1995; Willcocks and Grint 1997). All of the models cited in Figure 5.1 are designed
to operate at a high level of substantive and theoretical generality. One result of
this is that they incorporate exceedingly broad definitions of technology which
cannot easily be squared with more critical work on the nature of technology and
the innovation process. Many researchers regard the very use of the word
‘technology’ as heavily implicated, symbolically, in the assumption of radical
discontinuity with existing modes of production and organisation (see, for example,
79
Figure 5.1 New organisational paradigms
Smith and Marx 1995; Jackson 1997; Willcocks and Grint 1997; Williams 1997).
The assumption of a paradigm shift, juxtaposed with a more or less abstract
conception of ‘technology’ results in an ‘oppositional’ view of production systems –
the technical organisational changes under consideration are seen as a ‘once-and-
for-all’ departure in which new and old organisational forms are seen as mutually
exclusive.
Several influential critics have argued that the microelectronic revolution does not,
in fact, signal a paradigm shift in the underlying structures of industrial capitalism.
Kumar draws on the work of Beninger to argue that the impact of microelectronics
on systems of production and distribution needs to be understood as part of a longer-
run ‘control revolution’ which has been unfolding since massproduction began to
gather pace in the early twentieth-century (Kumar 1995; Beninger 1986). Kumar
also notes that the decentralised structures and distributed information systems
associated with ICTs are entirely compatible with enhanced managerial control, and
with the retention of Taylorism (Kumar 1995: 150–201).
The ‘control revolution’ thesis is broadly consistent with a range of studies
which undermine the argument for an emergent new organisational paradigm.
Hyman (1992) argues that the flexible specialisation misunderstands the nature
and extent of the changes underway. A number of more detailed studies show
that advanced manufacturing technologies do not represent a radical departure
80
from the earlier Fordist organisation of production. Studies carried out by Coriat
(1991), Nolan and O’Donnel (1991), Tomaney (1994) and Smith (1991) all
demonstrate the ways in which flexible specialisation needs to be seen as a
complement to (and in some cases an extension of) mass-production. For these
writers, the new paradigm is very much embedded in the old.4
In the United States, ‘new wave’ management theory tends to sideline the
independent influence attributed to technology, whilst maintaining a focus on
the disaggregation which has accompanied the restructuring of Western firms in
the 1980s and 1990s. Porter’s (1980) work on value chains and outsourcing has
been a highly influential starting point for many proponents of new wave theory.
Recent work by Kanter emphasises functional integration, delayering and cost
reduction (Kanter 1991). Quinn’s ‘Intelligent Enterprise’ thesis (Quinn 1992)
borrows heavily from both Kanter and Porter. Quinn cites the Nike and Apple
companies as paradigm examples of the new ‘disaggregated’ organisations. These
organisations can be seen as ‘virtual’ in the sense that they are geographically
dispersed, heavily reliant on extensive subcontracting networks, and concentrate
on certain knowledge-intensive aspects of production.5
New wave management thinkers such as Kanter and Quinn advocate
organisational transformation, whilst retaining a rationalist and rationalising view
of the firm. The widespread tendency for companies to downsize and to outsource
what were previously regarded as essential services and functions to sub-contractors
has been accompanied by profound shifts in the employment relationship. The
wide-ranging investigation of employment relationships carried out by Capelli
(1995) provides evidence for intensified control, shifts in the basis of the
psychological contract, and the subordination of previously sacrosant notions of
service to the dictates of competition and individual performance. All of the
studies cited above point to a more ‘Taylorised’ view of late capitalism than is
acknowledged by those who view contemporary changes in work and organisation
as a paradigm shift. Constance Perin’s work on remote working and the moral
fabric of the organisation is particularly interesting in this connection.
Perin develops an empirically well-grounded ‘symbolic schema’ for analysing the
problem of remote working and the moral fabric of the organisation (Perin (1991,
1996). The general line of argument is that the organisational possibilities offered by
information technology applied to remote working may be blocked by a range of
symbolic and political ‘control’ factors operating within the organisation. Perin’s work
is focused on salaried professionals and technical employees who are said to enjoy
more opportunities for ‘self-management’ than other white-collar employees (Perin
1991). The central finding is that salaried professionals and their employers were
reluctant to adopt more flexible temporal and spatial patterns of work. Thus:
Employees believed that being absent would be disadvantageous to

their careers and employers believed that they could not supervise
people out of their presence.
(1991: 259)
81
Perin suggests that the nineteenth-century ‘panopticon’ principle of industrial

production – based on the surveillance allowed by co-location, co-presence and
co-visibility – was ‘alive and well’. In this symbolic scheme, authority is ‘sustained
by co-presence, whilst it is undermined by distance’ (1991: 259). In the context
of recession, career prospects may be uncertain and Perin observes that
professionals (who locate much of their identity in office ‘influence’) may have
good reason to be less than enthusiastic about the ‘invisibility’ entailed by virtual
working. For employees working at home two or three days per week, the ‘semiotics
of time and space’ and the panopticon principle of visibility acted to override:
the computer logics of asynchronicity and virtual presence, the

competence logics of uninterrupted thinking time, and the household
logics of self-scheduling to meet nonwork goals.
(1996: 260)
Organisations employing professional and technical specialists are increasingly

using highly directive project management models for defining output
requirements, budgeting and scheduling. Perin regards these models as ‘tools for
approximating the Taylorisation of non manufacturing work’ (see also Perin, this
volume).
Recapitulation
The debate on the virtual organisation has highlighted a number of technological

and organisational developments in the organisation of production. This section
has developed an alternative reading of these developments based on a number
of arguments which can be summarised as follows:
1 the underlying structure of the virtual organisation concept bears a close

resemblance to earlier formulations which have been based on a ‘tight nexus’
of technological, organisational and environmental factors and a
reconfiguration of production around innovation rather than efficiency. These
formulations assume a paradigm shift in technology and organisation and a
historically significant break with Taylorism and mass-production.
2 The argument for a paradigm shift cannot easily be squared with the accounts
of contemporary restructuring cited above. The analyses cited indicate that
new technologies and organisational forms are firmly embedded in the earlier
paradigm. A number of researchers have pointed out the significance of the
productivity innovation dilemma and the need for more understanding of
firm-specific strategic choices and managerial ‘readings’ of particular contexts.
3 Some aspects of the virtual organisation debate are closely related to new
wave management theories and calls for more ‘disaggregated’ organisational
forms. However, new wave management theory is embedded in a highly
82
rationalistic discourse of enhanced managerial control. Once again this points

to a more Fordist and Taylorist reality of production than is acknowledged
by those whose work assumes the existence of a paradigm shift towards
high-trust ‘networked’ organisations.
4 The role of technology may be overstated in discussions of virtuality and
disaggregation. Several studies indicate that the core characterisitic of the
disaggregated organisation is not the use of technology, but its tendency to
outsource and manage suppliers via a more intensive management of value
chains (Kanter 1989, 1991; Quinn 1992; Hill et al. 1997). This view squares
with the late capitalist doctrine of doing ‘more with less’ and careful
management of the ‘productivity innovation dilemma’ (Clark et al. 1985;
Hill et al. 1997).
5 Perin’s work on ‘the semiotics of time and space’ undermines the view that
‘asychronous’ remote working can be regarded as synonymous with
emancipation at work.
The above analysis suggests that much of the restructuring which occurred in the
1990s has been, broadly speaking, more Fordist in character than has been
acknowledged by proponents of the paradigm shift, who appear to have
misconstrued some very basic characteristics of late twentieth-century capitalism.6
The evidence indicates that many Western firms have been subject to generalised
pressures for change. But it has become clear that management are typically
faced with a variety of structural options at different levels within the corporation.
This is consistent with the extensive literature on technology and firm-specific
strategic choices.7 There may be, however, theoretical reasons for rejecting the
assumption of a thoroughgoing paradigm shift which takes us beyond a concern
with firm-specific strategic choice.
Part 3: locating the virtual organisation in a broader

theoretical context
It would be easy, given arguments laid out above, to propose that proponents of
the paradigm shift have misunderstood the essentially neo-Fordist and neoTaylorist
character of the microelectronic revolution. But this underestimates both the
complexity and the significance of the developments associated with teleworking
and virtuality. It is clearly inadequate, even at the level of description, to argue
that ‘nothing much has changed’. The debate on the virtual organisation helps
us to focus on a number of technological and organisational developments which
are real and significant.
One way to progress research in this area would be to call for more work on
the organisational processes and interests associated with virtual working. Much
of the best empirical work supports the view that there can be no ‘one best way’
to promote organisational innovation – here we are back on the familiar territory
83
of strategic choice (Child 1972). But there may be good theoretical reasons for a
more radical reframing of the debate on the ways in which new organisational
forms co-exist with old ones. The bridge to this broader conceptual terrain is
provided by recent comparative work on the role of culture and divergent
organisational rationalities in explaining how organisations are structured
(Fukuyama 1995; Clegg 1990). This work also gives a clue as to how we might
productively rethink the issue of trust and its significance for the emergence of
new organisational forms.
Ethical norms and the comparative dimension
A common criticism of models based on a paradigm shift is that they offer

prescriptions which tend to downplay questions of institutional specificity and the
influence of particular national traditions. Much of the best comparative work is
centrally concerned with the ways in which radically different ethical values and
norms of association serve to underpin a diversity of organisational forms in different
societies. As noted above, the imputed paradigm shift in the technoorganisational
basis of production is posited on a complete break with the Weberian form. This is
in keeping with the focus on smaller and more flexible forms, and with the general
tendency towards disaggregation and ‘the post-modern turn’ observed by leading
theorists of postmodernity and organisation (Lash and Urry 1987; Harvey 1989;
Clegg 1990; Hassard and Parker 1993; Thompson 1993).
The work of commentators like Coleman (1988), Fukuyama (1995), Granovetter
(1985) and Clegg (1990) incorporates two features which are significant for the
present discussion of trust and virtuality. First, these authors are concerned with
the ways in which organisations and institutions are underpinned by divergent
rationalities. The authors show that culture gives rise to a manifold diversity of
organisational structures, normative codes, control mechanisms and rationalities
which differ radically from those associated with the precepts of Weber and Chandler.
Markets, bureaucratic hierarchies and networks all feature as viable alternatives
which may be interwoven in different ways. Here the sociohistorical breadth of
canvass is much broader than would be implied by the portmanteau concept of
‘trust’. Second, and more significant for the debate on the new paradigm, they are
concerned with the analysis of extant (rather than newly emergent) organisational
forms which have deep historical and cultural roots.
Clegg’s work on divergent rationalities and the ‘cultural

turn’ in organisational theory
Clegg’s analysis starts with the ways in which the diversity of organisational
forms (and economic life generally) is culturally and economically ‘embedded’.
Economics is seen as a necessary, rather than a sufficient, condition for
84
organisational life. Organisational theory based on social and institutional

embeddedness implies not just trust, but a much greater diversity of forms than
would have been anticipated by Weber, Chandler or Williamson. The examples
deployed include the Korean Chaebol, Chinese and Italian banking networks, and
Japanese Zaibatzu.
Clegg’s work on the postmodern organisation derives not from the belief that
bureaucracy has collapsed or that we are seeing the ‘end of organisation’ but
from the idea that ‘the one best way’ advocated by Western thinkers has to be
abandoned in the light of the plurality described above (Clegg 1990: 158–63).
Paradigm-shift models of industrial renewal are based on the belief that both
markets and hierarchies are being superseded by new networked forms of organisation
based on high-trust relationships (as with the much-cited example of Benetton and
subcontracting networks in the Third Italy). But these models do little to explain the
ways in which markets, hierarchies and networks may co-exist as complementary
alternatives within the same institutional setting. A study of MITI (the highly innovative
Japanese Ministry of International Trade and Industry) carried out by Fransman
(1990) serves to illustrate this complementarity. Fransman demonstrates that MITI
acted as a repository of knowledge but that it differed radically from its Western
counterparts. The ‘networked’ character of its structure and operations derived from
forms of collaboration which avoided the duplication of effort associated with market
competition. State intervention in the innovation process was also concerned with
‘close-to-market’ development of new products and processes which departed with
Western models of industrial innovation. MITI’s organisational structure contained
elements of a classic bureaucracy, but the minstry also made use of ‘market’ and
‘network’ mechanisms to facilitate the transfer of technological knowledge. The MITI
example provides an interesting perspective on the changes underway within both
the BBC and the NHS, which continue to depend on bureaucratic structures, whilst
attempting to develop both ‘market’ and ‘network’ modes of organisation. The MITI
example could be characterised as a ‘high-trust’ (or ‘networked’) organisation – but this
results in a highly misleading and restricted view of the organisational form which
developed. There is a danger that prescriptions for the networked organisation,
sustained by a diffuse and undertheorised ‘portmanteau’ concept of trust will become
the equivalent of a universal ‘one best way’ for the 1990s. The real issue is not the
incidence or absence of ‘trust’ within organisations, but understanding the ways in
which a diversity of organisational forms and modes of control may co-exist in a
single institutional setting. Most theorisations of the virtual organisation are silent on
the question of how this diversity is possible.
Part 4: further theoretical development
The debate on the virtual organisation has, on occasion, overlapped with analyses
of postmodernism (Brigham and Corbett 1996; McGrath and Houlihan, this
volume). Most analysts of the postmodern organisation take as their intellectual
85
starting-point the notion of an epoch/epistemology divide. According to this view,

the postmodern can act as a signifier either for a historical periodisation or as a
theoretical prism of understanding through which we view organisations. Hassard
writes:
In the first use, postmodernization as an epoch, the goal is to identify

features of the external world that support the hypothesis that society
is moving towards a new postmodern era.
(Hassard 1993: 2)
Here the major theme (one that is closely allied with the associated concepts of
post-Fordism and post-industrialism) is that:
the social and economic structures reproduced since the industrial

revolution are now fragmenting into diverse networks held together
by information technology
(Hassard 1993: 3)
Postmodernism as an epistemology reflects developments in post-structuralist

philosophy. Thus Hassard argues that:
Postmodern epistemology suggests that the world is constituted by

our shared language and that we can only know the world through
particular forms of discourse our language creates. It is argued
however, that as our language is continually in flux, meaning is
constantly slipping beyond our grasp, and can thus never be lodged
within one term. The task of postmodern writing, therefore, is to
recognise this elusive nature of language, but never with the aim of
creating a meta-discourse to explain all language forms.
(Hassard, 1993: 3)
The analyses and commentaries reviewed in this Chapter assume that new
organisational forms exist in an empirically knowable world. In line with this view,
the chapter has concentrated on the ways in which the virtual organisation has
been represented as an emprically observable paradigm shift (i.e. an ‘epoch’ view
of the phenomenon observed). This approach provides a useful way into a difficult
field of enquiry, but it is apparent that the epoch view has its limitations. The
epoch/epistemology divide is useful because it neatly separates the issue of historical
change from questions of how we ‘read’ the organisation. The problem with this
approach, as Hassard readily admits, is that the post-structuralist thought ‘operates
on a high plane of abstraction’ and that researchers are faced with the difficult
problem of relating the divide to ‘real world’ research. Researching the virtual
organisation confronts the social scientist with a complex and contradictory
phenomenon in a field of study permeated by reification and prescription. But the
86
virtual organisation concept, like the more populist notion of cyberspace, is

characterised by a semantic instability which may render it ultimately resistant to
empirical investigation. Here the epistemological view, with its roots in the philosophy
of language, can help us to reframe the problem of researching virtuality and the
new organisational forms associated with cyberspace. This change in perspective
would involve the recognition that our understanding of a changing world, may be
as much a matter of aesthetics as it is empirics. Reframing the discussion of virtuality
around a more ‘aestheticised’ view of technological and organisational change
immediately draws our attention to the millennial themes pointed out by Kumar
and others. What is missing from the debate on virtuality is a recognition of the
symbolic function of the paradigm shift, with its powerful appeal to a future in which
technical development is associated with economic growth and more ‘emancipated’
forms of work. With this view, the paradigm-shift models depicted in Figure 5.1
may be better seen as archetypes rather than as prescriptions for organisational design.
Reconceptualising these models around the notion of an archetype is useful because
it reminds us of their fundamentally ‘ideal-typical’ character. They should be viewed
as logical constructs whose main value is to signal broad tendencies and movements;
their primary function is not to provide organisational blueprints in the manner of
prescriptive business-led models.
Another useful feature of the archetype view is that it addresses the question
of semantic instability. The archetypal view is valuable precisely because the precise
definitions and meanings are necessarily looser than would be implied by empirical
observation. The concern with language associated with the epistemology
perspective has an obvious bearing here. Loosely structured characterisations
allow the discussion of virtuality to retain a broad appeal to a diverse range of
analysts, commentators and publics, each of which may inhabit their own ‘language
games’ and closed systems of meaning. The archetype view captures more readily
the ‘ideological’ aspect implied by the existence of different sociotechnical
constituencies (Molina 1990; Howells 1995) whose expectations of the new ICTs
are constructed around a variety of mentalities, beliefs and discourses. The concern
with discourse is reflected in recent work by Dutton and Guthrie (1991) who
argues that the new ICTs are being shaped not according to the logic of a single
‘game’ or discourse but according to an ecology of games inhabited by a very wide
range of policy-makers, analysts, commentators and publics. The more familiar
notion of technological and organisational artefacts, derived from social
constructivist approaches, can be combined with the epistemology perspective
described above. An artefactual approach allows us to dispense with ‘black-box’
reified accounts of technology and focuses analysis on the underlying social
processes and constructions which form such a vital element in the ‘mutual shaping’
of technologies and organisations (McLoughlin and Harris 1997; Williams 1997;
MacKenzie 1992).
The archetype and artefact view can be usefully combined within an archetype/
artefact dichotomy. Elements of this dichotomy are being played not just in the
social construction of the virtual organisation, but also in the broader prospect of
87
cyberspace, where ‘new’ information and commmuncations technologies are being

shaped by the beliefs and social practices associated with an extremely broad
range of constituents and language ‘games’. These technologies appeal to a
powerful symbolic logic whose ‘real world’ lines of development, although as yet
unclear, can be expected to produce new sites of social action and engagement.
This symbolic logic is well-understood by corporate players like BT and Microsoft
who are demonstrably involved not just in the creation of technological artefacts,
but also in the creation of meaning. These processes are what gives ‘technology’
its power to change our lives.
Notes
1 The technical characteristics of the new communication and information technologies

(ICTs) exert a seductive influence on the minds of policy-makers and commentators.
Twenty years of empirical work on information technology has produced some useful
insights into the theoretical status that should be accorded to technology. A key aspect
here is that technology provides a certain ‘structure of opportunities’ but does not in
itself determine outcomes or provide ready made solutions to the manifold problems
of organisation and control facing those directly concerned with production.
2 This would appear to be the case given recent European and North American policy
statements. The European Commission, for example, predicts that the numbers of
teleworkers will reach 10 million by the year 2000. The US labour market already
contains an estimated 5.5 million teleworkers.
3 These authors also argue that further research will require a more sophisticated view
of trust than has been deployed thus far.
4 The volume by McLoughlin and Harris (1997) contains a number of studies which
explore the nature and extent of managerial choice and relates Child’s concept of
strategic choice to a number of issues in technology analysis (see for example Hill, et
al. 1997). These authors also argue that proponents of the new paradigm misunderstand
the nature of the ‘productivity innovation dilemma’ facing managers.
Much of the earlier work on the process of technological change has highlighted
the ways in which the controls exercised by managers are bound up with the question
of strategic choice (Child 1972) – but it has been demonstrated that the question of
strategic choice has recieved little or no serious theoretical treatment within models
based on the assumption of a paradigm shift (McLoughlin and Harris 1997).
5 Quinn develops a comprehensive range of guidelines and tools for managing the
‘productivity innovation dilemma’. Like the latter day proponents of virtuality he
also focuses on the problem of maintaining alliances between contracting parties.
6 One problem is the general tendency for commentators to subsume entirely separate
levels of analysis in their accounts of the ‘virtual corporation’. Restructuring
programmes have been driven by mergers and capacity reductions which have altered
the shape of whole industries. ‘Devolved’ forms of managerial control exercised at
the level of production may co-exist with increased size and concentration of capacity
at the sectoral level. This has been the pattern in a diverse range of industries including
electronic capital goods, defence, pharmaceuticals, banking and broadcasting. At this
level, the concern has been very much with increased integration, rather than
fragmentation. The study of corporate structure and innovation carried out by Hill et
al. (1997) shows that firms have become more concerned with, for example, customer
responsiveness, harnessing research and development activities more closely to the
88
marketing function, and with reducing costs. This study suggests that senior
management was concerned not with disaggregation, but with integration. Western
firms may be opting for a radical form of structural decentralisation which may
nevertheless co-exist with cultural norms and allocative procedures which are in fact
highly centralised.
7 Buchanan and Boddy, 1983, 1986; McLoughlin and Clark 1995; Child et al. 1987;
Child and Smith 1987; Clark and Staunton 1989; Loveridge and Pitt 1990; Mansell
1994; McLoughlin and Harris 1997).
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Part 2
UNDERSTANDING AND
MANAGING BOUNDARIES IN
TELEWORK
One of the most important recent developments in telework has been those conceptual
and theoretical studies that have sought to provide a better illumination of temporal
and spatial issues. Early accounts of telework illustrate some relatively naïve
assumptions about these. Space was largely looked upon as, first, the ‘physical distance’
that had to be overcome in travelling (commuting) to work – where this took place in
central workplaces – and, second, the ‘container’ – the walls, rooms, etc. – in which
work took place. More recently, approaches have illuminated the fact that time-space
structures do not act as passive backdrops to work and family life but are constitutive
features of what goes on there. As such, the very experience and meaning of work
draw heavily on the properties of the contexts involved. Because certain places (the
home, the office, etc.) embrace particular sets of symbols and social relations, we
need a more informed understanding of the psychological, social and cultural properties
these create. This is essential if we are to understand the potential implications of
innovations that alter the temporal and spatial structures of social systems.
This is the aim of Part 2 of this book. Drawing on studies undertaken in
Austria, Canada, UK and Germany, the authors illustrate how individuals and
families have sought to adapt to changes that reconstitute the boundaries between
and within work relations and the home.
To introduce this, Martin Kompast and Ina Wagner set out a framework in
Chapter 6 which highlights the way temporal, spatial and cultural boundaries
are reshaped by innovations in telework. They argue that new temporal and
spatial modes of organising demand new ways of managing boundaries between
colleagues, clients and private life, and illustrate how the family network is drawn
into work relations by teleworking. The authors also develop a gender perspective
which illuminates in particular how temporal and spatial practices have
traditionally influenced gender roles and lifestyles.
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UNDERSTANDING AN D MANAGI NG TELEWORK
In Chapter 7, Kiran Mirchandani continues this line of analysis in terms of the

way in which telework disrupts the divide between what we traditionally
understand as the domains of ‘work’ (so far as it occurs in specially design
workplaces) and those of so-called ‘non-work’ (i.e. the arena dedicated to leisure,
the family or activities that are not ‘real work’). By renegotiating this divide,
Mirchandani shows how homeworkers reconstruct their very notions of ‘work’
and ‘non-work’ when social and spatial relations are reconstructed.
Leslie Haddon highlights further issues involved in home-based telework in
Chapter 8. He describes the strategies people use to cope with the integration of
activities within and outside the home. He focuses especially on the maintenance
of boundaries between domestic and work roles. Since teleworking has
consequences for the wider context of social relations, he argues that employees
and employers have a joint responsibility for managing the demands that these
present.
In the final chapter of Part 2, André Büssing explores some conceptual, empirical
and theoretical links between teleworking and quality of life. This points to different
ways by which we can evaluate the individual’s expectations of and feelings towards
the physical environment, work content and job security. Büssing examines the
social tolerance of telework by looking at such factors as ecology, culture and the
humanisation of work. The chapter discusses studies that examined the way in
which telework allowed individuals to manage their time in ways that better
integrated work, family and social relations. He also contrasts the benefits for
quality of life that are achieved through homework with those obtained from
collective, centre-based teleworking.
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6
TELEWORK
Managing spatial, temporal and cultural
boundaries
Martin Kompast and Ina Wagner
Introduction
The term telework covers a whole range of practices and social forms, from home-
based work, to part-time commuting between multiple work sites, and mobile work.
Each of these variants can be seen as corresponding to a set of connected or layered
work spaces, some of them material and immediate, others distributed and virtual.
In this chapter we develop a conceptual framework which builds upon several
notions:
• We make use of the notion of space, both as a geographical and a cultural

category, for understanding work as grounded in the properties of places.
We will try to understand what kind of workplaces are, e.g., a central office,
the home, a client site; in which ways these places are structured, furnished,
inhabited, designated for particular activities and actors (at the exclusion of
others): and connected to other places.
• We also look at the relations between those places and time. Transitions
between places often require actors to adapt to different temporal modes; to
move, for example, from compressed, fragmented time to sequential,
continuous time. Distance work and electronic connections between multiple
workplaces change the notion of presence and availability.
• We develop a gender perspective which is informed by feminist theory and
grounded in women’s experiences of inhabiting/making transitions between
places and temporal structures. We use this perspective as a source for criticism
of dominant practices and as access to a greater variety of lifestyles.
• We analyse changes of work systems and organisational context as influencing
the ways in which spatial, temporal and cultural boundaries are defined and
managed, and this within a theoretical framework which is inspired by research
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on computer-supported co-operative work (CSCW). Boundary crossings and

connections require conscious effort, to actively reconstruct the relations between
fragmented and disconnected places, and to build new and meaningful webs
of connections. This may have farreaching consequences for the ways in which
people actively, flexibly and reflexively re-form, re-orient and re-combine their
actions to fit the exigencies of the work as it unfolds.
The empirical basis of this chapter is a series of investigations into two international
computer companies in Austria, TeleCorp and RegComp (Hergge et al. 1996;
Kompast 1996).1 Both projects were initiated by an alliance of managers (mainly
middle management with some back-up from top executives) and shop stewards,
with initial motivations focusing on a mixture of goals: to position themselves as
pioneers of distance work arrangements as well as vendors of supporting
technology, to officialise and learn from employees’ experiences with ‘unofficial
teleworking’, to explore new work systems, and (in the case of shop stewards) to
exert control over emerging forms of work and translate the project experiences
into a regulatory framework. All participants in the pilots volunteered. While
TeleCorp management’s attitudes to teleworking was ambivalent and they still
hesitate to make more long-term, costly commitments, one of the results of the
pilot project at RegComp was a ‘tailored’ organisational-technical support structure
for teleworking employees.
The University was asked specifically to look into their work practices, into
the ways that they bridged private and professional lives, into what kind of
organisational and technical support was needed, and into the possibilities of
developing a regulatory framework covering issues such as working time,
ergonomics and security.
The theoretical perspective
The concept of place plays an important role in feminist theory. It helps focus
on the specific properties of interaction spaces, their multiple visible and invisible
closures, and on the dense, complex and multi-layered connections between
people who are not necessarily co-present in space and time (Clement and
Wagner 1995). Places are specific settings of interaction; they provide a context
for social activities. We can describe places in spatial terms – their location,
dimensionality, spatial qualities, their connections to other places and by the
ways they are furnished. The ways in which places are ‘designed’ and inhabited
provide a context for activities and social relations. This context can be described
in terms of documents and the ways in which they are ordered and made
accessible (bookshelves, archives, libraries, databases), of machines, of people,
their skills, tasks and particular knowledges, of an organisational history and
memory (as stored, for example, in documents and peoples’ heads and
externalised in the stories they tell).
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SPATIAL, TEMPORAL AND CU LTU RAL BOU NDARIES
Ethnographic studies have drawn attention to the relevance of context and to

the artful and skilled practices of people that maintain orderliness and workflow
(Star 1991; Suchman 1993). In fieldwork in the printing industry Bowers et al.
(1995) point to some of the activities necessary for ensuring a smooth flow of
work, such as prioritising incoming orders, anticipating regular, known-inadvance
work, taking account of each other’s work, and identifying and allocating
interruptible work. Shapiro et al. (1997), in their study regarding the practice of
landscape architecture, discuss some of the difficulties of making visual judgements
that arise from spatial arrangements, arguing: ‘One of the reasons behind the
clumsiness of the situation is the need for more context. Not all of the montage is
visible on the screen, making it necessary to scroll through it as the conversation
develops. Moreover, there is a host of related material that is needed but not
available’ (1997). Both are examples of activities that require a shared sense of
the work to be done, including the organisational context in which it takes place,
the procedural context of the work as it unfolds, its content context (in the case of
visualisations, for example, the context of what they represent and communicate),
and the context of previous work. When work is spread out over multiple
distributed work sites (each with their own materiality, temporality and
embeddedness), close attention has to be paid to the notion of place, context and
presence and their relevancy in the creation of ‘orderliness’ and of mutually aligned
interaction (Auramäki et al. 1996).
We can see from the relation between place and context that places are not
neutral. Haraway (1991) argues that they are places for ‘something’ (at the
exclusion of other things), providing actors with a ‘view from somewhere’, a
special vision. Dorothy Smith (1990) uses this insight in her approach to
knowledge, emphasising the possibility to locate and identify positionings as a
precondition of knowing. One of her key questions is: ‘How does a knower,
embodied and situated in a local and particular world, participate in creating a
knowledge, transcending particular knowers and particular places?’ (1990: 62).
A particular ‘script’ can only be produced at a particular place. Conversely, making
sense of distant knowledges (from which the subjects have disappeared) requires
a place from where this distant knowledge is retrieved, taken into account,
interpreted and acted upon. A place offers a chance to re-introduce subjectivity, it
provides a specific vision from and against which knowledge can be examined
and positioned in a process of ‘siting and sequencing’ (Probyn 1990: 184).
Places are connected, they reflect other places and times, and this in different
ways, for example, being furnished with memories from those other places, having
developed a common history, being situated in a view’s distance from each other,
being connected by people’s migrations and transitions between them, and, more
recently, by electronic mail or a shared screen for collaborative work. Some places
have been established as enclosed sites, making access difficult and tied to
privileges, but most of them are internally regionalised, subdivided into areas
that have been designated to specific persons and activities. Issues of power can
be addressed in spatial terms, in terms of inclusion, exclusion and confinement,
97
unequal furnishings, and (lack of) connections to other places. In this perspective
the relations of power and knowledge are understood as embodied and materialised
in the ‘material, social, and literary practices of discourse and representation,
discipline and resistance’ that are to be found in different places (Watson-Verran
and Turnbull 1995: 117).
Feminist theorists stress the fundamental ambiguity of places – the struggle of
being positioned in places that are not of one’s own making and choice (and
eventually denigrated as inferior) and the pleasures one may find in living and
working there. Elspeth Probyn discusses the home as a locale which is built
around women, ‘a locale of their own design’ (Probyn 1990: 181), which
simultaneously reflects patterns of domination and provides women with space
for positively negotiating and articulating their identities and relations.
Probyn (1990) also points to the connection of place and time as identifying relations
between places, events and the knowledges produced. Also time has to be read ‘from
somewhere’. Spatial representations of time have a long tradition. They draw attention
to the embeddedness of process in place. What is present is located somewhere, and
a trajectory in time is often one that connects different places. Hägerstrand’s vision of
time-geographies offers a starting point for analysing these relations. He developed
an ecological model of people’s time-space routines which marks individuals’ separate
and intersecting paths and the domains they cover. His diagrams can be read as
micro-topographies of daily life. Hägerstrand’s diagrams are more than just a series
of templates for tracing trajectories in time and space. What makes them interesting
is that they seem to capture simultaneity and conjunctures that ‘can easily escape
linear language’ (Pred 1984: 202). As Gregory argues, the diagrams point to the
complex dialectic between presence and absence. What is present, is always mediated
by what is absent, each temporal location ‘elucidating the dense, complex and multi-
layered connections between people who are not copresent in time and/or space’
(Gregory 1994: 117). Biography (and, more generally, narrative) are instantiations of
these connections in and of time and place.
Feminist theory points to the fact that women’s experience of time is often
contradictory and ambivalent. There is a conflict between availability (the
willingness to ‘fill in’, when needed) both at work and at home, and setting
time apart for oneself or a ‘project’ (regardless of ad hoc demands). This seems
typical of many areas of women’s work. We can see, for example, in nursing
how computerised care plans interfere with a distinct quality of care which
rests upon nurses’ often ad hoc availability for comfort and sentimental work.
When computerised care plans emphasise the focus on nurses’ own pre-planned
nursing projects and nurses are seen as setting apart time for specialised activities,
irrespective of ad hoc demands, this emphasises the highly professionalised part
of this work while neglecting some of its more spontaneous and emotional
components (Wagner 1993). There are different temporal orders in different
places. While time at work is allocated, measured and constrained, many
activities at home (in particular being with children) ask for ‘letting time pass’
(Becker-Schmidt 1982).
98
Teleworkers do not only have to make transitions between multiple work sites;
they also make extensive use of electronic spaces for communication and work.
These spaces are different from the places we are familiar with (Wagner forthcoming).
They open up a wide arena for dis-locating and re-embedding knowledges, for
eradicating connections to persons and places, for disrupting and reassembling
‘narratives’ (such as a workflow, a project history, a client relationship). A wider
range of temporal modes and horizons becomes available, from synchronous and
co-present action to ‘extended discourses’ between distant locales. This also means
that a potentially larger variety of temporal orders mesh and need to be aligned. In
contrast to the accelerated but still continuous and step-by-step flow of activities
which characterises mechanical regimes, there is a level of immediacy in computer-
based action spaces which tends to collapse the interplay of presence and absence.
We can for instance observe how computer-based networks change the temporal
order in an architectural design office. In a traditional work environment a design
is worked out sequentially, step-by-step, in distinct spatially extended places where
discussion and overview require the physical movement of persons and plans
(Wagner, forthcoming). Electronic space with its fluid time-space boundaries allows
us to examine a design ‘in the doing’, and this by multiple actors from distributed
places. As such, electronic media intensify and accentuate the modernistic gesture
‘to disrupt narrative sequence, to explode temporal structure, and to accentuate
simultaneity’ (Gregory 1994: 216; italics in original).
Looking at time-space contextualities in this way allows us to examine the
properties of different workplaces and to understand what happens when work
becomes spatially and temporarily more distributed, and this not only from the
point of view of the organisation but also of the individual who ‘moves work’
between places.
In particular this chapter will look at:
• issues of context – how telework interrupts context and how people manage
to hold available, connect and manipulate various aspects of context;
• connections, closures and regionalisations and their implications for managing
boundaries with colleagues, clients and private life, for connecting as well as
for keeping places apart;
• practices of time management – how people cope with different temporal
regimes, how they deal with issues of presence and accessibility;
• issues of co-operation (and power) – how people balance interdependencies,
maintain access to resources, communicate effort and competence.
The cases
When collecting empirical evidence, our main aim was to make this dimension
of people’s work – the ways in which they actively, flexibly and reflexively re-
form, re-orient and re-combine their actions to fit the exigencies of the work as it
99
unfolds – more visible, and to understand how this is facilitated or made difficult
by the organisational and technical furnishing of their multiple workplaces. In
particular, we looked at the co-operative nature of participants’ work, patterns of
interdependent activities, practices of assigning tasks, distributing resources,
maintaining reciprocal awareness, arriving at shared understandings, and the
allocation of functionality between workers and the technologies they use.
The empirical material on which we base our analysis is a series of in-depth
interviews with 41 teleworkers (26 from TeleCorp, 15 from RegComp). These
teleworkers fall into four different categories:
1 highly qualified sales representatives who have to build and maintain stable
relationships with selected business unit clients and co-ordinate the expertise
necessary for tailoring and implementing a particular product;
2 systems engineers whose job mainly consists of configuring products,
sometimes in co-operation with other companies with complementary
interests;
3 service technicians whose work of necessity regularly takes them away from
their offices;
4 administrative staff whose job it is to give back office support for several
sales representatives.
In the majority of cases participants were interviewed at the beginning of the pilot
(in their office), shortly after they had settled into a ‘teleworking mode’, and then
again after a period of experience with teleworking. These later interviews were
carried out in their homes and gave opportunity for observations of current practices,
including practical demonstrations and simulations of some work processes, as
well as interviews with family members. In addition, some interviews with managers
and dependent, non-teleworking co-workers were carried out. For this chapter we
selected the cases of six participants (two women and four men) to illustrate some
of the diversity of contexts and practices associated with teleworking.
Organisational context and work design
Workers in both companies are placed in what we described earlier as

performance-intensive settings (Clement and Wagner 1995). Although our
firsthand experiences are in the computer sector, there are good reasons to
assume that this reflects a more general trend (Quinn and Paquette 1990; Klein
and Kraft 1994). These are organisations which expect their employees to
develop a high level of self-reliance and self-organisation. As the company
provides little support for managing tasks co-operatively, there is a large and
unregulated ‘market’ for the negotiation of resources, co-operation and priorities
which is not visible in common descriptions of business processes. People are
used to developing and using their own network of support for coping with
100
problems as they arise. The culture of self-organisation and self-reliance is

reflected in trends such as output-oriented reward structures (employees are
not primarily paid for the time they work but for the results they produce) and
the deregulation of (formerly strict) working time arrangements.
Moreover, in service-oriented contexts, as much co-operative work takes
place outside the company premises, for example, at a client site, so people
have little shared time in the office. This strengthens their dependence on
technical support systems such as computer networks and the variety of services
provided through them. As much of the most important information is no
longer provided by the co-inhabitants of people’s offices but by spatially distant
partners, people are used to consulting databases and electronic bulletin boards.
Technologies are designed and introduced to support the parallel management
of tasks at a distance. Protecting and drawing boundaries in such an environment
is experienced as cutting oneself off from a multiplicity of only partially knowable
and predictable resources.
From this perspective, telework is just an additional, ‘logical’ step towards
spatially and temporally distributed forms of work. It promises further possibilities
of reducing technical and organisational overhead costs through intensifying the
use of employees’ private resources (space, equipment, energy, etc.) on one hand,
and through shifting much of the ‘invisible’ work of communicating, organising
and maintaining onto their shoulders on the other hand. We can understand
both companies’ attempt at increasing their knowledge base for ‘micro-managing’
the use of skills, technical equipment and office space as part of this strategy.
TeleCorp is about to develop a ‘desk-sharing’ program. While originally the
prime motivation was to reduce the need for expensive office space, it is now
connected to the idea of flexibly accommodating an increasing number of partially
or temporarily employed people.
These trends are related to the notion of the ‘flexible firm’. Telework serves as
an umbrella for arrangements which increase management’s ‘flexibility over where
and when people work’ and at the same time helps to exert control over the
regionally dispersed operations (Wagner 1994). This, Joan Greenbaum (1995)
argues, ‘has meant a shift from central workplaces to organisations that parcel
work out to different companies, sub-contractors and individuals working from
home’. TeleCorp has started a business re-engineering initiative aimed at defining
tasks and procedures and assigning them to different locations.
In addition to this, RegComp pursues a strategy of ‘presence in regionally
distributed places’. These places (which are spread out all over Europe and
managed by one central unit) are occupied by different actors – production centres,
partner companies (who act as distributors of RegComp’s products), major clients
and regional sales representatives (whose job it is to bridge geographical distance
by mediating between places and the interests and skills that inhabit them).
Parcelling work out to distributed actors is related to a notion of presence as
being ‘mediated’ by subcontractors and individuals who, although visibly
connected to RegComp, also have their own local identity.
101
An additional feature of telework is its relation to a project-based organisation.

Employees in both companies are involved in a variety of projects to which they
have to devote time, skill and effort, and this often in different roles and at different
levels of intensity. Constance Perin (1996) describes a system of work in which
employees experience a wide range of ‘project density’:
Each project in its different phases makes different time demands,

often according to different schedules. Each project puts employees
into different spaces, real and virtual, at their division and section
office, the offices they travel to, and at home.
(Perin 1996)
This trend is reflected, for example, in the shifting profile of the sales representative,
and this most markedly within RegComp. People whose job it was to sell the
company’s products developed a continuous service relationship with selected clients.
Selling has become a project which requires initial consulting, coordinating expert
support, providing training, and monitoring. While belonging to the ‘core group’
(those doing the ‘real work’) in one project, they might be part of the ‘periphery’
(contributing a small number of hours and limited expertise) of several other projects.
Moreover, projects are tied into larger networks of alliances, partnerships and
controlling bodies, representing different patterns of hierarchy and influence:
Reference groups, steering committees, reviewers, and business unit

clients, quality managers, and financial managers are ‘satellites’ to
projects that can increase task congestions, numbers of electronically
mediated interactions, and face-to-face meetings.
(Perin 1996)
This strongly reflects the current trend towards ‘business process re-engineering’
(BPR):
As part of the re-engineering process, job ladders are now being

replaced by different sorts of ‘broad banding’, clumping jobs into
bands that involve a wide range of presumably interchangeable skills
and operational responsibilities.
(Greenbaum 1995: 104)
Multiple perspectives
Workers’ perspectives on teleworking reflect several basic trends. While some primarily
seek to enhance their possibilities of moving flexibly between places, others seek to
work longer stretches of uninterrupted time from their home. For a few, aligning
work and private life was the main incentive. Some already were ‘unofficial
102
telecommuters’, mobile workers and/or located in a regionally distant area. They

perceived the pilot as an opportunity for officialising their status and improving their
technical and organisational infrastructure. Among RegComp’s regional sales
representatives there were some who used the telework arrangement to move back
into their home region (mostly to small villages in the countryside).
Case 1 (TeleCorp)
As part of the administrative support staff, Ms B. works for several sales people in
her company. Her main task is the detailed preparation of offers, including price
calculations, for a complex product. This requires her to collect technical data
concerning the specifically tailored hardware configuration, to determine service
charges, to calculate variants and to keep track of negotiated changes. All these
activities are co-ordination intensive and, although there is good electronic support
(electronic mail, access to various databases and tools), Ms B. is normally involved
in ongoing, parallel negotiations with several sales people and has to sequence her
tasks flexibly according to changing priorities. One of her prime motivations for
working partly at home was the idea of being able to cut herself off from this quite
demanding, stressful work environment. Although Ms B. works part time (28 hours),
her workload is rarely under 35 hours. Teleworking is made difficult by a variety of
technical problems, among them the lack of an ISDN connection which makes
working on-line rather cumbersome, so that ‘it is most efficient to work at 6 a.m. in
the morning or after 10 p.m. in the evening’. Her colleagues find her limited
availability when she works at home hard to accept (in particular if she switches off
her phone and is only accessible through e-mail). As conflict over her as a ‘resource’
grew, her permission to participate in the pilot was withdrawn. Ms B. herself would
like to extend the periods she works from her home because it leaves her more time
for organising her own work.
Case 2 (TeleCorp)
Mr C. is Project Manager and responsible for large application development projects

in the financial sector. About 70 per cent of his time is spent with his major client,
an insurance company, where he has been given his own office space. The rest of
his time he divides between his workplace in the central office and his home. Even
before the pilot, Mr C. had started to build his own electronic work environment
which would make him independent of place (and of the services of a central
office). His main work site is his Thinkpad on which he has installed LAN-Distance
Software and Lotus Notes as a project communication environment. He considers
this environment very much as his own personal resource and a catastrophic
breakdown some time ago cost him almost two months of hard work in re-installing
all the software he needed. All relevant documents are stored in his Lotus Notes
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database, the propagation and communication of document changes is automated.

Most of the project-related messages can be found in his two mailboxes (one at
each work site) which have not yet been connected. Mr C. feels that direct
communication is needed only when his team comes together to develop solutions
to a complex problem. He has reorganised his work so that he can concentrate
some of it in his home. His teleworking days are Tuesdays and Friday afternoons
(plus all the extra time in the evenings and during the weekend). Mr C. installed an
automatic time-recording system (Timetrac) on his Thinkpad which he uses to
keep track of his own use of time.
Case 3 (TeleCorp)
Ms D. has been in the media as a showcase of a woman who uses technology for
combining work with family responsibilities. She has a young child and has just
returned from a period of part-time leave to a full-time job. As a marketing representative
she was responsible for the acquisition of a major business contract. The detailed
planning of this contract could be carried out individually and allowed her to spend
some of her three-day/23-hours job at home (plus the unpaid extra time she voluntarily
added). Electronic access to both the central office and her major customer is restricted
to the host-based environment and this she experiences as workable but not ideal.
While her main customer knows her private phone number and can reach her directly
at home, all other contacts have up to now been mediated by one of her colleagues
who received incoming calls and contacted her whenever he considered it necessary.
Ms D.’s return to a full-time occupation has made fluent transition between work and
child-care more difficult. While before she felt able to juggle competing demands, she
now needs someone to look after her daughter on her teleworking day. Still, being
present and sharing the way to kindergarten or the supermarket, for example, with
her child, are important for Ms D. and she also considers them an opportunity for
focusing on ‘restful thinking’. Since longer periods of creative and concentrated work
at home are potentially conflicting with her wish to give more attention to her child,
she has a tendency to shift those periods to the late evenings.
Case 4 (TeleCorp)
Mr E. lives in a large apartment with his wife and five children. His work site at home
is located in a corner of the spacious living room and packed with his laptop and lots
of paper documents, a replica of his office. When he works at home, his wife’s access
to the telephone is limited. But otherwise his presence is not overwhelming. He
hardly has time to join in the meals, and very occasionally babysits. Mr E. is currently
involved in two projects in the banking sector and responsible for adapting his
company’s software to the hardware platform and has to do quite a bit of programming
and testing. His main co-operation partner was partly transferred from Germany to
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the US. This is why synchronous communication is only possible in the evenings. At
the same time, he has to give support to two geographically distant, smaller software
companies and has to help them convert their software. Co-ordination of these multiple
work sites is difficult, since their systems are only partially connected and compatible.
Although project documentation is supported by Lotus Notes, document transfer
from project partners to the central company server often takes up to a whole day. Mr
E. can for example configure software from home, but can only test it at the local site.
E-mail communication with project partners is not possible, because the local networks
are not connected. Mr E. spends 2–3 days a week travelling between Vienna, Linz
and Salzburg. One of his main complaints is that the modem connection from his
hotel never works and he therefore has to drive to the local branch and ask his private
contacts to let him send his messages to the Vienna office. When he arrives back
home late at night, the first thing he does is to log onto the LAN and read his mail.
Case 5 (RegComp)
Mr F., a regional sales representative, is responsible for a large number of clients

in the west of Austria. RegComp’s management found the regional office space
he shared with a service technician and a part-time secretary too costly and decided
to install a teleworking arrangement for both men in their homes and move the
secretary to the Vienna headquarters (where she at present gives distance support
for several sales representatives). As neither man was ready to use his home
environment for work, Mr F. privately arranged office space for himself on the
premises of a company owned by a family member which RegComp agreed to
pay for (and which the service technician then decided to use as well). This
unofficial ‘accidental’ arrangement turned out to be quite efficient for both. Mr
F.’s family connection makes it possible for him to use the daily support of his
sister-in-law (a seamstress) in many small ways. She often delivers his mail or
organises his office supplies. One problem is connected to the strict separation
between the company’s centralised dispatch system (the electronic work
environment for service technicians) and Mr F.’s technical infrastructure. As the
costs for both systems are accounted for by different organisational units, they
are not allowed to share them. Also, Mr F. regrets the loss of local secretarial
support which in his view is not replaceable by a distance arrangement.
Case 6 (RegComp)
Mr G. is a young service technician who used the telework pilot project to move back
into his home region. He installed his office in a two-room apartment (which RegComp
helped him to find and co-finances) from where he is electronically connected to the
company’s centralised dispatch system through which the distribution of already
‘qualified’ (diagnosed and prepared) work orders (and supplies of spare parts) and
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the reporting on completed work are organised. For emergencies the company has
rented a small local storage room for spare parts. Service instructions and utilities can
be supplied on CDs to clients. These arrangements make Mr G. quite independent
from more personalised office support, particularly as his mobile phone allows him
spontaneous access to some of his centrally located technician friends, whose advice
he can ask. Mr G. built up these unofficial contacts during the period he worked as
qualifier within the company’s headquarters and recurrent short (two-week) periods
in Vienna help him renew these acquaintances. One of Mr G’s major complaints is
that electronic connections to the company’s headquarters are slow and do not permit
access to the total electronic environment. He also feels insecure as to how his manager
perceives his work from a distance and would appreciate more regular, formalised
forms of reporting and feedback.
The properties of places – making connections and

transitions
Places of work are not easily interchangeable. Each of the places we studied – the
central office, the home, the location of clients and project partners – is a place for
particular activities, and connections to other places are not always easily
established on one hand, and not always desirable on the other.
The central office is the place where the main technical and organisational support
structure is established and where one’s internal co-operation partners, including
managers, are present, at least part of the time. Teleworkers describe themselves as
spatially embedded in a team or circle of colleagues, often in a large office space
arrangement. This supports the kind of peripheral awareness (Heath and Luff
1992) of the activities of others which is valued as an important source of information
and the opportunity for spontaneous informal contact. It also provides a rich
contextuality for work only part of which is electronically stored and accessible.
Context is established by the specific combinations of people’s ongoing interactions,
documents, artefacts and ecology present at particular times in particular locations.
Communication is dense in this place. It is a place for ad hoc meetings as well as for
pre-scheduled working sessions which are used for creating new ideas, solving a
pending problem, or finalising a piece of work under pressure. The other side to
this is the potentially continuous accessibility for others to make a request, intrude
with a piece of information, look for support.
How much these activities can be imported into the home does not only depend
on the nature of a person’s work but on his/her willingness to reorganise by
setting apart activities that can be disembedded from the (co-operative) context.
Among these separable activities are, for example, those which require high levels
of concentration over a longer period of time, those which are of a ‘closing-down’
character (such as writing memos and notes, calculating proposals, preparing
slides), or those which to a large extent are electronically supported. People who
make their first move out of a central office environment find it much more
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difficult to make the (partial) transition to the home as a workplace than those
who already are experienced at working independently and on their own (such
as service technicians). Also, there is a difference between people who need
technical support for a hectic existence between multiple work sites and those
who hope for longer stretches of uninterrupted work at home.
Employees’ experience of the home as a place of work varies considerably. A
crucial difference is how much this place is set apart – separated physically,
mentally, electronically – from places outside, as well as from the parts of one’s
home in which the life of significant others unfolds. Separation and/or
connectedness can take on different forms. Some teleworkers want to be connected
on-line, to have everything available at their fingertips. They tend to recreate
their office environment at home, including paper documents and access to all
electronically stored resources. There are of course limitations which are most
acutely felt by RegComp’s regional sales representatives, for example, the lack of
meeting and demonstration facilities. Another interesting feature of the home as
a work site is its potential invisibility. RegComp’s policy is a strict centralisation
of all client contacts. Regional sales representatives and service technicians are
not allowed to let clients know their local phone number. The mediating of local
presence is in conflict with employees’ interest in being more directly accessible.
The opposite can be observed in TeleCorp where some teleworkers want to be
able to prevent clients from locating the place from where they work. Making
one’s location invisible can be an attempt at preserving a shelter from uninvited
intrusions on the one hand, and at not upsetting conventional expectations of
what makes a proper work environment on the other hand.
Common to most of our interviewees is the fact that sheer physical distance
between home and office makes a difference. Physical proximity means that the
working culture of the office (including the high level of pressure experienced there
together with the expectation to be available) potentially reaches into the home.
The further away one’s home is from the office, the easier it becomes to establish a
distinct working culture. The downside to this is the lack of contextual information
which seems to be aggravated by physical distance. This is reflected, for example,
in people feeling inhibited to approach a colleague with requests from a distance,
not knowing how such a request will be received. One of the higher-level managers
at TeleCorp is described as someone who uses his working time at home or on the
road (where he seemingly has uninterrupted time to think about work to be done
by others) to send out all sorts of e-mail messages with requests, assuming that his
staff is available for responding immediately (and at the same time not responding
timely to requests by his staff for help in a pending and urgent decision). In particular,
regional sales representatives, during their frequent trips to RegComp’s central
location, consciously seek to benefit from the multiple shared information resources
a densely populated work environment offers.
Another interesting feature is the regionalisation of the home as a place both
for private life and work. This is were we can find the most obvious marks of
gender. For almost all the men, although physically close to their family, work at
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home takes place within well-defined boundaries. When some men use the dining-
room table as their preferred work site, this is not to invite children in, but to keep
them at a distance, and this is the centre of some of the family’s activities. In some
cases, people use their home’s basement for office space. Then it may happen
that the family is not even aware of them being there. The home not only becomes
visibly regionalised, but work then takes place in complete isolation (and often
under ergonomically unacceptable conditions). Working at home does not mean
a mixing of spheres; on the contrary, extra effort has to be made to keep them
separate. Some fathers with young children, especially, have therefore decided
not to participate in the telework pilot or withdrawn from it. They felt that
extending the company’s working culture into their homes created stress for their
families and opted for a strict separation of incompatible roles (and places).
This may be different for women with young children (such as Ms D.) for
whom teleworking offers the option of prolonged presence in the home. Although
they too have to find a suitable place within the home for engaging in concentrated
work, they seem to activate connections to other places in the home and the local
environment much more frequently. These transitions, Ms D. argued,
simultaneously add to the quality of her life (she is present when her daughter
needs her, she uses short time-slots in between for doing small things with her)
and heighten conflict between competing demands.
In addition to the central office and the home as work sites, many teleworkers
have to visit their clients and some of them spend a considerable part of their working
week there. These are clearly ‘places of priority’, where one should be most of the
time, since this is where contracts are negotiated and settled and the main raison d’être
is established. Our interviewees enter these places as visitors (in the particular role of
a systems expert and/or vendor) and in some cases are assigned a temporary office.
Depending on the particular arrangements, they find themselves in a position of
power (as providers of expertise and resources) or dependency. Here physical distance
is important. Distance not only increases the time spent travelling, for instance, for
while a nearby client can easily be invited to the company’s demonstration facilities,
lack of local access to a place for displaying technically sophisticated equipment turns
sales representatives from hosts into their clients’ guests. Curiously, RegComp with
its policy of ‘mediated local presence’ in regionally distributed work sites and partner
companies does not systematically exploit the advantages of physical proximity. In
many cases the location of its regional sales representatives and service technicians is
only loosely connected to where their major clients are. Management from a distant
centre seems to have priority over local anchors.
Practices of transition between these multiple places vary. Documents are either
transferred electronically, carried as files in one’s laptop, or printed out and stored
in one’s briefcase. Practices depend on a person’s task, the quality of electronic
connections and personal preferences. In particular, electronic connections to client
sites are partial and unstable. In the majority of cases e-mail connections still do not
exist, in some cases a shared local work space for a particular project has been built,
but transfer and updating of documents is slow. The main technology for
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communication is still the telephone. In those cases in which the telephone has to
be shared with the family, it is perceived as intrusive; work-related calls become
mixed up with private calls, children have to be told not to pick up the phone when
daddy works at home and friends told not to call at certain times of the day. A
second telephone line helps disentangle both spheres. On the other hand, practices
reflect the company’s policy. In RegComp all major support (including telephone
contact) is centralised. A good example is Mr F.’s secretary who moved from the
small regional office to the company’s headquarters where her responsibilities were
extended. She still knows some of Mr F.’s major clients, but in many cases local
knowledge has not been built up or cannot be maintained. Support for distance
work in these cases becomes, of necessity, impersonal.
A particular type of boundary transgression can be observed when family
members start taking over jobs that normally would have been provided by the
company. Examples are Mr A.’s wife who translates documents into English and
Ms B.’s son who takes care of computer breakdowns. Mr F. has privately organised
his local office environment (for himself and a service technician) and uses his
sister-in-law’s daily support in many small ways. Related to these practices are
fantasies of independence from the company’s resources, e.g. Mr C. who has
built his own electronic work environment. The spatial and temporal arrangement
of work for some of RegComp’s sales representatives, although they are on a
regular payroll, already resembles that of a consultant or subcontractor.
Presence, availability and attuning temporal orders
The quality of time and time-management practices differ from place to place.
The office is characterised by the continuous presence of others, a presence which
can be both helpful and intrusive. Events tend to ‘roll over you’ and there is a
culture of marking things as urgent in order to get attention. Respondents complain
about the nearly total lack of time autonomy. They feel that only part of their
working day is free (from meetings, ad hoc calls and requests, the need to jump
into the car for a spontaneous client visit) for doing things in one’s preferred
temporal order. The pattern that emerges is one of work which is largely carried
out individually and sequentially and is distributed, but with frequent need for
alignments (e.g. handing over documents to others, synchronous co-operative
work in team sessions). The examples point to an increasing compression of time
and there is some evidence of a shift from sequential work flows to a technology-
supported, more simultaneous and parallel order of activities and functions. High
workloads and a culture of immediacy make it difficult for all employees (with
the exception of RegComp’s regional sales representatives and service technicians)
to establish regular patterns of teleworking which would allow them to, for
example, work for several days from home. In particular, within TeleCorp home-
based work is often restricted to ‘border times’ such as mornings and evenings or
the weekend (and even vacation time).
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Time at home is perceived as sequential and uninterrupted. The need for an

immediate response to work-related demands is clearly diminished. Time at home
is also characterised as ‘buffer time’, as providing the opportunity to clear an
unfinished job. In particular, evenings (when children are in bed) are described
as times for undisturbed (and therefore ‘efficient’) work. However, the flow of
work can come to an halt, when at some point the input of another person would
be needed to be able to continue. This, together with technical transmission
problems, makes working time at home potentially less fluent (e.g. Ms B. found
that she would need detailed checklists of unfinished items if she worked on
particular tasks at home). While this seems to be a major problem for TeleCorp’s
employees, most of whom have made their first step out of the central office
environment, RegComp’s mobile, regional workforce have already adjusted to a
more self-contained mode of arranging their work.
Many perceived problems of time management relate to presence and,
associated with it, accessibility and availability. Some people contrast the constant
demands on their ad hoc availability in the central office environment with their
limited accessibility when working at home (although there is a permanent
telephone connection). This ‘in-office “absence” or mobility is a chronic condition
of managers and employees alike’ and ‘secretaries and administrative staff report
difficulty in locating them [in-office staff] sometimes’ (Perin 1996). Within
TeleCorp, absence connected with telework arouses distrust (less so of
management than of one’s colleagues). This is reflected in the difficulties of
teleworking employees to flexibilise the boundaries between private and work
activities. Instead of making use of the opportunities for more fluent transitions
between both spheres, they tend to reproduce traditional temporal patterns of
work when at home. Also, when teleworking, their presence at last-minute
meetings cannot be guaranteed. Ms B. describes an incident when she jumped
into the car to drive to an urgent meeting and this turned out to be less urgent
than it had appeared.
High project densities and a culture of immediacy aggravate problems of
presence and availability. In particular, in (gendered) power relationships, presence
is not always substitutable by electronic accessibility. People tend to expect the
continuous visible presence of others. This creates particular problems for the
administrative staff among the telecommuters who are expected to act as a
continuous back-up system to others whose work practices have a high level of
immediacy and reactivity. Ms B. is in such a position and looked at telework as a
possibility of temporarily retreating from ad hoc demands. During her telework
days she made deliberate use of her limited availability when at home for serialising
tasks her colleagues expected her to focus on in parallel (to the extent that she did
not respond immediately to phone-calls and e-mail messages). Her case exemplifies
the differences of work cultures, between an overly hectic, communication-dense
environment with little respect for people’s private arrangements, and one which
draws much firmer spatial, temporal and social boundaries around individual
workplaces.
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Related to this is the handling of temporal conflict. In the home, different

temporal modes meet – the rhythm of work (which has been carried over
from one’s office environment), the temporal order of the home (which
may vary considerably during the day), and the times which are dominated
by the technicalities of networking. Flexible adjustments between these orders
are not only made difficult by technological insufficiencies. The possibility
for such adjustments also depends on power relationships, e.g. the boss
who calls for an urgent meeting, a client whose request intrudes upon the
weekend, or the ability to impose one’s own time regime on the family (e.g.
Mr E. who first reads his e-mail when he comes home late at night). As a
result, work and the temporal modes connected with it, start to pervade the
private sphere.
Absence from the office also restricts managers’ access to people’s work.
How to make visible to managers that time at home has in fact been spent
working seems only part of the problem. Managers’ practices of assessing
work are often tacit and intuitive, based on a (potentially misleading) feeling
for persons and context. As distance restricts implicit contextual information,
managers at RegComp argue, negative aspects such as a client’s complaint or
the failure to meet a deadline come to the foreground and are more (and in
some cases disproportionally) relevant in assessing people’s work.
A final and related point is that of practices of regulating and
documenting working time at home. While in both companies the men
use teleworking for working longer hours (and this partly in a more
convenient environment) and making more efficient use of ‘buffer time’ at
home, the women tend to use it for accommodating work to their family
responsibilities (less time for commuting, more opportunity for fluent
transitions between work and family). One major problem of timing work
at home is that external temporal patterns (although partly internalised)
are missing or become weaker with increasing (spatial and temporal)
distance. In particular, the starting and end points become blurred and, as
a consequence, work assumes a dominant presence. There are some
attempts at documenting working time (mainly to satisfy leg al
requirements) but not all work related activities are accounted for. Either
people do not want to face the fact that they work too much or they already
know that their overtime exceeds legally defined limits. Private life and
work being spatially close makes it more difficult to regulate the dominant
temporality of an unfinished job or urgent request.
Empirical evidence does not support the assumption that teleworking gives
people more freedom and autonomy in bridging private and professional lives;
on the contrary, ‘the private sphere seems to be increasingly dominated by the
exigencies and logic of work, but this in ways that are partially “masked” and
not transparent, leaving the illusion of autonomy, flexibility and individual
option open’ (Hergge et al 1996: 30).
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Separating and inter-connecting communication

spaces
In this chapter we ask how our findings about places, temporal orders and
boundaries can be used for developing an appropriate organisational and technical
environment. We found different patterns of work systems at TeleCorp and
RegComp that need to be accounted for. These can be located on a continuum,
with work practices embedded in and nourished by a rich context based on
presence at one end, and a more self-contained and only partially connected
environment at the other end. Work at TeleCorp resembles more the former. It is
mainly project based. Although much of it is carried out individually, sequentially
and distributed among multiple actors and work sites, at the same time it is
embedded into a communication-dense environment, vulnerable to frequent
interruptions and interspersed with episodes of intense synchronous co-operative
work in small teams. This reflects a culture of work which is performance intensive
and highly ‘reactive’ and a nature of tasks for which solutions often are not a ‘a
simple one-to-one relation, but a fuzzy complex of many-to-many relations. In
such situations, it is not surprising that discussion, experience and intuition are
valued’ (Auramäki et al. 1996). Such an environment presents people with
difficulties over and above those of establishing more regular patterns of working
at home. Maintaining a smooth flow of work when at home becomes a major
problem, both in terms of coping with high project densities (and therefore
communication requirements) and of accessing the ‘market’ of informal resources
needed. Employees at RegComp experience the reverse problem. Having already
established more independent patterns of work, they have to invest in building
informal (local and distant) networks of support.
Individual needs and preferences add to this diversity. While some people
want to carry their fully equipped office with them and there is no longer a
distinct place and time for everything, others want to disrupt continuity and to
preserve the distinct quality of different work sites. Those who engage in highly
communicative and mobile forms of working are less dependent on immediate
and reliable electronic access to a complete work environment than those who
continuously use a great variety of electronic documents stored in different
networks. Needs such as setting time apart and disconnecting places, or being
continuously available and having immediate access, cannot be satisfied by one
and the same organisational-technical solution.
Both companies have reacted in different ways to this diversity. At TeleCorp,
although initiated from the top, the pilot project was not systematically used for
framing a consistent technical-organisational umbrella. This is visible in a variety
of experimental, partly individually tailored solutions, with the result that not all
participants have access to the same electronic and communicative environment.
From the start, however, RegComp provided all participants with a homogenous
electronic environment and a highly centralised support structure.
Among the potentially useful technology for supporting distance work are:
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• file-sharing tools that support transmitting and working on shared documents;

• screen-sharing tools with audio/video function that support synchronous co-
operative work;
• time and project management tools that support accessibility and give an
overview of the current state of work;
• newsgroups and electronic talk tools that support the informal sharing of
information and resources;
• security tools, filter and translation assistants which support the selected
access and integration of external partners into the company’s electronic
environment.
Although many of these tools exist, not all of them have yet been made
generally available and integrated. While access to and the handing over of
shared artefacts seems quite well supported in both companies, project
management activities such as scheduling and distributing work (with the
exception of RegComp’s dispatch system) are still difficult to cope with when
at home. Even more problematic is the handling of those ad hoc requests and
urgencies at a distance which not only require an intensive exchange but
some shared feeling for the situation. Working from home is potentially less
fluent since the nature of these demands is their unpredictability.
Communication in general is made difficult by the lack of ISDN connections
(which makes working on-line extremely vulnerable to interruptions) and by
the lack of connections between messaging systems. Certain software solutions
that people have built up locally (such as a Lotus Notes project environment
within TeleCorp) and find immensely useful, turn out to be restrictive as
soon as they need to make transitions and connections.
The telephone remains the major communication medium when people work
from home. These connections (including fax) need to be improved so that the
handling of incoming calls is optimised. Practices vary and at TeleCorp
employees can regulate telephone contacts pretty much at their discretion. Some
choose to be directly accessible to those who dial their office phone number
(and appreciate the fact that the caller cannot identify the place from which
they speak), others prefer the mediation of a central switchboard, make frequent
use of their voice box, or ask their secretary or a colleague to act as intermediaries.
Most prefer to have one single phone number for all phone contacts, and only
some have regionalised their phone connections depending on who calls and
where they are. At RegComp there is only one centralised solution available
and the company insists on this single entry point (at the exclusion of individual
external lines). However, while the internal distribution of incoming calls,
including their referral to people’s homes is well supported, it is not possible to
refer a call back from the home (when the line is occupied or no one answers)
to the internal net of the company. This will require building (preferably
individually programmable) connections between the internal net (which forms
an end node) and outside (home) nodes.
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Although electronic environments provide the possibility of immediate

contact, there is always the option of closing this point of entry into one’s
private work environment (e.g. not reading e-mail). A lot of conflict revolves
around these issues of presence and accessibility in cases of ad hoc demands
(whose acuteness is difficult to assess, particularly from a distance). This is
aggravated by the fact that working from home is vulnerable to suspicion.
Some of this could be helped by providing a simple response function which
tells outside callers if and for how long a person is ‘out’. Interestingly, this will
erase some of the distinct qualities of the home as a work site by introducing
more formalised and businesslike ways of solving the ‘problem of managing
and balancing social and work calls, and of creating understandings, for example,
about when they [the teleworking women] were more easily accessible for both
purposes’ (Haddon 1996).
One of our central observations is that, contrary to the wish of some to preserve
private communication spaces, electronic support for teleworking favours
centralised technical solutions in the form of a central entry point into the totality
of a company’s electronic environment. Two different examples illustrate this
point. RegComp has backed up its regionalisation strategy by developing a
centralised dispatch system. Service technicians such as Mr G. are tied in multiple
ways into this system. Work orders are ‘qualified’ (that means diagnosed, and an
appropriate solution suggested) in the central office and distributed from there.
Mr G. connects his laptop via Datex P to the central server and prints out his
order forms on which he reports on work completed when he returns from his
client visits. Spare parts are regularly dispatched to his regional base where he
has hired a small storage room. RegComp’s service technicians do not have
access to the company’s total electronic environment (and feel excluded for this
reason). Also, the organisational support of RegComp’s regional sales
representative has been centralised, with one centrally located, specific support
group responsible for case handling. In this case the central filtering of interactions
between distributed employees is given priority over the possible advantages of
more intimate local knowledge of particular clients (which, for example, a locally
situated secretary might accumulate).
In TeleCorp the spatial distribution of work over multiple sites makes the
disadvantages of individualised PC-based LANs much more acutely felt; and
this not only from the perspective of management but also from one’s co-workers.
For example, this system makes connecting different document systems difficult
and means that individual discipline in updating and maintenance has to be
high. When employees use their laptop as their main working tool, where they
store their own work documents, this results in a highly regionalised
communication space which is no longer routinely updated and accessible from
everywhere. When in addition these employees are frequently absent from the
central office, informal ad hoc arrangements are no longer sufficient for creating
shared and timely attuned electronic spaces. In one of the two pilot units this
resulted in pressure to install a central server within the local PC network (with
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its comfortable software) which offered the advantage of making accessible and
visible to all others regularly updated versions of the work of those absent.
Conclusions
In her account of a woman teleworker in rural Norway who runs her own business
from her kitchen table, Ann-Jorunn Berg (1996) uses the cyborg metaphor (Haraway
1991) for explaining how ‘technology becomes the glue that keeps various aspects of
her life together’. She claims that technology has become a natural part of her
environment and her activities. Similarly, it can be argued that the electronic work
environments described above become an integral part of the multiple work sites that
they connect and partially transform, thereby erasing some of their distinctness.
Still, the amalgams of persons and machines we found at different places are far
from harmoniously aligned, as we can see from the numerous instances of people
refusing to have their homes totally invaded by work-related realities, and those of
people who fight for a smooth, noiseless integration. Also, temporal-spatial
arrangements clearly reflect power relations. We saw this in the example of
administrative staff who have to flexibly adapt to changing conditions and demands
and whose physical absence from the central office is not accepted; or of men who
impose their working presence on their families. We also found symbolic the aspects
of gender in the attempts to find a place and time for everything.
Our main observations can be summarised as follows:
• As places are not interchangeable and electronic networks can only partially
replace context (as provided by the specific combinations of people’s ongoing
interactions, documents, artefacts and ecology present at particular times in
particular places), teleworking arrangements support work systems that
minimise the need for ad hoc co-operations and alignments. At the same time,
certain aspects of work (in particular the many support functions which help
maintain a smooth flow of work) are ‘privatised’ and made invisible.
• The corresponding organisational form is a regionally distributed network
of business units managed from central headquarters, with teleworkers acting
in consultant or subcontractor roles, with a focus on mediating between
places and the skills and interests that inhabit them.
• This spatial and temporal distribution of work and people increases the
tendency towards providing a central entry point to the company’s internal
electronic and communication environments (including telephone
connections). Central filtering of teleworkers’ work and of their interactions
with clients is given priority over the possible advantages of local accessibility
and knowledge. This also reflects some of the control dilemmas that arise
when the possibilities for ‘tacit monitoring’ offered by co-presence and a rich
context are diminished and communications as well as documents have to
be handled at a distance.
115
• The spatial proximity of work and private life does not ‘automatically’ facilitate
fluent transitions between both spheres. The dominant temporality of work
is carried into the home and extra effort has to be made to establish and
maintain boundaries.
• Working at home is individualised and hard to fit into traditional regulatory
frameworks. Among the most pressing problems are: establishing stable temporal
work patterns, regulating accessibility and preserving the continuity of informal
relationships, making one’s work visible and accountable, establishing ‘good’
practices of documenting, updating, and sharing. While some of this can be
supported by a rich (and tailorable) electronic information and communication
environment, there is also a need for developing practices of articulation and
alignment which take account of distance and limited presence.
Notes
1 The study at TeleCorp was carried out by a team of researchers affiliated with the
Abteilung für CSCW.
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7
NO LONGER A STRUGGLE?
Teleworkers’ reconstruction of the
work–non-work boundary
Kiran Mirchandani
Introduction
This chapter focuses on professional home-based telework. Qualitative

interviews were conducted with women and men working at home in Canada.
I begin with a brief overview of telework within the Canadian context, and of
the methodology followed for this study. The chapter then focuses on the ways
in which teleworkers organise their paid work activities within the home. By
working at home these workers disrupt the boundary between ‘work’ and ‘non-
work’ which is conventionally constructed as a physical distinction between
workplace and home. Teleworkers stress the inaccuracy of the assumption that
the workplace is the domain of ‘work’, while the home is the domain of ‘non-
work’. They develop extremely efficient ways of working within the home, and
refer to what they do as ‘real work’. Teleworkers plan their work to a great
degree and measure their work through outcomes. In this way, they define ‘real
work’ in terms of planning and measurement, rather than in terms of location.
They argue that many of the activities that are currently paid for in the office
setting (such as informal interactions) are in fact ‘non-work’. In addition, the
office environment (part of the ‘public sphere’ which is associated with ‘work’)
is constructed as a less appropriate environment for effective ‘real work’
compared to the private sphere of the home.
This reconstruction of the work–nonwork boundary (in terms of planning
and measurement rather than location) has significant gender implications,
primarily because women continue to assume most of the responsibility for so-
called ‘non-work’ activities such as child-care and housework. It would seem that
teleworkers are well placed to recognise that just as the workplace is not always a
domain of work, the home is frequently not a domain of ‘non-work;’ the relabelling
of home-based domestic responsibilities as more than ‘non-work’ would allow
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for the recognition of the importance of these activities. While teleworkers plan
and measure their household activities in ways similar to their paid work they do
not, surprisingly, move towards the definition of these activities as work. They
often parallel their domestic work and child-care to the ‘breaks’ that are taken
within the office environment. While both female and male teleworkers are
involved in housework and child-care, I argue that they are wary of defining
these activities as work primarily because they continue to be located within
organisational cultures within which any concern for their families would
effectively de-legitimise their paid work. Future policy on telework should,
accordingly, situate the work arrangement within the cultures of organisations,
rather than assuming that by working at home employees will automatically be
able to reduce the conflict between their work and family responsibilities.
Telework in the Canadian context
According to the 1991 Census, 1.1 million members of the employed labour force in
Canada work at home. This constitutes eight per cent of the work-force and includes
farm workers, self-employer entrepreneurs, pieceworkers and home-based salaried
professionals (Siroonian 1993: 16). The ‘Survey of Work Arrangements’ (Statistics
Canada 1991) attempted to measure the number of wage and salary workers at
home (self employed and farm workers were excluded). It revealed that 600,000
employees work some or all of their scheduled hours at home. This represents six per
cent of the total number of salaried workers in Canada. It should be noted, however,
that this estimate includes overtime work at home (that is, individuals who work a
full office-based week and do additional work at home) (Siroonian 1993: 50). Another
study, the 1991 Gallup poll showed that twenty-three per cent (or 2 million) of the
Canadian working population work at home. Out of these, three per cent (or 260,000)
are salaried employees who spend part or all of their workdays at home in lieu of a
traditional office (Orser and Foster 1992: 70).
It can be seen that national data collection agencies often adopt different
definitions of telework. As a result, not only is the Canadian data on telework
dated, but it is also not comparable, allowing for little verification through
replication. Indeed, more effective information on telework can be discerned
from small-scale case studies (Tippin 1994; Tessier and Lapointe 1994;
Mirchandani 1996) even though these case studies do not allow for the
computation of national estimates of the numbers of teleworkers in Canada.
Information on telework in Canada has also been exchanged at conferences such
as ‘Towards the Virtual Organisation: Implications for Social and Organisational
Change’ (1994) and ‘Telework ‘94’ (1994). These conferences suggest that the
debate on telework in Canada differs from that in the United States in that it is
not as strongly situated within issues such as energy conservation, transportation
difficulties or pollution. Rather, telework in Canada is often considered in the
context of the global restructuring of the economy; as such, the concerns of
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organised labour unions which point to the potential for telework to lead to work
intensification, lower employee protection and greater health and safety hazards
are often included in discussions of telework.
Methodology for present study
Open-ended qualitative interviews were conducted in 1993 and 1994 with thirty
female and twenty male teleworkers in Ontario and Quebec. Two strategies were
used to generate the sample of teleworkers. First, ‘criteria sampling’ was used where
individuals who met certain predetermined criteria were included in the sample
(Patton 1990: 176; Miles and Huberman 1994: 28). The use of criteria sampling
served to ensure that similar manifestations of the phenomena were being compared.
The teleworkers interviewed were all salaried employees and did professional or
managerial work at home in lieu of, rather than in addition to, office-based work.
These individuals moved from working in an office to working at home without
any corresponding change in their job functions or employment contracts. Some
continued to work in an office part of the week, while others who were completely
home based had worked in an office in the past. This allowed respondents to
compare their experiences of working at home and working at a central office. The
fact that teleworkers worked in occupations where most of their colleagues continued
to be office based also allowed them to reflect upon the effects on their work of their
physical remoteness from the central work site.
To generate a heterogeneous set of individuals who met these criteria, a ‘snowball
sampling’ method was used (Patton 1990: 176). In order to initiate the snowball, I
contacted individuals in companies that I knew had telework programmes, as well as
distributing flyers to friends and colleagues about my search for teleworkers. I also
placed advertisements in newspapers and magazines. Interviews were conducted in
Ottawa, Montreal and Toronto. Interviews were taped and transcribed verbatim. A
qualitative analysis programme (The Ethnograph) was used to assist in the data analysis.
While all individuals in the sample met the criteria discussed above, there are
several important differences within the sample. Teleworkers interviewed worked
within a wide variety of organisations (one-third in the public sector and two-
thirds in the private sector). Individuals from eighteen different organisations
were interviewed. Teleworkers in the present sample were clustered in four main
occupational categories – Management (Business Managers, Project Managers);
Business, Finance and Administration (Auditors, Researchers); Natural and
Applied Sciences (Computer Programmers, Systems Analysts); and Sales and
Service (Marketing Representatives, Sales Representatives). More women were
in Business, Finance and Administration occupations while more men were in
Managerial and/or Natural and Applied Science occupations. Across the
occupational and demographic diversity within the sample, however, trends can
be identified in the ways in which teleworking women and men define and organise
their work and non-work activities. These trends are the focus of this chapter.
120
It should be noted that the individuals in the present study differ on many
important race and class dimensions from ‘homeworkers’ (or pieceworkers) and
the experiences of working at home reported in this chapter are not generalisable
to this latter group of workers.
The boundary between work and non-work
Ronco and Peattie argue that ‘much of what we see as . . . work has to do with
drawing boundaries’ (1983: 10). Only by contrasting ‘working’ with other activities
such as ‘fooling around’, ‘being unemployed’ or ‘participating in a hobby’ does
the concept of ‘work’ have meaning (Ronco and Peattie 1983: 12).
The concept of work is most frequently understood in contemporary Western
society in terms of two overlapping boundaries: payment and location. As Daniels
notes, in modern industrialised society, ‘the most common understanding of the
essential characteristic of work is that it is something for which we get paid’
(Daniels 1987: 403; Dunnette 1973: 1). The association between work and
economic remuneration is accompanied by the construction of the public sphere
as a domain of production, where one is paid for work, and the private sphere as
a domain of consumption, where one pays for food, clothing and shelter (Lozano
1989: 104; Mirchandani 1996).
Feminist theorists have focused on the ways in which this definition of ‘work’ is
fundamentally gendered. They critique the gender blindness of the association of work
with the public sphere, stressing that the construction of the private domain as a sphere
of leisure represents the male experience of the home. This construction fails to reveal
the ways in which the home can be a site of work for many women. As Mackenzie
notes, ‘work in the home, the place associated with leisure, is not seen as real work’
(1986: 88; Rose 1993; Massey 1991). Feminist theorists also focus on the fact that
much of women’s domestic work in the private sphere in fact plays an integral role in
supporting ‘paid work’ activities. As Luxton notes, domestic work is ‘indispensable
labour that converts the wages of the paid worker into the means of subsistence for the
entire household and that replenishes the labour power of household members’ (Luxton
1980: 18; Armstrong and Armstrong 1990; Rosenberg 1990).
It can be seen that teleworkers’ experiences can provide a unique challenge to
traditional definitions of work. For almost all the teleworkers in the present sample,
work at home is an entirely voluntary arrangement; several in fact had to actively
lobby their employers for months to introduce telework. Both the women and men
mention multiple reasons for wanting to work at home; most often, however, they
say that they want to gain greater control over their work environment, increase
work productivity, manage family responsibilities with less stress, and save on their
commute times. These workers, therefore, do not believe that the current physical
division between the workplace (as a site of paid work) and home (as a site of non-
work) is an effective way to organise their lives. As one man says, for example, ‘it
makes no sense for people to drive through some great misty void to arrive into a
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canyon [the office] with other people who have also left themselves behind . . . [and
to] reverse the whole process at the end of the day’. (Interviewee 11)
By working at home, teleworkers eliminate the physical distance between their
‘work’ and ‘non-work’. At the same time, they recreate the division between
work and non-work on a daily basis. The following sections outline the ways in
which teleworkers reconstruct the notions of work and non-work while they do
paid work within the private sphere of their homes.
Teleworkers’ reconstruction of ‘work’ and ‘non-

work’
Rather than identifying ‘work’ in terms of location, teleworkers define ‘real work’
in terms of the method in which activities are conducted. They argue that ‘real
work’ can be conducted outside the ‘public’ sphere of the workplace; in fact, the
private domain provides a better environment for ‘real work’ than the workplace.
In addition, teleworkers stress that much of what is currently paid for within the
public sphere is in fact ‘non-work’.
Defining ‘real work’
Drucker argues that we are in the midst of a shift from a capitalist to a ‘post-
capitalist society’ (1993: 1), in which knowledge will be the basic economic resource
(1993: 3). The leading members of this ‘knowledge society’ are ‘knowledge
workers’ (1993: 8), and the greatest challenge facing post-capitalist society is
enhancing the productivity of knowledge workers (1993: 83). To overcome this
challenge, Drucker writes that, first, ‘workers must be required to take
responsibility for their own productivity and to exercise control over it’ (1993: 92;
emphasis in the original), and second, ‘the results [of work] have to be clearly
specified, if productivity is to be achieved’ (1993: 85).
Wadel, in a similar vein, identifies two characteristics of activities that are not
recognised as work. First, the time spent on these activities seems to be sporadic,
and seems less planned compared to the activities recognised as work. Second,
the time and effort spent on these activities cannot be clearly defined in terms of
the product they produce (1979: 379).
Drucker’s and Wadel’s analyses coincide with the two central principles through
which teleworkers organise their paid work activities and distinguish these activities
from their non-work. First, they plan and exercise control over their work, and,
second they evaluate their work in terms of measurable work output. Through
these principles teleworkers define the characteristics required for doing good
work, or ‘real work’. Real work epitomises ideal work in the post-capitalist society;
and teleworkers are, in Drucker’s terms, the ‘knowledge workers’ who are its
‘leading social group’ (1993: 8).
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‘Real work’ as planned work
Both female and male teleworkers spend considerable time and energy in planning
their work, in terms of a) the organisation of their work activities and b) the
scheduling of their work times.
A) The organisation of work activities
Teleworkers are examples of what Thompson characterises as workers with ‘responsible

autonomy’ who ‘effectively control themselves’ rather than needing to be overtly
controlled (1983: 153). One way in which teleworkers control their work output is by
planning their work activities. They divide these activities into ‘tasks’ to be completed
and designate specific days or times for these tasks. As one woman says:
I have assigned certain times of my week that have become very

distinct times for me to do a particular task. Like Monday is my
paperwork day so I don’t make any sales calls on Mondays . . . [this
scheduling] allows you to be a lot more firm in your commitments to
people in terms of sharing communications and access to information.
(Interviewee 42)
Another way in which teleworkers plan their work activities is by making lists or
work plans. As one woman puts it, she ‘works off lists’ (Interviewee 14). A male
teleworker says:
I always work from a book which is a running work plan. Everything

I do or say or listen to is all written down . . . every item becomes an
action . . . in the morning I go through the [book] and I look at the
[undone items] – I either write them again or I do them’.
(Interviewee 27)
Through such planning, teleworkers believe that they do their paid work activities
in the most effective manner possible. As one man puts it ‘I’m getting a heck of a
lot accomplished . . . I’ve got everything lined up to work on so I know exactly
what I’m going to do’ (Interviewee 35).
B) The Scheduling of work times
Another way in which teleworkers plan their work is by organising their work
schedules. They exercise control over their schedules by designating specific times
for interactions with colleagues, again so that they can work most effectively.
Teleworkers, for example, say:
123
[with telework] work got better for everyone because rather than
having those dreadful ad hoc meetings . . . it required a bit more
discipline of everyone to say, ‘OK, at one o’clock . . . I’ll find B. and
we’ll phone you at home’.
(Male interviewee 11)
the thing is that I choose my interruptions like [if] I’ve got to talk to
somebody it’s usually me who decides to phone them after I’ve finished
a block of work . . . That will not likely have happened at [the office].
Somebody would have come by.
(Female interviewee 18)
Perman, in her study of the value workers place on non-monetary aspects of

their jobs, finds that workers place a high value on having control over their
work schedules (1991: 169). Both female and male teleworkers, it can be seen,
do place a high value on having this control; they believe that the ability to plan
their work schedule in this manner allows them to work most effectively.
‘Real work’ as measurable work
Traditionally work has been defined in terms of the times within which it is done, rather
than output. As Wadel argues, the folk (or lay) concept of work is that it is a set of activities
which one is paid for and does at a specific place (workplace) and at specific times (working
hours) (1979: 368–9). Working out of the traditional office environment teleworkers
believe that criteria other than visibility should be used to judge work. As one man says:
you’re supposed to work from 9 to 5 [but] that is not what it’s about.
You have to get used to the mind-set – there is something to be
accomplished . . . within a certain time frame . . . and the only
important thing is whether or not it gets accomplished . . . the hours
you work, what you do . . . isn’t relevant.
(Interviewee 10)
Wharton studies the impact of flexible work schedules on women in residential real-
estate sales. She argues that although women are attracted to real-estate sales because
of the flexibility it offers, this flexibility often requires longer work hours since work
income is dependent on hard work and high productivity (Wharton 1994: 196). In a
similar manner, teleworkers’ greater control over their work, in conjunction with the
assessment of their work by measurable output, often leads them to do overtime
work. More than a third of the teleworkers in the study attribute their high productivity
to the fact that they work more than forty hours per week. One woman calls this
‘teleworkaholism’ where ‘you become a junkie, you become so productive’ (Interviewee
43). Another man says that with telework:
124
some people might start putting in an awful lot of hours . . . it’s like
giving a . . . hospital shelf [full of drugs] to a drug addict. If someone’s
a workaholic . . . you open the barrier even wider for him [sic] to
work every night [and] weekends.
(Interviewee 49)
For some teleworkers, however, the measurement of work by output can sometimes
reduce the amount of overtime work that they do. One woman says that she does
less overtime work because on telework days, ‘I fit eight hours into an eight-hour
day’ (Interviewee 37). A man similarly says that with telework, ‘I’m not being
frustrated in the evening because of not being able to accomplish what I needed
to accomplish during the day and having to bring it home’ (Interviewee 1).
Through planning and measuring their work by outputs rather than presence
in the workplace, teleworkers believe that they are effective workers. As one
woman says, ‘the more they want to see your face . . . the less real work you do’
(Interviewee 46). ‘Real work’ is, in this manner, defined as work which can be
measured by outcomes and which is judged in terms of tasks completed rather
than time spent. In addition, real work is work that is planned and for which
workers have control over their work activities and interruptions. Both female
and male teleworkers argue that the home provides the ideal setting for real
work, thus disrupting the equivalence between work and the public sphere. In
addition, teleworkers exclude much of what is currently paid (such as chit-chat)
within the office setting from definitions of real work.
The ‘non-work’ in the office
Drucker argues that productivity in a post-capitalist society requires ‘the elimination

of whatever activities . . . do not contribute to performance’ (1993: 90). Workers
should scrutinise each of their job tasks and ask whether they contribute to their
performance (1993: 91). If a task does not enhance performance, Drucker suggests,
‘the procedure or operation must be considered a “chore”, rather than “work”’
(1993: 91). Teleworkers follow Drucker’s prescription; putting each of their job
tasks into question they sieve out any activities that do not enhance their work
performance and label these as ‘non-work’.
One activity teleworkers consistently excluded from the definition of work is social
interaction at the office. Perman, in her study of the value workers place on non-
monetary characteristics of their jobs, finds that talking to co-workers is evaluated ‘more
as a job burden than as a job advantage’ (1991: 171). Tele-workers, both female and
male, clearly and emphatically stress that such activities are not work. Teleworkers say:
There are so many distractions that happen in the office that are not
viewed as being distractions in corporate business. It’s the social part
of business. It gets defined as the social part of doing business when
125
it’s really just a waste of time . . . the only way you can really achieve
productivity enlargements is by having people work longer . . . or by
doing less chit-chat’.
In the office . . . if you saw a movie last night you’d go to your

neighbour and say, ‘Did you happen to see that movie last night?’
And then you get carried away in a conversation that can last
sometimes an hour. Then somebody will decide, well let’s go for a
coffee break, these fifteen minute coffee breaks get stretched into thirty
minutes. The house is nice and quiet.
Wadel suggests that such social interactions may be considered ‘non-work’ for
several reasons. One reason is that ‘the formal organisation can fulfil its goals, it
is held, without these activities’ (Wadel 1979: 373). Accordingly, teleworkers do
not see a direct link between social interactions and their measurable work outputs:
When I go back to the office there’s a lot of wasted time . . . I find there’s
so many interruptions at work. They say, ‘Well this is productive use of
our time’. I’m not so sure about that – a lot of that stuff is just chit-chat .
. . I mean is it something that me [sic] as an employer would want to pay
for? I don’t think so. I think there’s a lot of time wasted in the existing
corporate structure that is considered work that really isn’t.
At the office . . . if you worked five hours you did a good day, you
know you have your colleagues coming in, you have phone calls, people
pass in front of your office [and say] ‘Hi, did you watch that program
yesterday or something happened to my mother’. So there’s that chit-
chat that I don’t have at home . . . I’m putting [in] a good seven-and-a-
half hours a day at home which I was not doing [at the office].
Another reason social interactions are defined as non-work is that they are often
not planned. They occur on an ad hoc, sporadic basis, or happen ‘in the natural
course of events’. (Wadel 1979: 374, 379). As one teleworking man says:
You’ll think twice before calling somebody and start just chatting
about the office politics . . . but if the person is right there, you want
to take a break, you want to stretch your legs, start talking to the
person beside you. It’s amazing the amount of time that’s wasted
with that.
(Interviewee 49)
126
Aside from such social interactions being identified as a ‘waste’, teleworkers also
say that being available for consultation does not always lead to efficient work.
One woman says:
When you’re right there they’re more apt to check their little
problem out with you and your peer and the next person. [When
I’m at home] they have to phone me . . . what that really does for
the company is it helps people make better decisions on who they’re
going to get input from and how frequently they’re going to
interrupt you’.
(Interviewee 38)
Social interactions are not only linked to inefficient work, but are also seen to
place constant emotional demands on employees. One man says:
You’re not five minutes in . . . your office . . . somebody . . . is

going to see you there and they’re going to want to tell you how
rotten the week has been or dump all the problems that they’ve
had in their life [onto you] . . . after you’ve been dumped on a
couple of times during the morning while [you’re] trying to have
your cup of coffee, it can’t help but influence what kind of day
you’re going to have.
(Interviewee 01)
Women more than men mention that their proximity to their peers is often abused
when they are at the central work site, heightening the fragmentation in their
work. Sheppard notes that the fact that women are seen to be more accessible or
‘person oriented’ can sometimes affect their career mobility (1992: 158). Women
are conscious of this and say:
I don’t get any of [what I classify as my work] done [at the office].
People want to ask me questions . . . my boss wants to talk to me . .
. people walk by and they ask you a question they could have just as
easily found out themselves.
(Interviewee 46)
it’s very difficult when you’re trying to [work] and you have people
popping in and out of your office all the time. [I also often] had
oddball requests to design menus, invitations . . . [now] I can
concentrate on my real job.
(Interviewee 34)
Not only are informal interactions defined as non-work, but sometimes so are
meetings. As one woman says:
127
I really really try to avoid meetings because it’s a plague in this milieu.
People are always [saying], ‘Let’s meet, let’s do lunch’. I really don’t
like that because I think really a lot of the time it’s a waste of time.
(Interviewee 16)
The environment itself fosters such fragmentary work:
in the office sometimes there’s such a frenzy . . . because I’m across

from the secretary and across from the printer and next to the boss .
. . I can’t focus, I can’t concentrate.
These activities are not part of ‘real work’ since they do not always relate in a
direct way to outcome and occur on an ad hoc basis. In arguing that ‘work’ is not,
in fact, all activities that are currently remunerated, teleworkers propose a definition
of ‘work’ that is not based on its location in the public sphere.
Household labour: the anomaly
In these ways, teleworkers disrupt conventional equivalencies between ‘work’ and

location, and instead define ‘real work’ as activities which can be clearly measured
and planned. While they work at home teleworkers continually plan and measure
not only the activities that they do as part of their jobs, but also their domestic work
and child-care. Women remain overwhelmingly responsible for household work in
Canada (Pierson 1995: 13); the construction of these activities as not part of (and
therefore less important than) ‘real work’ therefore has gendered implications.
Feminist theorists identify a need for a more inclusive definition of work – one
which is more ‘ample and generous’ (Smith 1987: 165) and which would include
women’s domestic, volunteer and invisible work (Wadel 1979: 412; Daniels 1987:
403). It would seem that teleworkers are well situated to begin to recognise the
‘workful’ (DeVault 1991: 228) nature of these activities, and challenge their
conventional definition as ‘non-work’. However, despite their common site of
domestic and paid work, teleworkers make little move towards thinking of their
domestic work as work, and in fact are careful to differentiate such activities from
their ‘real work’. This construction of domestic work is discussed in the next
section of the chapter, followed by analyses of why teleworkers (both female and
male) may be reluctant to define their household work as real work.
Planning and measuring domestic work
Ninety per cent of the individuals interviewed for the present study are married
and two-thirds have children. A little more than a third of the married teleworkers
128
perceive their domestic responsibilities to be shared with their spouses. For the
remainder of the married respondents, women assume primary responsibility for
domestic work. There are considerable differences in the types of domestic tasks
female and male teleworkers do. In particular, women remain responsible for
integrating children’s needs into their paid work schedules. Very few of the women
in the sample undertake child-care while they are doing paid work, however,
almost all of the mothers are responsible for making childcare arrangements and
for organising their paid work around the timings of these arrangements.
Teleworkers, both female and male, place great value on the ability to control their
work and non-work schedules, and some intersperse their paid work and domestic
work activities. Like their ‘real work’ activities, teleworkers attempt to plan and measure
their domestic work and child-care. Much of the stress of balancing work and family,
teleworkers note, is due to the fact that office-based work does not allow them to plan
their domestic work and child-care. As one woman says:
When I take a break, I can . . . do a load of laundry . . . I can sweep

the floor . . . supper is no longer a struggle either . . . [Before I started
to telework] when I’d walk in the door, I’d hear, ‘What’s for supper?’
My coat wouldn’t even be off. But now, I usually put chicken in the
oven or whatever just before I leave to pick up [my daughter] so it is
ready [for dinner time].
(Interviewee 34)
Planning their household responsibilities involves organising their domestic work

and child-care activities as well as co-ordinating the scheduling of paid work and
domestic work times. Teleworkers say:
It’s nice to be able to cook lunch for my kids . . . when they come
home from school . . . I make myself two or three coffees in the
morning and work through my lunch so I can take off an hour when
my kids come home from school.
Originally I used to go to a playgroup on Tuesday and Thursday

mornings and then I would work in the afternoon [and evening] . . .
I did that for a while and I found it wasn’t as effective working in the
afternoon, so I flipped it [and worked mornings and evenings instead].
Teleworkers note that through such scheduling of household activities and times, they
get the measurable benefit of greater leisure time at weekends. As one woman says:
It’s at the point now where I can say that my whole day I have control
of and it’s smooth . . . I don’t do my spring cleaning in the middle of
129
the day . . . but I do enough to keep . . . on top of everything . . .

whereas before the whole weekend you just kind of dreaded because
you’d have to do it all . . . I actually wake up on Saturday morning
and we have hockey, I can sit and read the newspaper.
(Interviewee 07)
Household work as ‘non-work’
Despite these attempts to plan and measure their domestic work and child-care
activities, teleworkers clearly and emphatically define these activities as ‘non-
work’. The primary way in which teleworkers define domestic work as ‘non-
work is by referring to such domestic work as a ‘break’. As one woman says, ‘I
like to be able to do a wash and vacuum . . . sometimes I just need a break . . . it’s
kind of relaxing because you can accomplish that and you can get your mind off
of work’ (Interviewee 21). One man talks about tasks such as shovelling snow,
mowing the lawn or washing the truck in this manner, ‘I usually do [these tasks]
before I work . . . Or I may mix the two . . . if it’s snowing then I’ll work and if it
stops snowing I’ll go out and clean it. Then I’ll come back in and do some work
– it gives me a break’ (Interviewee 31).
Teleworking women more often than men refer to their domestic work as ‘non-
work’. This is presumably because more women are responsible for domestic work
and child-care. However, it is also likely to be related to the continuous need for
teleworkers to legitimise their paid work so that it is recognised as ‘work’ (see
Mirchandani 1996). Feminist theorists such as Daniels note that women themselves
often do not see domestic work as ‘work’ requiring effort. Given that the work of a
homemaker is private, it lacks validation (Daniels 1987: 405; also Lozano 1989:
121–2). This confirms ‘women’s own sense that much of [this work] ought to be
offered spontaneously’ and that the knowledge required for such activities should be
‘natural for women’ (Daniels 1987: 407, 410; DeVault 1991). For example, teleworkers
frequently draw parallels between the ‘breaks’ they take at home to do housework,
and the ‘spontaneous’ and ‘natural’ social interactions with their colleagues in the
office. As one woman says, ‘I [sometimes] throw in a load of laundry . . . but I’m sure
I waste a lot less time at home than I do at the office chatting’ ( Interviewee 06).
Domestic work is compared to breaks in the workplace, and therefore characterised
as non-work. The reasons that teleworkers feel the need to underplay the workful
nature of household tasks is discussed in the following section.
Organisational cultures: supporting the exclusion of

household labour
Teleworkers, while working at home, continue to be located within a specific

organisational culture. Mills defines organisational culture as ‘consisting
130
simultaneously of a structured set of rules in which behaviour is bounded and of

a process, or outcome, resulting from the particular character of the rule-bound
behaviour of the actors involved’ (1989 30). Two manifestations of the gendered
organisational culture can be discerned in teleworkers’ experiences; first is the
necessity to be completely engrossed in the work process and second is the
assumption that family concerns are always secondary to work concerns (Mills
and Murgatroyd 1991: 78–90).
Mills and Murgatroyd argue that office or professional work occurs within a
gendered organisational culture and ‘the rules of this particular game involve
appearing to be detached, logical, unemotional and absorbed in the work process’
(1991: 78). This is, as Acker notes, the assumption that paid work has ‘first claim
on the worker’ (1992b: 255; Ferree 1990: 873). Both female and male teleworkers
perceive their employers to have demonstrated a high degree of ‘trust’ in them by
allowing them to work at home; given this trust they have an obligation to follow
the ‘rules’ of ‘the game’ (Mills and Murgatroyd 1991: 78). As Perin argues, ‘to
compensate for their invisibility and the distrust that accompanies it [teleworkers
are] . . . expected to justify their organisational value through deliverables’ (1991:
256). Teleworkers say:
I am responsible enough to follow through on my end of the

requirements . . . people are trusting me with the fact that I am serious
about my work. Otherwise I think that I would be taking advantage
of the system.
it’s very dependent on who you work for . . . trusting you sufficiently
to see that you actually can work away on your own and produce . .
. results’.
Mills and Murgatroyd write that men in particular are often expected to
demonstrate a dedication to the organisation that can only be achieved with the
aid of a wife (1991: 80). Accordingly, teleworking men say, ‘the company owns
more of you than you own of the company. There is an expectation that you put
in twelve hours a day, or sixteen hours a day’ (Interviewee 23); and ‘I only get
paid for seven-and-a-half hours a day, but I haven’t worked only a seven-and-a-
half hour day in years’ (Interviewee 24).
Teleworking women, although to a lesser extent than the men, also perceive
the requirement for a high level of organisational commitment.
Related to the assumption that workers will be completely absorbed in the
work process is the ‘expectation that family life comes second to the organisation’
(Mills and Murgatroyd 1991: 80). Teleworkers say that they have to continually
‘discipline themselves’ to focus on their paid work while they are at home and to
ensure that work needs are given priority over their families. Teleworkers say:
131
Discipline . . . [is] forcing myself to [say], OK, let’s go work. You’re in a

home environment, we’re not conditioned to associate that with work.
[We] associate that with leisure and pleasure and housework . . . not with
office work. It [requires] discipline to [say] let’s go down and work.
They [my employers] trust me and know I’m not going to get peanut
butter all over their records because my kids have been playing on
the dining room table [where I work].
I’m probably a good individual to [telework]. My manager [knows

that I’m not] . . . out doing my grocery shopping or something when
I’m supposed to be working.
Mills and Murgatroyd note that ‘the added power of the hidden aspects of gender
rules is that they often stand for something else, for example, being detached is
valued at one level as a male trait, but at another level as a necessary professional
act’ (1991: 79). The worker who does ‘real work’, which excludes domestic work,
invisible and emotional work, and social and informal interaction, can only, in
the abstract, be the male worker (Acker 1992a: 568). As Tancred notes, work ‘is
defined in terms of men’s modal experience rather than women’s dominant work
experience’ (1995: 12, emphasis in original).
Implications for telework policy
Telework programmes are often introduced in response to studies which indicate that
employees experience significant conflict between their ‘work’ and ‘non-work’ or
family lives. The Conference Board of Canada, for example, conducted a survey of
four hundred corporations and found that sixty per cent of employees expressed
difficulty in balancing their work and family demands (Alvi 1992). In the context of
the widespread prevalence of work–family conflict, telework is seen to provide
employees with some flexibility to reconstruct the boundaries between their work
and non-work lives, and to reduce the conflict associated with conventional definitions
of this boundary in terms of physical distinctions between workplace and home. This
chapter reveals, however, that while telework does provide both women and men
with the flexibility to relieve some of the work–family stress associated with office-
based work, it does not address the organisational devaluation of household
responsibilities which is at the root of the cause of work–family conflict.
Teleworkers challenge conventional boundaries between work and non-work
within which ‘work’ is constructed as paid activity that occurs in a public workplace
and ‘non-work’ is seen as unpaid activity that occurs in the home. Instead these
132
workers argue that what is ‘real work’ should not be decided on the basis of location,
but on how well the activity is planned and results in measurable output.
Within this framework, teleworkers relabel much of the informal interaction
that occurs within the workplace as non-work. It would seem that teleworkers
would also be able to relabel much of their planned and measurable domestic
activity as work. By doing this, they would be able to address the source of much
of the stress they experience with office-based work in balancing their work and
family demands. They do not, however, do this, primarily because they continue
to be located within specific organisational cultures which reinforce the hierarchy
between work (which is assumed to have ‘first claim on the worker’ (Acker 1992b:
225) and non-work (which is conceptualised as a secondary concern). In forming
telework policy, therefore, work-at-home programmes should be seen not as ends
in themselves but rather as tools which allow for the rethinking of these
assumptions and norms which shape the cultures of contemporary organisations.
Acknowledgement
I would like to thank Dr Peta Tancred for her guidance throughout this research
project.
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8
THE EXPERIENCE OF
TELEWORKING
A view from the home
Leslie Haddon
Introduction
In 1992/3 an in-depth study of twenty teleworking households in the UK was

conducted as part of a longer term project organised by Professor Roger Silverstone
and funded by PICT, a programme within one of the British research councils.
The aim of that project, based originally at Brunel University and later at Sussex
University, was to examine the experience of Information and Communication
Technologies (ICTs) in the home.
The first Sussex study was of teleworkers, who were chosen to explore the
relationship between home and paid work in a situation where the boundaries
between them were being challenged in a particularly dramatic form. An additional
advantage of focusing on this group was that it could build on the authors’ previous
empirical research (Haddon 1991, 1992b; Haddon and Lewis 1994). It is worth
emphasising that some of the insights from this study apply to many more workers
who use their home partially as a work base (e.g. mobile workers), who bring
some of their work home after leaving offices, or who allow themselves to be
contactable at home for work purposes. Some of the results of this case study are
reported elsewhere (Haddon 1992b; Haddon and Silverstone 1992, 1994) the
most detailed report being Haddon and Silverstone (1994).
The importance of technology
Given that telework has frequently been picked out as emerging out of the
information society, it is worth asking just how important is the actual technology
for this mode of working. It was clear from this study (and others) that there are
some forms of telework where ICTs can play an essential role: for example, for
136
TE LEWORKING: A VIEW FROM THE HOME
teleworkers programming a distant mainframe computer via a modem, for

analysing data using software packages, or for mediating computer conferences.
Such teleworkers, often but not always employees, could now bring their essential
tools home – they were no longer tied to work because of the need to access a
centralised facility. However, these types of telework appear to be relatively few
in comparison to work involving text production, or clerical or professional forms
of administration: for example, secretarial word processing, report writers or
accounting. For these teleworkers, predominantly self-employed, ICTs make the
work easier and quicker and they offer some new options. Indeed, they have
become more essential given clients’ expectations about the speed of production
or their desire for electronic output. Yet this work could have taken place in the
past without the aid of new ICTs. In fact, in our sample, both an editor and an
abstract writer had worked for nearly 20 years at home, only starting to use new
telecoms and electronic technology as they appeared in the 1970s and 1980s.
Before this the only technologies they used were the typewriter and the basic
phone. These examples represent forms of professional and clerical work – not
captured in literature on traditional manufacturing homework – which have always
been conducted at home by a few.
In between these two sets of teleworkers are those for whom ICTs are
more than just a facilitator because of the magnitude of the task and the time
pressures involved. For these, mostly but not exclusively self-employed, ICTs
make telework more of a feasible option. Examples for our study included an
executive managing director, a publisher trading in international book rights,
and various consultants producing substantial reports and packages at short
notice. In these cases communication was a significant element in their work,
or else they were producing major texts in a short time span which required
a professional appearance. The existence of ICTs which provide the kind of
personalised technological back-up that they might expect in an office had
made teleworking viable.
In sum, there are different degrees to which technology is a facilitator of
telework, with one key variable being employment status. But even where ICTs
have been relatively more important for conducting the telework, it is important
to appreciate that they act as an enabling force rather than a driving one. For
companies, the social–economic factors driving telework such as the need to
reduce building overheads or to retain staff have already been well documented
in the telework literature. Equally, it is mainly social considerations which shape
individuals’ decisions to telework, as we will see below.
If telework appears at this moment to be attracting more attention in this
country and elsewhere, this is as much a result of social causes as changes in
technology. Such causes include a greater awareness of this option, the fact that
working at home has become more acceptable to employers or clients, the rise of
teleworker organisations offering various kinds of support and – more negatively
– the massive restructuring of companies in the recession which for some means
telework is the only alternative to unemployment or early retirement.
137
The heterogeneity of telework
Telework is by no means a unitary phenomenon. It is important to underline at the

outset the fact that the circumstances of teleworkers vary greatly and hence so does
their experience and evaluation of this mode of work. In fact, asking current or past
teleworkers whether telework is, overall, a ‘good’ or ‘bad’ thing would probably
produce as wide a range of responses as asking people to evaluate work in general.
First, they have different reasons for taking up teleworking. This study and past
research suggest that domestic reasons would appear to predominate, especially for
women. But this can include being at home, perhaps reducing working hours, to
be more available for children as well as using telework to escape from the purely
domestic role, perhaps as a stepping stone to office work. Alternatively, the decision
to telework can be prompted by work or work-related considerations: to avoid
commuting, as a reaction to problems experienced in offices, as part of a decision to
embrace a more entrepreneurial role, as a consequence of redundancy when there
is little chance of being employed again because of age. So telework can be a positive
choice, perhaps a lifestyle choice. Or it can simply be the best option open, one
chosen with ambivalence, and with at best a partial commitment. It can be ‘choice’
with varying degrees of voluntariness.
If we consider the route into telework as a career trajectory, the question of
where people are coming from, as well as their reasons for taking that path, are
also a consideration. For example, it makes a difference to suddenly switch from
full-time office work to teleworking compared to coming from the domestic role
of housewife or husband. The organisation of the day and the expectations of
one’s social networks are different and have to change in different ways to
accommodate this mode of work. In addition, the status of the work is different
in different households – ranging from being the equivalent of a full-time office
job to being a means to earn a little extra money for the family. And lastly, the
control which teleworkers have over the timing, pace and amount of work varies
– for both professional and clerical teleworkers.
The dynamics of telework
Domestic life has its own rhythms and routines, its temporal and spatial patterns,
its shared values and rules as well as its domestic conflicts. These all shape how
teleworking can enter the home and whether and how it can be accommodated.
Hence, although the arrival of telework can have a bearing on those domestic
patterns, telework also has itself to be adjusted to fit in with home life.
But this is not just a question of establishing a teleworking pattern once and
for all. Both telework and domestic life have their own dynamics. Telework can
change in terms of such matters as its content, the necessity for contactability, the
balance of work inside and outside the home, the spatial requirements of work
and the times when work has to take place. In households, the fact that children
138
are born and grow up introduces constantly changing demands on domestic

space and time. Relationships also change, with tensions, conflicts, the negotiation
of new ways of organising household life, the break-up of households and the
formation of new ones. There is also material change, with the acquisition of
new homes and hence opportunities for new spatial arrangements.
The consequence of these dynamics is that the experience of telework changes.
It can take place at different times in different places. At times it can become
more stressful, as new problems constantly emerge – at other times it can be
easier to accommodate. As a result, we can talk of telework trajectories not just
into the home but into telework careers over time. Indeed, after longer or shorter
periods, some give up this mode of working and return to office-based work or
else cease to be part of the labour force – thereby establishing trajectories out of
telework. In other words, the decision to telework should not be seen as being
final. Teleworking is a provisional, sometimes temporary, commitment to a working
arrangement. For some people telework is indeed the final stage in their career
while for others teleworking is only a stage in their lives, an option like taking a
career break, or the decision of many mothers to work part time while the children
are young and return to full-time working later.
Time and space
One of the great benefits that advocates of this mode of working seize upon is the
flexibility it offers to teleworkers. Yet any temporal flexibility which telework
may offer is in practice constrained by social factors. First, there are the demands
of work. These include the requirement of employees to co-ordinate activities
with others who are working core hours in an office or the need to be contactable
at certain times. Our case study revealed instances of managers regularly having
to face crises at times not of their own choosing, and of clerical and professional
self-employed teleworkers working longer hours than they would have liked
because of rush jobs, the need to bring new products to market, consultancy
deadlines, or short-term notice of work.
At the same time, teleworkers often experience pressures to synchronise their
non-work with others both inside and outside the home. In our study, those
female clerical teleworkers, and some professionals, who could not afford to pay
for child-care could often only work when the children were not around or when
their partners could look after them. In cases where young children were present
this meant working in the evenings and at weekends. Or some teleworkers tried
to keep weekends free to retain a place in the community – since that was when
social activities were most likely to occur. In addition, many teleworkers preferred
to stick to the approximate times that they used to work to in offices because this
routine helped their self-discipline.
As regards actual strategies for organising time, key patterns emerged. In one,
work was relatively more imposed upon domestic life and, if necessary, household
139
routines had to be adjusted. For example, many employees on telework schemes

continued to work in the day and so that time was blocked out for work: they did
not suddenly take on more domestic tasks by virtue of being home nor did they
make themselves totally accessible to others in the household. Alternatively, the
demands of work meant it took place outside traditional office hours – but again,
work took precedence. This appeared to be a more masculine style, but one also
adopted by some women, particularly professional employees. In contrast, a more
common female pattern, especially clear where the telework was part time, involved
fitting work into domestic rhythms, fitting it in around the times when the children
or partners were absent and hence not making demands, or fitting it in between
other domestic responsibilities.
In terms of when work takes place, the pattern whereby telework was imposed
on home life was more often associated with virtually no change from core office
hours. There was perhaps just a little more flexibility than flexitime offers, which is
often useful for child management. The contrasting pattern involved working non-
standard hours – either when work was fragmented and fitted in and/or performed
in the evenings or at weekends. For those working long hours, of course, prioritising
work meant working both the core day and evening and weekend work.
Turning now to questions of space, social constraints also affect the location of
telework. Although regular commitments to visit one or more work sites may
limit teleworkers’ choice of where they would want to live, of far more significance
is domestic inertia. Our teleworkers were established in houses, were part of
communities, their children had friends at local schools and they had partners
whose own work commitments had to be considered. In our sample, only one
household, where both partners teleworked, was considering relocating to the
South of France. On the whole, the flexibility offered by telework does not lead
people to radically relocate and de-camp to the countryside.
The location of telework within homes was also constrained by domestic
considerations. A common image of teleworking is one where telework is
conducted in a home office, and, hence, work-related ICTs are based in a separate,
defined work space. This did happen to an extent, although it was more likely in
the case of professional teleworkers because they tended to have bigger homes.
But even professional teleworkers and certainly clerical ones often operated in a
shared space: in multi-purpose rooms, guests rooms, dining rooms, often
bedrooms, caravans and even in kitchens. The point is that both work and,
especially, children made competing demands on space. Because these demands
changed over time, as work changed, as children grew older, telework sometimes
had to move around the house, at one point taking place in a dining room, at
another in a bedroom, at another, if a larger house was acquired, in a study. Such
constraints on space became significant for the teleworker’s scope for impression
management, for creating an image of their telework both to other household
members and to outsiders. This included constraints on the manner in which
they could display their technology as a means to identify with high-tech images
of telework.
140
Maintaining boundaries between home and work
Making time and finding space for telework involves some negotiation within
households – albeit negotiation where some household members may well be
able to mobilise more power than others. In particular, teleworkers have the
problem of boundary maintenance: to greater or lesser extents, they need to
separate work and home life and prevent their mutual interference. This works
on a number of levels. For example, some teleworkers became self-acknowledged
workaholics as the proximity of work that they enjoyed was just too tempting.
For others work used to ‘hang over them’ because it was so near at hand,
sometimes visible while the home felt less like a home – with teleworkers
choosing to spend more time in their gardens or take weekend breaks to ‘get
away’. These were perhaps more extreme strategies, but the general, in part
psychological, dilemma still had to be faced and managed by those introducing
work into their homes.
One important level at which boundary maintenance operates involves
creating rules and understandings about the accessibility of teleworkers to other
household members or contactability for either work or social purposes. In our
study, ICTs could sometimes help to manage the latter. For example, both
incoming work and social phone-calls could be directed to certain time spots,
or to different phones. Some teleworkers also used the answerphone, and to
some extent the fax, to control the timing of communication, taking and
responding to different types of message when it suited them. This allowed
them better to control interruptions – from work or social calls – according to
whatever task is at hand.
Another dimension of boundary maintenance involved impression management:
being able to convey to outsiders – clients, employers and others contacted in the
course of work – the image of being in a workplace. This often meant regulating
how telephones were answered and who could answer them under what conditions.
It could also mean regulating the sound regime of the home in general or at least
the spaces in proximity to telework – so that domestic noise neither interfered with
work nor created the wrong impression to outsiders.
The final example of boundary maintenance involved stipulating whether
and when different household members could have access to work-related ICTs.
There were sometimes tensions, for example, over the use of computers by children
where teleworkers feared it might damage the hard- or software. And certainly,
access to shared PCs by others in the household was likely to take second priority
to the teleworker’s own use. Similarly, use of a single phone-line could lead to
conflicts over the way domestic calls blocked the line and hindered incoming
work calls. Any rules about use could be either accepted or flouted. Alternatively,
for some teleworkers, especially employees where equipment is supplied by
employers or professional self-employed workers, the solution was to avoid sharing
ICT resources and instead acquire a second (or third) computer dedicated to
work or one or more extra phone-lines specifically for work.
141
Teleworking and others
Clearly teleworking has a bearing on and is affected by a range of social

relationships within the household. In the research the responses of other household
members, particularly partners, also had to be taken into account. This was
because others in the house could support, or alternatively resist, telework in a
variety of ways. They were sometimes enrolled in the actual work itself. Partners
could support telework in practical terms, by taking over child-care or keeping
children away from the teleworker, enforcing boundaries and regulations. This
appeared to be far more significant, for example, than doing more to help with
routine domestic tasks: telework apparently made little difference to the gendered
division of labour in most teleworking households.
In addition, partners and sometimes children could literally help with the
work. Sometimes this assistance as auxiliary labour involved no particular help
with the actual technology of production: it might, for instance, involve picking
up and delivering work material or acting as a sounding board for ideas. But
sometimes others in the household did take part in the production process, either,
in the case of male partners usually, acting as a technical support or else using
ICTs and developing new computer and telephone skills.
Finally, social networks outside the home could play a role in supporting telework.
Most often such support had no bearing on actual technologies: it might be in the
form of networks to help take on some of the workload, provide additional child-
care back-up or simply provide social contact to overcome any sense of isolation.
But that support also included networks which, like partners, could provide technical
advice and assistance relating to the teleworker’s technologies.
Implications
This review of the Sussex research first examined the influence of technology on
the development of telework. While ICTs enable some forms of telework and
facilitate others this mode of working is not some automatic product of a new
information age – its growth, or certainly its greater visibility, reflects wider social,
cultural and economic developments and considerations.
The heterogeneity of telework demonstrated here serves to question some
media and futurological stereotypes, be they utopian or dystopian. The sheer
variety of trajectories into telework and the status and control over that work
underline the fact that it can be experienced in different ways by a wide range of
people for different reasons. This must make us reflect on assumptions that only
people with certain psychological orientations are suitable for or take up this
kind of work.
For those who would manage company telework schemes it should be clear
that some aspects of telework are simply beyond the control of managers because
the household has its own dynamics. There are various domestic reasons, as well
142
as career decisions, which lead people to take on telework at one stage and give it
up at another. This also means that when organisers of telework schemes calculate
the use of future office space, equipment needs etc. they would need to ask what
difference it makes if telework is regarded as being transitional, and they can
therefore expect a certain proportion of their teleworkforce to want to return to
the office. As for those giving advice on self-employment at home, they need to
think not just about how to handle the trajectory into telework, but also the
trajectories through it and sometimes out of it. A more general observation is that
future scenarios of teleworking are misleading if they suggest any secular trend
whereby teleworking jobs replace on-site jobs. If teleworking is transitional for
many, the picture is rendered far more complex. Teleworking is no longer simply
displacing traditional office-based work. Instead, it is an option open to more and
more people as a component in their work career.
Finally, this review has covered a number of points about the issues facing
teleworkers. It is clear that despite popular images there are limits to the flexibility
offered by telework, both in terms of time and space. All teleworkers have somehow
to confront the issue of managing the boundaries between work and home, an
issue which appears again and again in a number of guises, and some teleworkers
manage it better than others. But here we need also to appreciate the fact that
they are not isolated individuals but live in social contexts with others, both
inside and outside the home, whose support (or resistance) has a bearing on the
whole experience.
References
Haddon, L. (1991) Disability and Telework, British Telecom Laboratories, Martlesham.

Haddon, L. (1992a), Clerical Teleworking - How it Affects Family Life, British Telecom,
Martlesham.
Haddon, L. (1992b) ‘Telework, Gender and Information and Communication
Technologies: A Report on Research in Progress’, unpublished paper given at the
workshop ‘The Gender-Technology Relation: Contemporary Theory and Research’,
Brunel University, 21 September.
Haddon, L. and Lewis, S. (1994) ‘The Experience of Teleworking: An Annotated Review’,
International Journal of Human Resource Management 5, 1: 193–223.
Haddon, L. and Silverstone, R. (1992), ‘Information and Communication Technologies
in the Home: The Case of Teleworking’, Working Paper 17, SPRU/CICT, University of
Sussex.
—— (1993) Teleworking in the 1990s: A View from the Home, SPRU/CICT Report Series, No.
10, University of Sussex, August.
—— (1994) ‘Telework and the Changing Relationship of Home and Work’ in Mansell, R.
(ed.) Management of Information and Communication Technologies: Emerging Patterns of Control,
London: Aslib. Also in Heap, N. et al. (1995) (eds) Information Technology and Society: A
Reader, London: Sage.
143
9
TELEWORKING AND QUALITY OF

LIFE
André Büssing
Teleworking and teleco-operation
The era of teleworking started during the 1980s. Early projects and experiments
with teleworking were run, for example, in the printing industry, with female
workers performing low-skilled text processing and datatyping (for Germany,
see, for example, Goldmann and Richter 1991; Huws et al. 1990). Over the years
teleworking facilities rapidly became cheaper and, therefore, teleworking started
to become attractive in a variety of different areas of work with low-skilled as
well as high-skilled jobs (see Handy and Mokhtarian 1996; Nilles 1994). However,
the cost of hardware and software is just one aspect; other aspects about the
attractiveness of installing teleworking programmes are concerned with diverse
financial and non-financial reasons. For example, we find ‘hard’ arguments like
real-estate, energy and labour costs, as well as ‘soft’ arguments like binding of
high-qualified employees to the organisation, higher concentration on work or
control over working time etc.
Nowadays in most segments of service and production teleworking has been
introduced and is growing. Besides service areas such as consulting, care, marketing
and trade, we find teleworking in insurance and banking companies, in the
electronic industry and increasingly in traditional industrial production, as, for
example, the automobile industry (see Godehardt 1994; Huws et al. 1990).
Moreover, teleworking becomes more and more a part of the growing new type
of boundary-less and virtual organisation (see for example, Campbell 1996; Picot
et al. 1996). These organisations use telematics not only for the purposes of
teleworking, they also employ advanced information and communication
technologies in order to establish new forms of networking organisations and
new divisions of labour (see Littek and Charles 1995).
In this modern perspective of organisations teleworking becomes part of a
larger frame which can be called teleco-operation. It is defined as a type of
production which is supported by information and communication media, and
which is based on a new division of labour between bearers of tasks,
organisational units and organisations at different locations (see Reichwald and
Möslein 1996). Besides teleworking, the concept of teleco-operation also
144
TELEWORKING AND QUALITY OF LIFE
comprises telemanagement (i.e. co-ordination of media-dislocated tasks) and

teleservices (e.g. tele-consulting, -marketing, -medicine, -learning, -engineering, -
banking and -shopping).
Organisational forms of teleworking can be structured according to four aspects:
location, time, technical devices and contract (see Büssing 1997a; Büssing and
Aumann 1997a; Kordey and Korte 1996; Reichwald and Möslein 1996; and see
Figure 9.1). The location determines whether teleworking is performed at home,
in neighbourhood offices, satellite offices, telecentres, telecottages etc., or is mobile
(e.g. management, craftsmen, sales staff in the field). The time regulates whether
teleworking is done permanently (home-based telework) or alternates between
home and central office. The use of technical devices varies between online operation
(e.g. data is exchanged via ISDN) and off-line operation (e.g. tape, disk, CD-
ROM). Many different forms of contracts, from regular salaried employment to self-
employment, are applied to teleworking.
Because of the many different forms of teleworking it is difficult to make
reliable estimations of its dissemination. This does not only hold true for
Europe – and Germany in particular – it is well-known internationally. One
of the clear facts is that today teleworking is much more widespread in the
US than in Europe, and we find peculiarities in different countries with respect
to its organisation due to the cultural, societal, geographical and economic
context.
Figure 9.1 Organisational forms of teleworking
145
Therefore, results about the occurrence of teleworking differ considerably

between the sources of data, not least of the frequent differences in the definition
of teleworking used.
In 1993, more than 6.6 million of the US workforce was teleworking, with a
strongly increasing tendency (see Korte et al. 1994). The New York consultancy, Link
Resources, which has conducted regular surveys in the US since 1986, registered
some 8 million telecommuters working at least two days a week at home. A further
9.2 million use teleworking as a source of additional income (see Rane 1995). Note,
however, that these data are based on a wide definition of telework.
In Europe and particularly in Germany teleworking is not as widespread and
common compared to the US, although the necessary facilities are widely available
(see Godehardt 1994; Qvortrup 1995). However, the tendency towards a broader
application of teleworking in service as well as in industrial organisations is strong,
and we can expect teleworking to become a major feature of work organisation
in many European companies in the near future.
The type of teleworking which is dominant in most countries is the alternating of
telework between home and organisation (see Figure 9.1), i.e. telecommuters stay at
home for three or four days a week and work in the central office for the remaining
time. Currently, the organisation of teleworking in neighbourhood, satellite office,
telecentre facilities, etc. remains less prevalent (see Aicholzer 1996; Büssing and Aumann
1997b). In this chapter we look at these two segments of teleworking: telecommuters
(alternating teleworkers and home-based teleworkers) and collective teleworking in
neighbourhood, satellite offices or telecentres. Therefore, neither self-employed
teleworkers nor organisational employees who do their overtime work at home are, by
definition, telecommuters, and thus they will not be considered here.
Social and private life under teleworking
Quality of life and teleworking in its larger context
Quality of life is a global evaluative term that summarises a person’s reactions to

the expectations in his or her life. Quality of life is based on different contexts for
human activity, for example, satisfaction with the physical environment, satisfaction
with work, and feelings of economic security and political involvement (Van Sell
and Jacobs 1994: 81; see also Figure 9.2).
Each of these different contexts is central to a different discipline, level and
unit of analysis. We have to consider economics, ecology, sociology, psychology,
etc., macro-, meso- and micro-level, as well as, for example, society, community,
family, the workplace, and the individual employee. In the following we refer to
models etablished by Van Sell and Jacobs (1994) and Büssing and Aumann
(1996a). Both models integrate theory and research on teleworking by referring
to different disciplines, levels and units of analysis (for other classification systems
of teleworking which integrate different disciplines, levels and units of analysis
146
Figure 9.2 A model of links between telecommuting and quality of life

Source: after Van Sell and Jacobs 1994
see, for example, Ramsover 1985, or Chapman, Sheehy, Heywood, Dooley and
Collins 1995). The model of ‘links between telecommuting and quality of life’
proposed by Van Sell and Jacobs is non-recursive and shows that the use of
telecommuting depends on three things:
societal limitations and costs, aspects of organisations, and the

readiness of individuals to become telecommuters. The feedback arrow
shows that telecommuting programs affect societal limitations and
costs. The success of telecommuting is greatly affected by the
employer’s management of the telecommuting program and by the
telecommuter’s allocation of time. The influence of telecommuting
on the individual’s quality of life appears to be explained by the
telecommuter’s improved concentration, flexibility, and control over
time. The dependent variable, quality of life, is divided into quality
of life at work and away from work. Gender appears to moderate the
impact of telecommuting on work and nonwork life, while
telecommuting programs appear to affect telecommuter’s stress level.
(1994: 82)
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Social tolerance of teleworking
With their concept of social tolerance of teleworking Büssing and Aumann (1996a)
relate to the quality of life as well as to results of technology research. In their
concept, social tolerance adopts a basic perspective and becomes an intersection
between the facets of:
• ecology
• constitution and democracy
• culture
• economy
• humanisation of work.
Social tolerance of teleworking with respect to ecology
Teleworking has to be studied with respect to its ecological chances and risks.
Chances could be a protection of natural resources (energy), traffic reduction, the
saving of space and the improvement of air quality. However, the potential
environmental benefits are controversial. For example, some researchers predict
a substitution of commuter traffic by an overcompensation through increasing
traffic during leisure time. Risks could, for example, result from increasing computer
production and problems with the disposal of toxic material or from radiation
through wireless telephone and mobile radio communication.
Social tolerance of teleworking with respect to constitution and democracy
Social tolerance of teleworking with respect to constitution and democracy is a

wide area which is beyond the limits of this contribution. Only some aspects will
be mentioned here. With respect to teleworking we have to consider questions like
the inviolability of the home, the potential for equal rights and rights of minorities.
The inviolability of the home conflicts with the duty of the employer to care and
control for an ergonomic design of the working place (e.g. VDU). On the one
hand teleworking can be a way to create a new deregulated labour market (e.g.
outsourcing of jobs into self-employment), on the other hand it offers opportunities
to, for example, integrate people into the labour market who are handicapped or
who are obliged to care for parents, children or relatives.
Social tolerance of teleworking with respect to culture
Again, the social tolerance of teleworking with respect to culture is a broad field;
we will restrict this aspect to the potential for making use of cultural opportunities.
Teleworking offers autonomy and latitudes with regard to work and leisure time
148
which increase the potential for cultural activities, because the opening hours
and the crowding of cultural institutions are no longer barriers, and needs for
culture can be met more spontaneously.
Social tolerance of teleworking with respect to economy
The position of economic issues in the teleworking debate is diverse. This stems
largely from the different economic views taken. So far teleworking has mostly
been dealt with from a microeconomic point of view: productivity gains and cost
savings by the companies and money saved by the teleworkers. However, the
social tolerance of teleworking with respect to economy demands a macro-
economic addition to grasp its global and long-term effects. These effects are
determined, for example, by the public and private telematic infrastructure, by
national and global competition and position of companies, by the access to labour
markets, by the availability and development of qualification on all levels, by
quantities and qualities of health care and social support.
Social tolerance of teleworking with respect to the humanisation of work
For the purposes of work and organisational psychology humanisation of work as the
fifth aspect of the social tolerance of teleworking is of main interest. This fifth aspect
is also closely related to some aspects of quality of life and non-work life. According
to Hacker (1985) and Ulich (1994) human work design comprises four criteria:
• Freedom from harm (i.e. no physical or psychophysical harm);

• Freedom from impairment (i.e. psychosocial well-being at the working place);
• Reasonableness (i.e. compatibility with norms and values with respect to job
design and job content);
• Health and personality enhancement (i.e. chances for health and personality development
at work, namely the development of cognitive and procedural skills, as well as
social and metacognitive skills; health and personality enhancement should lead
to a transfer between work and non-work; see also Frese and Zapf 1994).
In the following, an overview on some of the results concerning these four criteria
of human work design (according to Büssing and Aumann 1996b) will be given:
Freedom from harm The living space of teleworkers often does not offer adequate
working conditions (size of rooms, lighting, disturbances, equipment). Rarely
workplaces at home are designed in accordance with ergonomic guidelines. Rather,
telecommuters themselves are required to design their workplace without
ergonomic know-how and appropriate instructions (see Huws et al. 1990; Katz
and Duel 1990; Wedde 1994).
149
Freedom from impairment Teleworking leads to contrary effects with respect to quality
and satisfaction with private life. On the one hand it affects family time positively and
supports the simultaneousness and compatibility of job and family activities (see
Garhammer 1995); on the other hand the blending of work and private life leads to
stress and role conflicts (see Hall 1990; Huws 1984; Shamir 1992). This effect will be
heightened under conditions of working times that are inappropriate for family
concerns (see Goldmann and Richter 1992; Van Sell and Jacobs 1994). Moreover,
teleworking which is not performed in a dependent employment status often leads to
overstrain and self-exploitation. A lack of opportunity for social comparison of
teleworkers constitutes an additional breeding ground for this effect (see Katz and
Duell 1990). However, teleworking also contributes to stress reduction as in the case
of stand-by duties which can be designed more agreeably from home (see Wedde
1994), or by reducing working and the associated stress situations (Gray et al. 1993).
Reasonableness Teleworking is experienced as reasonable by the majority of persons

concerned, since this form of work can be incorporated into individual and family
concerns, which is not easily feasible for other forms of work such as parttime work,
for instance (see Büssing et al. 1996; Goldmann and Richter 1991, 1992; Garhammer
1994; Glaser and Glaser 1995; Van Sell and Jacobs 1994). In particular, for persons
suffering from restricted mobility (because of personal handicaps, social obligations
like caring for the elderly or raising children) teleworking offers an alternative to
unemployment or interruption of employment. Still, one must remain sceptical towards
teleworking that neither conforms with occupational training standards nor with the
employee’s level of occupational qualifications. The question of how far reasonableness
can be evaluated only against the background of complicated access to labour markets
and restricted life concerns is yet to be answered.
Personality enhancement The variety of tasks and activities of decentralised teleworking

frequently is less diversified and characterised by lower autonomy than
corresponding centralised work (see Büssing et al. 1996; Katz and Duell 1990).
Often only routinised and clearly circumscribed tasks with little need for
communication are found in teleworking, which may constitute a dequalifying
aspect. Teleworking usually implies increased flexibility and sometimes also
increases in autonomy. Flexibility and autonomy facilitate personal competences
such as time management, self-organisation and independence. However, social
competences demanded in situations like teamworking, communication and social
conflicts are neglected, especially in decentralised and isolated home-based
teleworking. An important aspect of personality enhancement is the opportunity
for career development. Up to now, teleworking has made it more difficult to
progress in terms of one’s career. Progress has been impeded by factors such as:
foreclosure because of being a teleworker, and because of being less informed
about organisational structures, organisational life and career paths. A different
assessment of teleworking and its career opportunities may come about in the
wake of the globalisation of information and computer work and the dissolution
150
of traditional structures in companies. Here, new competences and qualifications

are demanded, and a new information and knowledge management will be
established that telecommuters may well deal with in a better and quicker fashion
than employees in traditional work forms (see Tung and Turban 1996).
Quality of non-work life under teleworking
Little research exists about the impacts of teleworking on the quality of life away
from work. This is an amazing fact given that workers in teleworking programmes
are supposed to be motivated by goals outside work. Some data does exist on the
impact of teleworking on time for family and leisure activities, and on money
saved. Moreover, according to the literature, gender, and especially genderrelated
obligations, may be a moderator of the relationship between teleworking and the
quality of life outside of work, as well as at work (see Figure 9.2).
The quality of non-work life on the level of the individual worker can be described
by variables like satisfaction, motivation, well-being, enhancement of skills, feelings
of competence, control and so forth. However, the individual perspective is restricted
and cannot embrace the system dynamics of the quality of non-work life of teleworkers.
Rather, impacts of teleworking should be investigated in their system context, i.e. in
consideration of family, partnership and non-work living arrangements.
To gain an understanding of this important argument the working time of
teleworkers can serve as a good example because working time is probably the
most important positive aspect for teleworking in Germany (see Büssing and
Aumann 1996c) and elsewhere (see Mayer-List 1995; Qvortrup 1995; Van Sell
and Jacobs 1994). Teleworking is regularly associated with individual freedom
for family and leisure time. Although this seems obvious from an individual
point of view it is in fact quite often not the case, and it is hidden by two
circumstances. First, by the fact that most studies concentrate on working hours
of the teleworking person and not on working hours of couples, families or –
more generally – social systems. Therefore, the nominal gain in freedom for
family and leisure time is quite often outweighed by indispensable obligations
which are not compensated for in the social system. Second, the duration of
working time is the focus in most studies instead of switching attention to the
position and distribution of working time. Taking into account the working time
patterns of couples and families, instead of individual telecommuters, one has to
consider a deregulation of traditional working time patterns in many areas of
work, i.e. the deregulation of working hours. Therefore, all types of shift-work,
weekend and night-time work characterise the time pattern of a family system.
Moreover, a growing flexibility of working time schedules is another reason
for position and distribution to have become more important. As a result, position
and distribution determine the degree of common social time through the number
of unsocial hours that have to be worked in families (for the same argument with
respect to working time see Büssing 1997b).
151
A major shortcoming of research on the quality of non-work life for

telecommuters is the fact that the impacts that work and other areas of life have
on each other are not considered. The research has focused primarily on the
effects of work on leisure time activities and on family life. Little research has
been carried out that investigates how teleworking affects the interrelation between
work and non-work domains of life. And these mutual interdependencies are
most significant for the quality of life in both domains. From the literature on
work and leisure we know that unidirectional influences between the two areas
of life and their additive and cumulative effects are not sufficient to explain the
link between work and non-work, and quite often are misleading not only from
the scientific point of view but also from the subjective concepts of workers and
employees (see Büssing 1995). Rather, one should study the interaction between
the two areas of life and the underlying impacts to reach a valid understanding of
this complex phenomenon (e.g. Büssing 1992; Zedeck 1992).
Teleworking, family and leisure: examples for

mutual interdependencies and their impact on the
quality of life
Teleworking at IBM Germany
The accompanying study by Glaser and Glaser (1995) on decentralised workplaces

outside the headquarters at IBM Germany is based on interview data from 38
respondents. From the total 56 teleworkers at IBM Stuttgart all female employees
(13) participated; the interviewed 25 male employees were randomly chosen, yet
they represented the distribution across all IBM plants in the Stuttgart area. There
were gender-specific differences in age in this sample. Male employees at an average
age of 43.6 years were significantly older than their female colleagues with an average
age of 34.9 years. With the exception of two persons (5.3 per cent), the teleworkers
lived with a partner, two thirds of whom contributed to the household income. Three
quarters of the teleworkers had to take care of children, with 29 per cent caring for
two or more children. The central tasks for teleworkers were programming in the
broadest sense (50 per cent), systems maintenance and surveillance (39.5 per cent)
and training/service for software users (34.2 per cent).1
Teleworkers exhibit a high level of education: 57.9 per cent had university or
polytechnic degrees, particularly in mathematics, engineering, physics, economics.
One half of the remaining 42.1 per cent stemmed from crafts or technical occupations
(electricians, toolmakers, mechanics and so on), the other half from business or trade.
On average, teleworkers had been working for 12.8 months (ranging from 3 to 36
months) at decentralised workplaces. The majority of teleworkers (73.7 per cent)
worked full time with 42.6 hours on average. 26.3 per cent worked part time with
28.7 per cent hours on average. Of the part-timers, 70 per cent were women (and 54
per cent of women were working part time). Further, 42 per cent worked up to one
152
day, 32 per cent more than one day and up to two-and-a-half days and 18 per cent
worked three to five days at home. Shiftworking was performed by 8 per cent of the
teleworkers. While more than half (65 per cent) of the male teleworkers predominantly
work hourly up to maximally two days at home, 66 per cent of the women work at
least two, and up to five days at home. The gender-specific distribution of working
times between centralised and decentralised activities becomes even clearer if one
considers the duration of working times, since two-thirds of part-timers are women
(the female teleworkers at IBM work more often at home than in the company,
whereas male teleworkers spend more working time in the company than at their
work places at home). Nearly all respondents (95 per cent) mentioned a typical weekly
distribution of centralised and decentralised working times, which means that there
are typical days on which people will work at home and at the company. Of those
interviewed, 75 per cent of the teleworkers are satisfied with this distribution, while
15 per cent would like to work more at home; the remaining 10 per cent wanted, for
example, more flexibility, more work in the evenings and daily change between work
at home and in the company. The teleworkers chose a typical distribution of the
relatively flexible and autonomously arrangeable working times at home (70 per
cent). Although this distribution differs from the one respondents used when working
in the company, a clear structure of working times seems to be important to most of
the teleworkers. The individual design of working times may also explain why only
one-half of teleworkers experienced a higher degree of self-discipline just because of
their autonomy in working time design.
Time for partnership, family and leisure
The study shows that teleworkers did not spend more time with their families,
partners or on their private lives as a whole. However, they were able to choose
the right time for attending to their families and to take part in family life in a
better way. An interesting result with respect to the use of time is the fact that
about 60 per cent report to be able to receive visitors more spontaneously.
Participating in family life
More than 50 per cent of the teleworkers clearly state that they can participate
better in the lives of their children. At the same time they complain about being
increasingly involved in rows among the children and about the need to educate
the children not to speak to them continually (40 per cent). The assumption that
home-based working leads to a better understanding of education as a form of
work was not supported. For 70 per cent of respondents this is irrelevant and
only 13 per cent agree to the assumption. More time-intensive participation in
family life is, however, also associated with a negative aspect: some 30 per cent of
respondents, in particular the home-based teleworkers, miss having a break from
153
the family and a sense of partnership in the company, and for some respondents
continuous contact with family members appeared to be more than enough.
Impacts of family on work and vice versa
A frequent effect of home-based teleworking is that job stress is carried into the
family and partnership. Nevertheless, the fact that the family develops more
understanding for the work is seen as a positive feature of home-based work.
Nearly a quarter of respondents report problems with relaxing from work when
they were at home, so that a neglect of family and partnership (18.4 per cent) or
a neglect of private contacts and hobbies (24 per cent) was the consequence.
About a third of respondents reported that they were disturbed by family members.
At least 21 per cent of teleworkers are interrupted by tasks for the family that
emerge on short notice and leave little time to react (‘Oh-could-you-quickly’ tasks).
Only in 34 per cent of cases did interruptions at short notice not occur.
Multiple loads and compatibility of work and family
An important result of the IBM study is the fact that neither men nor women
perceive a double load through work and family, which is surprising as, particularly
for female teleworkers, multiple loads through co-ordination of work, family, children
and household work was assumed (see Büssing and Aumann 1996d; Fischer et al.
1993; Goldmann and Richter 1991; Handy and Mokhtarian 1996). Glaser and
Glaser (1995) suggest that the female teleworkers at IBM are not faced with a
serious dilemma: they do not have to decide in favour of paid employment in
teleworking or unemployment; they rather decide on whether to work centralised
or decentralised. Since teleworking is not perceived as more stressful than centralised
work, there are no particular multiple loads. To what extent this argument is
compatible with the problems of compatibility of work and family concerns
mentioned above remains unclear. Still, 84 per cent of the female respondents with
children report they telecommuted in order to settle the problem of taking care of
their children in a better way. Only 33 per cent of the mothers would want to work
at home irrespective of the question of taking care of children.
Isolation through home-based work
Although teleworking at IBM is not exclusively homebased and considerable

time is spent in the company, feelings of isolation emerge in some teleworkers
(18.4 per cent). More than half of the respondents (60 per cent) report that incidents
of achievement cannot be shared spontaneously with somebody else and some
(40 per cent) mention that they often miss someone to talk to.
154
Teleworking compared to centralised work under different

working time schedules
The study by Garhammer (1994, 1995) surveyed 1,545 persons, 489 of which
were employees with normal working time schedules and 1,056 working ‘flexible’
hours. Apart from the group of employees working normal time, four groups
were formed for analysis:
• home-based teleworkers
• well-known flexible non-standard working time schedules (persons in
shiftwork or weekend work)
• ‘time pioneers’ consisting of higher municipal employees, employees working
in the fields of training and education, freelancers and the self-employed
• employees from three working time projects in the manufacturing and service
industry.
Nearly all of the 27 teleworkers are women, 50 per cent of whom have children.
The group of teleworkers consists of 12 freelancers from all over Germany, two
employees of Hewlett-Packard and 13 free contractors working in the field of
data collection for a large market research institute (Gesellschaft für
Konsumforschung Nürnberg). The women were teleworking for a relatively short
period of time, more than half of them for less than three years.
On average the teleworkers worked 21.8 hours at home and 12.9 hours away
from home. Of the female teleworkers, 89 per cent reported broad autonomy
with respect to the position of working time, of these, only 12 female teleworkers
(44 per cent) had a say in scheduling tasks.
Time for partnership, family and leisure
In comparison with the group of employees with normal working times, the
traditional shift-work group, weekend workers and time pioneers, female
teleworkers (as well as employees with normal working times) report the lowest
time difficulties and spend more time with family and friends than the other
groups. Thus, in comparison with other working time groups, teleworkers on
average spend an additional 1.45 hours exclusively with their children. Teleworkers
have slightly less spare time than employees in normal working time schedules,
although they work more than one hour less on average. The reason lies in
household obligations, which are 1.7 hours higher for teleworkers each day than
for employees with normal working times. Teleworkers emerge from the
comparison of different working time regulations as clearly the most satisfied
group with respect to participation in public life. Also with respect to everyday
life at home and with children, teleworkers appear relatively satisfied, but the
organisation of everyday life under the condition of normal working times and
155
taking care of children under the condition of flexible working time models does
seem comparatively better or more easily feasible than in teleworking.
Participation in family life
On the basis of his study, Garhammer (1994) characterises teleworking as a

family-friendly solution. The hallmark of family friendliness is attributed to
teleworking because (a) employees can spend more time on taking care of children
and (b) it allows an adaptation of working times to family and individual needs.
Consequently, teleworkers are affected by only minor time difficulties.
Impacts of family on work and vice versa
Despite the overall positively perceived time sovereignty, 84 per cent of respondents
still see their private life affected with by occasional time pressures of tasks.
Garhammer’s study shows that time sovereignty makes an individual design of life
possible. Thus, the group of teleworkers displayed a strong mixture of work and
leisure activities, i.e. leisure activities do not have to be restricted to the period between
6 p.m. and 12 p.m. as demanded when working normal times; instead an almost
equal distribution of private activities during the course of the day emerges. Time
sovereignty in connection with locally independent work seemingly leads to new
work and leisure rhythms, which presumably correspond considerably more to
individual needs and requirements than externally determined working and leisure
times. However, 40 per cent of the teleworkers miss the clearly separated private
sphere under the condition of home-based flexible teleworking, and at least 25 per
cent believe they cannot work at home without interruption. The availability for
children is evaluated positively as a family- and children-friendly solution, yet at the
same time it is associated with negative effects on the work in the sense that teleworkers
complain that maintaining concentration while working is made more difficult.
Multiple loads and compatibility of work and family
For 69 per cent of respondents the compatibility of work and family in teleworking is
feasible. Teleworking seems to be particularly suited to mothers with children of school
age up to 15 years. Those with children of that age especially made complaints about
role conflicts between work and family – first, because there are inadequate facilities for
taking care of children in that age group, and second, leisure and family activities are
concentrated on the weekend and third, the time schedules of companies and schools
often collide. Therefore an essential aspect with regard to compatibility of work and
family was identified in ‘time sovereignty’. This was the case with large sections of the
sample of teleworkers in the survey. Autonomy over the design of working time appears
156
to be used for offsetting job stress through flexible times, for relaxation or reducing the
time pressure that emerges during the process of harmonising work and family, and by
attaining a favourable fit between the time demands of those spheres of life.
Isolation through home-based work
In Garhammer’s (1994) study the female home-based employees remained involved

in the social networks of the company by alternating with forms of telework. Still,
one-third of respondents reported negative experiences relating to having too little
contact outside the home, and at least one-fifth missed social contacts at work.
Teleworking of women in the insurance business
The study by Büssing et al. (1996) is an evaluation study of two pilot projects in the
insurance business (Allianz Lebensversicherung AG and Württembergische
Versicherungs AG) focusing on teleworking with women during and after parental
leave. Using interviews and questionnaires for the collection of data concerning both
personal and work situations, eleven teleworkers, and two control groups with nine
women re-entering the job after parental leave and ten women presently on parental
leave, were investigated. The teleworkers were employed on a temporary and part-time
basis. They were still on parental leave or had just started working again after a shortened
period for parental leave. Those women re-entering their jobs did so after maternity
leave, parental leave or the shortened parental leave, and worked 4-day weeks on a part-
time basis (with the exception of one person working full time). Women on parental
leave interrupted their employment for the period of parental leave. The average age for
the teleworkers was 31 years (ranging from 24 to 39 years). The women have one or
two children, with the majority of women on parental leave having two children. The
children’s age (5.1 years) for women re-entering the job was higher on average than
those of teleworkers (2.3 years) and women on parental leave (2.7 years). Taking care of
children is done by women on parental leave themselves, while the teleworking women
take care of their children themselves for one part of the time, while the other is covered
by partners, relatives or day-care mothers. The children of women re-entering the job
are taken care of by relatives or kindergartens.
The educational level of the total sample is high: 50 per cent of participants finished
secondary education or a specified secondary education, and one-third of the women
either held diplomas from occupational training institutions (business studies) or had
graduated (mathematics, informatics, teaching, economics). On average, the
participants have been employed for 10 years and 9 months for the present company.
Previous task fields of the women can be divided evenly into the categories of high-
skilled clerical work and administration (in departments of the insurance companies
dealing, for example, with accidents, automobile insurance policies) and the
organisation of data processing (data and programme analysis, programming, testing).
157
Impacts of family on teleworking and vice versa
Looking at the subjectively perceived relationship of work and leisure, teleworkers

show no particular role conflicts between the two spheres of life. The neutrality
and strict independence of both spheres is denied; still, segmentation is considered
as a compensatory strategy for stress. The teleworkers used segmentation of
both spheres of life selectively and in a differentiated way for the reduction of
undesired influences between work and leisure.
Multiple loads and compatibility of teleworking and family
The study makes clear that teleworking for working women may present a
favourable alternative for harmonising work and family demands. The female
teleworkers were able to establish a temporal fit between household, family
and job demands more easily than women re-entering the job. The teleworking
women were able to adapt both job demands to individual and family concerns
and vice versa. This bilateral adaptation to work and private demands occurs
during the typical course of a day, just as it occurs in the case of special situations
and unforseeable incidents. The female teleworkers often design their working
times complementing those of their husbands or partners, and adapt to
circumstances in their families by flexible teleworking times, so that multiple
loads can be avoided more effectively. In contrast, everyday life with women
re-entering the job is dominated by the rhythm of work; individual and family
needs are adapted to work; only in exceptional situations are work and private
demands tuned to each other.
Isolation through home-based telework
As expected, work contacts decrease in teleworking. In particular, informal and

private communication was affected, which obviously could not be carried out
adequately via phone or electronic media. The loss of social contacts cannot
totally be attributed to decentralised teleworking, as women re-entering the job
also reported a reduction in the amount and frequency of social contacts in the
company. Reasons can be found in (a) part-time employment which leaves less
room for a constant flow of information and for informal communication, and
(b) in the circumstance of family obligations, because little children make it more
difficult to attend extraorganisational meetings which often followed work. Yet
certain forms of organisation of alternating teleworking seem to alleviate the
problem of the loss of social contacts, for example, by institutionalising centralised
hours of attendance.
158
Collective teleworking: advantages for quality of

life?
The results from studies on home-based and alternating forms of teleworking

give an impression both of their advantages and shortcomings for quality of life.
Major advantages of these two forms of teleworking from the individual and
family point of view seem to be the increase in flexibility and autonomy with
respect to time, the related benefits for family and leisure activities and obligations,
the increase in fit between demands from work and non-work, and, of course,
the reduction in stress from commuting. However, results also reveal noticeable
shortcomings. Most of them are correlated with the co-operative and social nature
of work and the fact that home-oriented teleworking does not offer too many
chances for complete task performance, face-to-face communication, informal
exchange of information, use of social competencies and skills, and so forth.
Critics of these unfavourable aspects of home-oriented teleworking agree on
the advantages of collective forms of teleworking, like neighbourhood and satellite
offices, telecentres or telecottages, etc., to overcome many of the risks for quality
of life (see Aicholzer 1996; Bagley et al. 1994; Baitsch et al. 1991; Büssing and
Aumann 1997b; OFFNET Project Team 1995). The relevant gains from collective
forms of teleworking can be summarised with the following points:
• periods of social isolation from home-oriented teleworking can be avoided;

• the co-operative nature of working tasks can be taken into account for work design;
• social competencies can be used in daily face-to-face communication with
colleagues and customers;
• flow of information at work, particularly the informal informational supply,
is kept up;
• (symbolic) boundaries between work and non-work which are useful to avoid
too much spillover between work and private life (through deprivatisation of
home, overcrowding and so forth) will not be broken down;
• decentralisation, flexibilisation, and the neighbourhood of collective
teleworking places establish family-friendly working conditions;
• collective teleworking also allows closer and more direct contact with
customers;
• nearby collective teleworking contributes to a reduction of commuting and,
therefore, stress;
• technological infrastructure, equipment and work design usually are superior;
this allows and supports the performance of more sophisticated and complex
working tasks;
• telematic equipment can be used more intensively, economically and
ecologically;
• technical functioning of infrastructure and equipment can be more easily
assured; in case of defects, breakdowns, etc., technological know-how for
repair is readily available;
159
• legal aspects like queries with respect to liability as well as work, health and safety
protection can be more easily and effectively regulated and controlled for.
Results from a survey of 5,347 persons in five European countries by Empirica

(see Korte et al. 1994) reveal a marked interest in this organisation of teleworking.
While 47 per cent of the Spanish participants state their interest, fewer, but still
around one-third, of the participants from the other European countries (England,
France, Germany, Italy) show an interest in collective teleworking. Contrary to
this subjective demand, an amazing reserve against collective teleworking in
European companies is revealed by the same study. Among the 2,507 companies
which took part in this study only 6–7 per cent say that collective teleworking is
an attractive new form of work organisation, (i.e. there are only slight differences
between England, France, Germany, Italy, Spain). Most companies prefer – at
least, to some extent – home-based or alternating forms, and they particularly
like the self-employment status of teleworkers independent of the organisational
form of teleworking.
What could be the reason for these large differences between the demand
from individuals and companies? Companies might be afraid of the economical
and organisational costs and necessary investments on the one hand, and
disappointed by the long-term return for these investments on the other hand. It
is obvious that most of the costs of collective teleworking are up to the companies
while many of the costs of home-based and alternating teleworking (e.g. rooms,
telecommunication infrastructure, extras) are on the teleworkers’ side. This – at
least at first glance – favourable calculation for organisations and companies with
respect to alternating telework was understood as a major factor limiting
innovations with regard to telecentres (see Aicholzer 1996; OFFNET Project
Team 1995).
However, information from the unfortunately few publications (see Aicholzer
1996; Bagley et al. 1994; Büssing and Aumann 1997b; Godehardt 1994;
International Labour Office 1990; Kordey and Korte 1996), and from the rapidly
growing number of websites on projects, point at a growth and potential for
collective forms of teleworking all over the world. Quite well-known projects are
for example: ‘Telecommuting in the San Francisco Bay Area’ (Fay 1996),
‘Australian Rural Telecentres Association’,2 ‘Strategic Development Scheme 1993–
94 of the Powys County Council in Wales’,3 the initiative ‘TeleCottage Wales’,4
telecentre projects in Austria,5 and telecentre projects in Germany (see Büssing
and Aumann 1997b; Technologie-Transferzentrale Schleswig-Holstein 1996;
Technologie Transfer Trier GmbH 1997).
Many of these projects in collective teleworking are politically motivated
and go back to public, private, community and state initiatives. They aim, for
example, at the development of rural or economically weak regions by taking
advantage of the overall and societal benefits of collective forms of teleworking,
e.g. use of ‘gentle technologies’, reduction of traffic, use of regional labour
markets, installation of modern teleinfrastructures, the setting up of family-
160
friendly working places. Therefore, it seems that many of today’s projects in

collective teleworking in some way or another support quality of life in the
broad sense defined above.
Conclusions and perspectives
With respect to quality of life, teleworking opens up a whole string of new

options for companies and their employees. These options are multifaceted.
Besides the different areas of economy, ecology, culture and so forth we have to
consider chances and risks on the different levels of the individuals, their families
and social groups, as well as on the level of their workplaces, companies and
markets. And moreover, we have argued that these different areas and levels
interact, and that effects on a single, or individual level, cannot validly be
generalised to a system level, for example, a family. The discussion and
evaluation of teleworking so far suffers from short-circuit arguments which do
not account for this complexity with respect to quality of life and the social
tolerance of teleworking as proposed in the concepts by Van Sell and Jacobs
(1994) and Büssing and Aumann (1996a).
This chapter is dedicated to the quality of life of teleworking and to the social
tolerance of its conditions and outcomes in the interface between work and non-
work, in particular of teleworking, family and private life. It restricts the focus to
the forms which are most common today, i.e. to home-based and alternating
teleworking, and it compares these two with merits and problems with regard to
quality of life of collective forms of teleworking. For home-based and alternating
teleworking the results from the literature and the results from our studies show
two sides of the coin and depict gains, losses and the ambivalence of the
teleworkers. Quality of life as well as social tolerance of teleworking are improved
on the one hand and impaired in some aspects on the other. For example, we find
a better overall fit and more specifically an improved synchronisation between
family obligations and work requirements – especially for women – reduced
stress because of reduced working, more autonomy for working time regulations,
and so on. However, because the fit between work and family is largely due to
the decision of the teleworker, one easily can imagine the ‘golden cage’ the
teleworker is caught in when he or she is faced with the impacts of his or her
decisions and acting on the systems level of the family.
Another detriment to the quality of life of the home-based and alternating
form of teleworking is due to the co-operative and social nature of work. While
teleworkers gain flexibility and autonomy to improve the quality of their private
and family lives, at the same time they are faced with little participation in the
cooperative and social life of the organisation. They lack face-to-face
communication, experience of social competencies, and the informal flow of
information, and they need to be much more self-organised and self-motivated
without support from colleagues and superiors. From the scarce empirical research
161
on the quality of life and teleworking so far it is hard to tell what will be the long-
term outcomes and consequences with respect to well-being, stress, gains and
losses in time, money, qualification and so forth.
In direct comparison, forms of collective teleworking seem to avoid many of
the detrimental effects on the quality of life under home-based and alternating
telework. However, it would be a superficial argument to valuate collective
teleworking generally as a superior organisational form. The suitability of and
the choice for a specific form of teleworking depends very much upon pre-
conditions like individual and family circumstances, the situation of work and
organisation, and upon the tasks. Moreover, a decision for or against a form of
teleworking under the criteria of quality of life cannot be independent of the
period of one’s personal and social development, i.e. while during certain phases
of life – for example, during the phase of founding a family – it might be very
useful to do home-based telework, in many other periods collective teleworking
will be much more appropriate.
The rapid change of working life continues and with it new forms of work
like teleworking not only gain in attractiveness, but also they are increasingly
offered to people who, unfortunately, are not yet ready for the new message.
Telework in particular is associated with high hopes, yet hardly anyone today
knows exactly what future work with a large proportion of teleworkers will
look like or ought to look like. Only one thing seems to be certain, that ‘reality
will cut through’ and that the rules according to which future work will be
designed cannot be deduced from rules of the past. The various forms of telework
may develop into new and interesting options if they are linked with differential
work design and work organisation regarding the conflicting relationship
between work, family and leisure. Something really must be done to prepare
people for this new form of work in their families, schools and occupations,
making clear the options, challenges and risks for their working biographies
and their social security.
Acknowledgement
Thanks are due to Sandra Aumann, Thomas Bissels and Kenija von Malm for
their helpful assistance in preparing this paper.
Notes
1 The broad fields of activities lead to multiple answers. Therefore, the responses add
up to more than 100 per cent (Glaser and Glaser 1995).
2 http://www.netc.net.au/telecentres.html; http://netspot.com.au/oltc/olcs/case32.htm
3 http://www.telecentres.com/tcjmsup.htm
4 http://www.telecottages.org/
5 For example, http://obelix.soe.oeaw.ac.at/telework/
162
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Part 3
INTEGRATIVE
FRAMEWORKS FOR
TELEWORKING
Much has been said about the issues teleworking raises for a whole range of
matters in organisational and social life. Until recently, however, little has been
written to suggest how we can understand the role for, and manage the transition
to, telework in a reasonably systematic way. The contributors to Part 3 seek to
address this. Each illustrates ways in which teleworking issues can be integrated
into broader areas of social planning and organisational change.
Alistair Campbell and Charles Grantham in Chapter 10 concentrate on the
management of intellectual capital. They point out that the spatial and temporal
distribution of modern organisations, and their reliance on the creation and
cultivation of their knowledge base for competitive advantage, demand new ways
of managing the informational and human resources of enterprises. This involves
combining ‘technical perspectives’ – such as the ability to access data – with
‘business perspectives’ – the questions of utility and added-value. To illustrate
how this can be done in a distributed environment, the authors introduce the
methodology of the ‘Organisational Assessment System’ (OAS). This, they suggest,
helps to assess the readiness of an organisation to move into distributed working
and identifies needs – such as for skills and knowledge – that are required if the
arrangement is to meet its business objectives.
The integration of teleworking into ‘service management’ jobs is the focus of
chapter 11 by Scott Johnson. Those people who work directly with the customer
– such as consultants and sales people – are, Johnson argues, ideally placed to
take advantage of teleworking support. He discusses a framework for integrating
teleworking into service management, with the aim of enhancing the delivery of
services – for example, through better relationship-building with customers thanks
to an improved allocation of service workers’ time. He points out that effective
implementation of teleworking in service jobs must address several important
factors, such as the effects of teleworking on customer behaviour.
In Chapter 12 Lois and Benjamin Goldman address the way broader social
issues can be combined with teleworking developments, particularly where these
167
INTEGRATIVE FRAM EWORKS FOR TELEWORKI NG
take place in urban areas. They argue that city planners have an important role
to play if teleworking is to bring advantages to cities as a whole, rather than
simply benefiting individual teleworkers and their companies. The authors show
that because planners provide a longer term and more socially inclusive perspective,
they are well-placed to identify and integrate a wider range of issues that relate to
quality of life and economic development in cities.
The integration of teleworking with broader social issues is also the concern
of Chapter 13 by Ann Brewer and David Hensher. According to these authors,
commuting behaviour is strongly associated with changes in work practices. They
develop a framework for the study of travel behaviour by examining it in the
context of the organisation of work. In doing so they develop links between
travel behaviour and such issues as the human resource orientation of companies
(for example, supervision and reward mechanisms) and work arrangements (such
as compressed work weeks, telework, and so on).
Koji Sato and Wendy Spinks in Chapter 14 focus on the possible contribution
of teleworking to crisis management. This draws on experiences following the
earthquake which stuck Kobe in Japan in 1995. They outline the results of a
survey regarding the extent of earthquake damage and the disruption this caused
to normal life – especially work and commuting routines. This also describes the
role teleworking played in dealing with the disruption. The authors point out
that the lessons learned from this can be integrated into disaster planning to help
achieve a better response to future situations.
In the final chapter of Part 3, Paul Jackson illustrates how teleworking ideas
were used as a perspective in a ‘non-teleworking’ organisation to frame a process
of organisational analysis and learning. In the case he describes, possibilities for
spatial reorganisation were identified that addressed specific problems and
opportunities faced by the organisation.
168
10
ORGANISATIONAL ASSESSMENT IN
THE DISTRIBUTED WORK
ENVIRONMENT
Using measures of intellectual capital in the
planning process
Alistair Campbell and Charles Grantham
Introduction
Distributed work, describing one of the most rapidly growing workplace and
organisational trends, has as many definitions as there are people studying or
practising it. Distributed work can be defined as work activity conducted by
groups or teams of people separated from each other in time and space, with
advanced communication technologies being used to co-ordinate the work
processes taking place. Distributed work is concerned with the central or core
business function of the enterprise, and as such the outsourcing of support functions
to external agents should not be classified as distributed work. Irrespective of the
exact definition employed, distributed work includes workers, managers and the
technology that enables them to complete tasks at a distance from each other
(Grantham and Nichols 1993). The extent of this phenomenon is hard to measure.
Estimates of teleworking in the US vary from a conservative figure of 4.47 million
persons (ISDW 1996) to a high of 7.9 million (Rane 1995). The European Union
has set a goal of having 20 million teleworkers in Europe by 2002.
For some organisations, the virtual office is the most radical form of distributed
work replacing the fixed location office with a mobile workforce linked only by
technology. The virtual office faces change at every turn, from information systems
support for the new workforce, to management and career development skills for
individual employees. Yet the virtual office is only one of the growing number of
forms of distributed work. Distributed work is a workplace phenomenon that
can be classified according to where workers are in time and space. Figure 10.1
describes the arrangement of the virtual work place.
169
Figure 10.1 Virtual workplace arrangements
The advantages of distributed work appear to include increased productivity (Hesse

and Grantham 1991) and worker satisfaction, reduced commuting time and
transportation-related environmental stress, and decreased corporate overhead expenses
(Pratt 1993; Di Martino and Wirth 1990; Kraut 1987; Kraut 1989; Olson 1987).
Studies also suggest that the challenges successful distributed work programmes must
overcome include worker isolation, the need for new ways to monitor performance,
the need for new organisational structures and norms to ensure maximum return on
the distributed work investment (Grantham 1996b).
The technology that makes remote work possible is becoming more sophisticated
every day. At its most basic, distributed work relies on telephone and electronic
mail connections supplemented with fax communication. Desktop videoconferencing
tools are bringing technology to the home-based distributed worker. More
sophisticated, and expensive, videoconferencing, satellite and collaborative work
systems can enhance communication between home offices and neighbourhood or
satellite centres. Groupware applications make it possible for remotely located
workers to work simultaneously on the same computer-based projects (LaPlant
1993; Holtham 1992; Ishii et al. 1994; Finholt and Sproull 1990). IBM’s acquisition
of Lotus Development Corporation and the purchase of Collabra Software by
Netscape Communications are indicative of the growing popularity and importance
of groupware programs in the corporate application market. Telepresence systems
combine groupware applications with videoconferencing tools to simulate the
collaborative environment of working together at the same time and place.
Intellectual capital
The management practices that create the next generation of business organisations
will be knowledge based. Business performance will not only be assessed by
financial performance, but will also be measured in terms of intellectual assets
and the ability to create and apply new ideas in the marketplace. The result of
this is that a new model of organisational functioning is required to effectively
170
TH E DISTRI BUTED WORK ENVIRONMENT
manage the creation and use of intellectual capital; current management theories
are becoming inadequate for these new spatially and temporally distributed
organisations. Business leaders and thinkers are struggling to understand the
organising principles of these new organisations.
Intellectual capital is a concept that has grown in popularity over the past few
years. Organisations have come to find the more traditional ways of managing assets
wanting, when the market value of companies begins to significantly exceed their
component replacement costs (Brooking 1996). John Kenneth Galbraith first used
the term intellectual capital in 1969 (Feiwal 1975). Galbraith believed that this form of
capital was more than just a static asset, having a dynamic component which added
value in its application to business need. Definitional arguments aside, Galbraith
managed to focus new attention on the value of intangible assets in organisations.
Intellectual capital is not just the data or the information that resides in files,
databases and papers. Information, intelligence, knowledge and, finally, wisdom
are related but take on different values with increasing scope and context. Therefore,
knowledge can be created from information, when that information is applied to
solving a problem within the context of a business operation. Information contained
in this paper for example has a value, but has even greater value when it is adapted
to solving a financial management problem. It then becomes knowledge.
Many definitions are currently being proposed for this complex concept. Tom
Stewart defines intellectual capital as the intangible assets of skill, knowledge and
information that have been formalised, captured and leveraged to produce a
higher-valued asset. There are three principles that drive the need to manage
knowledge. First, the value of intellectual assets exceeds by many times the value
of balance sheet assets. Second, intellectual capital is the raw material from which
financial results are achieved. Finally, managers distinguish between different
types of intellectual capital (Stewart 1994). Organisations such as Skandia Group,
Dow Chemical, Hughes Aircraft, Equitable Life and Canadian Imperial Bank of
Commerce are beginning to formalise how they specify, account for and manage
this asset. In fact, many US Big Six accounting firms are beginning to integrate
intellectual capital into their service operations. Ernst and Young, Andersen and
Price Waterhouse have established research and development projects to explore
the evolution of intellectual capital management.
Probably the most cogent view of intellectual capital has been developed at
Skandia Group through the leadership of Leif Edvinsson, Corporate Director
Intellectual Capital. The Skandia Group have created a model describing the
principal building blocks that combine to form the company’s intellectual capital
(Skandia Group 1995). The model is illustrated in Figure 10.2.
Human capital is the source of innovation and renewal, providing information,
insight, and ideas. Schultz defines human capital as:
The decisive factors of production in improving the welfare of poor

people are not space, energy, and cropland; the decisive factors are
the improvement in population quality and advances in knowledge.
171
Figure 10.2 Skandia’s model of intellectual capital
These advancements can be augmented by appropriate investment

in human capital.
(Schultz 1981)
A company’s human capital base is composed of four individual characteristics

(Hudson 1993):
1 genetic inheritance
2 formal education
3 life experience
4 social psychological attitudes about life and business.
Human capital is the engine of creation in an enterprise ranging from the R&D
laboratory to face-to-face customer interaction. It is where the capacity of the
firm is formed and moulded. Human capital is not a subset of intellectual capital,
but the storehouse of it, the capacity for it and its limiting factor. In fact, some
commentators believe that the shortage of human capital will be the limiting
factor in enterprise expansion in the next century (Coates 1995).
Structural capital is the non-human element that supports human capital.
Structural capital is defined as the sum of the strategy, structure, systems and
processes that enables an organisation to produce and deliver products to
customers. It is an enabler of performance, promoting the continuous application
of knowledge to business. It also is a cultural ethos that promotes learning and
sharing of those learning experiences (Senge 1990). The most effective way to
manage this element of capital is through examining information flows in and
around an organisation. These information flows are the distribution channel of
applied knowledge from the firm to the customer. Structural capital is arguably
of greater importance, as it remains with the company, and it can be used time
and again. Structural capital can amplify the value or subtract from human capital
(Skandia Group 1995).
Structural capital includes customer capital and organisational capital. Customer
capital is the knowledge of channels, customer preferences, trends and competitive
intelligence. Customer satisfaction is measured in terms of demands customers
172
make on the firm for products and services. These demands then feed back into
the organisation via human and structural capital mechanisms and appear as
changes in distribution channels and service levels. Without human or structural
capital a firm cannot receive added-value from customer capital. When internal
human capital reaches its own limit, the only effective tactic to increase overall
intellectual capital is to tap into the customer base to discover new preferences,
changes and applications. Market position can present competitive advantage
(Porter 1985). ‘Distinctive competency’ or uniqueness of the firm (Prahalad and
Hamel 1990) is rooted in customer expectations. This suggests therefore, that
part of an organisation’s customer capital lies outside management’s direct control,
and in fact is held by its customers.
Organisational capital contains the ‘systematised, structured and packaged
competencies and systems for converting the company’s innovative strength
and value-creating work processes’ (Skandia Group 1995). Organisational capital
enables faster and more effective sharing of knowledge through making it more
accessible to users. Enhanced future earnings capabilities will be realised as the
competence and experience can be multiplied or leveraged through increased
internal or external co-operation (Skandia Group 1995). The Skandia model
stresses both structural and organisational capital and, by inference,
management’s ability to capture, analyse and exploit intellectual capital.
Conventional industrial business models are built on the assumption of a central
controlling authority of assets as a means of measuring the value of the enterprise.
Skandia’s organisational emphasis follows this business model. An alternative
is to place more importance on measurements of customer capital. In the
emerging Internet commerce business model it is argued that value lies in the
interaction between companies and their customers (Hagel and Armstrong 1997).
Data about customer preferences and behaviour is therefore a key differentiator.
An approach to managing intellectual capital that is more ‘net centric’, placing
key value-added on customer relations, is more closely related to an emerging
business model than the Skandia approach.
Managing intellectual capital
As more and more of the value-adding business process becomes the creation and
delivery of intellectual capital, the focus of organisational leaders must shift away
from cost containment of hard assets. The major organisational issue to be addressed
by communities, educational institutions and business planners for the next decade,
is how to manage the development and stewardship of intellectual capital.
Managing intellectual capital combines information resources with human
resources. Information resources are made up of databases, telecommunication
networks and interface engines. Human resources add value to information
by setting the context of the business activity (‘How do we do it?’), generating
meaning (‘What does it mean to us and the customer?’) and understanding
173
purpose (‘Why do we do this anyway?’). Leaders cannot take for granted

that employees will either answer these questions, or for that matter even
care about them.
This differentiation in value-adding mechanisms results in the creation of a
conflict in management agendas. People with technical responsibilities tend to
focus on one set of measures, priorities and world views; while those given the
responsibility of human resource management tend to see things from a business
perspective. In researching the development of intellectual capital accounting
procedures and implementation plans, two opposing orientations to these issues
have been identified; the technical perspective and the business perspective (Jacoby
1995). First, the basic technical perspective is that value is added through
connectivity (Michalski 1995). The greater access to data sources, the higher
the volume of electronic mail and the more ease of use of the computer, all
combine to contribute to the valuation of intellectual capital. This perspective
results in the expenditure of financial assets to bring more power to the desktop,
implement Executive Decision Systems (eds) and connect databases through
applications such as Lotus Notes. However, being connected to datasources
does not mean that data or knowledge can be extracted and applied in a business
setting. The technical perspective places a premium on activity. It is an
engineering perspective.
The basic business perspective is based on application utility (Dyson 1996). Having
a large library without a librarian who can help interpret specific information
needs is next to worthless. Creativity and performance in action carry a premium.
This is the softer side of the intellectual capital equation, and what makes most
managers nervous. Their problem is how to structure a budget to increase the
application utility of their firm. Having employees with numerous degrees or
qualifications is of limited value, unless they also have the skills to apply this
knowledge. This overall contrast shows up in terms of comparing design (business
perspective) to engineering (technical perspective). These are not mutually
exclusive concepts or activities. However, the central issue facing managers is
how to deal with the conceptual shift in decision-making from the perspective of
engineering to that of design.
Integrating these two seemingly divergent perspectives is required for the
management of intellectual capital. This integration will come through increased
education in the workplace, which is effectively an intellectual capital creation
process in itself. Peter Drucker explains the logic behind this contention. In brief,
a transformation of our very social structure is underway, which is currently
being experienced in both business and education. This social transformation
coupled with transformation of businesses has come together in the development
of intellectual capital management as a focus of current management science
(Drucker 1994).
What then, are the necessary and sufficient conditions for the specification of
a more comprehensive management model? The current accepted definitions of
intellectual capital, begin by defining a group of basic categories of intellectual
174
capital reservoirs. This approach, however, appears to be inadequate to explain

differences in market valuation and replacement cost of enterprises. As this gap
between replacement cost and market valuation increases it becomes necessary
to better understand where, and how, intellectual capital is created so we can
develop the tools and techniques to help us maximise firm valuation. Recent
economic thinking has begun to point out the critical nature of this issue. A
recent quote from Gary Becker, the 1992 Nobel Laureate highlights this:
Human capital is as much a part of the wealth of nations as are

factories, housing, machinery, and other physical capital. In fact,
economists estimate that human capital accounts for much more than
half of all the wealth in the U.S. and other economically advanced
nations.
(Becker 1996; [our emphasis])
It appears that a sufficient model would move the analysis to a higher level of
measurement – from merely nominal to ratios. This refined model also needs
to specify elements of intellectual capital, and organisational effectiveness by
extension, in terms of core business processes of knowledge-based enterprises,
not technical-based functions. Another necessary condition is the inclusion of
environmental or external elements which impact the enterprise. Large
organisations invariably have a hierarchical dimension to their structure that
affects the flow of intellectual capital. Finally, a necessary and sufficient
management model operates in a way that promotes clear communication within
all parts of the organisation and can be easily grasped by managers.
Intellectual capital management will become more and more important in
the life of organisations as they see a need to better manage all asset bases
(Sterns 1994). Intellectual capital is coming to be understood as a necessary
supplement to traditional financial management for knowledge-based
organisations (Brooking 1996; Bontis 1995). Intellectual capital needs to be
measured to enable assessment of its real value to the firm. Organisations can
be characterised in many ways, with the conventional approach using financial
models. These models, however, are less relevant in information-intensive
environments. Typical financial management focuses on ‘hard assets’ which
can be translated into interchangeable terms such as dollars, units of inventory
or other physical entities (Quinn 1992). There is a category of assets owned by
firms which is closely related to intellectual capital. These assets are usually
referred to as ‘intellectual property assets’. For example, patents, copyrights,
trade and service marks are intellectual property that can be valued and carried
on the books. There is concern however that an additional category of ‘soft
assets’ such as intellectual capital, or goodwill, have gone unmeasured or only
estimated in the roughest of terms. The result of this is great difficulty in
measuring and managing the intangible assets of skill and knowledge, which
are the chief ingredients of the new economy (Bontis 1995).
175
The proposition remains that new models of organisational functioning are

needed and intellectual capital has a high potential for being a basis for the
development of these new models. Many contemporary management consultants
are trying to do this. ‘Organisational learning’ (Senge 1990); ‘Business
Reengineering’ (Hammer and Champy 1993) and ‘Organisational architecture’
(Nadler 1987) are a few of the theories that have been proposed. The use of
financial models in defining organisational processes has already been
mentioned, whilst other approaches have adopted a sociotechnical perspective
(Cummings 1986). All these different approaches however, have difficulty in
capturing a complete, systemic ‘picture’ or ‘image’ of the organisation (Morgan
1986). There appears to be, therefore, rationale for developing advanced ways
of thinking about how the firm functions. Dur and Bots (1991) offer three
cogent reasons:
1 Organisations develop over long time spans and much knowledge about
functioning is tacit knowledge, not reflected in past financial records.
2 Organisations allow for many vantage-points – which are continually
negotiated.
3 Organisations often grow rapidly so that no one individual can have a reliable
picture of the entire organisation at any one time.
The current business environment changes so rapidly, with a larger span of control,
that the old ways of analysing organisations have reached their limits of utility as
the theory underlying intellectual capital illustrates. Organisations process
information to manage uncertainty and puzzling situations. The way in which
they manage the flow of information can indicate the relative health of large,
formal, complex organisations. The study of information flows can extend to an
organisational analysis model of measurable information flow patterns that can
be used to depict the use of intellectual capital in large organisations.
The organisation analysis system
The Institute for the Study of Distributed Work (ISDW) has developed a
methodology for assessing the state of organisational health of any large, complex,
human organisation (Grantham 1993; Grantham and Nichols 1993; Grantham
and Nichols 1995; Grantham 1996a). The Organisational Assessment System
(OAS) is designed to help managers make decisions about whether or not their
organisation is ready to move into the distributed work environment. The OAS
allows a preliminary assessment of the capacity and performance of an
organisation’s intellectual capital management process. The OAS can also be
used by an organisational development consultant to produce specific statements
of what needs to be put into place (including knowledge and capabilities) to
enable people to accomplish business process objectives.
176
The OAS has been developed from the existing literature on organisational
analysis, drawing principally on the work of Beer (1985), Bennett (1987), Daft
and Lengel (1986), Forrester (1961), Kotter (1978), Miller and Miller (1991),
Morgan (1986) and Tuft (1990) and from the science of systematics (Bennett
1987). The OAS has been developed as an alternative to more conventional
ways of assessing organisational effectiveness. Most analytic systems are based
on sociological perspectives of structure, whereas the OAS is based on a social
psychological perspective of process (Bennett 1987). In the OAS, structure refers
to relatively stable patterns of interaction between people in organisations that
persist over time and give rise to the creation of status and power hierarchies. As
these hierarchies disappear in distributed work organisations, perspectives more
suited to dynamic interactions among members of organisations are more relevant
to analysing and solving ongoing business planning issues.
Systematics differs from more typical general systems theory or operational
research in that it focuses on the study of patterns of process which repeat
themselves over and over again. For example, the study of any situation begins
with a question like ‘What are we looking at?’ or ‘What am I trying to understand?’
The universality of this questioning process is called the MONAD in systematics
and is a single-term system, or method of analysis. Systematics then is a collection
of these universal means of analysing processes in natural systems, with large,
complex, human organisations being among these systems. Bennett’s constructions
are a number of multiple-termed systems. They range from the single-termed
MONAD to a twelve-termed system called a DOCEDAD. Each of these termed
systems has a quality to it which is associated with the logical type of problem it
is suited to study (Bennett 1987). The OAS employs a five-term system as the
most appropriate cognitive structure to use when analysing an organisation’s
ability or inability to realise its purpose and potential. Five-term systems refer to
realisation of potential whereas others discussed elsewhere, such as a six-term
system, refer to issues of harmony across organisational boundaries (Grantham
and Nichols 1995).
Each of the five factors in the systematics theory can be defined in terms of
a central business process question which the organisation needs to satisfactorily
answer in order to realise its true potential. The OAS takes each of these five
terms and translates them into operational factors that focus on one of these
key business process questions. Each of these questions are then in turn translated
into a series of indicators which, when rated and summated, create quantifiable
scales that indicate relative appropriate organisational functioning. Table 10.1
shows the correlation of these key business questions to Bennett’s five-term
factors and Table 10.2 describes the element of the OAS and the associated
indicator items.
The OAS methodology is therefore based on a five-factor model which looks
at information systems, human resources, customer relations, planning capability
and leadership as they support distributed work. Each factor is measured by a set
of indicators ranked on a five-point Likert scale and weighted to reflect the relative
177
Table 10.1 Definition of business factors
importance of each indicator. Summary measures of indicators are used for

diagnosis and planning.
The OAS was developed as an organisational planning tool built upon solid
organisational theory. The current direction has been to extend the organisational
model (i.e. five process factors) into the area of intellectual capital management.
Returning to the five-factor model at the level of individual item indicators and
performing an analytic factor analysis, has created a subset of the OAS which
measures intellectual capital. The result is another set of OAS factors that assess an
organisation’s human, structural and customer capital. In a sense, this has linked
the theoretical literature of both organisational assessment and intellectual capital
management. If in fact these two approaches towards planning and development of
organisations are linked at a conceptual level, then it should be possible to see some
correlation in the results of measuring an organisation’s effectiveness.
The use of the organisational analysis system in

planning distributed working
A large international software company (known here as SoftCo) bought a

European subsidiary organisation. They realised that they would need to learn
more about remote working to manage the acquisition adequately. In addition,
the company was having trouble attracting top talent to its headquarters north of
Silicon Valley. As a result of these two elements, the company decided to open a
remote facility within Silicon Valley that would show them how distributed working
could be integrated into the company’s operations. The centre would be used to
attract new employees, whilst maintaining morale and increasing productivity
among workers who were tired of commuting to headquarters. The company
leased new space and began an aggressive renovation and move-in plan without
completing an assessment of the technological and management impacts of the
distributed environment they were creating. In short, planning was lacking.
Management and worker resistance to the programme made it clear that creating
a remote work space takes more than buying a building, setting up some computers,
and letting people work from home. For this organisation, accustomed to highly
informal, decentralised, personal ways of work, distributed work represented a
178
Table 10.2 Elements of the OAS
fundamental change in the company’s culture, work processes and morale. The
company delayed full roll-out of the new facility until it could assign a full-time
project manager to the project. Though only a few hundred employees were moving,
all 2,000 of the company’s workers were affected by the move, and responsibilities
for it were spread over several departments. The project manager ensured a central
source of consistent communication between departments, provided realistic
timetables that co-ordinated the needs of all affected workers, and made sure that
appropriate training and support were in place before the move.
External management consultants were brought in to help the project manager
because of a shortage of human resources. The responsibilities of the consultant
were to:
1 Develop policies and procedures for the new remote facility.

2 Develop selection criteria to determine who would work in the new facility.
3 Develop assessment methods for measuring performance and cost benefits
in the new facility.
4 Provide training and education to employees and their managers.
5 Define and install the right hardware, software and networking capabilities
for workers at all levels in the new facility.
These steps were designed after an organisational analysis was completed. Results
of the OAS showed that the company had relatively weak support for customer
service, planning and personnel. This is illustrated in Figure 10.3.
Based on the normed OAS database, any indicator below rating 3.0 usually
portends significant organisation effectiveness issues. This type of profile is
not unusual for a high-tech, rapid growth enterprise, which is focused on
creating technology tools for its customers. These companies see themselves
as the ‘experts’, so they tend not to listen for customer input. These technology
companies move on instinct and see human assets as commodities to be
179
Figure 10.3 SoftCo OAS results
purchased on the open market. The OAS results were verified by the on-site
experience of the external consultants given the very reasons they were brought
into the company. Noting the apparent correlation between the standard OAS
and the new model of intellectual capital, previously attained data was reviewed
to conduct a historical comparison of companies that had been examined
using the OAS. Table 10.3 compares the average percentile scores on the
OAS with SoftCo scores.
It is quite apparent in this comparison that SoftCo has significant organisational
issues. The company has below average success scores (25 per cent and over) on
three critical business indicators: Customer service, Personnel and Planning. This
then raised the question of how these indicators related to the use of intellectual
capital within the organisation. After calculating the intellectual capital scales
from the OAS, a similar pattern was identified in the data. This is illustrated in
Figure 10.4.
Again, using the database as a normative standard, factors with a rating of
less than 2.50 indicate areas for further attention. The results suggest that
SoftCo is relatively deficient in human capital. This indicates that the company
Table 10.3 Comparative OAS analysis
180
Figure 10.4 SoftCo intellectual capital
is not building human capital, and in fact is consuming it at a greater rate

than it is being replaced. This is borne out by SoftCo’s problem in attracting
and keeping hightalent people. Second, the results show a deficit in customer
capital. This is especially critical for long-term sustainability of organisations
in the high-tech field.
The outcomes and implications of the analysis for SoftCo were fairly
dramatic. Within 6 0 days of completing the OA S and informing
management of the results, SoftCo cancelled its attempt at moving into
the distributed work world. The project was called off citing a lack of
adequate resources and too much time pressure to complete a critical
product release. The failure to provide alternative working locations also
began to result in difficulties hiring key talent. The resulting lack of
sufficient engineering staff only exacerbated existing product development
problems. In fact one key executive took a position with the company
only after being provided with a personal chauffeur to drive him the 70
miles to and from work each day.
In the long term there are many issues to be resolved. The OAS and intellectual
capital analysis is only a diagnostic. It is not a complete description of the
underlying etiology of the organisational issues. It can, however, highlight
underlying issues, before they become openly apparent. After another two product
development cycles (approximately 12 months in total), SoftCo began experiencing
very difficult times. Products failed to ship on time, the software was prone to
bugs and competitors began to steal market share. All of these factors culminated
in a major management shake-up, resulting in the replacement of the CEO and
several key executives. The board of directors stepped in to take control and
attempted to right some of the problems. All these actions were, in reality,
predictable a year in advance.
181
Conclusion
There are three major implications for business planning which can be drawn
from the SoftCo case study. First, there clearly is a need for planning integration
using a tool like the OAS. Planning is a multi-disciplinary effort by definition, but
what is required is a reliable means to compare multiple perspectives of the
organisation. In doing this, planners can begin to conduct ‘what if’ sensitivity
analysis and develop a clearer understanding of what factors impact each other.
In the case of SoftCo, executives could have, over time, begun to see what impact
lack of customer sensitivity had on product development cycles.
Second, the case study shows that more emphasis needs to be placed on using
measures of intellectual capital in organisations where assets literally ‘walk out
the door every night’. Certainly intellectual capital analysis supports, and is
correlated with, more traditional ways of making diagnoses and assessments as
an input to the planning process. Finally, both methods of analysis show the
importance of customer relationships in the rapidly changing world of software
development. In fact, some industry commentators are now saying that the driving
force in this sector was technology prowess in the 1970s, business acumen in the
1980s and will be customer service in the 1990s as the Internet removes
intermediaries, bringing makers and users of technology into direct contact.
Managers must move forward in developing their own capacity to learn.
Successful organisations will be characterised by the qualities of their leaders.
Leaders must first strive to develop their own intellectual capital before they can
hope to institutionalise the process (Hudson 1993). It is to be hoped that managers
and leaders can take the idea of a hierarchy of responsibility and use it as a
yardstick to manage their time. Development of intellectual capital requires more
of ‘doing the right things’ than doing ‘things right’. Learning comes through
trying, failing and trying again. It is the key task of leadership to first develop
themselves and then construct an organisational climate which encourages others
to do the same.
There is obviously much more work to be done with the theoretical proposal of
managing intellectual capital. The application of this model was in the Information
Technology sector, because the change factors apparent in the business environment
make it paramount for the industry to quickly address them. These pressures
necessitate rapid change in management models and times of rapid change open
possibilities for experimenting with new ways of knowing and working.
The overall conclusion is that the coming pre-eminence of intellectual capital
as a value-adding element in modern enterprises requires the conscious
development of a new way of viewing the workplace. The shift from ‘hard asset’
management to enterprises based on intellectual capital requires an integration of
technical and business perspectives. The OAS model is proposed as meeting the
necessary and sufficient conditions for a model of intellectual capital that can be
adapted to the strategic management of large service-based organisations.
Furthermore, the OAS is general enough to permit comparisons across industry
182
segments such as heath-care and financial services. Investment decisions can then
be based on uniform criteria at a macroeconomic level.
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11
TELEWORKING SERVICE
MANAGEMENT
Issues for an integrated framework
Scott A. Johnson
Introduction
Over the last twenty years, the emergent work trends of teleworking and service
management have evolved in parallel although developed from differing philosophy.
Teleport development has tended to take a systems perspective, with a focus on
how organisations can improve internal work processes and reduce costs through
structural redesign and technological support. Teleworking employees’ jobs are
physically changed, in terms of location, personal interaction, reporting procedures,
direct supervision, etc. Service management considers the role of individuals and
their behaviour toward affecting external customer perceptions of quality; thus, the
emphasis is on employees who have contact with customers, supported through
redesign of their job functions and methods of supervision. Customer contact
employees themselves may be psychologically changed due to expanded
responsibilities. Although the perspectives behind these two work approaches may
be different (systematic and structural versus individual and interpersonal), teleport
and service management may be quite complementary, such that each adds value
to the operations of the other and to the organisation as a whole.
The success of each approach depends largely on the willingness and ability of
employees to embrace the work philosophy and work within the system; this has been
acknowledged and empirically proven in service management, and needs to be recognised
in teleport. Due to their changed roles within the organisation, teleworkers and contact
employees are each presented with increased opportunities for autonomous decision-
making and behaviour. As these employees become more independent and remote
from the organisation, direct forms of supervision become inadequate. Managers must
become aware of factors which critically influence the employees’ behaviour.
Customer service jobs have been described as ideal for teleworking
environments, so it is likely that the number of customer contact employees
185
(teleworking contact employees) working away from the traditional collective

office will increase. The structural and system features of a teleworking
environment will help to reinforce the service management attributes of employee
empowerment, discretion and control in serving customers. When teleworking
contact employees are inclined to exhibit positive behaviour, the combined effects
of teleworking and service management will result in success for the customer
and the organisation. However, when they are inclined to exhibit negative
behaviour, these same combined effects will enable teleworking contact employees
to potentially do more harm to customers and the organisation than would the
separate effects of either teleworking or service management. In such extreme
cases, damage to customer and organisation interests would be exacerbated by
an integrated teleworking service management approach.
Although teleworking and service management are well-established topics and
have many common objectives, they have not been systematically and effectively
integrated in the management literature. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss
an integrated framework for viewing teleworking service management and some
important factors of which organisations must be aware in order to effectively
implement it. These factors include management challenges, characteristics of
teleworking contact employee jobs and potential behaviourial consequences of
teleworking service management.
Teleworking service management
Teleport is defined as work carried out in a location which is remote from central
offices or production facilities (Wright and Oldford 1993). Teleworkers have
little or no ongoing personal contact with co-workers or supervisors, and are
linked to the organisation through technology (telephone, computer, fax, e-mail,
voice-mail, pager, etc.) For the purposes of this discussion, the term teleport shall
encompass these and all other forms of remote work such as telecommuting,
virtual office, distance work and flexiplace.
The US business sector has increasingly shifted from a goods-focused economy
to a service-focused economy over the last twenty-five years (Bowen 1990). Among
the factors influencing this shift have been automation of manufacturing,
transformation of office work by continuously improving information technology,
and increased frequency of support services outsourcing. This service focus
encourages a transition in management philosophy from the traditional corporation
with a perceived tangible infrastructure to a virtual corporation or network
organisation consisting of webs of relationships (Grönroos 1994; Gummesson
1994). The concept of service management incorporates several core values
emphasising customer satisfaction, service employee satisfaction, and customer
service employee interaction that are relevant to teleworking management. This
includes the synchronisation of human input and technology, combining service
personnel, physical resources, systems and customers, to deliver the service and
186
TE LEWORKING SERVICE MANAGEMENT
create customer value (Grönroos 1994; Gummesson 1994). Service management

takes a systems view that requires all elements of the service system to act in co-
ordinated ways to produce service excellence (Schneider 1994).
The service management paradigm holds that every member of an organisation
is responsible for customer satisfaction. Through a triangle of service relationships,
the organisation makes promises to customers (through external communication),
and then must enable its frontline customer contact employees to keep these
promises, by providing training, resources and support (Zeithaml and Bitner 1995).
Virtual work processes such as teleworking may be an effective tool for service
delivery if they are well received and supported by customers, employees and the
organisation. Teleworking employees can play pivotal roles in this service triangle,
because they have the most potential to influence customers directly, and control
communication between customers and the organisation.
The initial development of the service management and teleworking
philosophies seemed to have emphasised different fundamental concepts. Service
management focused primarily on the importance of the customer. Teleworking
was driven chiefly by organisational concerns (cost reductions, productivity gains,
regulatory compliance, etc.); Bowen and Schneider (1988) state that management
theories emerging outside of marketing, which generically prescribe models of
organisational functioning such as teleworking, ignore not only service but the
customer as well. From a perspective of economic exchange, service management
was more of a ‘bottom-up’ approach starting with the customer, and teleworking
was a ‘top-down’ redesign planned by the organisation. The individual employees
who would be involved in delivering this service to customers, or be the ones
actually working remotely away from the office, were an afterthought or
assumption taken for granted. Schneider (1994) suggests that because service
employees had been generally poorly paid and near the bottom of the organisation,
there was a tendency to disregard their feelings or effect on customers. Personnel
holding customer contact jobs have been frequently among the least educated
employees in companies, possibly lacking language, interpersonal or other skills
to serve customers effectively (Zeithaml et al. 1988).
More recent research findings and company experience, especially over the
last fifteen years, has reinforced the importance of the individual service employee.
This heightened recognition of employees has been more prevalent in the service
management philosophy, due to their demonstrated influence on customers.
Teleworking management seems to mainly consider employees with regard to
their attitudes toward teleworking, productivity changes and supervisory concerns;
these are still issues largely directed internally toward the organisation. With the
proliferation of teleworking jobs involving customer contact, it is hoped that
management will more carefully consider the pivotal impact that teleworkers
have on external customer satisfaction. It is important to study an integrated
framework of teleworking service management in order to gain increased
understanding of the potential benefits and consequences associated with
teleworkers’ roles.
187
In the service management literature, employee influences on customer satisfaction

are emphasised as crucial. The integration of telecommuting with service
management research must identify and measure the effects of telecommuting service
management on employee behaviour in dealing with customers. Teleworking contact
employees cannot simply be regarded as mechanisms for service delivery. These
employees have accurate perceptions of customers’ perceptions of service quality,
and can also accurately identify the service delivery and human resources
management issues that would enhance customer satisfaction (Schneider and Bowen
1995). Effective teleworking service management design should explicitly include
these contact employees as the crucial link between organisations and customers,
and examine the effects of teleworking on customer-focused behaviour. Substantial
evidence has shown that the attitudes and perceptions of customer contact employees
have a significant impact upon customer perceptions of an organisation’s service
quality (Bowen and Schneider 1985; Parasuraman 1987; Schneider and Bowen
1985; Tornow and Wiley 1990; Zeithaml and Bitner 1995). Such findings reinforce
the basic premise of internal marketing, that satisfied employees will lead to satisfied
customers (Brown et al. 1994). Such internal development of personnel includes
both an attitude management aspect and a communications aspect (Grönroos 1994).
More organisations are recognising that in order to realise organisational performance
gains from satisfied customers, they must first manage the internal processes and
situational factors that lead to satisfied employees. Thus, the role of the supervisor
in a customer service environment takes on increased importance: no longer simply
managing employees, but ultimately affecting external customer satisfaction.
Although considerable research attention is being paid to the management of
customer and employee interactions in service encounters (Brown et al. 1994),
relatively few studies have examined the influence of organisational factors such as
teleworking on employee service behaviour. The linkage of organisational strategy
to human resources practices affects customer service and support (Rousseau 1995).
This alignment of human resources management systems and service quality
strategies, under the paradigm of service management, will continue to be a challenge
for all organisations during this decade (Dyer and Holder 1988). Teleworking
service management involving customer-focused human resource management may
also enhance organisational competitiveness (Schneider 1994). This is the thrust of
the service management philosophy, and a critical consideration for managing
customer service employees in a teleworking environment.
The practice of teleworking, but even more so predictions of its future success,
have outpaced precise investigation into this phenomenon. Possibly this is due to
the intuitive simplicity of transforming traditional office jobs into teleworking
jobs. This could be especially true with regard to service management. Researchers
have suggested that teleworking is eminently suitable for jobs that deal with
intangibles: service-based rather than production-based; knowledge, rather than
craftsmanship; information, rather than raw materials; networking, rather than
physical facilities. Positions described as ideal for teleworking include those with
extensive customer interaction, such as sales, customer service and insurance
188
claims representatives (Flanagan 1993). As such, teleworking could be regarded

as a tool for service delivery that achieves benefits for the organisation, employee
and customer. Teleworking programmes implemented in part to improve customer
interaction in terms of sales, service and support, have shown some positive
results in the US. After implementation, AT&T saw a 15 per cent increase in
customer contact during its first 18 months, while Dun and Bradstreet’s sales
productivity increased by nearly 30 per cent (Oglivie 1994). IBM teleworkers
have reported spending 95 per cent of business hours on customer calls since
being able to work away from the traditional office structure; similar results have
been experienced by Aetna Life and Casualty, Arthur Andersen and Co., Ernst
and Young, and Pacific Bell (Flanagan 1993). An exploratory study of nearly 300
American teleworking contact employees noted that customer relationships were
all perceived to have been positively influenced by teleport.
However, other teleworking researchers have suggested the opposite, that
teleworking is best suited for independent, routine tasks that do not involve a
high level of social or professional interaction (Richter and Meshulam 1993).
This may imply long-term challenges for some teleworkers in dealing with
customers. Thus, the wholesale adaptation of service jobs to a teleworking
environment may not be as straightforward as popularly accepted. There are
enough elements of compatibility and complementary support between
teleworking and service management to promote more investigation, and
dissenting views might help persuade companies to proceed with more deliberation
and forethought regarding the critical issues.
The challenges of managing teleworking contact

employees
The simple service management equation that satisfied employees lead to satisfied
customers has more complex components. Service employees’ attitudes and
perceptions may be influenced by a variety of factors, from individual mood to
customer relationships; many of these are not controllable by the organisation. The
most influential factor that is controllable may be the organisation’s human resources
management (HRM) policies and procedures. Organisations in which employees
describe the HRM practices under which they work in more positive terms have
customers who report they receive superior service quality. One large facet of such
HRM practices is supervision, which provides employees with feedback on
performance, establishes rewards and shares information (Schneider 1994).
Just as the role of the employee takes on increased significance in a teleworking
service environment, so does the role of the teleworking supervisor. Teleworking
contact employees who are empowered with more autonomy, control and
discretion may seem to suggest a need for less supervision, but other factors such
as removal from the office infrastructure, elimination of the social support network
and fragmentation of the internal corporate culture emphasise the crucial link
189
played by the supervisor between the teleworking contact employee and the
organisation. As the teleworking contact employee comes to embody the
organisation to the customer, it is likely that the supervisor fulfils this role for the
teleworking contact employee. The teleworking contact employee’s supervisor
doesn’t necessarily need more or less supervisory skills, but a different set of
skills entirely.
Supervision
Service organisations typically use two types of formal supervisory controls,

namely output and process (behaviour), to direct employees toward attainment
of desired organisational objectives. Output controls direct employees by specifying
output goals and standards, while leaving the choice of methods and procedures
to the employees themselves. Output control has been suggested as more
appropriate for a teleworking environment. Researchers consistently recommend
the use of objective outcome criteria such as hours worked, tasks completed and
finished product (Hamilton 1987). Management by walking around doesn’t work
in a teleworking environment. Supervisors can’t observe teleworkers’ attendance,
attitude and appearance of working hard; personality and style are no longer as
important in managerial evaluations. US companies like Ernst and Young have
installed more objective measures and compensate people based on their output,
rather than their input (Ogilvie 1994). However, to the extent that service
employees believe that the attainment of output goals is beyond their control,
they may experience feelings of loss of control and come to resent output control
(Challagalla and Shervani 1996).
Behavioural, or process, control directs employees by specifying the methods
and procedures to be adopted in performing tasks. The task complexity, high input
uncertainty, and employee–customer task interdependence of many service
encounters make it difficult to specify in advance how teleworking contact employees
are to behave in the unpredictable range of circumstances that may arise (Bowen
and Schneider 1988). The authors contend that behavioural control in a global
sense may not be feasible, and only output control may be appropriate.
Teleworkers in general may not welcome any form of supervisory control,
which they may perceive as a trade-off with their own sense of control over the
service environment and customer relationships. Due to the boundary-spanning
nature of their roles, teleworking contact employees are more likely to be dissatisfied
with managerial attempts at direct control than are non-teleworking contact
employees. Teleworkers may view supervisory controls as signalling a lack of
trust and decrease in empowerment to perform their jobs. Ramaswami (1996)
found that service employees behave in dysfunctional ways when they are subject
to both output and behavioural controls. In a service environment remote from
direct supervisory observation, there exist many possibilities for teleworkers to
act in ways which further their personal interests but are harmful to long-term
190
organisational performance. For example, teleworkers may act to violate customer

privacy for personal gain where service encounters or record-keeping transactions
occur at an unsupervised location (Jensen 1993).
Bowen and Schneider (1988) conclude that the major challenge to service
management organisations is that each contact employee is relatively
uncontrollable; instead, management must take control of the situational
variables influencing employees to provide them with implicit direction. For
example, supervisors at Intel who discover employee output below objectives
will go out to observe what the teleworker is doing and learn whether the
results are due to a phenomenon of a specific situation, or whether there is a
problem with that particular teleworker (Taylor 1994). In addition to enhanced
feedback, communication, evaluation and relationship building, the supervisor
must encourage employee commitment in an environment more conducive to
a control strategy of management, one lacking the structural and sociocultural
support systems of the office workplace. Bowen and Schneider (1988) advocate
that service organisations holistically design all their sub-systems to create an
environment permeated with cues about the organisation’s emphasis on the
delivery of service and acceptable means for providing it. Employee behaviour
is then controlled by this service climate, culture, image, atmospherics, or ethic.
The separation of the teleworking environment from the office core makes it
difficult to reinforce a service culture as teleworkers are no longer physically
embedded in these central repositories of beliefs and values, and may feel
increasingly isolated from the organisation and fall outside the informal network
and socialisation process (Kurland 1994). To combat this problem, some
companies are increasing the amount of face-to-face meetings, social gatherings
and communication in general among supervisors and teleworkers (O’Connell
1996). US accounting firm Ernst and Young has tried to sustain its corporate
culture and provide a new social structure in its teleworking environment through
constant communication, training, career counselling and team-forming (Ogilvie
1994). Even the creation of an ‘electronic water cooler’, such as a network
bulletin board or chat room, can help to give teleworkers a frame of reference
with fellow employees and reinforce a sense of organisational culture that may
otherwise fragment (Kurland 1994).
Employee development and performance evaluation
Although high level management tends to assume that teleworking results in

increased overall satisfaction and thus is desired by the vast majority of employees,
decision-makers sometimes neglect to take into account specific aspects of the
job, work environment, or characteristics of individual employees that may
differentially cause dissatisfaction. In fact, prior studies have shown that negative
consequences generally aren’t considered at the organisational level beyond a
vague notion that ‘some employees may not function as well in the less structured
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work-at-home environment.’ (Ramsower 1985). The existing teleworking literature

constantly refers to the negative possibility that employees might become invisible,
or ‘out of sight, out of mind’, with regard to organisational development,
promotion, rewards, etc. Duxbury and Haines (1991) found that some employees
felt strongly that teleworking would impede their professional development and
threaten career opportunities. Olson and Primps (1984) noted that teleworkers
believed that working at home would adversely affect their chances for promotion.
This presents a challenge for the teleworking supervisor with regard to teleworker
morale and motivation.
Operationally, management of service employees may be negatively impacted
by supervisory fears of not being able to closely observe and monitor employees.
In general, experts suggest that teleworking supervisors learn to more effectively
manage outcomes. In a service context, this might hinder performance appraisal
if outcomes are difficult criteria by which to measure the quality of delivery
processes, relationship building and customer satisfaction. Such appraisal must
be based on operations as a process, viewed as a series of activities carried out
through customer interaction (Kullven and Mattsson 1994). One implication is
that supervisors may need to rely more on culture and climate than formal,
obtrusive control mechanisms to manage service employee behaviours (Bowen
1990), but this can be challenging in a teleworking environment. Another
consideration is that organisations increase control through initial staffing for
the teleworking positions, or by socialisation and training for the existing
employees (also a potentially formidable task with remote employees) (Bowen
and Schneider 1985).
Although employee satisfaction is critical to the long-term effectiveness of any
performance appraisal system, it has received relatively little attention. Employee
attitudes toward the fairness and acceptability of the system may determine the
ultimate success of performance appraisal (Dobbins et al. 1990), and will predict
how willing they are to ‘buy into’ the goals which they are expected to meet
(Harris 1988). Performance appraisal may be as important for HRM reasons
(e.g. making promotion decisions, employee feedback and development,
administrative decision-making, programme evaluation, documentation) as it is
for customer satisfaction (providing a feedback mechanism for perceptions of
employee satisfaction or dissatisfaction with organisational policies and procedures,
working conditions, etc.)
Research on teleworking has generally ignored the role that performance
appraisal systems (and teleworker acceptance of those systems) play in
affecting teleworking productivity and satisfaction (Hartman et al. 1991).
This seems to be an area where more investigation is needed. Management
appraisal researchers such as Judge and Farris (1993) suggested that
traditional approaches to performance appraisal may be inadequate when
the work of employees is unobserved, while Dobbins et al. (1990) found
that subordinates will not receive informal feedback when they are not closely
monitored and so will need more information from a formal performance
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appraisal system to evaluate the acceptability of their performance (perhaps

lacking a social comparison frame of reference). Thus, the authors found
that characteristics of performance appraisal that provide more information
and reduce uncertainty were more positively related to appraisal satisfaction.
Greenberg (1986) also noted the importance of rater familiarity with rate
performance as a positive influence on employee perceptions of fairness
with the performance appraisal system.
Perceptions of being isolated and ‘out of sight, out of mind’ suggest that
teleworking employees will be concerned with how their performance is evaluated
and which criteria are fairer: work-related behaviours or outcomes. Employees
may react negatively to outcome-based evaluations if they feel they are influenced
by factors beyond their control. Such sensitivity could be exacerbated when
employees feel that raters can’t observe potential barriers to performance that
might exist, or when the influence of the customer on the service encounter
outcome isn’t taken into account.
Zeithaml and Bitner (1995) note that in companies where customer
satisfaction in every encounter is a goal, there is often a need to adjust the
performance criteria from a total emphasis on productivity data and hard
numbers to other means of assessing performance. Current research in service
management suggests that output control alone may be insufficient when
employees are delivering a highly intangible service; customers increasingly
rely on employee behaviour as tangible, physical evidence for defining the reality
of the service (Bowen and Schneider 1985). In many service organisations,
output control systems may be inappropriate or insufficient for measuring
employee performance relating to provision of quality service because they
overlook key aspects of job performance that customers factor into service quality
perceptions (Zeithaml et al. 1988). Thus, evidence suggests that teleworking
employees would be more satisfied with rating criteria that considered their
controllable, but unobservable, behavioural outputs as well as the more
uncontrollable, but observable, objective outcomes. Teleworking contact
employees are more likely to perceive a combination of behavioural-based and
output-based performance evaluation criteria as fairer than output-based
performance evaluation criteria alone, due to the potential influence of
uncontrollable system factors.
Tansik (1990) presents guidelines that might apply to employees in a teleworking
environment, when employees have a high level of self-control over the work
process, and there is a high degree of customer-induced uncertainty concerning
the desired output. Tansik suggests that there is a significant problem in establishing
rigorous, quantifiable goals for that output and advocates that evaluation criteria
should be based on system effectiveness rather than efficiency measures. Tansik’s
system factors include customer satisfaction, and the question might be raised: is
this a result of the organisational system over which the employee has little control,
or the teleworking service sub-system which the employee to a large degree creates
and controls?
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Fairness perceptions and psychological contracts
There is ample evidence that fairness matters in service encounters, especially

in terms of employees’ perceptions of fairness regarding the organisation
and the supervisor (Clemmer 1993). Fairness in the workplace is a better
predictor of customer service behaviours and co-operation than job
satisfaction and employees who perceive a fair relationship with their
employer are more likely to go beyond typical role-prescribed behaviour in
providing service to both external and internal customers (Organ 1994).
Such fairness perceptions can be examined in the global context of employees’
psychological contracts. Psychological contracts are derived from employees’
perceived reciprocal expectations and obligations of their organisations not
explicitly stated in the employment contract (Robinson et al. 1994).
Psychological contracts are intact when employees perceive that employers
have upheld their promises and obligations, and contracts are breached when
employees perceive that such promises and obligations have been broken
and that their contributions to the organisation have not been adequately
reciprocated (Morrison and Robinson 1997). Employees’ cognitive
assessment of the status of their psychological contract leads to evaluations
of outcome fairness, or distributive justice. Research has shown that when
these contracts are intact, i.e., when both parties have upheld their ends,
employees perceive fairness in their relationship or interactions with
supervisors or the organisation (Rousseau 1995). Such perceptions have
been found to cognitively influence employee behaviour.
The implications for managing teleworking contact employees’ fairness
perceptions are profound. In a remote work environment, the fairness of
outcomes may be the only criteria by which these employees can judge the
intentions of the supervisor and organisation. There is less opportunity to assess
fairness of interaction or procedures, because they are less visible. The perceived
fairness of supervisors’ decisions and organisational policies significantly
influences employee behaviour. A key factor of these fairness perceptions is
whether the organisation has kept the promises that the employee perceives it
has made; such perceived promises may relate to supervisory support, accurate
performance evaluations, and opportunities for career development and
advancement. The inability for direct supervisory observation, lack of social
referent comparisons with co-workers, and external influence of customers
compounds the challenges for supervisors in upholding these perceived promises.
It may not be satisfactory for the supervisor to devise alternative methods for
achieving the organisation’s HRM objectives in a teleworking environment;
rather, it is more important to understand what the teleworking contact employee
expects from the organisation. Employees’ cognitive assessments of ‘broken
promises’ are likely to be stronger influences on their behaviour in a teleworking
environment lacking cues for structural reinforcement and deterrence from the
organisation.
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Characteristics of teleworking contact employee jobs
Teleworking contact employees’ fairness perceptions derived from their

psychological contracts influence their motivation to behave in a certain manner;
this behaviour is facilitated by certain characteristics of their teleworking contact
roles. Employees who work in positions which involve frequent contact with
external customers typically have roles and responsibilities distinct from
internally positioned employees who are ‘buffered’ from external customers.
Contact employees are described as being ‘on-stage’ or on the front lines in
dealing with customers, compared with non-contact employees who are ‘back-
stage’ or behind the scenes in supporting roles; both kinds of roles (direct support
and indirect support) contribute to effective customer service and satisfaction,
but it is contact employees who bridge the gap in the strategic value chain
between the organisation’s ‘production’ focus and the customers’ ‘consumption’
focus. In high-contact settings, contact employees help to reinforce prospective
customers’ positive expectations and to reduce their sense of uncertainty or
risk, by relaying realistic information about the actual service (Kingman-
Brundage et al. 1995) in ways that the organisation cannot. As such, contact
employees have influence over customer satisfaction beyond the quality of the
organisation’s outputs, and may be more difficult to closely supervise when
working on the front lines. In many service organisations, contact employees
are more likely to practice selfmanagement and have entrepreneurial-type
responsibilities. There is not a supervisor physically present in the teleworker–
customer dyad who can exercise ongoing, immediate quality control; teleworkers
are essentially acting alone (Bowen and Schneider 1988). This combination of
influence and autonomy affords teleworking contact employees a degree of
discretion in their behavioural choices, derived from the unique attributes of
their roles: boundary spanning, control and empowerment.
Boundary spanning
Teleworking contact employees span the boundary between the internal

organisation and external customers, delivering organisational products and
services to customers, and transmitting customer requests and feedback back to
the organisation. They are likely to be both physically and psychologically remote
from the organisation and closer to the customers they serve. Many teleworking
customer service workers have remarked that they are more responsive to
customers’ needs and feelings when stationed in their own homes (Piskurich
1996). Companies like Lotus Development Corp. and IBM have implemented
teleworking programmes with stated objectives to put employees closer to
customers and increase their interaction time (O’Connell 1996). Schneider and
Bowen (1995) note two important roles these teleworkers play for the organisation:
as impression managers their behaviour affects customers’ perceptions of service
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quality; and as gatekeepers of information they provide the organisation with

insights into customer attitudes, competitor information and ideas for service
quality improvements, while they provide customers with ‘inside’ information
about the organisation itself. Thus, these employees can embody the organisation
to customers, and they are often the best or only source of customer data to the
organisation (Bitner et al. 1994). Boundary-spanning teleworkers may become
even more powerful if the information they control is vital for organisational
survival (Aldrich and Herker 1977).
Teleworkers’ boundary-spanning roles are more sensitive to ideas of
management behavioural control. Restrictions on employee behaviour might
hinder the effectiveness of information flow and employees’ abilities to deal with
situational customer factors. The boundary-spanning roles themselves offer a
degree of autonomy to teleworkers by virtue of their proximity to customers and
shielding from management eyes; this is often enhanced with management policies
designed to empower contact employees to serve customers. In an era of increased
competition, flattened organisational hierarchies and shrinking layers of middle
management, organisations frequently empower teleworking contact employees
with more formal decision-making authority, to complement the informal power
and control they have over customer service encounters.
Control
It is important for the organisation to control every individual service encounter to

enhance overall customer perceptions of service quality, and focus on the controllable
elements at the point of interaction that may influence customer evaluations (Bitner
et al. 1990). However, it may not be clear who is most in control of a service
encounter in a teleworking environment: the organisation, the customer or the
teleworking contact employee. If the contact employee does gain more control
(either real or perceived) over the service encounter in a teleworking environment,
can the organisation and customer work within this framework to ensure effective
service delivery? Evidence suggests that customers like to be in control (Rafaeli
1989). It is logical that customers could perceive teleworking as decreasing the
complexity and structural differentiation of the service delivery process from the
organisational service provider’s perspective (Mills 1985). By perceptually removing
the presence of the organisational monolith, customers may come to regard the
teleworking service encounter as being on a more level playing field: a one-on-one
interaction on equal footing with the teleworking contact employee. Teleworking
contact employees also may rely more on the customer as ‘co-producer’ of the
service delivery without the constant physical and cultural reinforcement of
organisational support. At the same time, however, the customer may become
paradoxically more dependent on the individual teleworker, with the service
encounter truly facilitated by the employee’s work preparation. In that case, control
is shifted from the customer to the employee.
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Studies have found that contact employees are genuinely proud of their roles and
abilities to service customers (Bitner et al. 1994), and a partial source of that pride is
employees’ control over their jobs, which they perceive as encompassing service
encounters (Alpander 1991; Rafaeli 1989). Bitner et al. (1994) noted that service
employees feel especially frustrated when they cannot control the service encounter
enough to recover from a service failure or adjust the system to accommodate a
customer need. Having control enables employees to take appropriate action to create
customer satisfaction (Bitner et al. 1990). When service employees perceive that they
can act flexibly in problem situations, their perceived control increases and performance
improves (Zeithaml et al. 1988). Even in the absence of service failures, employees
may, in fact, increase their control of teleworking service encounters if they are better
able to ignore, reject, react to and educate the customer, overact, and physically control
the customer (Weatherly and Tansik 1993). Without close, direct supervision, such
control methods may be more easily enacted by teleworking contact employees. This
would decrease the control of the customer as well as that of the supervisor, whether
or not there has been a service failure. Bateson (1985) noted that employees’ need for
control is intrinsically motivating, and the organisation must find ways to balance
their need for control with operational efficiency, which may require control-oriented
operating procedures and environment.
Empowerment
Bowen and Lawler (1992) noted that empowerment is a common issue among
most excellent service organisations. Empowerment means sharing power,
information, rewards and knowledge with the actual employees who conduct the
service encounters. It can enable employees to provide quicker on-line responses
to customer needs and to dissatisfied customers (Bowen and Lawler 1992). It can
also help service employees to recover from service failures and delight customers
by exceeding their expectations (Bowen and Lawler 1995). Alpander (1991)
suggests that empowerment may be successful because it helps employees fulfil
their need to control the work they are doing, and to influence a situation or
another individual’s thinking, attitude or behaviour.
When managed effectively, empowered teleworkers can achieve gains for the
organisation and customers, such as improving service delivery efficiency and
contributing productive ideas. However, there is caution that empowerment can
only be successful when employees and management trust each other (Berry
1995). In customer-focused organisations, the ability of management to develop
and preserve long-term, trusting relationships with employees is a critical
component of their long-run success (Strutton et al. 1993). The organisation must
be able to trust employees to act on the customer’s behalf and not abuse their
position in the service management process. Teleworkers, from a distance, must
be able to trust that the organisation is working on their behalf and not pursuing
its own political agendas. Berry (1995) points out that managers will not give
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power to employees without trust, and employees will not accept it without trusting
management’s intentions. The issue of power and control in the hands of
empowered teleworkers can worry managers who fear that the employees will
give away too much to customers. In reality, contact employees have a natural
degree of power and control over customer service encounters, whether or not
there are well-designed, systematically implemented organisational practices and
procedures of empowerment. This power and control may be augmented by the
remote and autonomous nature of teleworking.
Front-line teleworking contact employees manage themselves to a significant
degree in creating value for their customers. Although the best teleworking contact
employees will be empowered self-leaders, at the same time empowerment may not
be right for everyone. Teleworkers will react positively to empowerment if they
have strong needs to grow and to deepen and test their abilities (Bowen and Lawler
1992). Teleworking doesn’t simply empower employees because they are physically
separated from the office infrastructure. In fact, it doesn’t necessarily even make
employees more autonomous unless they are given the power to make decisions on
their own, the knowledge necessary to help the customer by themselves, the ability
to design and attain their own rewards, and information of how they contribute to
overall organisational results (Schneider and Bowen 1995). The organisation’s
teleworking structures, practices and policies must clearly show employees that
they are empowered to deal effectively with customers (Bowen and Lawler 1995).
Effective service management requires the active management of both the
empowerment process and the overall service delivery system. Many empowerment
programmes fail when they focus on power without also redistributing organisational
information, knowledge and rewards for service performance that balances
organisational and customer interests. Contact employees may receive formal power
to act as ‘customer advocates’, doing whatever it takes to please customers, but
may not receive the necessary training to act as responsible business people (Bowen
and Lawler 1995). This might even lead to creative rule breaking by contact
employees, which can cause major problems for the organisation.
Potential consequences of teleworking service management
The complementary natures of telework and service management offer potential for
organisational success through integration of the two approaches. Many of the process
improvement objectives of telework are aligned with the customer-focused objectives of
service management. However, the organisation must be careful to consider the role
played by teleworking contact employees, and the expectations they may have.
Teleworking service management can enable motivated employees to exhibit exceptional
levels of customer service and positive behaviour toward the organisation, or it can
enable de-motivated employees to exhibit some dysfunctional behaviours toward
customers and the organisation. Such dysfunctional behaviours are made even more
insidious by the remote nature of telework, because they may not be detected immediately;
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by the time they are detected, irreparable damage may have been done to customer
relationships and the organisation’s image and profitability.
Discretionary service behaviour
There potentially exist many types of behaviours that teleworking contact employees
may choose to exhibit but that are not easily regulated, measured or monitored.
These employees may have more personal control or discretion over the type and
extent of behaviour they exhibit, as well as how, when, where, and at whom the
behaviour is directed. These behaviours are uniquely influenced by teleworkers’ roles
as boundary spanners: the teleworking contact employee may mediate the
organisation–customer exchange to the extent that internal organisational members
never work directly with external customers. In this context, teleworkers have discretion
regarding their behavioural output; in a sense, they are free to choose from a menu of
service behaviours when working with customers. These service behaviours are based
on teleworkers’ individual choice, judgement, latitude or ability to make responsible
decisions – in effect, they are ‘discretionary’. Such discretionary service behaviours
are more difficult for organisations to manage (or even to be aware of), and could
have a more profound impact on organisational effectiveness than monitored employee
behaviours (Blancero and Johnson 1997).
Teleworking contact employees who perceive an intact psychological contract
with their organisation and a sense of fairness may be inclined to exhibit positive
discretionary behaviours, i.e. do things to help both customers and the organisation
whether or not it is explicitly part of their job. Teleworkers who perceive a breached
psychological contract with the organisation may choose to remedy this unfairness
by exhibiting negative discretionary service.
By nature of their boundary-spanning, empowered job roles, teleworking contact
employees will be more likely to direct retaliatory discretionary service behaviour
toward external customers, even in response to perceived internal injustice, with
the intent of hurting the organisation. In a customer service context, teleworkers
usually have more discretion and control over external structural job characteristics
and interpersonal relationships than they have over internal job characteristics
and relationships. That is, they may be freer to exhibit both functional and
dysfunctional behaviours externally (in terms of impact to the customer and/or
the organisation) than they would be inside the organisation (due to direct
supervision, organisational culture, work group norms, written regulations and
policies, etc.). When teleworkers need to ‘voice’ their remedy or retaliation to
perceived internally generated inequities, they are more likely to direct their
behaviours (which are likely to be negative) externally in many situations for
several reasons (Blancero et al. 1996).
Teleworkers directly influence and, to an extent, control external customer
relationships, whereas the same employees may feel relatively powerless,
anonymous or ineffectual in an organisationally dominated relationship. Robinson
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et al. (1994) note that employees may perceive themselves as powerless to effect
change in their employers’ behaviour, and thus may simply adjust their own
perceived obligations in order to redress the situation. In this case, contact
employees are likely to believe that externally directed discretionary service
behaviours will have more of an impact on ‘redressing’ the situation, because
they can be more easily targeted, observed, measured and controlled than internally
directed behaviours.
In one sense, these discretionary service behaviours may be viewed as an outlet
for teleworkers expressing appreciation or co-operation (positive) or retaliation
(negative), depending upon the nature of the antecedents. Negative discretionary
service behaviours detract from the work-related output of employees, and may
include escape from work, defiance, resistance to authority, aggression and revenge
(Blancero and Johnson 1997). This could result in teleworkers’ destructive behaviour,
damaging organisational profitability as well as customer satisfaction. Greenberg’s
(1990) research suggests that employees who perceive organisational inequity may
either react with aggressive acts or attempt to adjust the balance of resources in
their favour. In seeking to retaliate against perceived outcome unfairness by the
organisation, teleworking contact employees may resort to such negative activities
as sabotage of organisational equipment, providing intentionally damaged or inferior
products or services to customers, or misrepresenting the organisation in such a
way as to have a negative impact on both organisation and customers. Negative
behaviours may also involve the exercise of discretion by employees who have not
been empowered to do so by the organisation, or the use of criteria in exercising
discretion that are unacceptable to the organisation. Ashforth and Lee (1990) describe
discretionary defensive behaviours that may be directed toward customers, such as
over conforming (working to rules), passing the buck, and playing dumb. Bitner et
al. (1990) cite possible examples of discretionary service behaviour such as profanity,
yelling and rudeness. Such negatively intended behaviour detracts from the work-
related output of agents, would likely result in major losses of customer satisfaction
and resultant decreases in organisational profitability, both short and long term.
Organisational reputations regarding customer service are very difficult to repair
once they are damaged.
‘Tele-shirking’
The remote work environment and technological support enjoyed by teleworking

contact employees also provides them with the potential to exhibit negative
behaviour in the form of shirking their job responsibilities. Instead of teleworking,
there may be ‘tele-shirking’. Tele-shirkers may take advantage of a lack of direct
observation to dupe their supervisors into believing they are actually working,
while simultaneously avoiding contact with their customers. Research has shown
that contact employees use a variety of discretionary tactics to control their
encounters with customers, including ignoring, avoiding, stalling and distracting
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them, and exerting physical control over elements of the service environment
(Ashforth and Lee 1990; Rafaeli 1989; Shamir 1980; Weatherly and Tansik
1993). In a teleworking environment, employees may invoke electronic options
to achieve these negative behaviours, for example, sending all incoming calls to
voice-mail; not answering a page or fax; or manipulating a computer program to
falsify on-line productivity counts. Teleworkers may also take excessive amounts
of time to return calls from customers or respond to requests from supervisors.
Tele-shirking may not be an ideal long-term situation for a teleworking contact
employee seeking to retaliate against the organisation, because of outcome
performance measurements that are likely to reveal inactivity; however, teleworkers
may still do a considerable amount of damage to the organisation’s image and
customer relationships, by shifting blame for poor performance to the organisation,
in the eyes of the customer.
Imbalanced relationships
Teleworking contact employees must manage relationships with their customers

and their organisation. The organisation must also manage its relationships with
employees and customers; in a teleworking environment, this may require the
organisation to manage its customer relationships through its employees. However,
as previously noted, teleworking contact employees move physically and
psychologically away from the organisation (as represented by the office structure
and interaction with supervisors and co-workers) while moving virtually closer
along these lines to customers. The teleworkers may tend to lose their identity
and connection with a fragmented corporate culture (Kurland 1994). In lieu of
organisational social structures, teleworking contact employees may seek to
compensate by networking and socialising with customers. An alternative
perspective of employee–customer relationships suggests that customers may serve
as substitutes for leadership of the contact employees (Schneider and Bowen
1995), which may be especially applicable in a remotely supervised teleworking
environment. This combination of relational forces presents the opportunity for
teleworking contact employees to establish stronger relationships with customers
than with the organisation. When used positively, such relationships may result
in increased customer loyalty and satisfaction. However, there also exists the
potential for abuse of the close employee–customer relationship. Negatively
motivated teleworkers may conceivably collaborate with like-minded customers
to deceive or defraud the organisation, or could even form a partnership with
customers in competition with the organisation.
In a well-managed teleworking service environment, the relationships among
the organisation, the employees and the customers should be balanced as much as
possible. The ideal service encounter balances the customer and employee needs
for control with the customer and organisational needs for efficiency. No single
relationship (organisation–employee, employee–customer, customer– organisation)
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can dominate the service delivery process for the organisation to be completely
successful over the long term. All three parties should have input into the design of
the service delivery process, and this would include input into the teleworking
service management process as well. Balanced input and agreement among the
parties can help to satisfy their respective needs. Schneider and Bowen (1995)
noted that agreement between perceptions of management’s desired flexibility,
employees’ desired flexibility, and customers’ desired flexibility resulted in greater
employee satisfaction and better customer-reported service quality. Potential
teleworking contact employees who are resistant to change or threatened by the
loss of status and tradition associated with the central office may become more
receptive to working remotely if they are made to feel that their input is valued and
they are involved in helping to design the new teleworking programmes.
Summary and conclusion
This chapter discusses an integrated framework of teleworking and service

management. The rationale for such an integrated approach and its potential
benefits are apparent in both the research being done in each of these areas and
in practical application by US companies like AT&T, Bell Atlantic, IBM, Hewlett-
Packard and MCI (Blodgett 1995; Ditlea 1995; Jensen 1993; Piskurich 1996).
However, less apparent and less well investigated are the organisational challenges
and potential behavioural consequences associated with management of
teleworking contact employees. These employees are moving physically and
psychologically away from the organisation and closer to their customers.
Characteristics of teleworking service jobs such as boundary spanning,
empowerment and control over service encounters enhance employees’ autonomy
and discretion. Supervisors can no longer rely on direct methods of employee
observation, control and evaluation. Instead, supervisors must be able to
understand and manage the organisational factors that influence teleworking
contact employees’ behaviour. Employee perceptions of fairness underlie much
of their motivation and behaviour. Supervisors need to take steps to ensure that
their decisions are perceived as fair; they must find ways to convey the fairness of
decision processes and communication as well, not an easy task in a remote work
environment. One way to learn more about individual employees’ fairness
perceptions is to become aware of their psychological contracts, the promises
they believe the organisation has made to them. The management of employees’
fairness perceptions and psychological contracts is controllable by the organisation,
through its HRM programmes. Without a thorough understanding of these
elements, there is no guarantee that teleworking contact employees won’t exhibit
negative behaviours that are detrimental to customer perceptions of service quality
and organisational profitability.
The implementation of a teleworking environment for service delivery is a
balancing act among the organisation, employee and customer. First, the needs of
202
each party must be considered. The organisation may need to use flexible work
arrangements to recruit and retain the best service workers, addressing their personal
as well as work needs by becoming a preferred employer (Zeithaml and Bitner
1995). Not all contact employees may be equally productive in a teleworking
environment. There may be certain customer situations where employees with
stronger social needs could be effective in building relationships with customers
but less so in working independently away from the office social structure.
Organisations should also consider differential customer needs for either relationship-
based or transactional service encounters when making staffing decisions. Customer
satisfaction may be enhanced through more personalised attention, and the flexibility
of teleworking could allow employees to allocate time as needed to different
customers. Yet not all customers want the efficiency and predictability of a service
to be jeopardised by a personalisation strategy. According to Surprenant and Solomon
(1987), all forms of service personalisation by employees do not necessarily result
in more positive evaluations by customers of the service offered. Quality customer
service is viewed as customers receiving the level of service they desire; this entails
service employees being sensitive to customer wishes (George and Jones 1991).
Organisations shouldn’t assume that all customers want or need empowered
teleworking contact employees who may feel closer to them.
There is no solid evidence that teleworking productivity increases remain
permanent over time, so other factors may be necessary reinforcers to ensure
service quality. The service encounter can be standardised to some extent by the
influence of the organisational climate and culture on the delivery employee; but
the encounters will not be homogeneous, based on decreased influence of the
organisation and the increased influence of employee and customer characteristics.
Because the teleworking contact employees and customers can build closer
relationships, it is likely that this employee–customer interaction will characterise
the nature of the teleworking service delivery process more than the organisation-
employee or supervisor–employee interaction. Regardless of how the teleworking
service process is developed, the bottom line is that the teleworking environment
must produce a seamless service encounter for the customer.
To be effectively integrated in a service management framework, teleworking
must aid in effective recruitment, eliminate role ambiguity and role conflict,
capitalise on good employee–technology job fit, provide appropriate HRM systems
and enhance empowerment and teamwork (Zeithaml et al. 1988). The organisation
must fully balance its reasons for using teleworking service management in the
first place. The right reasons are driven by employee and customer needs before
organisational needs such as cost reduction and regulatory compliance.
Teleworking is not an end in itself, and should not be viewed as an organisational
panacea (Whiting 1995). It can be a tool for improving service delivery and must
be aligned with customer-driven service designs and standards while strongly
considering employee factors. The study of virtual work environments must extend
beyond internal management issues in order to assess its full potential as a tool
for achieving organisational goals. Since the nature of teleworking makes it well
203
suited for service delivery, the research must focus externally to include the effects
of teleworking on the customer as well as the organisation and employee.
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12
PLANNING FOR TELEWORK
Lois M. Goldman and Benjamin A. Goldman
Introduction: the role of planners
If more widespread telework is to bring benefits to urban areas, an important role

must be played by city planners. A strong planning approach is required here
because, without deliberate attention to broader social objectives, the potential
benefits of telework are too often realised only by private individuals and
corporations. A planner’s fundamental responsibility, in contrast, is to identify
long-term goals for a city and the steps needed to achieve them (Bettman 1928).
Planners seek to maximise the efficient use of public resources, reduce the
inequalities of imperfect market competition for public goods and services and
provide forums for broadening public discussion of policy choices. Hence planners
have an important and fundamental interest in helping cities plan for the potentially
profound effects that this new information technology could have on the quality
of urban life and work.
Transportation planners have in fact been interested in telework since the
1970s because of its potential to reduce the costs of traffic congestion, energy use,
air pollution, and transportation infrastructure. Yet a variety of other effects of
telework – positive and negative, direct and indirect – have risen to the forefront
of planners’ concerns today. Telework could provide important employment
opportunities and higher incomes for the urban poor, for example, but it could
also exacerbate decentralisation and urban sprawl. Telework will clearly become
an increasingly important issue for city planners if the practice grows as
dramatically as is projected. Jack Nilles, for example, who coined the phrase
‘telecommute’ in 1973, estimates that as many as 50 million Americans will be
telecommuting from home or from an off-site telework centre by the year 2030
(Nilles 1991).
The work of planning professionals is integral to achieving the more complex
advantages and avoiding the more dire social costs of these revolutionary new work
technologies. This chapter reviews what planners in the United States are currently
doing to help cities adjust to and influence the effects of telework. It then presents a
series of recommendations for overcoming various obstacles to more effective telework
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planning in the future. Finally, it examines the significant potential of telework centres
to direct benefits of telework to city residents and communities that the marketplace
for new information technologies would otherwise bypass.
Telework planning in practice
Planners in federal, state and local governments, as well as in private organisations

are involved in a variety of initiatives involving telework. Telework is seen as an
important tool for reducing air pollution and traffic congestion, providing
emergency relief, and improving worker productivity.
Federal government agencies operate several telework centres, and allow almost
any interested federal employee to telecommute from home. The US government
hopes for 60,000 federal teleworkers, or 3 per cent of its workforce, in the near
future (US General Services Administration 1995). A wide variety of prominent
national policies, involving, for example, climate change, transportation planning
and government efficiency, highlight incentives for telework.
Several state governments are beginning to subsidise telecommunications
infrastructure programmes to lay the technological foundations for future telework.
Transportation planners in state governments are starting to include telework in
models that predict reduction in pollution and traffic congestion from various
traffic mitigation measures. Demonstration projects in the states of California,
Washington, Utah and Florida, for example, have shown significant improvements
in air quality, commuting time and worker productivity.
To date, the widest implementation of telework planning at the local level has
been for natural and man-made emergencies. California’s geological instability,
for example, has led that state to the incorporation of telework in earthquake
response plans (Edge Work Group Computing Report 1995). The federal
government, with donated equipment from AT&T, temporarily opened several
telework centres in Oklahoma City following the 1995 bombing of a federal
building there, and many corporations expanded their telework programmes in
Atlanta during the 1996 Olympics.
While these public sector initiatives are promising, the private sector accounts
for most of the U S growth in telework. Employers in the aerospace,
pharmaceuticals, travel, software, banking and other industries have telework
programmes. Two-thirds of ‘Fortune 1,000’ companies have telework programmes,
largely because of anticipated savings and productivity gains (Goldman 1995).
Overcoming barriers to telework
Several barriers are preventing planners, and the public sector more generally, from
integrating telework into many more policy areas than those now taking place.
Policy revisions are needed for zoning regulations to allow working at home, for
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tax laws to give employers and employees incentives to telecommute, for public
investments in telework-related infrastructures, and for combating market-based
inequities in the distribution of telecommunications infrastructure. Our suggestions
in these areas are intended to engage the planning profession more fully in capturing
the benefits and ameliorating the negative aspects of telework.
City and town planners need to revise outdated or unreasonably restrictive
zoning regulations on homework. An American Planning Association survey
found that ‘many of the changes in the nature of the workplace have occurred so
rapidly that local zoning regulations have not caught up with them’ (Herbers
1986). Chicago, for example, had zoning ordinances until the 1980s that banned
‘the installation of any mechanical or electrical equipment customarily incident
to the practice of a profession’, making it a technical violation of the zoning code
to own a home computer or fax machine. To make matters worse, in many cases
the self-policing nature of American zoning laws (regulations are enforced only
when neighbours complain), inequitably discriminates against homework or
favours more traditional work-at-home jobs. Appropriate zoning for telework
would allow homeowners to combine state-of-the-art telecommunications
connections with other design elements conducive to a homework environment.
A suburban Lynwood Illinois development, for example, accommodates
homeworkers with ‘dual zoning’ that allows for a residence in front and a business
structure at the back of each one-acre lot (Butler 1988). Revising commercial and
residential zoning regulations to reflect current telework practises will not only
encourage teleworking, but will also be likely to enhance property values
significantly (Mokhtarian 1995).
Telework would also get a boost from tax laws that allow home office deductions
for teleworkers and tax credits for employers with teleworkers. In 1993, the US
Supreme Court severely curtailed the availability of home office deductions
(Commissioner v. Soliman (1993) 113 S. Ct. 701) by denying them to an anaesthesiologist
on the grounds that his home was not his primary place of business, despite the fact
that the three hospitals where he worked did not provide an office for him to
prepare bills, use the telephone, or review patient records (New Jersey Law Journal
1993). Federal bills to liberalise eligibility rules for home office deductions, as well
as employer tax credits for home- and centre-based teleworkers have been proposed
but not enacted as of this writing (see Congressional Information Service 1995;
Gillis 1996). Other tax reforms are also needed: private employers should receive
tax incentives for leasing telework centre work stations in distressed neighbourhoods,
for training workers for telework centre employment and for hiring former public
assistance recipients into telework positions.
On the spending side, incorporating telecommunications infrastructure
development into the American process of city master plans would enable planners
to help communities better accommodate telework and overcome major problems
associated with traditional telecommunications development. City master plans have
historically provided an important avenue for public participation in determining the
future shape of urban infrastructures. Telecommunications infrastructure development,
209
on the other hand, has primarily been the result of private, supply-side approaches
(as in ‘build-it-and-they-will-come’). Most researchers in the field conclude that this
market approach has failed to accommodate the many more job functions that could
be done remotely with faster and more reliable telecommunications connections (US
Department of Transportation 1993). Demand-driven planning, such as that which
occurs with city master plans, in contrast, would provide ongoing opportunities for
diverse users, providers and other community interests to influence decisions in a
more timely and forward-looking manner. Cornell University and the California-
based non-profit Center for the New West, for example, have developed such a
demand-driven approach to telecommunications planning that encourages policy-
makers, business and community leaders and residents to make proactive requests
for needed services from telecommunications providers, rather than limiting public
decision-making input to accepting or rejecting provider-initiated proposals (Center
for the New West 1995).
Without government intervention, locational advantages from telework – along
with all other telecommunications technologies – will continue to concentrate in
more affluent white neighbourhoods in the US, exacerbating economic and social
inequities. The geographic distribution of new telecommunications infrastructure
is significant to planning, because this infrastructure inequality has the potential
to contribute substantially to an area’s economic downfall. As William J. Mitchell
states in City of Bits:
If the value of real estate in the traditional urban fabric is determined

by location, location, location (as property pundits never tire of
repeating), then the value of a network connection is bandwidth,
bandwidth, bandwidth. Accessibility is redefined; tapping directly
into a broadband data highway is like being on Main Street, but a
low baud-rate connection puts you out in the boonies . . . The bondage
of bandwidth is displacing the tyranny of distance, and a new economy
of land use and transportation is emerging.
(1995: 17)
Several cities and states have developed telecommunications infrastructures that

try to level access to employment opportunities. While some of these projects
include telework as a stated goal, most undertake telecommunications
modernisation as a way to attract and retain businesses, needed services,
government access, or libraries.
Teleport development is perhaps the most visible and widespread effort. A
teleport is a facility that provides a variety of advanced communications services
including satellite connections and ISDN lines that local businesses can plug
into. The first teleport in the United States opened on Staten Island in New York
City in 1983. Since then, over 100 US cities have sponsored teleports, often in
partnership with private investors. Teleports are developed to keep jobs in an
area, to attract new businesses, to provide modern telecommunications
210
infrastructure, and to revitalise economically depressed areas (Schmandt et al.

1989). It is unclear, however, whether teleports offer cities a form of locational
advantage, or if they simply offer businesses a way to bypass existing
telecommunications infrastructures (Graham 1992). This is precisely the kind of
infrastructure development that would benefit from more demand-driven
approaches to policy formation, implementation and evaluation.
Bringing telework to the city
The development of multi-purpose telework centres, especially in high-density

residential areas, is a logical telework mode for cities to promote. Within the
context of a demand-driven approach to their development, telework centres
provide an excellent example of a convenient way for cities to overcome many of
the obstacles that prevent effective telework planning. Unlike teleports, which
are primarily the product of supply-side technology development, the development
of telework centres responds to a mix of market and community demands. They
have great potential to enhance economic competitiveness while revitalising
distressed communities, and providing employment possibilities and welfare
improvements for poorer city residents.
Multi-purpose telework centres are the urban equivalent of earlier European
telecottages that began in 1985 in Scandinavia and spread quickly throughout
Europe. Telecottages are small, mostly rural, multi-service facilities equipped with
work stations and advanced telecommunications. Rather than serving
geographically isolated rural areas, in contrast, US telework centres offer access
and the promise of community revitalisation to economically isolated inner-city
residents. They provide ‘a robust model for success in remote work facilities’,
according to scholars Bagley, Mannering and Mokhtarian (1994).
When located in low-income, city-centre neighbourhoods, multi-purpose
telework centres offer much more than a direct increase in employment
opportunities. They can act as stable anchor tenants in a failing building or
struggling section of a central business district, attracting pedestrian traffic and
auxiliary businesses, and thereby improving safety. They can also provide access
to a wide variety of services. The US General Accounting Office (1995: 24), for
example, recommends co-locating federal, state and local government personnel
in order to provide one-stop advice about public assistance, immigration,
naturalisation and passport services, as well as related programmes regarding
educational and job training opportunities, access to affordable housing and crime
prevention. Community-based multi-purpose telework centres should also offer
child-care facilities, and telemedicine or medical clinics.
The costs of such facilities are moderate relative to their potential impact. In a
study of eight private-sector telework centres by Bagley, et al. (1994), start-up
investments ranged from $120,000 to $425,000 dollars, with monthly operating
expenses in the range of $6,600 to $18,900 dollars. Monthly median rent for a
211
work station was only $100, ranging from nought to $850 depending on the
centre and tenant. Government funding for telework centres subsidised 30 per
cent to 100 per cent of start-up costs, with the expectation that they would soon
become self-sufficient. At a minimum, the telework component of these centres
includes very basic equipment, such as telephones, paper and pencil, computers
and modems. Jobs such as telemarketer, hotel reservationist, word-processor and
data entry clerk are obvious candidates for such remote site work, along with
necessary supervisory staff.
Employers benefit from this arrangement with property cost savings and
improved productivity after a period of initial training and acclimatisation.
Productivity improvements can result from tapping under-utilised labour markets,
and from several advantages for employees from telework centres, such as easy
commutes and on-site child-care. Several studies document 10 per cent to 30 per
cent gains in productivity from telework (Fleming 1989). Ultimately, success at
such centres depends upon the ability to attract and retain private firms, especially
small companies. Small business tenants are important because so much US
employment growth occurs in companies with fewer than fifty employees. In
addition to the financial incentives discussed, small businesses that work with
government agencies would benefit from the close proximity of agency personnel
using nearby work stations.
Telework centres located in low-income residential areas may prove to be an
important link in the successful transition from dependence on public assistance
to financial independence for many poor citizens. Ten million out of the thirteen
million Americans on public assistance are being required to work in order to
continue receiving government subsidies as a result of recent welfare reform
initiatives (Office of Management and Budget 1996). These attempts at reform
will meet with only limited success without innovative ways to increase educational
and employment opportunities for welfare recipients, many of whom lack basic
skills, reliable transportation and affordable day care for their children. Often,
public transportation into the central business district from these areas is
inconvenient and expensive, making jobs downtown difficult to obtain and keep.
Telework centres would help overcome these barriers to productive employment.
Telework centres offer jobs within the neighbourhood that often pay more and
provide greater security than entry-level jobs in retail stores or restaurants.
Home-based telework, on the other hand, is relatively impractical in many
inner-city areas for a variety of physical and sociological reasons. Apartments are
often too small to have a dedicated work space, and burglary rates are often high,
making companies unwilling to locate equipment in these homes. Daytime
conditions may not be conducive to working because of noise or other distractions.
While telework centres solve these problems, there are still other concerns
associated with working conditions at these centres. Labour unions, for example,
feel threatened by the potential for teleworkers to be hired as contractors rather
than employees, adding pressure to the growing US trend toward contract work,
which now comprises 10 per cent to 15 per cent of the US workforce (Coates
212
1992). US employers are not required to provide social security contributions,

workers’ compensation payments, or fringe benefits such as health insurance to
contract or contingent workers. Remote site workers in the urban telework centres
may be particularly vulnerable to such inferior employment status. To counteract
this problem, potential telework centre employer tenants could be screened for
commitments to liveable wages, benefits and employee career advancement.
Planning for telework’s double edge
Investment in telecommunications technology and telework centres to facilitate

telework is a double-edged sword. Widespread telework could drain cities of
jobs, revenues and vitality by freeing companies and employees from the need to
be close to the central business district. With proper planning, however, telework
could divert new employment and educational opportunities to cities. Advanced
urban telecommunications infrastructure can also provide locational advantages
for urban areas hoping to attract and retain technologically sensitive businesses.
Technological approaches such as improving telecommunications infrastructure
will not encourage telework in an urban area by itself. Technology can influence
social change, but it rarely determines it. Most private demands for investments
to upgrade telecommunications infrastructure come from the most sophisticated
users who are pushing the limits of existing technology. Public investments,
however, are needed for the least sophisticated users, in order to meet policy
goals such as reducing government dependency and promoting community
revitalisation.
The role of city planners vis-à-vis telework is to propose ways to use the public
powers of regulation and taxation to secure the most benefits from telework
arrangements for cities and their residents. Without the input of planning
professionals, the benefits of telework will flow primarily towards suburban and
rural areas, bypassing cities altogether. Deliberate planning of the kind described
in this chapter is required for telework to aid urban economic development,
rather than merely robbing cities of the best and the brightest workers.
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13
FLEXIBLE WORK AND TRAVEL

BEHAVIOUR
A research framework
Ann M. Brewer and David A. Hensher
Background: the changing spatial and temporal

dimension of work activity
Reflecting on the 1960s and 1970s reveals an era characterised by a rigidity of

working hours, a predominance of full-time employment, one-worker households
and an employer requirement to have people physically located at their place of
work. This era preceded fax, mobile phones, computer networks and electronic
mail. The absence of information technology and telecommunications was offset
by the predominance of central business districts in providing employment
opportunities. Against this context, relatively low personal incomes, location-
and labour-intensive work practices worked well to assist the case for substantial
public transport services (especially rail-based in the larger urban areas).
The ‘on-line work community’ emerged during the 1980s and expanded
dramatically in the 1990s, as information and telecommunication technology
produced a new set of opportunities and constraints leading to a new order in the
labour market. At the same time, there has been a growing desire and ability for
people to purchase increasing levels of mobility in order to increase access to an
ever-expanding choice set of activities. The flexibility of automobility has provided
the nucleus of technology to satisfy the travel preferences of the population for
commuting and non-commuting activity (Hensher 1993). With increased access
to information and telecommunications technology (mobile phones, fax, e-mail,
etc.) and the geographic dispersal of workplaces, it is no longer necessary for all
work activities to be physically located at the main employment location.
A forerunner of this new order in Australia was the increased participation of
women in the workforce, part time and full time (Table 13.1) and significant
microeconomic reform (award restructuring, enterprise bargaining, downsizing),
215
Table 13.1 Australian labour force participation and work schedules
Source: ABS Cat. 6203
(ii) Hours worked by employed persons (’000)

* In 1975, the age ranges 1–15 and 16–29 were combined. Likewise for ranges 41–44 and 45–48.
(iii) Average weekly hours worked by employment category, 1975–95
216
FLEXIBLE WORK AND TRAVEL BEHAVIOU R
all of which have heavily impacted men’s participation rates. In line with these
trends, there has been a significant change in work attitudes with both employers
and workers prepared to participate in more flexible forms of work organisation
and arrangements characterised by part-time and contract work. With the support
of labour unions, alternative work schedules are increasingly offered to employees
giving greater scope for both extending the actual hours of business operation
and defining work hours, the work ‘week’, as well as the location of work activity.
In Australia, there is a long-term trend to shorter standard weekly, annual and
lifelong working times (Dawkins and Barker 1987) with a mix of polarised and
redistributed reductions in working time. The reduction in working time is not a
uniform trend. Polarisation involves continuation of long work hours for some
and few work hours for others; redistribution involves shorter working hours
which are widespread on a sufficient scale to counteract job loss, leading to a
society enriched by the spread of ‘liberated time’ (Tracy and Lever-Tracy 1991).
This increasing heterogeneity away from a classical work schedule has produced
a significant change in the composition of the workforce with respect to age,
gender and education.
Transport
Despite the fact that very little has been quantified, there is an expanding literature
which suggests the potential causal linkages between alternative organisational
structure, work organisation, flexible work arrangements, travel behaviour and
environmental impact. The importance of these relationships is highlighted by
increasing evidence that the greatest potential for reducing greenhouse gas
emissions and local air pollution due to the automobile, in particular and all
passenger transport in general, is through improvements in automobile technology
and flexible work arrangements. The latter is defined spatially and temporally in
its most broadest sense (Hensher 1993). Although each unit of automobile
technology is contributing less pollution in the 1990s than in previous decades,
the ever-increasing number of cars on the roads and the growth in annual
kilometres travelled means that improvements in air quality are likely to be short
lived (Hensher et al. 1995). One important way to address this significant problem
is to investigate travel behaviour associated with commuting and the implications
of substitution of non-commuting travel activity for ‘saved’ commuting activity
under alternative work practices. The majority of these journeys are by car with
a decline in public transport usage (Table 13.2).
Commuting behaviour is associated strongly with changing work practices
producing a shift in commuting (and non-commuting) behaviour. As work practices
are becoming more flexible and information based, and urban decentralisation
continues with jobs following people, the radially biased high-density public transport
corridors are losing their growth opportunities (even though preserving in many
instances their patronage). While public transport is more frequently used to travel
217
Table 13.2 Urban travel activity in Australia, 1971–91
Source: Cosgrove and Gargett 1992

* Passenger kilometres
into city centres, the average duration of the journey length is longer, acting as a
deterrent rather than an incentive. It is too early to predict whether increased labour
market flexibility will work against the future of public transport, especially modes
of transport which require a relatively dense corridor of movement activity to be
economically and environmentally sustainable.
Golob (University of California, also Irvine – in personal communication)
suggests that telecommuting monitored in California could reduce vehicle
kilometres by as much as 10 per cent. In an Australian study, this is indicated by
over four trips per day and 70 kilometres (RTA 1994). The implications of these
trends for greenhouse gas emissions and air quality are ambiguous and need
careful assessment (Nilles 1991). The ambiguity is in part due to the relationship
between commuting and non-commuting travel activity, the interrelationships
between activities of household members, (particularly but not exclusively in the
case of workers) and the suburbanisation of workplaces. The last opens up
opportunities for deeper suburbanisation of residential location given the
phenomenon of time budgeting. To take a real example, a two-worker household
with children at different schools:
218
Currently one worker has a multi-purpose city commute of 20 kilometres one

way, dropping off a child at school en route to the regular workplace. The other worker
has a part-time job within 4 kilometres from home, uses a bus and starts at 10.00
a.m., finishing at 1.00 p.m. The other child is driven to a local bus stop to catch a
school bus (the trip is 12 kilometres one way). Suppose the full-time employee opts
for a 4-day working week, taking every Friday off and working 10 hours each day.
They no longer take the child to school because they leave too early and get home
too late. The first child now catches a local bus 5 days per week. The commute to the
city now has a lower vehicle occupancy for much of the trip. On the day off the
amount of driving is less but the number of trips (hence cold and hot starts) is double
that of the commute, even though total kilometres have reduced a little. The part-
time worker takes the car for the 3 hours on the other worker’s day off, instead of
using the bus. The opportunity to telecommute for two days for the full-time worker
subsequently is used to justify a residential location change further from the city,
which increases vehicle kilometres per trip but reduces the number of commuting
kilometres for this person. The part-time worker, however, has a longer commute
and now requires a second car. The children have to be driven to school.
There is a lot of activity substitution occurring, with some of the change being
emission friendly, while other changes are emission unfriendly. The above example
illustrates the response possibilities which need to be accounted for in determining the
net impact of changing the spatial and temporal opportunities for work activities.
Flexible work arrangements
Telecommuting, compressed work weeks and flexible working hours are all
evolving flexible work arrangements (Pratt 1994).
Telecommuting
Telecommuting involves working from a remote office site which is typically the
employee’s home or a satellite ‘telework’ centre near or in residential areas fully
equipped with appropriate telecommunications equipment and services, and which
can serve employees of single or multiple firms, co-located on the basis of geography
rather than business function (US Department of Transportation 1993). While
these centres are not widespread in Australia they are increasing elsewhere, notably
in the USA (US Department of Transportation 1993). Close to eight million
people in the USA are estimated to telecommute, typically spending 1 or 2 days
per week working from home, with one-third being contract workers.
The opportunity to telecommute depends on how work is defined and structured.
It need not be technology-based at all but simply involve paperwork, reading, or
thinking (Mokhtarian 1991). Telecommuting defined in a transportation context
means a reduction in either the number of commute trips for a home-based worker
219
or in the distance travelled to work for a telecentre worker (Handy and Mokhtarian
1995). Activities that define telecommuting and non-telecommuting are difficult to
distinguish when taking into account work-related trips such as visiting clients or
customers or contract workers working at home.
Compressed work week (CWW)
CWW is an arrangement whereby workers attend the place of employment on

fewer but longer work days to compensate for the lost time, e.g. four 12-hour
days. CWW has a direct effect on reducing commuting.
Flexible work hours
Flexible work hours provide workers with the opportunity to control their starting
and finishing times on any work day usually within a prescribed bandwidth, e.g. 7.30
a.m. to 6.30 p.m. Flexible work hours assist workers in avoiding peak commuting
times but have a small effect on reducing commuting unless combined with a CWW.
The empirical context of flexible work arrangements

in Australia
The use of flexible work arrangements, such as telecommuting, CWW and flexible
work hours, is not widely used in Australian organisations. There exists a diversity
of experience with alternative work arrangements and attitudes towards the idea.
In 1994 a major travel study in six capital cities in Australia (Sydney, Melbourne,
Adelaide, Brisbane, Canberra and Perth) was undertaken (Hensher 1996). Existing
work arrangements of a sample of 850 commuters were investigated, including
questions on company policy, telecommuting, CWWs, spatial and temporal
working profiles, and reasons for not participating in flexible work arrangements.
The survey responses are summarised in Tables 13.3, 13.4 and 13.5.
The profiles of company policy, work arrangements and nature of constraints, either
self-imposed or directed by an organisation (in Tables 13.3–13.5), suggest that the take-
up rate of flexible working hours – spatially and temporally – is very high indeed where
the opportunity for such work practices exists. However the ratio of CWW and flexitime
to telecommuting is 3:1. The frequency of CWW and flexitime over a 15-day period
increases strongly whereas the incidence of telecommuting falls sharply.
In another Australian study conducted in the same time period, telecommuters
reported improved productivity, organisational skill, concentration and focus as
well as enhanced self-esteem and confidence. They also experienced fewer
distractions, interruptions, felt less stressed and experienced reduced travelling
time and cost (RTA 1994).
220
Table 13.3 Company policy on alternative work arrangements
Table 13.4 Current work arrangements for commuters
For those commuters who do not use CWW (Table 13.5), constraints imposed by
corporate policy or lack of (including inappropriate job structure) are high (71.9 per
cent) compared to lack of worker interest at 28.1 per cent. For those commuters who
do not use telecommuting (Table 13.5), constraints imposed by corporate policy or
lack of (including inappropriate job structure or poor resources) are high (96 per cent)
compared to lack of worker interest at 4.0 per cent. Table 13.5 suggests that a closer
look at corporate policy, work organisation and the role of managers within a hierarchy
needs to be investigated in more detail through case studies.
Broadening the picture: critical linkages
The opportunities for flexible work arrangements will be determined by the

benefits and problems perceived by employers and workers, the way work is
structured, the desire and characteristics of the potential telecommuter, HRM
221
Table 13.5 Reasons for not working a compressed workweek or

telecommuting
policies and, most importantly, the attitude of immediate supervisors. As

information technology makes work and customer activities more location
independent, flexible work arrangements may prove a greater incentive for
employers to introduce flexibility measures. In Australia there has been an urgent
call from the government for better managed enterprises to provide greater
organisational flexibility and improved employee relations (Karpin Report 1995).
Intense competition and increased labour costs have placed pressure on
management and unions to raise productivity, increase flexibility and quality of
outputs (Porter 1990). Flexible work arrangements are one way of addressing
these initiatives providing management is prepared to engage in cross-functional
skilling, manage commitment and design technology (Brewer 1993, 1994, 1995;
Harrison 1994). Individual work arrangements are influenced by the internal
constraints of organisations such as organisational structure and managerial
policies, including human resource management, work organisation, and external
constraints such as union policies and agreements. The research to date does not
address these issues in an integrating manner.
Further, there has been very little work on the actual linkage between flexible
work organisation, work hour arrangements and travel behaviour, especially in
terms of accounting for the relationship between an employee and the managerial
hierarchy which lead to a range of incentives and constraints on opportunities to
take up work practices which can aid in more efficient travel patterns from the
perspective of ecologically sustainable development (ESD). The extent to which
employers and employees support these possibilities varies widely. The matching
of employer and employee support for flexible work policies is not necessarily
222
strong within the one organisation; and where it does exist it is often not
encouraged by managers throughout the hierarchy. Thus the translation from
corporate policy to implementation of flexibility in work arrangements cannot be
assured.
While the link between flexible work arrangements, work organisation and
efficient travel patterns from the perspective of ESD has been deduced, little
research exists focusing on this linkage taking into account the complexity of
managerial hierarchy. There are organisational and institutional (managerial and
union) constraints in providing various work arrangements as a direct incentive
for employees. Managerial and union ideologies may contradict attempts by one
or the other to introduce flexibility into work organisation and schedules. The
type of flexible work arrangement in place will reflect organisational and
institutional factors as well as market ones. It is important to develop a better
understanding of how these factors influence HRM practices and how these
influence employee commuting activity and consequently non-commuting travel
activity. HRM practices in different market and/or industry segments may be a
significant predictor of work redesign and pattern of travel behaviour, spilling
over to environmental impact.
While there are a few studies (e.g. Mahmassani and Chen 1992; Mahmassani
et al. 1993) which have looked at the role of the employer in influencing the
employees’ opportunities to participate in more flexible work arrangements in
the interests of improving road traffic levels, the focus has been on either simple
workplace rules such as management’s tolerance for lateness or the availability of
flexible working hours. There is no research which has developed a formal conceptual
framework to enable us to analytically model the causal structures between the employee and the
managerial hierarchy (encompassing work design) that impose limitations for the employee to
exercise options in the interests of ESD. It is important to understand both the sets of
constraints and incentives that potentially modify travel behaviour in the interests
of reducing environmental degradation.
To this end, a structural equation system with latent segmentation and a set of
discrete choice models offers an appealing framework within which to investigate
the causal linkages between organisational structure, work organisation, work
arrangements and employee travel behaviour responses, such as frequency of
commuting trips and consequent non-commuting trips due to relaxing a constraint
on the number of commuting trips. Within such a framework, a number of
propositions which have not been evaluated in any formal sense, all of which
impact directly or indirectly on travel behaviour and environmental pollution,
can be tested. These include:
1 Flexible work arrangements will reduce levels of traffic congestion and

automobile emissions.
2 Flexible work arrangements change peoples’ travel patterns especially in non-
work trips partially negating the benefits of other policies to reduce greenhouse
gas emissions and local air pollution.
223
3 Organisations with flexible forms of work organisation are more likely to

consider alternative forms of work hours.
4 Organisations that rely on a rigid (narrowly specialised) internal labour market
for regulating work organisation are more likely to adhere to conventional
forms of work organisation than those operating on broadened (broadly
specialised) internal labour markets.
5 Organisations that are HRM-orientated are more likely to engage in flexible
work arrangements.
6 Organisations that are using strategies other than cost (i.e. quality, variety,
service) are more likely to engage in workplace reform.
7 Organisations that operate in international markets are more likely to adopt
workplace redesign (i.e. learn more quickly about alternative work practices).
The research framework
To address these propositions, a number of issues need to be understood within

organisational contexts.
Flexible work arrangements
Flexible work arrangements are an alternative or non-traditional way of working

and include telecommuting, CWW, remote working, flexible hours and home-
working. Most of these arrangements entail working remotely or altering hours
of work, such as working fewer days for longer hours. Although an increased
adoption of flexible working arrangements reduces greenhouse gas emissions,
employees may be inclined to make use of cars for non-work trips (Allen and
Hawes 1979) or travelling to satellite offices, partially or completely negating the
environmental benefit. To date there have been no systematic ‘causality’
investigations of this type in Australia or elsewhere. Data from the California
State Employee Telecommute Pilot Project and an analogous investigation in
The Netherlands suggest that telecommuting has the potential to reduce the
number of non-work-related trips by as much as 17 per cent and peak hour travel
up to 26 per cent (Gray, Hodson and Gordon 1993) over the next 10 years.
Work organisation
Work organisation is defined as the interrelationship of work tasks, employees

and workplace routines. Providing opportunities for flexible work arrangements
necessitates work reorganisation (i.e. redesign). To date, flexible work arrangements
have been introduced with little consideration for their relevance to existing work
organisation. Introducing flexibility into the work organisation impacts working
224
patterns among employees, skill levels and retention, performance and productivity,
recruitment and selection, training, employee health, autonomy and commitment.
The impact spills over to the domestic obligations of an employee and the overall
profile of travel activity of a household.
Employee commitment
Introducing flexible work arrangements is a form of organisational change. Central

to processes of organisational change is a reliance by management on employee
commitment, which assumes that employees will respond favourably to changes
introduced into the workplace. Consequently, many organisational change
programmes, such as total quality management and business process reengineering,
fail because they proceed without acknowledging the preferences of the internal
labour market, even when some form of consultation may have occurred.
The labour market is an important influence in all of this. In Australia, primary and
secondary labour markets are more amorphous in the wake of massive organisational
restructuring over the last decade. In line with this trend, the impact of trade unions in
terms of labour–management relations is changing with implications for workplace
reform. Unions, for example, are interested in shorter working hours without sacrificing
wages nor limiting employment opportunities (Australian Financial Review 1997). The
industrial relations systems throughout Australia are being subjected to market pressures
leading to the need to respond to more flexible forms of working including the nature
of work assignments and responsibilities, promotion systems, work scheduling, staffing
levels, compensation and incentive payments (Capelli and McKersie 1987). The internal
labour market literature suggests that groups of rules conform logically and that it is not
possible for management to adopt (and adjust) work practices at random (Osterman
1987). The internal labour market today assumes increased skill versatility, commitment
and hence responsiveness, amongst employees requiring higher levels of training. A
high level of employee responsiveness is essential for the effectiveness of flexible work
arrangements. Employees with low levels of skill and autonomy tend to resist change
by subverting the change process (Clegg and Dunkerley 1980; Cousins 1987).
In Australia and elsewhere, there is an urgent need to intensify research and debate
about how the labour process manifests itself within work organisations and how
different outcomes create a range of environmental externalities such as levels of
traffic congestion. In particular, researchers need to look more critically at the continuing
effects of ‘Taylorism’ through re-engineering work processes on both the quality of
output and working life amongst employees. Traditional methods of management,
such as the threat of discipline or dismissal, are not as legitimate in today’s context.
Increasingly, employers are seeking incentives to manage the responsiveness of the
internal labour market, in terms of effort and commitment, to reach higher degrees of
skill flexibility and productivity. Flexible work arrangements provide one indicator of
employee responsiveness. For example, employees usually have more discretion in
how they respond to flexible work arrangements in terms of increased work
225
responsibility and autonomy. Commitment occurs when levels of skill, discretion

and autonomy are raised. An expected outcome of commitment is an internalisation
of managerial expectations and increased work satisfaction (Brewer 1994). Satisfaction
is considered to be an attitude which results from a balancing and summation of
many specific likes and dislikes experienced in work. Work satisfaction manifests
itself in both an evaluation of the job and of the employing organisation as contributing
appropriately to addressing employee preferences (Bullock 1952).
Organisational structure
Organisational structure can be represented by two key dimensions – decentralisation

and formalisation. Co-ordination is an important aspect in delegating work
responsibility to the lowest reaches of the organisational hierarchy. Bennis (1966)
argues that the more professionalised the organisational hierarchy, the greater the
tendency towards decentralised decision-making. Decentralisation is an
organisational characteristic reflected in the amount of discretion delegated to lower
level employees. It is the extent to which employees are assigned tasks and provided
with the freedom to implement them without impediment by senior management
(Hage and Aiken 1990). A related dimension of decentralisation is the provision of
participative decision-making processes. Participation is related to the extent of
decentralisation and provides people with a sense of control and partnership in the
organisation. Participation is viewed as the capacity of employees to influence a
process of joint decision-making between themselves and management, especially
in decisions that have future effects on their work. ‘Psychological participation’ is
the amount of influence that employees perceive themselves to possess (Vroom
1960). The level of participation in a workplace reflects the extent to which managers
value people’s efforts and investment, and this in turn influences employee
responsiveness. A clearer understanding is required of the role of management at
various levels in an organisation (i.e. the hierarchy of management) in imposing
different types of constraints (or relaxing such constraints) to prevent or encourage
employees to participate in spatial and temporal work arrangements which are
more conducive to reducing levels of transport-induced emissions.
Formalisation refers to the extent to which a set of rules and procedures exist
to deal with decision-making and work practices (Hall 1982). Decentralisation
and formalisation can co-exist in organisations particularly in public sector
organisations (Blau 1970). However, highly formalised organisations may inhibit
the introduction of innovative or flexible work practices and redesign.
Human resource (HR) orientation
Flexible work arrangements and work reorganisation are examples of progressive

HR practices which rely on an innovative orientation by management towards
226
employee attitudes and performance (Damanpour and Evan 1984; Johns 1993).
An examination of the innovation literature suggests that a number of broad
contextual factors are related to the adoption of HR innovations, including
organisational size, structural characteristics, employee commitment and external
conditions such as labour relations and market forces (Hall 1982; Pierce and
Delbecq 1977).
Shifts in social demographics have already made ‘diversity’ a significant
dimension of human resource management. As labour markets become more
diverse, a more disparate mix of attitudes with regard to flexible work
arrangements emerges. The most dramatic change is in the increase in the
number of women entering the workforce under different work schedules
(number of hours, number of days per week). Restructuring work and work
schedules provides an opportunity for employees to modify their commuting
behaviour. A further impact on flexible work arrangements is household
lifestyle and life cycle. There is research evidence that employees in the
United States prefer working in flexible working arrangements (Brinton
1983; Economides, Reek and Schuh 1989). For example, dual-career families
and single-household heads feel the tension in cycling the demands of
workplace and home. A better understanding of how these influences act to
determine opportunities for employees to participate in flexible work
arrangements and hence travel behaviour is a justifiable area of urgent
research.
A consequence of this development is the increase in the number of multi-
worker households producing residential location choice behaviour which
may be very different from that of traditional single-worker families. With
multiple workers and diversified spatial workplaces the residential location
choice set is expanded. As a response toward the ‘diversity’ trend, many
organisations are introducing flexible work arrangements as a way of
addressing employees’ diverse interests. Becoming ‘family friendly’ is one
example of providing employees with an incentive to work in flexible
arrangements. The history of flexible work arrangements is too short to make
a well-informed judgement about its prospects. It raises important questions
about jobs–family balance as well as the social and personal benefits of degrees
of spatial separation.
Organisational size has been shown to be positively associated with the
adoption of innovations (e.g. Moch and Morse 1977). With regard to HR
management, larger organisations in workforce terms tend to adopt different
practices compared to smaller organisations (Lawler, Mohrman and Leford
1992). Workforce diversity, primarily in terms of skill, may also stimulate an
innovative HR orientation (Meyer and Goes 1988). Training participation, both
formal and informal, is an important correlate of HR orientation (Schuler and
MacMillan 1984).
An overview of the key components, as detailed above, is given in Figure 13.1.
227
Figure 13.1 Schematic overview of the major potential causal linkages
Formulating key linkages
An empirical interpretation of Figure 13.1 is shown in Figure 13.2 as an example

of one possible set of testable hypotheses in respect to four endogenous variables,
two of which are discrete and two are continuous – HR orientation (discrete),
work arrangements (discrete), employee commitment and travel behaviour
response. Figure 13.2 tests the hypothesis that HR orientation directly impacts
on work arrangements and the latter conditions employee commitment and travel
behaviour response. In turn, travel behaviour response influences employee
commitment which itself contributes to work arrangement outcomes where a
choice exists. Regardless of employee commitment, the arrangement of work can
directly impact on travel behaviour. The direct causal links between HR orientation
and travel behaviour (H ) and employee commitment (H ) add further information
6 4
on the contributing role of direct linkages to the overall propensity to engage in
specific travel behaviour. The first variable is determined by the organisation, the
third and fourth by the employee and the second variable is a mixture of employer
and employee determination.
A well-established method for evaluating the strength of these causal linkages
is the method of co-variance structures. Browne (1982) presents an outline of this
approach.
228
Figure 13.2 Hypotheses of direct effects among endogenous variables
Establishing a research agenda
There is little evidence of a strategic approach towards the integration of human

resource policy and ‘organisational citizenship’ (Brewer 1994). Telecommuting
can provide a pay-back to both business and the community by saving on travel
through reducing journeys to and from work and travel time. This chapter sets
out a broad framework within which a better understanding of the role of
organisational structure, human resource management policy, work organisation
and arrangements and travel behaviour responses can be attained.
The linkages between employer and employee decision-making have not been
examined sufficiently rigorously to date in respect of opportunities for greater
flexibility in work practices both spatially and temporally. A clearer understanding
of the forces both motivating and constraining employee responses is essential in
229
the assessment of opportunities for commuters to adjust their commuting and

non-commuting travel behaviour in contributing to improvements in global
warming and air quality.
There is evidence from the human resource management literature to suggest
that where initiatives like alternative work scheduling are introduced, they face
indifference or hostility from middle managers (Australian Financial Review 1997).
Brewer and Hensher (1997) develop a framework within which multiple agents
(managers, supervisors and workers) make discrete choices in respect of a common
objective – the determination of participation in distributed work, including the
opportunities and constraints associated with telecommuting. Ideas in discrete
choice theory and game theory are integrated to define a set of choice experiments
in which employees and employers interact in arriving at a choice path in a
distributed work context.
To this end, a better understanding will be gained with regard to:
• the role of flexible work arrangements in modifying traffic behaviour;

• how environmentally responsible travel behaviour has implications for traffic
congestion, global warming and local air pollution;
• whether management issues constitute the major barrier against greater
support of flexible work arrangements in work organisations;
• how an awareness of such barriers will assist in reducing them and increasing
the likelihood of adoption of flexible work arrangements;
• how flexible work arrangements can modify the efficiency of work
organisation and enhance the quality of working life for employees, and
how flexible working arrangements lead to an acknowledgement of workplace
diversity and its relationship to employee commitment.
The fundamental need is for more empirical information and data on

flexible work arrangements, both spatially and temporally, and its
implications for travel behaviour. It is important to study the interactions
between agents rather than assume their independence. Interactions
between an employer and an employee are part of everyday working life
and represent a complex process in organisational decision-making. Other
complex interactions concern those between an employee and the members
of their household. Two interactions of particular interest are between the
travel-related work preferences of an employee and the work practices
policy of an employer, and between employees in multi-worker households
(Brewer and Hensher 1997).
Potentially, there are rich opportunities for researchers and policy-makers to
look at the role of organisational structure, human resource management policy,
work organisation and arrangements and travel behaviour responses in a fresh
and stimulating way. The task, however, is formidable. Simply collecting data
and modelling it is going to take considerable time and ingenuity. It is one thing
to achieve this but the difficulty is adjusting for elusive decision-making processes
230
on a whole array of assumptions underlying organisational structure, human

resource management policy, work organisation and arrangements.
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232
14
TELEWORK AND CRISIS

MANAGEMENT IN JAPAN
Koji Sato and Wendy A. Spinks
Introduction
The concept of telework has received a great deal of international attention in

recent years motivated by a variety of issues: travel reduction; energy
conservation; air quality improvement; balancing the demands of job and
family; reduction of health-care costs through reduction of stress and sick-
leave utilisation; broadening employment opportunities for mobility-limited
sectors of society (including the disabled, elderly and homemakers);
competitive recruitment and retention of the best workers; improved
productivity and customer service (such as through extended hours of
availability); improving the balance between jobs and housing, including
supporting regional economic development by bringing the work to the
workers in underdeveloped regions; and emergency preparedness/disaster
response.
The devastating Great Hanshin Earthquake which struck Kobe and the
surrounding region in the early hours of 17 January 1995 threw into sharp
relief the terrifying nature of a direct earthquake hit on a large urban area
and the weakness of a high-tech modern city when its communications
infrastructure, transportation infrastructure and lifelines are severed. By
analysing the results of a survey on companies and employees in the four
central wards of Kobe on changes in commuting and work patterns after the
earthquake, as well as the level of computer and communication technology
usage in conjunction with metro-politan traffic census data, this chapter will
focus on the crisis management implications of telework. The first section
begins with an outline of the Kobe survey results. The second section then
discusses transportation problems which might be expected to occur in Greater
Tokyo based on the Kobe results and commute-related statistical data. Finally,
the chapter concludes with a brief review of recent policy developments for
telework in Japan.
233
Outline of survey results
Survey objectives and methodology
The Survey on Changes in Commute and Work Patterns after the Great Hanshin
Earthquake was commissioned by the Japanese Ministry of Posts and
Telecommunications Research Institute and conducted by the International Flexwork
Forum’s Telework Centre Disaster Response Research Group. The survey consisted of
two instruments, one for companies, the other for full-time white-collar employees in
the four wards of Kobe which suffered the most damage from the earthquake, namely
Chuo, Nada, Higashi Nada and Nagata. Two hundred company surveys and one
thousand employee surveys were distributed, the corporate mailing list being compiled
randomly from the Kobe Chamber of Commerce’s list of members in the four relevant
wards, excluding factories. Each company was also asked to distribute five employee
surveys in-house. The surveys were mailed on 9 October 1995 with stamped, addressed
envelopes for return by 23 October 1995. The response rate for the company surveys
was 16.5 per cent (33) and 11.3 per cent (113) for the employees’ surveys. A cross-
analysis of the data was conducted using the statistical analysis software package SPSSX.
Owing to the small sample size, however, no significant results were obtained. As a
result, the survey data was analysed using mainly simple descriptive statistics.
Outline of corporate results
Extent of earthquake damage
Regarding the extent of damage to office premises, 21.2 per cent of corporate respondents
cited ‘totally destroyed’ and a further 33.3 per cent ‘half destroyed’, indicating that more
than half of the corporate respondents had experienced some damage to their office
premises. Turning to transportation access, 75.8 per cent cited ‘no access’ and 24.2 per
cent ‘partial access’, these survey results confirming the virtual paralysis of transportation
services in Kobe following the earthquake. As for the repair time required for office
premises, ‘more than one month’ was the most frequently cited response (33.3 per
cent), followed by ‘still unrepaired’ (15.2 per cent), indicating that approximately half of
the corporate respondents experienced a slowdown or standstill in business activity in
excess of one month, and that as of October when the survey was distributed, the office
premises of one company in seven were still in a damaged state. Concerning the
restoration of transportation services, 84.8 per cent cited ‘more than one month’.
Worker contact following the earthquake
The most frequently cited response for initial contact with workers was ‘several
days later’ (69.7 per cent), followed by ‘one week later’ (21.2 per cent) and ‘day of
234
TE LEWORK AN D CRISI S MANAGEMENT
the earthquake’ (6.1 per cent). It is clear from these results that companies were
unable to determine their employees’ situations until several days after the
earthquake. Moreover, the fact that fully one-fifth of companies were only able to
contact workers a week later suggests that it took even longer to restore business
functions. This highlights the importance of establishing an emergency contact
system not only in order to contact workers but to maintain business functions.
The main form of contact cited was ‘by telephone’ (90.9 per cent), followed by
‘staff came in person’ (42.4 per cent) and ‘other staff visited’ (39.4 per cent). It
should be noted, however, that contact by telephone was possible only because, the
telephone lines were operational despite a certain amount of overloading. Trying to
establish contact in times of emergency by sending around corporate staff or having
the workers themselves coming in runs the risk of adding to local confusion, and as
such remains problematic in terms of appropriate disaster response.
Business use of communications technologies
Corporate respondents cited 100 per cent pre-earthquake business use of

‘conventional telephones’, 90.9 per cent ‘facsimiles’, 51.5 per cent ‘mobile telephones’,
and 48.5 per cent ‘computers (including e-mail)’. As of October 1995, when the
survey was implemented, 100 per cent cited both conventional telephones and
facsimiles, 75.8 per cent mobile phones, and 57.6 per cent computers, indicating an
increase in post-earthquake mobile phone and computer usage, especially of the
former. Regarding usefulness in the immediate aftermath of the earthquake, 78.8
per cent cited ‘mobile telephones’, followed by 66.7 per cent for ‘conventional
telephones’, and 48.5 per cent ‘facsimiles’. These results highlight the usefulness of
mobile telephones in times of disaster, such as earthquakes (see Table 14.1).
Available work options
Regarding the types of work options available before the earthquake, ‘direct customer
servicing’ was the most frequently cited (33.3 per cent), followed by ‘discretionary
Table 14.1 Business use of communications technologies
235
work’ (18.2 per cent), and ‘flexitime’ (15.2 per cent). As of October 1995, when the
survey was conducted, the relevant responses were ‘direct customer servicing’ (33.3
per cent), followed by ‘flexitime’ (21.2 per cent), and ‘discretionary work’ (18.2 per
cent). While the number of corporate respondents citing ‘flexitime’ showed a slight
increase, there is very little evidence of other work options being introduced. No
company used satellite offices or home-based telework either before or after the
Great Hanshin Earthquake, suggesting that virtually no company considered using
information telecommunications as a means of a substitution for physical commutes.
Looking at the commute measures applied in the immediate aftermath of the
earthquake, 63.6 per cent corporate respondents cited ‘home standby’, followed by
30.3 per cent for ‘mobile work’, 27.3 per cent for ‘staying at office’ and ‘discretionary
work’, 21.2 per cent for ‘hotel room reservations’ and ‘flexitime’, 18.2 per cent for
‘bus charters’, and 15.2 per cent for ‘satellite offices’. Regarding whether these
measures were formal or informal, 48.5 per cent cited ‘formal measures’, 30.3 per
cent ‘supervisor discretion’, and 21.2 per cent ‘both’.
Corporate crisis management
More than half of the companies surveyed (54.5 per cent) had no crisis management
manual in place before the earthquake. Of those with manuals, 33.3 per cent cited
‘Yes, no earthquake scenario’, and 12.2 per cent cited ‘Yes, including an earthquake
scenario’. This means that approximately only one company in ten had some form
of crisis management manual covering the possibility of an earthquake. Asked
whether these crisis management manuals were useful in the immediate aftermath
of the earthquake, 46.7 per cent cited ‘somewhat useful’, 20.0 per cent either
‘uncertain’ or ‘not very useful’, and 13.3 per cent ‘no use at all’. These results
demonstrate a clear division in corporate assessments of their crisis management
manuals. Regarding the need to review crisis management manuals, 39.4 per cent
cited ‘partial review’, and 30.3 per cent ‘thorough review’, indicating that some 70
per cent of companies saw a need to review their manuals. As to the emphasis of
such a review process, 43.5 per cent cited ‘swift assessment of events’, 30.4 per cent
‘worker safety’, and 17.4 per cent ‘maintaining business functions’.
Outline of employee results
Extent of earthquake damage
Regarding the extent of damage to homes, 35.4 per cent of employee respondents
cited ‘half destroyed’, and a further 8.0 per cent ‘totally destroyed’. The most
frequently cited response for home repair time was ‘more than one month’ (42.9
per cent), followed by ‘still unrepaired’ (36.7 per cent). Turning to office premises,
36.3 per cent cited ‘half destroyed’, and a further 8.8 per cent ‘totally destroyed’.
236
The most frequently cited response for office premises repair time was ‘more
than one month’ (56.9 per cent). Regarding transportation access, 61.9 per cent
cited ‘no access’, and 32.7 per cent ‘partial access’, indicating that more than 90
per cent of those surveyed suffered some form of damage to transportation access.
As for transportation repair time, 59.7 per cent cited ‘more than one month’,
23.4 per cent ‘one month’, and 7.5 per cent ‘two weeks’.
Corporate contact after the earthquake
The most frequently cited response for initial contact with employers was ‘several days
later’ (53.1 per cent), followed by ‘day of the earthquake’ (46.0 per cent). It is clear from
these results that more than half of the employees surveyed were unable to contact their
office until several days after the earthquake. The main form of contact cited was ‘by
telephone’ (74.3 per cent), followed by ‘went myself in person’ (27.4 per cent).
Initial visit to work
When asked when did they first consider going to work, 47.8 per cent answered ‘day
of the earthquake’, followed by ‘several days later’ (42.5 per cent), and ‘one week
later’ (6.2 per cent), indicating that almost half considered going in on the actual day
of the earthquake. When queried on when they actually visited work, however, 51.3
per cent replied ‘several days later’, followed by ‘day of the earthquake’ (27.4 per
cent), and ‘one week later’ (10.6 per cent). The mode of transport used for that initial
visit was ‘own car’ (33.6 per cent), followed by ‘on foot’ (31.0 per cent), ‘train’ (18.6
per cent), ‘bicycle’ (15.9 per cent), ‘bus’ (11.5 per cent), and ‘subway’ (9.7 per cent).
Individual business use of communications technologies
Of the individual respondents, 96.5 per cent cited pre-earthquake business use of
‘conventional telephones’, 61.9 per cent ‘facsimiles’, and 18.6 per cent ‘computers
(including e-mail)’, with only 5.3 per cent citing ‘mobile telephones’. As of October
1995, when the survey was implemented, 96.5 per cent cited conventional
telephones, 73.5 per cent facsimiles, 23.9 per cent computers, and 15.9 per cent
mobile phones, representing an increase in the post-earthquake usage of mobile
phones and facsimiles (see Table 14.2).
Commute methods
Pre-earthquake commute methods cited were ‘train’ (66.4 per cent), ‘bus’ (21.2 per
cent), ‘subway’ (17.7 per cent), ‘own car’ (14.2 per cent), and ‘on foot’ (8.8 per cent).
237
Table 14.2 Individual use of communications technologies for business
Main commute methods up until transportation infrastructure was restored were

‘on foot’ (35.4 per cent), followed by ‘train’ and ‘own car’ (31.9 per cent each), ‘bus’
(27.4 per cent), and ‘subway’ and ‘bicycle’ (16.8 per cent each). As the next section
will show, despite the large-scale damage to Kobe’s transportation infrastructure,
employees were able to respond by walking or cycling to work because commuter
distances in Kobe are not so considerable. As of October 1995, when the survey
was conducted, commute patterns had almost returned to pre-earthquake conditions
with 65.5 per cent citing ‘train’, 21.2 per cent ‘bus’, 18.6 per cent ‘subway’, 10.6 per
cent ‘own car’, 8.8 per cent ‘on foot’, and 3.5 per cent ‘bicycle’ (see Table 14.3).
Commute time
The most prevalent pre-earthquake commute time (one way) was ‘30–59 minutes’,
which was cited by 56.6 per cent of employees, followed by ‘less than 30 minutes’
(20.4 per cent), and ‘60–89 minutes’ (19.5 per cent). As can be seen, more than
three quarters of the respondents cited one-way commutes of less than 60 minutes,
no respondent citing ‘more than 120 minutes’. Commute time and distance in
the Kobe region are considerably less than in Greater Tokyo. Regarding one-way
commute time before the full restoration of transportation services, 30.1 per cent
cited ‘more than 120 minutes’, followed by ‘90–119 minutes’ (29.2 per cent), and
‘60–89 minutes’ (24.8 per cent). Immediately following the earthquake, the share
of respondents with commutes under 60 minutes fell to 15.1 per cent. These
results show that even in areas such as Kobe where commutes are shorter than
Table 14.3 Change in commute methods
238
Greater Tokyo, post-earthquake damage to the transportation infrastructure forces

many people into long commutes. As of October 1995, when the survey was
conducted, 54.9 per cent cited commute time of ‘30– 59 minutes’, followed by
‘60–89 minutes’ (22.1 per cent), ‘less than 30 minutes’ (14.2 per cent), and ‘90–
119 minutes’ (6.2 per cent). This shows that some 70 per cent of those surveyed
have returned to a one-way commute of less than 60 minutes, indicating almost
a full return to pre-earthquake patterns (see Table 14.4).
Implications of the Great Hanshin Earthquake for

Greater Tokyo
A statistical view of commutes in Greater Tokyo
Metropolitan traffic census
According to the Metropolitan Traffic Census: Greater Tokyo Version (Japan Transport Economics
Research Centre 1992a), the total number of business and school commuters carried
on public transport such as rail and bus in the entirety of Greater Tokyo in 1990 was
approximately 9.47 million. This figure is clearly the largest in Japan, being approximately
2.2 times that of Greater Kinki (Osaka and the surrounding region) and over 8.9 times
that of Greater Chukyo (Nagoya and the surrounding region) (see Table 14.5).
Table 14.4 Change in commute hours
Table 14.5 Number of commuters in the metropolitan regions
239
Elsewhere, 53.1 per cent (3.72 million people) have commutes longer than 20
kilometres (or 12.0 miles) in Greater Tokyo. In particular, people with commutes
in excess of 30 kilometres in Greater Tokyo amount to 30.7 per cent or just
under one-third of all commuters (2.15 million), a fact which attests to the extremely
high prevalence of long-distance commutes. Greater Tokyo is also in a class of its
own regarding commute hours in metropolitan regions with 58.9 per cent (4.12
million) of all commuters travelling 60 minutes or longer in Greater Tokyo.
Potential transportation problems in Greater Tokyo
The Great Hanshin Earthquake, as seen through the results of the Kobe survey,
clearly shows that, the severing of commuter and other means of transportation
and the destruction of office premises and housing brought urban functions to a
temporary standstill and significantly impaired economic activity in the southern
section of Hyogo Prefecture around the City of Kobe. It is also clear that the
impact of this damage was extremely serious and prolonged.
The scale of damage suffered in the Great Hanshin Earthquake is depicted in
Figure 14.1, it being evident that buildings, roads, rail and port facilities all suffered
grave damage. Using the Kobe survey results on commuting and work activity,
this section will consider potential transportation problems in Greater Tokyo
should a similar earthquake strike.
1 Even in areas such as Kobe, where short-distance commuters account for

more than 70.0 per cent of all commuters and there is a large proportion of
those who can commute on foot, it took companies several days before they
could account for their employees following the earthquake. This suggests
that it would take companies much more time and effort to account for their
employees in areas such as Greater Tokyo, where long-distance commuters
predominate. If Greater Tokyo were to suffer a direct earthquake destroying
the public transportation system, there is an extremely strong possibility,
even in an optimistic scenario, that corporate and government functions in
Greater Tokyo would be brought to a standstill for several weeks or even
months. Should such a situation occur, the direct and indirect impact on the
entire Japanese economy and the world economy would be immeasurable.
2 Because the majority of commuters in Kobe were short-distance commuters,
it was physically possible for workers to walk more than three hours along
the railroad tracks to get to work. In Greater Tokyo with its obligatory long
travel times and distances, however, a huge number of commuters would
experience extreme difficulty in getting to work if public transportation links
were severed. Additionally, there were many areas left in the southern section
of Hyogo Prefecture around Kobe where phone lines remained operational.
The growing use of mobile phones also played a part in making it possible to
contact workers and business associates. Should the communications
240
Figure 14.1 Types of damage caused by the Great Hanshin Earthquake. Source:
Chosa-Kiho, no. 123, p. 6, March 1995
infrastructure suffer serious damage in Greater Tokyo, national and local

government networks as well as bank and other on-line networks would
cease to function.
3 The predominance of short-distance commuters in Kobe is probably one
reason why no satellite offices or home-based telework programmes were
established. In areas such as Greater Tokyo where residential sprawl has led
to long commute hours and distances, conventional work patterns do not
offer a tenable response in the event of disasters such as earthquakes.
Moreover, it is quite likely that the response applied in Kobe of having workers
on standby at home would be meaningless in Tokyo. If there is one lesson
the Great Hanshin Earthquake has imparted it is the need to seriously examine
using computer and communications technology to substitute for commuting
(telework) and the decentralisation of office functions.
4 By continuing to concentrate core management functions in a single place,
companies risk having their entire operations brought to a standstill by the
destruction of the public transportation infrastructure and lifelines, even if
their own office premises escape unscathed. As the preceding results from
the Kobe survey clearly show, one company in five suffered total destruction
of office premises and a further one company in three semi-destruction.
Corporate activity suffered substantially following the earthquake, often taking
more than one month to recover. This undoubtedly points to the need for
the decentralisation of business functions as a key issue in crisis management.
241
Bearing in mind also that more than half of the companies surveyed had no
crisis management manual, there are still many unresolved issues concerning
corporate response to emergency situations. US approaches to the question
of crisis management strongly emphasise maintaining business functions, a
position Japanese companies would do well to follow.
Concluding remarks
The need for telework responses
Should Greater Tokyo with its concentration of information and core management
functions be hit, not only Japan but the world at large would feel the impact. It is
also true that the vast majority of small and medium-sized enterprises are totally
unprepared for such an event. Concrete responses are urgently required, including
building stronger cities for disaster prevention, planning crisis management
responses and duplicating communications networks.
Not only did the US Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) play a
crucial role in responding to the 1994 Northridge Earthquake in Greater Los Angeles,
it also took the initiative in promoting office decentralisation by setting up federally
sponsored disaster-response telework centres in the Northridge area. The fact that
FEMA-led disaster-response telework centres were up and running less than one
month after the 1994 Northridge Earthquake is a reflection of the ongoing private
and public sector involvement in telework projects in the United States. This means
that they were quick to realise the potential of telework and office decentralisation in
managing disaster-induced crises. Japan also needs to grasp quickly that the
decentralisation of offices and employees is a useful means of crisis management.
To that end, both the public and private sectors need to promote the routine
decentralisation of office functions by recognising the vital impact of using
communications technologies to substitute for commuter travel and introducing
‘telework’ which obviates the need for physical displacement. Mainly home-based
telework proved extremely effective following the Northridge Earthquake in
maintaining business functions and alleviating traffic congestion. Japan also needs
to consider telework not only as a means of decentralising office functions, but as a
central feature of future crisis responses. This will require, however, some form of
public support and a heightened awareness on the part of corporate management.
Public sector initiatives
The national government of Japan is finally taking the initiative in promoting

telework. Until recently, the private sector took the lead in implementing telework
programmes (sometimes with public sector partners), whereas in the US the
reverse is true. Although telework is not as common in Japan as other industrialised
242
nations, a recent survey by the Satellite Office Association of Japan (1997) estimates
the number of regular (once or more a week), white-collar salaried teleworkers at
680,000 or 4 per cent of all white-collar salaried workers in Japan. Telework is,
therefore, not a negligible force and the recent jump in computer and network
use in Japan will boost this number further.
The ‘Telework Centre Research Committee Report: Emerging New Workstyles
in the Age of Multi-Media’ (April 1995) by the Ministry of Posts and
Telecommunications (MPT) was a first step towards promoting office decentralisation
in Japan as a disaster-response strategy. This has been followed up with the
establishment in 1996 of a Telework Council jointly sponsored by the MPT and the
Ministry of Labour. The Council brought together corporate leaders and telework
experts to explore avenues for the greater corporate use of telework. A report has
been published along with introductory guidelines. Japan’s first ever Telework Day
was held in May 1997 and several private sector pilots have resulted as well as the
first ever public sector telework pilot in Japan undertaken by the MPT.
Acknowledgements
The research for this paper was conducted with the financial support of the
Institute for Posts and Telecommunications Policy at the Ministry of Posts and
Telecommunications. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the ‘Session
on Topics in Transportation Statistics and Analysis’ of the Western Regional
Science Association’s 35th Annual Meeting in Napa, California, between 25 and
29 February 1996. The authors have benefited from discussions with Kingsley
E. Haynes, George Mason University, and Patricia L. Mokhtarian, University of
California at Davis, and from the comments of T.J. Kim, University of Illinois,
and several participants at the WRSA’s 35th Annual Meeting.
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244
15
INTEGRATING THE TELEWORKING

PERSPECTIVE INTO
ORGANISATIONAL ANALYSIS AND
LEARNING
Paul J. Jackson
Introduction
Work concepts such as telework provide us with a way of looking at the

world. By highlighting certain characteristics of work phenomena, they allow
us to interpret things in a meaningful and communicable way. In cases of
teleworking, certain attributes of working modes – the use of IT, operating
at a distance, the home as a place of work – become the identifying features
by which we place phenomena into conceptual categories and thus make
them amenable to examination and analysis. On this basis, we can enquire
why the working modes in question came about, develop knowledge about
the way they operate in practice and make generalisations that can be applied
in other cases. There are shortcomings in this approach, though.
Where such approaches introduce a priori derived issues and concepts
into the situation under study, ideas may be abstracted out of the
interpretative contexts in which the actors normally make sense of and
contend with the phenomena concerned. This is particularly so where we
wish to explore telework-related issues in companies that do not consider
themselves ‘teleworking organisations’. We can overcome these problems
by getting inside such organisations and conceptualising and analysing
telework within the milieu of organisational change, in which decisions are
made about a whole range of operational and strategic matters. By doing
this we are likely to identify concepts and rationales most meaningful and
useful to the context involved. To illustrate this approach, we will turn to
research undertaken by the author during the early 1990s in the UK retail
banking sector.
245
Aims and approach of the study
By looking at the subject in a ‘non-teleworking’ organisation, the intention

was to explore teleworking ideas in a more systemic way than was often the
case in the available literature. In other words, rather than simply studying
instances of telework, teleworking ideas were used as a perspective from which to
understand the possibilities for the spatial reorganisation of work, particularly
those supported by new technologies. To do this in an in-depth way, a case
study approach was adopted. The case in question was one of the main UK
retail banks. This was chosen for three main reasons. First, as it was a large,
research friendly organisation, it provided the opportunities to gain access to
a range of people and functions such that rich data could be collected. Second,
given the ‘information-based’ nature of the work involved, it was thought
that teleworking issues would be highly appropriate for banking. Third, and
following on from the second point, was the fact that banks were making
substantial use of information technologies, in part for facilitating dispersed
operations.
The case study was approached in an ‘action-research’ mode. This involves
a ‘consultative type’ of research, in which organisational actors are helped to
examine and address matters of concern to them (see Gummesson 1991).
This was done using Checkland’s ‘soft systems methodology’ (SS M)
(Checkland and Scholes 1990). In using this, the researcher’s key role is to
facilitate a process of learning. Here, different perceptions of the problem situation
are drawn out and examined. Insights are developed and explored with a
range of actors such that they can learn their way to improvement in the problem
situation. In the study, ‘improvement’ was seen as obtaining a better
understanding of the role teleworking ideas might play in the bank’s operations
and policies.
The use of Checkland’s SSM suggested three key stages to the research.
Stage 1 involved developing an understanding of the research context. This
concentrated on the key pressures that the bank was seeking to deal with,
such as technological change and heightened competition resulting from
deregulation. In Stage 2, a process of learning was orchestrated, involving
personnel from a wide range of areas in the bank. As part of this, the
possibilities for, and benefits of, forms of spatial reorganisation were identified.
This helped to draw out the meanings and relevance of teleworking ideas to
many different actors. These were captured in a four-fold typology which
was used to help frame discussions with other members of the bank. Stage 3
focused on the decision-making rationales for telework. It was also thought
essential that if the roles of teleworking forms were to be identified, then their
merits and demerits vis-à-vis alternative solutions and approaches had to be
established.
Before we look at the content of the study, we will first examine the wider
context of retail banking, in which telework issues had to be understood.
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I NTEGRATI NG THE TELEWORKING PERSPECTIVE
Changes in UK retail banking
To appreciate the relevance of teleworking within banking, an examination of the

main areas of organisational change was essential. There were four key areas of
change: technological change; deregulation of the financial services industry;
branch network reorganisation; and the movement towards a sales and marketing
culture in banking.
Until the 1980s, financial services in the UK comprised three well-defined
industries: banking, building societies and insurance (Scarbrough 1992a). With
the Financial Services Act (1986) and the Building Societies Act (1987), combined
with developments such as the ‘big bang’ in the City and legislation that aided
the mobility of pensions, a revolution was in store. The result was an erosion of
the demarcation lines between industries, a heightening of competition and a
pressure on margins (see Banking World, January 1994: 21–2). In response, retail
banks looked for more aggressive sales strategies by which to push their products,
and sought, through automation and branch closure, to reduce costs (see
Mauriello 1996).
Quite apart from the pressures that resulted from deregulation, financial
services has traditionally been one of the most information-intensive industries
in the service sector, involving massive investments in information technology
(Scarbrough 1992a, 1992b; Procter 1992). By the 1990s, banks had even begun
to rethink the very nature of their business, placing more emphasis on managing
information as opposed simply to money (The Banker, January 1990: 12). Following
the introduction of centralised mainframes in the 1960s and 1970s, technology
was introduced into the ‘back offices’ of branches to handle the massive growth
in routine processing of items such as cheques (Procter 1992). More recent
developments have involved the introduction of terminals into the ‘front offices’
of branches. This allowed for transactions to be processed automatically and
account details integrated to aid customer service and help the cross-selling of
products. This wave of new technology also involved the introduction of
automated teller machines (ATMs). Benefits from this included the ability to
relieve pressure on front office counters and extend service provision to twenty-
four hours a day, seven days a week. Additionally, it opened the possibility of
siting ATMs away from branches and closer to places, such as shopping centres,
which are more convenient for customers (Fincham et al. 1994). These latter
developments, when combined with the extension of EFTPoS facilities
(electronic funds transfer at point-of-sale), bypassed branches entirely but also
automated the tasks in question (Child and Loveridge 1990; Scarbrough 1992b;
Cressey and Scott 1992). Further automation has been possible thanks to the
introduction of bulk processing equipment. This has accompanied the growth
of centralised processing centres in banking, used to deal with routine, low
added-value work.
Integration of the bank’s databases, and use of client-server architectures (which
allowed for the remote retrieval and manipulation of data), also opened the possibility
247
of more accurate marketing of products, cross-selling, and the provision of new remote
services such as telephone banking. It would be wrong to attribute such developments
simply to technological advances and customer preferences, though. With the entry
of (technologically advanced) non-banking organisations into retail markets, banks
were forced to focus more carefully on the people aspects of their customer base (The
Banker, February 1994: 29–30). Understanding and catering for customer lifestyle
needs therefore became essential. This focused attention on the human skills of bank
staff and highlighted the need to devote more time to customer service rather than
administration (The Banker, February 1993: 22–4). In addition, more branch space
needed to be released for interactions with customers. Developing a sales culture, and
creating a better retail/sales environment, was therefore seen as the key to making
effective use of branch staff and space – resources which management increasingly
viewed as central for producing high added-value in customer service.
Understanding the bank from the telework

perspective
Contextualising teleworking in the bank
One key programme that was taking place in the bank was the reorganisation of
the extensive branch network. This was very much a legacy of the 1960s and
1970s, and created a much heavier cost base than that of the building societies. At
the time of the study a substantial rationalisation process was in train. This involved
moving towards a ‘hub-satellite’ structure, and was accompanied by the closure
of hundreds of branches. Under this new structure, many remaining branches
reduced their range of products and were clustered around a head branch (in a
town centre) that carried a full complement of staff and services. This presented
management with an overstaffing problem and a subsequent redundancies
programme in which thousands of positions were eliminated.
Despite redundancies, pressures still existed within the bank for flexible work
packages. This was largely due to the ‘caring duties’ of bank staff – particularly
women returning after maternity leave. The bank was especially keen to retain
such staff, given their increasing representation in managerial grades. Not only
were women returning to work in greater numbers after maternity leave, they
were increasingly doing so on a full-time, rather than part-time, basis.
During the study then, matters such as technological change, the development
of a better retail/sales culture, branch network rationalisation, and responding to
greater financial services competition, were the central business problems with
which management was grappling. But apart from appreciating the broader
business issues, in understanding telework in a banking context, we also need to
consider several further factors.
Given that retail banks already exhibit a dispersed structure, in which head
offices, processing centres, call-centres, branches and customers may interact
248
remotely with one other, often with IT support, we can already identify certain
organisational structures that correspond to teleworking forms. While these matters
were not articulated under the teleworking ambit, they were easily translated into
issues traditionally discussed in the teleworking literature: for example, saving
space and cutting overheads, providing remote services, and so on. Where
teleworking issues and concepts could be framed within this context, they were
clearly more meaningful to the people involved in the bank and had greater
practical relevance.
Undertaking the research
As noted above, the study was undertaken not simply to ascertain the feasibility
of introducing teleworking in the bank, but to create a better understanding of
the practical relevance for the bank of teleworking issues and concepts. In other
words, teleworking provided a perspective that offered particular diagnoses of
business problems and illuminated certain opportunities for change.
Undertaking the research involved working with bank personnel to assist them
in framing the matters at hand from a teleworking point of view. As such, a
response that involved spatial reorganisation was used to help construct what the
problems were. This was done through interviews and meetings conducted over
eighteen months. Some eighty people were involved in this, and represented a
range of functional and operational areas, as well as management levels. For
example, interviews took place with: staff from personnel, marketing, information
systems design, network planning; management at central headquarters, regional
directors and branch management; and personnel at the ‘coal-face’ working in
branches and other areas.
The three stages of the research
Stage 1
At stage 1 of the research interviews took place with regional directors and
staff from personnel, network planning, and information systems design. This
enabled the breadth of business issues to be drawn out and discussed. Attention
was also directed to the teleworking concept. We took this to have a broad
meaning, relating to the IT-facilitated spatial reorganisation of work. The
ideas this generated largely reflected the matters that respondents were
concerned with in their particular work area. (For example, personnel saw
telework linked to flexible work arrangements.) Secondary material was also
collected concerning the reorganisation plans for the bank, statistics on branch
network rationalisation, policies on flexible working and details of information
systems plans.
249
Stage 2
Several areas of work were examined in Stage 2 of the research. There were three
aspects here. First, gaining a general understanding of communications methods
and technologies employed in different task areas, including those parts of bank
work thought to demand face-to-face interaction (something especially true in the
branch outlets). Second, some relatively novel (telework-like) developments were
also visited during the research. These included a remote central typing unit, which
used high-speed dictation transmissions, a telephone loan unit, and a central mortgage
charging unit. Third, some specific tasks considered as options for remote execution
were also examined, including clearing work, telesales, mortgage changing, risk
assessment and customer balance sheet monitoring.
Stage 2 of the research therefore concentrated on the sort of practices, problems
and issues commonly discussed in telework, so far as they appeared in retail
banking. A ‘grounded’ typology was developed that described four forms of
telework-related innovation. These were seen as the (organisational) means by
which a range of ends (the reasons for adopting such changes, e.g. for remote
service provision, cutting overheads, etc.) could be achieved. As such, this also
reflected the context of the study, as to specific business pressures and change
programmes, as well as the spatial dynamics of retail banking.
The typology was explored with research participants to illuminate and evaluate
the potential for such innovations in different areas of the bank. The typology also
included forms of change (such as centralisation) that we would not call ‘telework’.
However, given the commonality issues had with conventional programmes of
restructuring and rationalisation that also involved spatial dislocation of work activity,
it was considered essential to conceptualise and discuss telework in the same context.
Stage 3
Developing a framework for understanding teleworking as part of a wider process

of organisational change made it possible to illuminate related decision-making
processes and rationales and lay them alongside those posited for possible telework
innovations. To ascertain which changes were preferred, the principal ends for change
options also had to be identified and weighed up against the associated costs and
benefits involved in each type of change.
The typology of telework-related change in retail banking
The four parts to the typology were:
Homework: which described instances where employees worked at home, either

full time or part time, the main incentive being increased flexibility or productivity.
250
Telecentres Where work was done at a distance to free-up office space and staff
time (especially in branches) and to tap into alternative labour markets and use
low cost accommodation.
Centralisation Which subsumed changes in which restructuring and rationalisation

involved the relocation of work tasks and their concentration in one place.
Incentives for this included the opportunity to use bulk-processing equipment
and gain economies of scale. Recent developments here included processing centres
(or ‘factories’) which handled the masses of cheques and vouchers.
Specialised units Described the development of business units that provided specific
services to remote customers. These included call-centres and telephone loan units.
Ends and means
The study therefore identified four related forms of change that involved a
redistribution of work across space. Each of these was linked to principal ends (as
identified in stages 1 and 2 of the research) towards which the changes would
contribute. This also recognised the fact that those programmes and policies
within the bank that were subsumed by parts of the typology (such as the setting
up of call-centres) were congruent with the ends served by potential, telework-
like initiatives (such as telecentres that operated on a regional basis). However,
the means involved clearly differed. This was not so much so in terms of spatial
change, but because such innovations were also accompanied by different
organisational structures – demarcations, lines of responsibility and authority, and so
on. For example, specialised units, such as call-centres, were very much
autonomous businesses, and contrasted with homeworking, which involved no
wider changes in relationships.
There was a need therefore to understand the benefits and costs associated with
different means. For example, homeworking, while it provided work flexibility,
had the associated cost of a perceived loss of control. Additionally though, each
form was associated with a series of associated benefits (for example, the opportunity
to develop a particular culture and ethos in the case of the specialised units). The
principal ends, and associated costs and benefits, are detailed in Table 15.1.
Exploring the typology
Homework and telecentres
The research into possible forms of reorganisation highlighted a range of problems

and issues, and the key criteria by which decisions were made about them.
Homeworking was seen as a tool for flexible working, to be judged alongside
251
Table 15.1 Ends, benefits and costs of spatial reorganisation
arrangements such as job-sharing, flexitime and part-time work. However, it was

thought that formal instances of homework, where they existed for a sustained
period, would most likely occur in exceptional cases, where existing alternatives
could not satisfy the needs involved. It was therefore thought likely that home-
working would be used as means of providing ad hoc flexibility, allowing for
certain tasks (rather than entire jobs) to be conducted away from office distractions.
A good example was ‘report writing’, and, in the case of risk assessment work,
building mathematical models. As such, it was something that addressed the
concerns of line managers encountering demands for work flexibility and work
environments more conducive to concentration.
The scope for homeworking did not depend on elaborate technologies. Indeed,
it was thought that the more simple and low-tech the arrangement, the more
chance it had of developing. (For example, telesales and customer follow-up
activities, which bank staff occasionally undertook in the evenings, could be done
with only paper files and the telephone.) The main issue here was security. As
such, homework that relied on the remote access to banking files, while technically
feasible, was cautioned against. Additionally, where such cases needed investment
in equipment to support homework (especially where this only occurred
252
occasionally, with staff also needing office facilities) the likely costs involved were
thought to outweigh the advantages. This was hardly surprising, of course, given
that the principal rationales for homeworking in the first instance were issues of
productivity and flexibility, not savings in fixed resources.
Homeworking also shared some issues with telecentres, although the latter
also carried the secondary benefits of on-site working. These included: the
availability of existing resources such as computers, photocopiers, faxes and
furniture – much of which could be shared, especially between different shifts. In
addition, central workplaces provided for the maintenance of confidentiality and
security. The fact that they also allowed for the enclosure and surveillance of
workers also meant that managers were comfortable about control aspects of this
arrangement.
Specialised units and centralisation
Although many advantages could be (and had been) achieved through home-
working and forms we might characterise as telecentres, centralisation and the
creation of specialised business units were seen as the preferred and most likely types
of change. Indeed, it was expected that those central units for telephone loan
services and central mortgage charging which developed regionally (in the telecentre
type of initiative) would be displaced by more encompassing bank-wide initiatives
in due course. This was because, where it was possible to rationalise activities
right across the bank, rather than allowing local, half-way initiatives, economies
of scale would be greater, quality standards higher and more easily guaranteed,
and specific skills and expertises able to develop. For example, centralised
processing factories in cheap, out-of-town locations were seen as ideal for the
performance of low added-value work. (Of course, such issues are particularly
relevant to organisations which have over 2,000 outlets undertaking very similar
activities.)
Specialised business units had much in common with centralisation. However,
whereas the former were outward-focusing and directly served the ultimate customer,
the latter was inward-focusing, service-oriented and involved internal processes.
Specialised business units therefore fall into the category of organisation that
Holti and Stern (1986) call ‘distance working enterprises’. Such developments
reflected growing customer expectations for easier forms of access to banking
services, something which competition from building societies and niche providers
has helped create. The associated benefits of these developments included the
relative autonomy created, and the opportunity this offered for developing skills
and culture more attuned to sales and marketing activities.
Having discussed possibilities for telework-related innovations within the bank,
we can now turn to examine the decision-making context involved in deciding
which, if any, form of reorganisation was the preferred way of addressing the
bank’s problems and opportunities.
253
Deciding on telework in a business context
The systemic approach illustrated above differed considerably from those typically
adopted in the study of telework. By understanding and conceptualising
phenomena in context, and discussing rationales for change in the milieu of
related decision-making, it was possible to evaluate the relative merits and demerits
of teleworking in organisational change. In the bank a series of programmes was
already in place, including restructuring, relocation, rationalisation, new product
development and the provision of flexible working. In many respects, these
contributed to the same ends which forms of telework could also have addressed.
Therefore, considering whether the bank in question was or was not practising
teleworking was not really the main research issue. The study illustrated that
many contemporary (and often conventional) forms of reorganisation and decision-
making reflect matters that can be easily translated in teleworking terms. For
example, cutting overheads by saving space and moving to lower-cost areas was
already taking place, but this was done through rationalisation of the branch
network, and the relocation of branch and head office functions to more peripheral
regions. The few opportunities found for homeworking, by contrast, provided
little chance of savings in overheads.
The key rationale cited for homeworking – work flexibility – was already high
on the personnel agenda in the bank. However, staff involved in this department
considered that the bank’s existing tools for flexible working largely met the ends
sought by workers. Moreover, they did so without the associated costs involved
with homework. The centralisation programmes in the bank had also brought
about telework-related benefits, such as access to abundant labour markets and
cheap premises. So long as the bank deemed such programmes to be the most
efficient way of reorganising, therefore, other, more novel, changes were unlikely.
However, innovations in telephone loan services and call-centres did show that
distance working enterprises were emerging in the bank. And in keeping with the
more high-tech vision of telework, these were facilitated by integrated databases
that allowed for the remote retrieval and manipulation of information. They also
used cheaper, out-of-town accommodation. However, such developments are so
commonplace now as to be rarely thought of as ‘telework’.
Discussion
There are two typical approaches to understanding telework. In the first, the
phenomena under study are commonly recognised as cases undertaking telework,
and are studied to gain a more in-depth understanding about their nature and
background (for example, Kinsman 1987). In the second, research projects take
place in which the central aim is to collect ‘objective’ survey data about, for example,
teleworking forms and penetration, and to test or generate theoretical hypotheses.
Both are valid ways of addressing teleworking, of course, if they are commensurate
254
with the overall purpose of the studies involved. This was not so in the organisation
mentioned above. Here, while it wanted to gain a greater understanding of how
teleworking ideas were relevant to it, the bank did not consider itself to be the
embodiment of teleworking. An alternative approach was therefore required in
which the researcher worked with personnel in the organisation to facilitate a process
of learning about telework. In so doing, ideas from the teleworking literature were
drawn upon but were translated in terms meaningful to the people involved.
Here, teleworking ideas served as a means of helping the bank to diagnose
problems, identify solutions and highlight business opportunities, all from a
perspective that involved spatial reorganisation, possibly supported by IT. As
such, teleworking ideas represented a ‘generic tool’ for organisational learning –
one that was particularly important as it questioned old assumptions about work
location and design, and was based on the possibilities offered by new technologies.
A number of lessons resulted from this. The first was a need to distinguish
between the problems and issues considered relevant to telework (as commonly
identified in the literature) – spatial reorganisation, work flexibility, remote service
provision etc. – and the concept of telework. This is because the issues pertinent to
telework are frequently implicated in organisational change programmes and
discourses without the term itself being employed.
There was also a need to understand teleworking within the context of the
organisational and spatial dynamics in question. For a UK retail bank, with some
70,000 employees dispersed over 2,000 locations – many with similar business
processes and using the same basic databases – the issues connected with spatial
reorganisation differ markedly from many other companies. Even within this
company, though, telework was far from a homogeneous concept. In parts of the
bank involved in the development of IT-supported services, teleworking had most
resonance in terms of possibilities for remote service delivery systems. Personnel,
on the other hand, being concerned with issues such as an increase in maternity
return rates, especially on a full-time basis, saw it as a tool for flexible working.
Some tendencies also emerged that went against certain teleworking
orthodoxies. For example, the desire to achieve economies of scale and use capital
equipment to automate routine functions illustrated a desire for centralising activities
or displacing them by technology, rather than simply allowing for them to be
performed remotely. As such, IT was employed in ways that foreclosed teleworking
options rather than supported them. In addition, in the branch network, where
IT developments were accompanied by greater analytical facilities (or applied in
an ‘informating’ mode, as Zuboff 1988, would put it), this was used to enhance
face-to-face interaction with customers, and so improve quality of service and
opportunities for cross-selling. Indeed, in contrast to centralisation, where routine
processes were often involved, sales encounters were recognised as high added-
value activities. As such, effective use of staff time and expensive retail space
were the main issues, as opposed to lowering operating costs. This contrasts, of
course, with the telework logic that suggests a lowering in overheads by avoiding
the use of such office space.
255
Conclusions
While the banking context hardly provides the opportunity to generalise on all
organisations, we can make some concluding points. Companies operate in very
different industries, vary considerably in size and structure, and have different
products and delivery channels. An appreciation of the spatial dynamics involved
should therefore be the starting point for understanding both teleworking
opportunities, but also the very meaning(s) of the concept itself. By taking this
approach in the banking sector, recognising the importance of the branch network
as a key means of service delivery, and the fact that similar processes are replicated
in thousands of different locations, is essential.
In contrast to simple, one-dimensional views of IT found in some discussions
of telework (e.g. that it can be used to transcend space and thus cut down on
commuting), we were forced to consider telework in a way that recognised the
other readings and applications of the technology. Even where the choice may
exist to undertake work at a distance, the preference for automation, or to use the
technology to enhance face-to-face interactions, may foreclose the teleworking
option. While telework orthodoxies suggest that technologies can be used to
reduce operating costs and gain access to other labour markets, this may be
eclipsed by restructuring programmes that involve a rationalisation of staff and
premises, and relocation to more peripheral areas. Finally, while the term itself
may not be employed, developments such as call-centres represent the creation of
new business units, based on technology-supported remote service, that can be
easily interpreted in classic teleworking terms. In these instances, the wealth of
knowledge created in the study of telework stands by to inform and facilitate
developments. But also, such initiatives represent new phenomena from which
researchers into telework, keen to codify developments, must learn.
References
Checkland, P.B. and Scholes, J. (1990) Soft Systems Methodology in Action, Chichester: Wiley.
Child, J. and Loveridge, R. (1990) Information Technology in European Services, Oxford:
Blackwell.
Cressey, P. and Scott, P (1992) ‘Employment, Technology and Industrial Relations in
UK Clearing Banks: Is the Honeymoon Over?’, New Technology, Work and Employment 7,
2: 83–96.
Fincham, R., Fleck, J., Proctor, R., Scarbrough, H., Tierney, M. and Williams R. (1994)
Expertise and Innovation: Information Technology Strategies in the Financial Services Sector, Oxford:
Clarendon.
Gummesson, E. (1991) Qualitative Methods in Management Research, London: Sage.
Holti, R. and Stern, E. (1986) Distance Working: Origins, Diffusion, Prospects, Paris: Futuribles.
Kinsman, F. (1987) The Telecommuters, Chichester: Wiley.
Mauriello, M. (1996) ‘Economics of Retail Banking: What is Really Happening Here
Anyway’, Bankers Magazine 179, 6: 47–51.
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Procter, R. (1992) ‘Information Technology in the Financial Services Sector’, in Scarbrough,

H. (ed.) The IT Challenge: IT and Strategy in Financial Services, London: Prentice-Hall.
Scarbrough, H. (1992a) ‘The UK Financial Services Marketplace’, in Scarbrough, H.
(ed.) The IT Challenge: IT and Strategy in Financial Services, London: Prentice-Hall.
—— (1992b) ‘IT, Products and Infrastructures in Financial Services’, in Scarbrough, H.
(ed.) The IT Challenge: IT and Strategy in Financial Services, London: Prentice-Hall.
Zuboff, S. (1988) In the Age of the Smart Machine, Oxford: Heinemann.
257
Part 4
ACTORS, NETWORKS AND

EXPERIENCES
International cases of telework
In Part 4 we take a closer look at particular strategies and experiences of different

teleworking actors and networks from around the world. This includes cases from
Canada, USA, Austria, Italy, Sweden and Finland. The forms in question range
from individual teleworkers and networks of dispersed workers, to telecentres and
even ‘tele-villages’. These cases not only highlight different forms and aspects of
telework, they also show the differing aims and interests of the actors involved.
Chapter 16, by Dima Dimitrova and Janet Salaff, concerns two groups of
office-based administrative workers, each of which interacts with their clients
(both in-house and external) at a distance. The authors examine the relationship
between different types of technology, task characteristics and organisational
processes. They identify a range of factors under dispersed arrangements that
influence the way technology is employed. These include, for instance, the
predictability of work, the network relations (including customers and co-workers)
needed to get work done, and the interdependence of the tasks undertaken.
In Chapter 17 by Steven Fireman, attention is focused on the individual
teleworker, and the reasons he or she may choose to refrain from or reduce their
amount of teleworking. He develops a model for explaining the reasons for
‘withdrawal’ from telework. There are three parts to this: ‘community’, which
describes an employee’s desire for interaction in an office environment;
‘compulsion’, which highlights those factors outside of work that influence an
employee’s reasons for teleworking; and ‘comfort’, which refers to the overall
support employees receive from management. The model helps us to understand
how individuals, across a range of cultures, adapt to teleworking in specific
organisational contexts. It can therefore be used to predict a likely fit between the
individual and the work arrangements involved.
259
INTERNATIONAL CASES OF TELEWORK
In Chapter 18 by Georg Aichholzer, the viability of centre-based teleworking

is examined. The author describes several projects in which telecentres were
established in the form of neighbourhood offices, satellite offices and resort offices.
He examines the reasons for the success or failure of these arrangements, and
suggests how these experiences can inform future centre-based practices.
In Chapter 19, the main actors of interest are the telecom companies. Patrizio
Di Nicola and Ruggero Parrotto describe how these companies, whilst keen to
promote telework as a business product, have also been engaged in using it
themselves. One obvious reason for this has been their ownership of a substantial
infrastructure which can support telework. The authors suggest a number of
lessons that can be learned from these experiences, particularly the need to share
knowledge and cultural values in order for such innovations to develop and
stabilise.
In Chapter 20 Lennart Sturesson highlights the vendor’s perspective on
teleworking. In this case, the role of IT and telecom companies as active promoters
of telework forms the central matter of interest. He argues, though, that in
promoting telework as a new form of work, symbolic values are often marketed
rather than those of utility. Sturesson shows the array of actors that have taken an
interest in teleworking, and the attempts made to place teleworking ideas at the
centre of the design of new tele-villages.
In the final chapter, Reima Suomi, Ari Luukinen, Juhani Pekkola and Marya
Zamindar point to the critical role played by management capabilities and opinions
in the introduction of telework. They provide an overview of changes in Finnish
working life and the role telework adoption has played in this. The authors argue
that the spread of telework will depend on an adequate technological and
communication infrastructure, appropriate technological skills and the
reorganisation of corporate structures and cultures.
260
16
TELEWORK AS SOCIAL INNOVATION

How remote employees work together
Dima Dimitrova and Janet W. Salaff
Introduction
Our study on teleworkers helps us understand how people in decentralised

organisations work remotely. How remote employees get work done, control
and co-ordinate work and maintain social relations from afar starts with
their communication. We study corporate teleworkers in a large
telecommunications firm, which we call the company. Although they work
in their home offices, all have partners and clients inside and outside the
company at some distance from them. Technology can bridge space, and
many expect teleworkers will use mediated technology to communicate.
Communications technologies are their lifelines. But what technology most
helps them work together from afar?
The company we study equips its middle-level managers, professionals and
salespeople with advanced computer-based technologies. Yet, just having
computers and modems does not mean these remote workers use them fully.
Some start up their modems to share data, whereas others prefer to talk on the
phone, or even start up their cars to meet their co-workers. In this Chapter, we
compare two groups of employees at roughly the same organisational level in
the same firm. We learn why one group depends on mediated technologies to
bridge remote locales while the other chooses to meet face to face. They telework
differently, and we try to locate the key sources of difference. In this Chapter
we focus on the communication patterns which are a central part of how they
telework.
Our study has broader implications for the spread of this novel work form. If
most employees can use new mediated communications to work at a distance,
telework is more likely to spread. If, however, many cannot adapt remote
technologies to their tasks, telework will be limited to small circles of corporate
workers with just the right kinds of tasks.
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How people use different communication techniques

to work remotely
Literature review
Organisational research that analyses the work employees do helps us understand

the ease with which they telework. Olson’s (1982, 1983) early research found
that professionals who teleworked most easily were those who had independent,
longterm and structured projects and exchanged few resources with others. This
finding raises important issues, starting with communication.
Central to remote work is how people communicate at a distance. Matching
work tasks with media, ‘rational choice’ theorists tell us that managers with
ambiguous communication tasks prefer rich media. Those that have routine and
clearer communications can make do with leaner channels (Daft et al. 1987;
Trevino et al. 1990; Lowry 1996). Applied to teleworkers, we expect that those
who can transmit clear messages and use the vast array of computer-mediated
communications media can easily work at a distance. At the other extreme,
however, this finding limits the extent of successful telework to the set of employees
that can convey clear messages.
Next is the degree of structure in their arrangement of tasks. Here we follow
Perrow’s (1970) emphasis on repetition in structured organisational work. Olson’s
(1982) study suggested that the employees’ work processes are central to how
they telework. In another paper, we described managers and professionals with
routine work who work at a distance as readily as in the company office while
those with novel, negotiated jobs needed considerable support to work remotely
(Salaff and Dimitrova 1996). If this is the case, can improved technology more
widely extend this novel work form to those with varied work processes?
Finally, is Olson’s finding that those who have limited exchanges with their
work partners are the most successful teleworkers. Can only the independent worker
who exchanges little with co-workers work at a distance? Since corporate employees
rarely have independent work and usually work in relation with others, the nature
of interdependence needs further study. Organisational theorists distinguish pooled,
sequential and reciprocal flows between work partners that exchange the resources
they need for their product (Scott 1992: 230). Those that pool their work do not
exchange resources; each employee contributes to the final product. Those that
work sequentially rely on the input of their partners before them, and in turn
provide input for follow-up work. People that are reciprocally interdependent have
to take each other’s inputs into account to produce their product. While few studies
of teleworkers’ communication assess modes of employees’ interdependence, some
are aware of its importance for teleworking (Fritz et al. 1994; Li 1996). But only by
linking modes of interdependence to the work process can we understand how this
innovative form of work can be adapted to widely divergent work relationships.
Sociologists stress that the work-group shapes how people communicate. Fulk et
al.’s studies (1990) found that the workgroup provides norms, cues and attitudes
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about members’ communication. Social network theorists study how the structure
of social networks shapes distinct uses of communications media (Garton and
Wellman 1995; Haythornthwaite and Wellman 1996; Haythornthwaite et al. 1995;
Wellman 1995). On the other hand, actor-network theory posits that people use
communications technology to relate to their networks. Individuals will be more
likely to adapt that new technology which develops the connections they have to
others (Latour 1987, 1991; Lea et al. 1995; Axelsson and Easton 1992). Extending
these ideas to teleworking as a new set of work techniques, can we expect that more
employees will telework if assured that they and their work networks can
communicate with ease?
To understand how remote workers work together, we study the media they
use and the supports they need. Do they, depending on the ambiguity of their
messages, choose media of different degrees of richness? How does the
arrangement of their tasks, the degree of routine or novelty of project tasks,
shape media choice? And how do their relationships with the work partners with
whom they exchange resources affect how they telework? We focus here on the
mediated technologies that bridge space. We contrast leaner mainframe, LAN-
based computer exchanges, and somewhat richer telephone-mediated forms of
communication, with the richest, face-to-face personal interaction. We propose
that remote workers with structured projects and stable network structures will
choose cool media. In contrast, those with structured projects but complex and
unstable work relationships will prefer unmediated and the richest forms of
mediated communication.
Our study site
Our study uses the qualitative method of ‘paired comparisons’. For this chapter,
we focus on two administrative groups of remote workers who work in fairly
structured ways but exchange resources differently. We chose them from our
larger sample of managers, professionals and salesworkers in the middle ranks of
the company who perform complex jobs. The sample as a whole includes 94
employees from 21 administrative groups with a variety of jobs in the firm. Some
work in company cubicles, others at home, and still others are mobile workers
from ‘hotelling’ sites. This chapter describes two groups of those that gave up the
downtown spot and set up an office in their own home.
Those in this study volunteered to telework. Some were ‘guerrilla’ teleworkers,
working remotely with the agreement of their supervisor, before the company
adopted the teleworking policy. All were teleworking before we met them and
saw the innovative work form as suitable to their work.
We talked with these employees in several sessions of semi-structured interviews
that lasted an hour or more. We discussed how they work, their supervision,
setting up the home office, and as home based-workers changes in their home
reproductive tasks. We gathered data from individuals on how they work with
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others. While these are not group-level data, their descriptions capture their work
with others.
We taped and transcribed these sessions, and analysed them with the qualitative
text package, NUD*IST. We searched the database for themes suggested by the
material and by literature on the topic.
Two forms of work
To show how work processes, communication tasks and network characteristics

shape use of technology, we compare managers ‘provisioning’ telecommunication
switches for long-distance phone lines with sales consultants to call-centre operations.
Both groups are in the management tier but in different divisions of the company.
Their projects have a routine structure, while their networks vary. Where there are
other differences that affect our comparison, they will be discussed below.
Provisioners: predictable tasks, stable networks
Job function
Provisioners do the paperwork for the installation of new machines in the

company switching centres to support long-distance services. As teleworkers,
they work from home. Theirs is unheralded, behind-the-scenes, detailed and
highly routine project oriented administrative work. In a typical project,
provisioners suggest an appropriate switching centre, draw up a budget and
write the specs. They order the equipment from a supplier, schedule the
installation and pay the bills. Their work is complex, but they and others in
their work network impose a routine. Stable work networks facilitate this routine,
as seen in three stages of their projects.
Getting the project
Provisioners install new technologies that follow the logic of product development.
They are relatively isolated from market pressures, although competition has quickened
new installations. Previously programmed two years in advance, now projects may
come ‘out of the blue’. However, daily operations have changed little.
The routine work of provisioning that lends itself to computer-based
communication modes begins with getting the project. Vice Presidents decide
whether to go ahead with installations, and determine the budget. They
delegate the primary responsibility (project ‘ownership’) to planners, who set
time frames and pull together a project team, and assign the provisioner that
we study here. Each provisioner supports the installation of a particular type
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of machine in her district and the project team composition depends on the
machines and the district where they will be installed. Planners contact the
appropriate provisioner by e-mail and detail the project further in an electronic
file. Provisioners thus follow directives from above, and make few independent
decisions of their own.
Provisioners start initial paperwork, and include the work in the plans of
their company and that of the equipment manufacturer. Although team
members routinely use e-mail, projects have formal paperwork that is physically
copied in binders. Binders move from department to department as the project
progresses.
Provisioners first confirm the planner’s choice of location for the new equipment
or recommend another by e-mail. The job is formally introduced in a face-to-face
meeting. A dozen involved parties attend, from the manufacturing departments
of the supplier, the purchasing department of their company, technical experts
and the manager of the provisioners’ administrative group. The type of machines,
finances, deadlines, and turn-round times of the project are predetermined and
the meeting is a one-way exchange: ‘OK, this is what we are going to do and this
is how we are going to do it and these are the dates we want it . . . the intervals are
cut’. They hold the meeting because of the complexities of the projects. A face-to-
face meeting allows visuals and questions, and the particularities are discussed.
However, this meeting is one of the few they will hold.
Project scheduling ‘is all done electronically’. Working backwards from the final
deadline set by the planner, provisioners come up with a time frame for each
operation. Through e-mail, programmers from the company and the supplier issue
a set of job numbers that detail equipment and deadlines. Both company and
supplier can access the needed databases electronically. Programmers ‘schedule’ or
‘programme’ the job; they file it under a special number and assign the requested
time slots on the mainframe databases of incoming jobs. The job numbers, the
keystones of all official records, now identify the project work assignments. The
assigned codes allow information to be stored electronically, accessed by different
departments on the mainframe and communicated among co-workers. The
mainframe databases become a tool for co-ordination and control. When the total
amount of funding is approved, provisioners start to work on the project.
Doing the work
Provisioners do much of their work electronically, by e-mail messages or entering

data on the information system of the supplier (PAQS database) with their
passwords. Remote technology helps provisioners confirm the scheduling with
the supplier and request records on the machinery previously installed in the
designated project switching centre. Ordering the equipment, they work with
those who attended the kick-off meeting and add contacts from groups
responsible for the installation, maintenance and management of the new
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equipment. To make a list of the software to go with the new equipment,

provisioners exchange spreadsheets over e-mail with the company’s software
group: ‘I give them the job number and what I am putting in, and electronically
send it across to them’.
The complex job of working out the specifications and budget, however, requires
more face-to-face discussion. Provisioners input the bulk of the equipment; the
manufacturing engineers from the allied supplier add the ‘nitty-gritty technical
details’ (like cables). Every change is scrutinised and approved by both sides.
Project participants from five to seven groups discuss the specifications in two
consecutive meetings. Once agreed upon, the formal approval of the specs, the
price quote of the supplier and the actual ordering of the equipment from the
manufacturing department of the supplier are done electronically by accessing
the databases across the two companies. To finalise the order, the supplier faxes
an official order form to the provisioner to sign. This mix of face-to-face, electronic
and other contacts in ordering the equipment enables detailed discussion as well
as quick remote administrative action. Setting a budget is another iterative process
which follows the specifications changes and final prices. Revisions and the finalised
budget are entered on the budgeting database of the company. But the approval
of financial documents follows a traditional administrative procedure centred on
a hard copy document moving along the line of report. The higher executives
personally sign a binder copy of the budget: ‘How high it goes up depends on
how much this estimate is valued at. I can myself approve up to $40,000, my boss
can approve $80,000, his boss can approve $200,000.’ A mix of technologies
allows what is not done electronically to be done remotely. The provisioner faxes
a copy of her estimate to a clerk in the office. The clerk may pass the budget
estimate to the provisioner’s manager and then the provisioner phones her boss
to notify him. If ‘it is no rush’ then the provisioner waits until she gets to the
central office and personally hands over the binder. After the final budget draft is
revised, it is entered in the mainframe master file and becomes the responsibility
of the budgeting group to monitor the charging of labour and money against it.
Handing over the completed project
The provisioner hands over the completed project to the installation co-ordinator
at the set time. After the equipment is installed, the provisioners monitor the
payment of bills. Different pieces of equipment are processed, verified and billed
separately. They send the paperwork to budgeting to fill out the appropriate
invoices, sign and fax back the forms, log them, and notify electronically the
Accounts Payable department to issue the cheques. When the bills are paid, the
provisoner notifies another group in writing to close the project and sends the
hard copies of all documents for electronic archiving. The project is officially
completed.
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Analysis
Predictability
Provisioning is structured and predictable work. While provisioners do diverse

tasks within a project, their range and the overall organisation of work remain
the same for each new site. The specific ‘product’ of provisioners, the smooth,
without ‘hitches’, installing of new machines, is unambiguous. Well-developed
procedures, rules, agreements and machine codes guide performance. Committee
and department rules determine the allocation of work between provisioners
and their partners for each operation, fix turn-round times of operations and
structure the workflow around them: ‘You would probably say it’s more a series
of steps and we follow them although there are always exceptions to the rule I
suppose’. A project takes from six to nine months and provisioners manage up
to 12 projects at once. These do not vary. Emergencies are rare. The key is
meeting deadlines. If a co-worker delays her input and jeopardises the
provisioner’s own deadline, this can be problematic. They solve this by
‘escalating’, which includes higher-level managers by copying them e-mail
exchanges. Provisioners do not take major decisions. They follow a set routine.
Their tasks, the sequence, turnround times, the resources they need and how
they work, the machines to install, funding, and organisation of work are all set
by others. The work has an accepted way of doing things and a temporal
structure. While complex, provisioners’ work entails little negotiation or
politicking. Within this predetermined framework, provisioners can work out
their own short-term timetable and organise their work on a small scale.
Structured work is predictable, making it easy for provisioners to plan.
Network and relationships
The workflow of installation provisioning links groups in a known fashion. A

project passes from one person (or group) to another, each completing a particular
operation. In organisational terms, their work is sequential with their work project
teams and pooled with the administrative group: ‘We all have our little pieces to
do and I have to get input from a lot of them for me to be able to complete my
tasks, and they also have to get input from me for them to be able to complete
their tasks. But nobody does what I do and I don’t do what anybody else does.’
ADM INI STRATIVE G ROUP
Provisioners belong to an administrative group of eight to ten people, which

supports the installation of machinery and its software. They do not work together
as a group on projects.
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S U PERVI SOR
The provisioners’ supervisor is kept informed but rarely gets involved in the day-to-
day work. As a formal authority, the supervisor has to approve budgets. But he
neither provides concrete resources for the provisioners’ projects, nor needs their
input in his work. Once higher executives launch a project, the type of equipment to
be installed and the location determines who is responsible. Because of the existence
of rules and deadlines, work is readily tracked and measured. Clear and uncomplicated
responsibilities on both sides demand few elaborate supervisory procedures.
Provisioners handle their structured tasks without consulting their supervisor: ‘Why
should we burden him with a lot of little things?’ If several new projects start together
and threaten overload, provisioners may notify their supervisor who negotiates with
higher executives on their behalf. The rare escalation involves him in the loop, but it
is the threat to take action that matters more than intervention.
Two ‘peers’ share the same function for different districts. Peers help out each other
in emergencies and take over each other’s projects during longer absences. They keep
each other informed. The rest of the administrative group provisions different machines
or software and does not work with provisioners. A few other co-workers from the
administrative group of the provisioners are contacted in the course of their work.
Provisioners need clerical help to type hand-written budget estimates not on the mainframe.
But they try to reduce that by learning new software when work slows down: ‘I should
be able to do that . . . It is my project for the winter. I haven’t got around to it yet’.
WORK FLOW N ETWORK
The project work team is drawn from administrative groups in many locations.
Provisioners contact the same groups and the same people for each project. They
work with designated contact persons. They may work with about 30 co-workers
and partners from a number of workgroups in diverse company departments.
They exchange resources with two external companies, but these do not vary
and are closely allied to them. They have a single supplier.
During a project lasting several months, provisioners switch from group to
group as required. But since they handle a number of projects at a time and their
work relationships in them are the same, in practice they contact their network
members at fixed but long intervals.
Planners, software provisioners or maintenance form the core project team
responsible for a distinct set of project tasks. They get involved most frequently
in the project. Remaining network members are designated contacts who, while
not responsible for the project, have well-defined roles: they supply old equipment,
give information on the software for the new equipment, or schedule a task.
They get involved at a certain stage of work, finish their tasks within a fixed time,
and end involvement. In these ways, workflow relationships are structured; the
resources exchanged are fixed.
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CLIENT
The client for each project is the co-ordinator responsible for the installation of
the provisioned machine. Provisioners inform the co-ordinator on the project
status, but the co-ordinator does not provide input, and does not play much of a
role in the work.
COMM UN ICATION
Provisioners communicate in the context of structured work, stable relationships

and networks anchored in a limited circle of co-workers and partners. They
communicate at set times and the text is clear. Negotiation, if it occurs, is over
technical issues not their political nature. Provisioners contact their supervisor, their
peer and the clerk supporting their administrative group frequently, even daily.
They do so in a routine manner and over a wide range of three or four forms of
media. They use a narrower range of media with other projects’ participants.
Provisioners use mediated technology to communicate with their core group
of co-workers and partners. By far the highest percentage of mediated technology
is e-mail. A sizeable amount of their communication with project members is
indirect, mediated by the mainframe. On the mainframe, the information is open
for other project team members to review and use without directly contacting
provisioners. They exchange data with their work partners through the mainframe,
inputting or pulling budget estimates, equipment information and other data
from mainframe databases.
The telephone follows e-mail in frequency. Live calls outrank voice-mail. Lest it
be thought that the live calls are responses to emergencies, or negotiation, even
here this is not the case. Phone calls include team or group voice-conferencing;
sometimes up to 70 people can ‘participate’, ordered by a strict agenda. Further,
they are prompted to use multiple contacts to make up for the deficiencies of
mediation. For example, they use e-mail or fax to transfer bulky numerical
information but back-up such transfers by phone calls to clarify their requests or
indicate urgency. They arrange face-to-face meetings electronically. They also try
to add face-to-face contacts where the normal course of projects’ workflow requires
only mediated communication. Whenever they are in town, provisioners will ‘pop
in and say Hi’ to their contact persons in the budgeting group, informal ways to
support their mail and fax contacts. Using several media for the same contact
combines the strength of each, but also raises the incidence of non-mediated contact.
Faxed and written exchanges are next frequent. There are few real time
meetings. Overall communication, thus, is not only mediated, but also dominated
by leaner media.
Formal and informal contacts are distinct. Formal face-to-face interaction
supports a limited number of work operations (like specification discussion), while
informal face-to-face interaction maintains smooth relationships. Although such
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informal contacts ease their duties, work relationships typically do not evolve
into social ties. Provisioners keep their workflow and friendship networks separate.
Predictability of work and stable relationships drive other communication patterns.
Provisioners work in an established group with regular contacts. They have known
most of their co-workers and partners for years. Provisioners know the time frames
of their tasks. There are no emergencies, and they do not need to be available outside
regular office hours: ‘Nobody ever calls at weekends’. Their meetings, either voice-
conference calls or face-to-face meetings, are scheduled. Hence, they know when
communication with co-workers and partners is likely and when contacts may involve
urgent issues. They can choose the right time for contacts and delay communication
if needed: ‘In my particular job, it’s not like real time. It’s not like the phone has to be
answered this second.’ They plan and initiate their contacts, gaining control over
communications, which routine and predictability make possible. Stable networks
further reinforce provisioners’ control over communication.
In the interplay of predictable work and established relationships,
communication emerges as mediated, delayed, structured by the flow of tasks.
Provisioners none the less control the workflow.
Team call-centre sales consultants: varied networks
The company’s permanent consultants to the 1–800 call-centres in corporate

industry are organised as a 40-member team call-centre. The sales consultants
advise Canada’s largest national financial and manufacturing industries on call-
centre operations. We describe here an 11-member industry vertical administrative
group within team call-centre. They are called consultants because they do not
charge the customer for their advice. Their mandate is to increase long-distance
usage, which both increases the client’s customers and the telecommunications
company’s revenue. While the range of project tasks vary with the client, internal
procedures and products are similar, with predictable stages.
Job function
Team call-centre consultants are the cream of the company sales force, and they
have to provide quality service to their important accounts. They deliver a range
of ‘value-added services’ to powerful companies, whose national and international
customers contact them through their 1–800 numbers.
Call-centre consultants analyse clients’ call-centres needs, recommend a call
centre where needed, specify the number of lines and staffing based on the
customer’s calling patterns, and help hire and train call-centre operators: ‘Our
role is to consult with our clients on developing new call-centres, on improving
the performance of existing call centres’. They discuss with and make presentations
to clients, for which they pull together information from a variety of sources and
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do independent analytical work. But the central part of their work is ‘politicking’,
persuasion and negotiation, a source of task and network diversity.
Their large national accounts generate millions of revenue for the company.
They have often been the dedicated representative to these accounts for years.
The consultant to one of Canada’s national banks spends most of her time on
projects for her one-million dollar account. This anchor account jostles with a
dozen other substantial, yet smaller-scale, national accounts, such as a chain
realestate agent: ‘The Bank has a lot of needs from a telecommunications point
of view. I mean they get service to the ‘nines’; these are big customers of ours . .
. The Bank, generates, it’s like maybe $ 12 million worth of long-distance revenue
and I’m working with maybe $5 million of that.’
Getting the project
With ‘ownership’ of their accounts, consultants generate their own projects and make
the major project decisions. A project can start in a number of ways, from visits to the
customer to referrals from previous projects. The consultant has a mandate to visit
two customers a day for 15 days of the month to generate new projects. Often potential
clients themselves seek out the consultant either because they know she is their special
representative or because their colleagues with similar needs referred her: ‘Sometimes
they call in here. A lot of companies know team call-centre services, so they will call
our switchboard and they will say, “We’re looking for some training.”’ They may
also contact her assistant who is working ‘in front of the customer all the time’. While
relations with the client company are ongoing, consultants work with different groups
within it. Within each account, consultants provide advice and recommendations for
different departments and sites, each of which is a project. Clearly, consultants have
to be proactive to secure their own job; negotiation and communication are central to
a good consulting strategy.
Doing the work
After the client employs the consultant’s services, the work itself becomes technical
and routine, and less political. While the range of their tasks vary, all have
guidelines and turn-round times. Most of their work is based on modules.
At the first stage, the consultant clarifies the client’s objectives and expectations.
The consultant, her supervisor and often her support person meet with clients to
discuss the project: ‘I sit in meetings and strategise how the programme is going to go
. . . Then we decide on a course of action depending on what they need and you have
to prepare a report outlining what it is we’re going to do for them, so I do that.’
The content of subsequent work rests on the needs of the client. In a full-range
project, the consultant performs a ‘needs analysis’ to find out if a call-centre is
needed. But even where the call-centre is already installed, she must analyse the
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phone representatives’ work. She collects data from diverse sources for this analysis.
Discussions with the client provide some information: ‘We would sit in a room
and talk to the managers and find out what their problems are and what their hot
buttons are and what they want to do . . . They have certain needs, they don’t
feel that their people have got enough etiquette on the phone, or don’t know how
to sell, or they don’t know how to be courteous or end a call – they could’ve
given a million reasons.’
Assistants do the more routine part of collecting the data. A designated
support ‘would go and actually monitor their calls and see where their
weaknesses are’. Meanwhile, the clerk gathers long-distance phone call data
from the mainframe. She ‘brings off reports that tell me how busy they are,
how busy they’re not, in a given time’. The consultant analyses the collected
data on the computer, outlines a plan for her services, then discusses the
proposal with the client: ‘My job is to go in there and say, “Mr Customer,
by the way, look at this report. You’re missing a lot of calls. People are
hanging, people are waiting on the phone ten minutes before they get
through.” “Oh, really, what am I to do?” “This is what we recommend.
This is what we offer.”’
After her needs analysis, she takes two days to write the account plan. She also
e-mails or faxes the proposal to her manager to file as her activity report. After
having sold the client on the proposal, the consultant starts implementation.
Her assistant takes over, and orders the services that the consultant
recommends. She does the recommended training, using standard training
modules. Although the assistant may adjust the formal training modules to the
client’s need, the work is repetitive. For example, a traders’ manager asked her
to give the training course in eight one-hour time slots instead of two four-hour
sessions. To do so, she revised the course by changing the order and adding
information from old courses.
After the initial start-up, the consultant supervises her assistant, helps her with
problems and keeps ongoing communication with the customer to follow up.
Depending on the project, the consultant may bring in other co-workers from the
sales team or a technician from the mechanisation group to install equipment and
work up a quotation. She does post-sales service but others in the sales department
do the actual technical back-up. Other groups install lines, equipment and
applications.
Handing over the completed project
The active involvement of the consultant in a project ends with the completion of
training. She sees the Vice Presidents in the client company to ensure they are
happy with the results. But the consultant remains the contact person for her
company and personnel from her client firm may call later with queries and
requests. In that sense, the project is open-ended.
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Analysis
Predictability
The uncertainty in consulting is rooted in customer satisfaction. Developing and

maintaining relationships with the client firm is an ongoing and highly political
task. Apart from relationship building, the actual consulting work is structured.
Call-centres operate in a similar way. The ‘product’ of consultants – an efficient
call-centre – entails a limited number of technical and administration problems.
Their solutions are clear and consultants do not have to invent them. There is a
ratio of operators to lines and calls. There are rules and turn-round times to guide
work. Most projects are within the same client firm. This single industry framework
does not allow a wide variation in the technical and administrative solutions. It also
introduces a common business strategy and objective in most sites.
However, projects are client driven and consultants choose equipment and
training modules to suit a particular site or department. These may or may not
already have a call-centre, they may plan the expansion in a slightly different way
and they may have some site-specific problems. Hence, while consultants apply
known solutions each time, their tasks across projects vary. Such work demands
independent decisions in selecting the right mix of software and training courses.
Project durations are also varied. Helping a supervisor customise a software
package takes a week, training the sales team takes two to three months. Installing
a new call-centre takes much longer. At any one time the consultant works with
about three active projects at different stages of completion, with more in the pre-
proposal pipeline.
The work a consultant does is conceptual and analytic and there are relatively few
emergencies. Most crises are client generated: a client advertises a telephone number
without providing enough telephone lines and operators for an inevitable peak: ‘And
experience tells me, when the customers [of the client’s firm] see the [advertised]
number, they’re going to call, so your peaks are going to go like this’ and the system
will crash. Consultants anticipate such crises and can prevent them, but are often
called in after the event to help sort it out: ‘Now if a system crashed . . . they would
call the . . . technical person rather than me because I can’t fix it. I might be responsible
for it if I set it up badly or something but I can’t fix. They fix it.’
However, crises may be of a political nature, the product of a company’s hurt
ego, and the consultant is called to put out the fire. But these are not common.
She has few weekend calls, and few customers know her home phone number.
Networks and relationships
The workflow of consultants links groups that have diverse roles, and therefore
their interdependence is complex. They have reciprocal interdependence with clients,
sequential work with workflow members, and they pool input from their peers.
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That consultants most depend for their work on their external clients is foremost
in shaping network relationships. The client-driven nature of consulting work
that requires them to suit projects to client needs is at the centre of their
interdependent work relations. There is constant input to projects from both the
client and the consultant.
As the link between their client and a number of workgroups in the company,
consultants serve as contact persons who funnel down solutions from various company
experts to their client. Their work also demands an input of unstructured, political,
strategic information. To get such expertise, they cultivate numerous and diverse
relationships in and outside the company. These work networks are large and diverse
and not stable. Because they need a wide range of information, their workflow members
vary across projects depending on the need of the clients, and they switch between
contacts. Some are formally involved in the work. Others provide consultants with
specialised knowledge ‘on demand’. After consultants receive the necessary
information, they may not need formal contact for a while. Nevertheless, they maintain
contact with many colleagues, anticipating this need for diverse information.
ADM IN ISTRATIVE GROUP
They normally work with a core of four co-workers, and add others depending
on the project. They cultivate a broader base of network members as advisors for
support and services, especially to get information.
Supervisor The supervisor has an important role to play in their projects.

Consultants bring her to the first meeting with the client when strategic decisions
are made. The supervisor is a back-up and support because ‘she has got more
experience with banks than I do’. Her authority also adds credibility to the
consultant; she also comes ‘for clout’. Because of the political nature of their
work, consultants get more involved in negotiations and power struggles and
have to be aware of power imbalances. Client meetings with the supervisor
offer opportunities for coaching; they end with an immediate review of personal
performance and advice for the future. At the same time, the consultant and
the supervisor work out a plan for handling the project. These are so important
that the company has mandated two joint visits to clients per month.
Involved in the projects, the supervisor is well aware of her team’s work.
However, this is not enough to track a consultant’s progress. Performance is
measured as the amount of new long-distance revenue an account generates.
This amount is not known immediately and there is no visible link between the
consultants’ performance and the long-distance revenue. Clients are
unpredictable, can change their minds, and the relationships with the client can
be volatile. The supervisor needs constant updates and soft, unstructured
information on consultant–client relations.
274
Explicit control and reporting procedures take the form of an electronic log to
the database of client visits, with names and telephone numbers of contacts, the
service rendered and other details of the project. In addition, once a month section
meetings filter down information on company policy, restructuring, or changes
in account measurement.
Supports Consultants work closely with an assistant when the project entails training.
While three consultants share one assistant, assistants are personally responsible for the
projects they work on. After the contract is signed, the supports do the routine work of
observing, collecting, recording, counting. They spend long hours at the call-centre,
collecting information on existing problems and delivering training courses. In the
process, they develop relationships with these contacts and become a conduit for messages
from the client, feed-back and a source of new projects. The clerk helps with needs
analysis. She compiles data from the mainframe databases on long-distance calling. She
may type documents. The receptionist, in turn, is a ‘buffer’ between consultants and
their contacts: she tracks down consultants when clients need them urgently.
Other consultants Consultants work independently, each immersed in her own

accounts. But all consultants in the group keep in touch and exchange tips and
information about their work. The organisation of work, the group objective set
for the whole team, as well as their need for unstructured, subtle, political
information makes such contacts a part of the job.
WORKFLOW N ETWORK M EMBERS
Account team Consultants do not have the same formal team for each project: their
formal working relationships are account based. They work closely with sales
people who handle the same client. Depending on the client’s needs and the
project, partners from three to four other groups from the company may come in
to install the call-centre equipment or other services. There are about ten technical
experts comprising the wider work team.
Peers As the dedicated representative to her client, she has national counterparts that
perform similar services for the same client company in different provinces: ‘Of course
the Bank is almost [as big as] our company. I mean it’s massive, it’s across the country.
Now I’m not responsible for that, I’m only responsible for the immediate area here but
they have divisions everywhere.’ These national counterparts do not co-ordinate on a
project, and instead give advice. Even though their peers across the country work for
different telephone companies, they are brought together in an alliance. Consultants co-
ordinate their work with them to achieve uniformity and share information about the
client. Peers have regular meetings or may contact each other on an individual basis: ‘I
can’t be in Vancouver and I can’t be in Montreal because we have territory assigned but
we are working with the same customer so I would call my counterpart in B.C., in
275
Montreal, all over the country. We exchange information and say, “this is what we are
doing in Toronto, what are you doing in Vancouver?’”
The consultant’s overall work network extends beyond these formal categories.
Besides those who get directly involved and co-ordinate their work with the
consultant, she has numerous contacts across the company and outside it. She
consults often with other peers who deal with her client in capacities other than
call-centres. Company experts have information about their new products and
services, business tips, and technical details. There are product managers, co-
workers who handle software services for call-centres, videoconferencing, smaller
business office products, and others. This array of different sales people, consultants
and experts help her provide a wide range of services for the client.
Clients Consultants work with constant accounts but most projects are on different
sites and involve new people from the client company. Consultants develop an
extensive client network: some are one-shot contacts while others are stable
relationships which evolve into social ties or even friendships. These ties provide
the ‘soft’ information and referrals crucial for getting projects. In addition, clients
are the most important source of project-specific knowledge like department
objectives, problems, preferences and interpretations of the situation. In every project,
their input determines the choice of equipment, software, or training modules.
Clients, hence, affect to a large extent how consultants go about their work.
COMMUN ICATION
The political nature of their work and the centrality of the clients in their network
give rise to the consultants’ communication patterns. Contacts with clients and
experts dominate their communication. Negotiation is critical and the timing of
the contacts cannot be easily planned. Such negotiated, political communication
demands rich media. At the same time, network members are dispersed and the
use of communication media inevitable. Consultants’ communication is a
compromise between these two contradictory demands.
Consultants contact their assistant and supervisor most frequently, both of
whom have specific responsibilities in their projects. To communicate with them,
consultants use a range of technologies.
In sheer numbers, there are more mediated than face-to-face contacts. Phone
messages and phone calls outnumber the rest. They are more than routine
communications and contain vital negotiated information. E-mail, regular mail
and fax follow in frequency.
While face-to-face communications are less numerous than mediated
communications, they are lengthy, take much of the consultant’s time, and support
the most significant steps in the workflow. Consultants spend two to three days a
week in face-to-face meetings. As they spend much of their time on client sites and
276
many of their experts and peers are remote, other contacts are by necessity mediated.
When unable to meet face to face, consultants use richer and real time media to
communicate with clients. Out of these demands comes a strong preference for the
phone and voice-mail. Consultants call the telephone their ‘lifeline’, and make sure
they have all services and equipment: individual voice-mail, group voice-mail for
broadcasting, calling cards and a cellular phone. One consultant proudly displayed
her new tilted handset that let her talk and dial without taxing her wrist. This
preference for real time contacts is reflected in the sales culture which portrays itself
as resting on verbal communication: ‘we are talkers’. They ‘find the voice-mail
very effective’ and check it hourly throughout the day. The bulk of personal contacts
is with representatives of the client. While the consultant comes to the downtown
office once a week or once every two weeks, she meets clients several times a week
for lengthy discussions and presentations. These numerous meetings with the client
are necessary and time consuming. Unstructured complex discussions with co-
workers add demands on consultants’ time although they have less priority in the
workflow. To handle the volume of face-to-face contacts and at the same time meet
the needs of complex discussions with co-workers, consultants combine meetings.
Their joint meetings with the client are attended by their supervisor, various sales
representatives or their assistant.
The political and less structured nature of contacts blur work and social
relationships. To get referrals and projects, consultants keep on good terms with
clients and peers. At the same time, relationships are not totally structured by
workflow. For necessary pieces of information, the consultant has to know and
select the best source and cultivate the relationship in advance. She has to cultivate
relationships with experts and clients in case they are needed in the future. As a
result, work contacts evolve into friendships.
This is seen in the multiplexity of relationships. The consultant socialises with
many in her work network. Her administrative group meets informally once a
month, after the formal group meeting. She lunches with co-workers who are
important sources of information. The consultant considers some of the
representatives of her client company friends. Her company encourages socialising
with clients and organises yearly informal meetings. Golf tournaments and lunches
combine work and social gatherings. ‘It is wonderful to meet people at a social level
. . . you get a chance to meet all kinds of people that you wouldn’t [usually]’.
Comparisons
We wondered why the use of advanced computer-mediated technologies to

communicate with co-workers varied so greatly for teleworkers in one company.
Provisioners consistently used advanced computer-mediated communications,
while the phone was the consultants’ lifeline. We began our comparison by
exploring their work processes. These, while complex, have routines. Both
workgroups put together a product or service for which they gather and pass on
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information. Projects have clear-cut stages and final deadlines. They repeat many
of the sequences for the same product each time.
Despite the predictability of the projects of provisioners and consultants, consultants
have more complex interdependence with their work networks than provisioners. The
differences are reflected in the varied role of client, administrative group and workflow
members. Provisioners do not depend on the client for work, but consultants do.
Assigning projects for provisioners is automatic; consultants have to be proactive to
secure their own job. Distinct workflow network relations follow. Provisioners get input
from a limited group where relations are formally regulated. Consultants need experts
‘on demand’ and have to build relationships with others inside and outside the company.
Finally, provisioners do not communicate with their administrative group. In contrast,
consultants exchange tips and information with their group. Whereas provisioners
consider their work independent, consultants see themselves as part of a team.
With the role of clients and experts come different degrees of politicking, negotiation
and ambiguity of communication. Provisioners deal with clear unambiguous facts,
often technical information. Consultants need ‘soft’ political, unstructured information.
Media use is consistent. Provisioners are on-line with their workflow networks, even
those in other firms. They use other media for back-up mostly. Consultants rely on
face-to-face meetings and prefer real time rich media. Telephone is the acceptable avenue.
We found that information-rich technologies help with relationship building and
negotiation. Provisioners who do not negotiate with their work partners can use
information-sparse technologies. Since provisioners do not need to negotiate, much of
their work-related communications can be done on-line. The consultants’ need to
negotiate with work partners turns them towards socially richer media. It should be
noted that the phone is a complex computer-based phone system. But it is one that
permits richer exchange than on-line e-mail messaging. Even though e-mail is versatile
and can support a variety of relationships, these two groups use this electronic technology
for different ends. We find that the media which supports the most important workflow
relationships spills over to the rest of the network and dominates communication patterns.
Conclusion
Successful teleworking depends on the job, which should be put in context. By

placing the work process and work relations at the centre of our analysis, we
reconstruct the work environment of the teleworker and the process through which
it is reproduced. In this study of employees working together at a distance, we
focus on their choice of technologies that aid them to collaborate at a distance.
Our work confirms previous research that routineness, predictability, as well as low
interdependence are important teleworking determinants. Those with routine tasks and
limited dependence on their work partners can telework most easily. They do not require
complex elaborate control and co-ordination procedures. However, unlike early studies,
our study shows that interdependent jobs can be performed remotely, but require different
supports. The particular supports depend on the analysis of interdependence.
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By adding work networks and the flow of resources we expand our understanding
of the context. The major finding of this study is that work relationships determine
how people telework and are a central part of how they communicate remotely.
Our study makes its contribution in this realm. Understanding the relationship
between the group and the choice of media is an important goal, but one that needs
more precision. Communications theorists assert that the group’s influence on choice
of media lies in group attitudes and values.
We depart from this path and instead look at typical networks that people construct
for their jobs. Some are given to them, others are fashioned for the job. They all vary
in composition, complexity and stability. To understand how those in a position to
choose their media decide, we have to locate the major network players and analyse
their specific relationships to the teleworker. Since each set of players is supported by
different communication media and styles, the resulting work networks will have
distinct communication patterns. Patterns like these must be understood.
Thus, teleworking firms need to analyse the work process and work networks
of their employees if they want to determine what we call the teleworking potential
of the job (Salaff et al. 1996). They need to develop predictive tools rooted in the
real work context to anticipate strengths and weaknesses of the job as it becomes
a teleworking job and to support productive and efficient teleworking experiences.
Acknowledgements
The theme of telework as social innovation draws on our wider project on corporate
telework and virtual organisation. Although we cannot name the firm that we
researched, we are most grateful to those employees that shared their time and
experiences with us. We wish to thank the funding organisations, ITRG through the
Ontario Telepresence project, SSHRCC (Canada) and Bell Ontario Research Grant
to Ontario Universities. For their collegial help in this chapter, we wish especially to
thank Barry Wellman for exchanges of ideas and bibliography, Milena Gulia for her
conceptual input, and Suzanne Brandreth for organisational back-up.
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17
EVOLUTION OF THE
TELECOMMUTING WITHDRAWAL
MODEL
A US perspective
Steven Fireman
Introduction
In this chapter telecommuting is defined as the phenomenon of core organisational

employees regularly working off-site for at least part of their normal work hours.
Withdrawal is the voluntary stopping or cutting back of the time committed to
telecommuting. The Telecommuting Withdrawal Model (TWM), (Fireman 1996)
is the result of a search for key variables that influence the individual to suspend
telecommuting in an organisational context.
Withdrawal is a critical issue because telecommuting in the US is promoted as
a management practice which can reduce cost and increase output. Annual net
benefits of $8,000 per telecommuter have been realised by large employers after
covering sizable investments in start-up, training and evaluation (Nilles 1994: 145).
Therefore, employees withdrawing from telecommuting before recurring gains can
be realised or investments recovered are lost opportunities for the organisation.
The enduring goal of TWM is to better understand and predict why employees
choose to stop or cut back their telecommuting. Accordingly, the TWM is the
result of a process to isolate and develop a parsimonious model that would be
applicable across countries. However, one would expect the model to play out
differently within varying political, social and cultural milieus. In this chapter I will
briefly review the current TWM, how my personal experiences and involvement
with the Puget Sound Telecommuting Demonstration (PSTD), (Ulberg, et al. 1992)
influenced the development of the TWM, current trends in management policy
and strategy, a proposed target for testing and potential international applications.
In addition, throughout this chapter a recurring focus will be the conditions under
which the independent variables of TWM may come into play.
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The latest TWM
The original TWM (Fireman 1996) has been streamlined to three independent variables
influencing the dependent variable of Withdrawal (see Figure 17.1). The first independent
variable, Community, is concerned with affect for office social interactions (Christensen
1988, 1989; Connelly 1995; Ramsower 1985). An employee’s desire for the social
interactions in the office environment need not centre around friendship ties. Liking co-
workers may make the office appealing to some, while others may derive part of their
identity from the position they have in the office, and so on. Community can be related
to a variety of social facilitation cues (presence or actions of others in a particular context
influencing the target person’s behaviour) that may be missed over time (Daft and
Lengel 1984; Ferris and Mitchell 1987). For example, one might miss a general sense of
importance from just being in proximity to others or one might miss the stimulation of
direct or vicarious involvement in office rivalries.
Compulsion is the second independent variable and is the employee’s belief
that personal reasons outside of work make telecommuting a necessity. For
instance, this belief may stem from having to take care of children or other
dependents. Unusually long or arduous commute trips may also make an employee
consider telecommuting a necessity.
Finally, the third independent variable, Comfort, is the individual’s overall
perception of the support for telecommuting by management. How does the boss
and other important organisation players really feel about employees being away
from the office? Is the organisation’s or relevant sub-group’s climate friendly to
out-of-sight workers? Criticality, a sub-dimension of Comfort, looks at how
telecommuting may create or aggravate role conflicts based on the role(s) played
by the telecommuter in the office. For example, the supervisor and co-workers
may depend on the telecommuter for certain knowledge/expertise or the
telecommuter’s problem-solving ability is relied upon for repeated problems or
major crises. Comfort’s other sub-dimension is concerned with support for
telecommuting at several levels of management as well as organisational control
norms concerned with being visible and accessible. For example, do the
telecommuter’s absences from the office raise the supervisor’s nervousness quotient
– causing distress in the supervisor?
As defined, Community will encourage Withdrawal from telecommuting; high
Compulsion and high Comfort will discourage Withdrawal. Community, the
Figure 17.1 The Telecommuting Withdrawal Model
282
THE TELECOMMUTI NG WITHDRAWAL MODEL
intensity of the desire for office social interactions, is most distinct from the others
and can only be reliably evoked after experience with telecommuting. The likely
explanation, using the concept of strain being caused by poor person-environment
fit, is that strain builds up when telecommuting reduces the supply of opportunity
for Community. This reduced opportunity for Community can no longer meet
the telecommuter’s present demand for Community, and strain results.
Compulsion is concerned with constraints stemming from personal non-work
sources, whereas Comfort assesses the organisational environment’s support or
lack of support for telecommuting.
Experiences of an early adopter
In the mid-1970s, as a fresh MBA, many of my technology-literate associates and

I found ourselves highly sought after by computer timesharing companies to
help them develop strong relationships with higher-level management decision-
makers in major corporations and public organisations. At the time, the role of
consultant/account executive required consultative sales skills as well as a solid
understanding of specific business problems and how the creative use of existing
information technology could effectively solve these problems. The company
leased computer terminals and paid for a dedicated phone line for all employees
in their homes. We were encouraged to work remotely (portable terminals were
available for travel) whenever it made sense to us.
Co-operation and mutual learning abounded. The weekly office business
meeting occurred in the early morning over breakfast. Compared to typical
experiences in other organisations, the trust and respect we felt for each other
seemed to create an almost utopian work environment. However, the company
may have been encouraged to implement these humanistic management practices
that created an invigorating ambience because productivity could be precisely
monitored. The revenue growth of each existing account and the number of new
accounts were omnipresent for management review and mutually determined
targets were all that were needed to spur performance.
Clearly my early telework amounted to a perquisite (‘perk’ in US vernacular)
for an elite employee. Even when working remotely at odd hours of the night,
one didn’t feel like the company was abusive, because the job entailed long hours
when necessary. My own positive experiences with self-regulated telecommuting
were the result of sufficient opportunity for Community combined with high
Comfort and an absence of Compulsion.
Intermittent remote work primarily at the discretion of the employee is probably
still the hallmark of telework as a perquisite. However, the interest in telework by US
companies today is generally focused on achieving a competitive advantage or meeting
current or anticipated legal requirements (e.g. environmental protection – requiring
reduced automobile commuter trips). Therefore, regularly scheduled telework for a wider
variety of employees has been the target of several US studies. Before reviewing the
283
Puget Sound Telecommuting Demonstration’s (PSTD) specific influence on the

development of TWM, some American peculiarities are highlighted.
An American bias
Clearly the TWM has been influenced by an admitted North American

ethnocentrism. First, my review of ‘international’ literature on telework has been
limited to the English language. Although I have adopted the use of telecommuting
and telework as equivalent terms, the etymology of these words do identify
elements of distinct national tendencies.
Several European languages do not have a word for ‘commuting’. On the
other hand, people in the United States are obsessed with traffic congestion,
particularly as it makes getting to or from work difficult and unpleasant. In fact
much of the impetus and money for studying telecommuting is an offshoot of an
American fixation that living in the suburbs or the countryside is better or safer
than more urban alternatives. Exploring various means to effectively deal with
transportation problems in metropolitan and suburban areas has been the driving
force behind the current American experiments in telework.
The Puget Sound Telecommuting Demonstration
The Puget Sound Telecommuting Demonstration (PSTD) (Ulberg et al. 1992), was
funded primarily to look at potential impacts on traffic patterns and energy usage as
a supplement to the State of Washington’s Growth Management Act (GMA). GMA
was enacted in response to explosive population growth in western Washington State.
Up until the time of PSTD, American studies of any significant size were confined to
public (governmental) entities. However, to attract private organisations and ensure
their participation, PSTD needed to be responsive to these private organisations’
concerns. It became evident that productivity was the ‘hot button’ in the private
sector. Interviews with managers of telecommuters revealed that for the most part
very few of the companies measured individual productivity (as an economic ratio)
for the type of workers allowed to telecommute. There was one instance where a
supervisor attributed telecommuting as enabling an employee to achieve more of the
goals set as part of the employee’s performance appraisal process. However, while
believing that telecommuting increased productivity, most supervisors were unable
to enumerate concrete indicators of increased productivity.
An analysis of 1,200 random US household interviews, in a non-PSTD survey,
revealed that telecommuting growth was strongly associated with occupations involving
organisational information work (Miller 1996). This trend coincides with the
projections that more and more of the workforce will be characterised as ‘knowledge
workers’, much of whose work product will consist primarily of intangibles (Zuboff
1988). For instance, members of a software design team contribute to the development
284
of a product or service through their abilities which are primarily knowledge based.
Their contributions are not easily measured and are therefore labeled ‘intangible’.
This is consistent with the view that the true assets of post-industrial companies are
not the physical ones (e.g. plant and equipment), but the knowledge resources that
are tied to the individual workers and work teams.
The PSTD productivity interviews also confirmed that productivity, if
measured, was for aggregate units (e.g. group, division, company, department)
while individuals were most often evaluated by formal annual performance
appraisals (PA). Organisations seemed to change their PA systems every three to
five years, sometimes adopting the most current direction in PA effectiveness and
sometimes reversing it. The tacit assumption seemed to be that change regardless
of direction was thought to rekindle the drive for individual performance in the
absence of hard individual measures.
Many authors of ‘how to’ books and articles (Hamilton 1987; Nilles 1994)
suggest that managers of telecommuters may benefit from switching from an
observational to an output-oriented evaluation mode (e.g. deliverables, milestones,
etc.). For knowledge workers, engaged in problem-solving and other creative
duties, this may be easier said than done. Furthermore, many managers may be
disinclined to change their own ingrained behaviours. The literature reveals
widespread concern about an instinctive (unconscious) or conscious ‘out-of-sight,
out-of-mind’ mentality which may result in negative attributions about an
employee’s contributions to the workgroup or organisation. For example, a large
financial services company found that within a few months of encouraging
telecommuting for employees who performed most of their work on the phone
or computer, ‘almost everyone abandoned telecommuting or cut it back to one
day a week . . . People perceived their loss of face-time at work was not helping
their careers’ (Connelly 1995: 222).
However, the employee’s perceived lack of Comfort with telework may not
always be credited as the actual reason for Withdrawal. In PSTD, 33 per cent of
the teleworkers dropped out over the course of a year, only 46 per cent ‘were able
to telecommute at least once a week without having to cut back during the year’,
and 9 per cent of the teleworkers completing the final survey indicated they would
be discontinuing telework (Ulberg et al. 1992: 38, 47, 56). Among the PSTD
Withdrawers, ‘conditions at work’ (e.g. rush project, new job responsibilities,
understaffing) were most often cited as the cause. Inasmuch as the organisations
were officially encouraging telework and the teleworkers were interested volunteers,
the attribution of Withdrawal to external forces ( job change, special project, etc.)
may have been less awkward than admitting that the office climate did not seem to
genuinely support remote work (a shortage of Comfort) or that the teleworker
missed the office environment permeating the work day (Community).
Furthermore, it should be noted that all of the jobs of the telecommuters in
PSTD had sufficient activities that could be accomplished on the days scheduled
for telework. This indicates that despite the existence of activities that could
potentially benefit from fewer interruptions, and so on, adjusting to telework may
285
be unsettling. This is not surprising when one considers that, on average, office
workers spend about 65 per cent of their time in interpersonal communication of
which 32 per cent is face to face and the majority of this is with the immediate work
group (Bair 1987: 187). Understandably, some employees ill at ease with the
voluntary telework trial arrangements they initiated, would be reluctant to admit
that they missed the office more than they thought (Community) or that they were
afraid that their reduced visibility made them seem less important (reduced Comfort).
Thus, indicating that one’s telework arrangement failed because of an uncontrollable
externality may have been a way to save face in some cases.
In the productivity interviews and focus group discussions that were part of
the PSTD (Ulberg et al. 1992), the most commonly mentioned reason for
terminating or reducing telecommuting among employees insisting that they
believed in the value of telecommuting and expressing the desire to telecommute,
was a rush project, new job responsibilities or a need to solve problems on-site.
However, these work-related exigencies may have also been used as a convenient
rationale for telecommuting withdrawal by employees concerned about how their
‘absence’ was being viewed (whether it was antithetical to perceived organisational
cultural norms of achievement or success). The model (TWM) is particularly
concerned with the teleworker’s perceptions of the extent to which his/her
supervisor/managers are comfortable with his/her remote work. Therefore, it
would be appropriate to investigate whether some of the control norm tendencies
ascribed to managers are in fact commonplace.
Managerial control norms
Managerial uneasiness with telecommuting is closely tied to fear of loss of control,

which is most common among top decision-makers when considering telecommuting
for clerical jobs (Tomaskovic-Devey and Risman 1993). Control generally does
not worry top management when it is an option for professionals who make up a
small percentage of the organisation. However, when professionals make up a larger
share of the workforce of an organisation, as may be expected as the information/
knowledge revolution progresses, top decision-makers are not as comfortable with
telecommuting for professionals (Tomaskovic-Devey and Risman 1993). Clearly
top management’s fear of loss of control may permeate all levels of the organisation.
Furthermore, when no indisputable metrics of productivity or simple means of
monitoring performance exist at the individual level, employees may be justly
concerned that being away from the office may negatively affect outcomes such as
rewards and promotions. This is consistent with prevalent management philosophy
since the beginning of industrialisation, where the possibility of being observed is
the prominent control strategy (Perin 1991).
Mere toleration of telecommuting by managers as opposed to real support
may be more prevalent than reported in pilot studies and demonstrations
that are being promoted by organisation policy-makers (perhaps in response
286
to the threat of government mandates). Indicative of this possibility is the

fact that, on the whole, American surveys show that the majority of managers
expressed the need to have direct interaction in the office with employees in
order to assure work effectiveness, while only a small number of managers
are actually in favour of telecommuting (Huws et al. 1990). Furthermore,
the US is not alone in that traditional management style, organisational
culture and institutional inertia continue to be major social forces that
represent barriers to the utilisation of telework in both the US and Europe
(Qvortrup 1992).
This view of telecommuting as a possible threat to management control was
exhibited in the recruitment of organisations for the PSTD.
At the extreme, some candidate organisations (more private than

public) were so concerned about the implications of this change in
the nature of work and supervision that they opted not to participate
in the study. Thus, for some organisations, telecommuting via this
project became the first attempt to experiment with long-standing
supervisory styles.
(Ulberg et al. 1992: 19)
Comfort utilises the social information processing model as its footing (Salancik
and Pfeffer 1978; Zalesny and Ford 1990). Employees are likely to adopt attitudes
and behaviours in response to social cues. Social cues from superiors are more
likely to influence the perceptions of core employees who believe that continued
success in the organisation depends on meeting superiors’ expectations of
commitment and persistence. Thus, being busy in the office when the boss happens
by is an important social cue that the ambitious employee may want to provide
for the boss.
The strength of this entrenched managerial perspective is part of the reason
that the second independent variable of TWM is given the forceful label of
Compulsion. While Compulsion stems from personal situations that necessitate
telecommuting, psychologically telecommuters may feel that they have to be
especially grateful to the people allowing them to telecommute and may even
feel that they have to accept less favourable treatment because of the special
consideration they are receiving. Rodgers (1992) found that there is a great
demand for flexibility in the workforce among white-collar and service employees
of large corporations. However, the employees’ consistent message was ‘[that
their] company does not acknowledge – in the way [they] are managed or
evaluated – that anything exists for [them] but work. [They] need flexibility to
be successful’ (Rodgers 1992: 183). Thus, for some, the privilege of
telecommuting will generate a strong sense of obligation to the enabling parties.
This sense of obligation may account for some telecommuters working more
hours at home than the ‘missed’ hours at the office as an implicit element of the
exchange relationship.
287
Personal situation as weakness
The variable Compulsion pertains to the employee’s belief in the power (ability to
dominate) that the supervisor or organisation holds over him or her, because of
a need to telecommute. To the extent that the employee regards telecommuting
as essential to continue working (often for strong personal reasons external to the
office) and that finding another job with telecommuting would be difficult or
impossible, the employee’s belief in being somewhat of a captive employee will
discourage Withdrawal.
Leidner’s (1988) characterisation of two extremes of employer-run homework
programmes is helpful in focusing on the discriminating ingredients that relate to
the underlying power dimension of the Compulsion variable. Those who epitomise
lack of Compulsion are employees with bargaining power and reasonable
alternatives who possess valued skills and proven loyalty. Moreover, the employer
views homework as a voluntary career option for work that is primarily
professional/technical or managerial in nature. In contrast, those who epitomise
Compulsion are employees without bargaining power, few or no alternative work
opportunities, who have primary child-care responsibility or are (illegal)
immigrants. For these workers the employer’s rationale is to cut costs for work
that is largely clerical in nature.
Given the perception of no options, the supervisor may be credited as having
more power because in power relationships, power is often seen as being possessed
by the dominant party (Emerson 1964): ‘Bargaining strength [or] power in social
exchange relationships may be broadly defined as the inverse of dependence’
(Bazerman et al. 1990: 27). Shellenbarger (1992) points out that many companies try
to project an image of being family friendly, without substantive policies. Among the
few who have adopted substantively new work–family policies and programmes,
most have ‘primarily benefited skilled professionals or a few categories of hourly
workers whose skills are in short supply such as nurses’ (Shellenbarger 1992: 157).
Initial target population
Given the organisational focus of TWM and the upward trend of employees
engaging in knowledge work, initial testing of the model (TWM) will focus on
knowledge work occupations that have historically been well suited to their work
environments. The Theory of Work Adjustment (TWA), (Dawis and Lofquist
1984), concerned with long tenure in occupations, focuses on the habitual interaction
of the individual and a work environment. TWA’s basic tenet is that each must meet a
minimum level of the other’s requirements. The individual’s satisfaction will be
affected by the customary stock of work environment conditions that tend to
reinforce the individual’s chief values. Based on an individual interests instrument,
Occupational Reinforcer Patterns (ORPs) have been established for 90
occupations.
288
Programmers (business, engineering and science) and technical publication

writers have the highest correspondence index (degree of fit) with their
predominant ORP (Dawis and Lofquist 1984: 221). Their ORP consists of
high achievement (ACH), high status (STA) and moderate comfort (COM)
which conveniently stresses a self, a social and an environmental reinforcer,
respectively. Fortunately, these are the very type of jobs that are often identified
as being most compatible with telework. Therefore the Telecommuting
Withdrawal Model (TWM) will be tested on organisations that have significant
numbers of information workers that are programmers, technical writers or in
similarly related occupations (e.g. systems analysts, technical designers, and so
on). Limiting the occupations to ones with the highest satisfaction with the
ORP dominant for that occupation, may also allow the elimination of some of
the control variables that would be necessary with a more diverse cross-section
of telecommutable occupations as in PSTD.
The primary control variables would be the extent to which the
employee is evaluated on specific output measures and the level of potential
monitoring available to the supervisor. The TWM model should also be
tested in other countries, in which case, country would be the fourth major
control variable.
International implications
In the PSTD, we ‘found that the differences among workgroups within the same
organisation are often as important as the differences between organisations’
(Ulberg et al. 1992: 18). Therefore, the TWM’s focus on the individual in the
workgroup may be most appropriate for understanding adaptation to
telecommuting in specific organisational contexts that may transcend national
and cultural differences.
However, national cultural norms supporting flexibility in the workplace do
vary considerably. Nations also vary in the degree to which labour laws protect
workers and support families. Does evolving telework need supportive social
norms and/or legal protection of the workers? If the work itself is not inherently
rewarding, one could imagine the situation where mandatory telecommuting
accompanied by electronic monitoring or output requirements would have a
particularly dire Orwellian tone.
How telework flourishes amid differing levels of support may eventually
be moot, if the pressures of the increasingly global economy result in the
dismantling of governmental safety nets and worker protection (labour
regulations) in many Western countries and thwart the development of these
policies in developing countries. However, enlightened management would
be well advised to understand how environment- and people-friendly policies
such as telework have the potential to truly benefit the organisation, the
workers and society.
289
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18
A SOCIAL INNOVATION IN ITS

INFANCY
Experiences with telework centres
Georg Aichholzer
Centre-based teleworking as a social innovation
There is a strange division between assessments of teleworking as a new

phenomenon in the world of work: some people regard working at a distance,
supported by telecommunications and computer equipment as nothing different
from using these means of work within a traditional office or see it as just one
element of continuous change without major significance; others, however,
stressing mainly the newness of locational independence, call it an innovation
with farreaching implications for the historical evolution of work. Obviously
remote working builds on the results of technological innovation in information
and communication technology. But does teleworking itself represent a genuine
innovation and, if so, does this hold true for all forms?
A look into the literature on innovations leads us to William F. Ogburn’s
distinction between ‘material and social inventions’. He lists 50 exemplary social
inventions containing such diverse items as an auto-tourist camp, a correspondence
school, group insurance, the Ku-Klux-Klan, and the ‘visiting teacher’ (Ogburn
1983: 162). While he sees mechanical inventions as causal factors and the role of
social inventions as being able to reduce the ‘cultural lag’, there is no such
hierarchical conception of innovations in Schumpeter’s innovation theory (1939).
New products as well as new production processes, and new market organisations
as well as new marketing procedures are all conceived as innovations under one
dominant goal dimension, which is economic profit. A systematic account of the
present approaches to an understanding of social innovations is provided by Zapf
(1989: 174). He distinguishes the following seven conceptions of social innovations:
• organisational changes in enterprises

• new services (e.g. in planning, design, training, therapy, etc.)
292
SOCIAL I NNOVATION IN ITS INFANCY
• social technologies (e.g. participation)

• self-generated social inventions (e.g. in development projects)
• political innovations (e.g. non-proliferation treaty)
• new patterns of needs satisfaction (e.g. self-service)
• new life-styles (e.g. new consumer behaviour).
A partially overlapping classification offered by Brooks (1982) differentiates

between ‘technical’, ‘sociotechnical’ (combinations) and ‘social innovations’ as
the main types. ‘Market innovations’ (e.g. leasing), ‘management innovations’
and ‘institutional innovations’ are all regarded as variants of ‘social innovations’.
Against this background teleworking can be qualified as a social (sociotechnical)
innovation on several grounds, representing:
1 a form of organisational change, eventually including a particular process

innovation (from work organised in traditional offices established/provided
by the employer to an organisation including work from remote locations);
2 a new pattern of needs satisfaction (teleworking reflects needs/preferences
concerning work location, choice of social contacts to co-workers, clients,
family members, friends and other non-work contacts); and
3 a new lifestyle (teleworking may offer opportunities for autonomous and flexible
co-ordination of work and private life as well as use of time, with associated
status gains).
Basically, these characteristics apply to all forms of teleworking in one way or

another. However, one of the generic categories adds a particular innovation aspect:
a variety of new institutions have been created which are comprised under a common
term, so-called telework centres. They provide facilities and telematics equipment which
are shared by clients to enable teleworking. What is unique with centre-based
teleworking, as will be illustrated later, is that it is built on institutional innovations (not
just on traditional institutions like market, firm or household).
One could ask what makes these innovations significant enough to deserve to
be called ‘social innovations’. The following conclusion drawn by Zapf adds a
decisive element which can serve as a reference and yardstick for this purpose:
Social innovations are new ways to achieve goals, in particular new

forms of organisation, new regulations, new life styles which shape
the direction of social change, solve problems better than previous
practices and which therefore are worth being imitated and
institutionalised.
(Zapf 1989: 177, in German)
The decisive criterion which allows us to speak of (centre-based) teleworking as

a social innovation then, is the aspect of institutionalisation and imitation. In
other words, the question is to what extent have such models of new work
293
arrangements and practices been implemented and diffused? Some evidence on

this will be presented in the following.
The role of telework centres in the evolution of new

spatial arrangements of work
Three generic forms of teleworking can be distinguished: home-based, centre-based and

mobile. They have become the core of a widely shared classification (cf. ILO 1990: 3–
4; Gray et al. 1993: 9–25; Gillespie et al. 1995; Birchall and Lyons 1995: 108). Within
each of them a number of sub-types have emerged (see Table 18.1). Alternating
telework (partial home-based working) is the dominant form both in Europe and the
US and also has the largest future potential according to European survey results
(Korte and Wynne 1996: 38). Centres which are dedicated to house teleworkers still
play a much less important role in quantitative terms. Nevertheless the category of
centre-based teleworking represents an umbrella for a variety of collective organisational
forms and has been seen as an alternative to ‘electronic homeworking’ since the early
days of the telework discussion, at least in Europe.
Telework centres are generally expected to offer specific advantages which
teleworking in the form of individual homeworking does not, or does to a
lesser degree. For the teleworker it is mainly the opportunity to have social and
vocational contacts together with professional support at the workplace, to
separate work and the private sphere and to enjoy higher workplace quality in
technical terms. Seen from the employer’s perspective, above all higher resource
efficiency, support efficiency, management and supervision, support and
advantages concerning customer reception are the pros. For the local and regional
society a centre offers better chances to profit from the diffusion of new
technology, innovative working methods and business strategies. Furthermore
the visibility of a business unit is more likely to attract additional service
businesses. On the other hand there are also real or perceived costs and certain
disadvantages as compared to individual teleworking arrangements, such as
the remaining work travel, the need to co-ordinate resource sharing, greater
demands concerning data security and less privacy.
The present discussion is complicated by a multitude of concepts used in a
non-uniform way. Already centre-based telework as a generic term is addressed
under different names, such as ‘telecommuting centre’ (Eldib and Minoli 1995:
107; Nilles 1988), ‘remote work facility’, ‘telebusiness centre’, ‘shared-facility centre’
or, in abridged form, ‘telecentre’ (Bagley et al. 1994: 2–7; Gray et al. 1993: 11).
This terminology is mainly used in the US whereas in Europe the term ‘telecentre’
or ‘telecottage’ describes a specific variant which typically has allowed for additional
regional development or community-related functions rather than just housing
teleworkers (it is also known under names like ‘community- or multi-service
telecentre’, ‘electronic cottage’ and, in an urban milieu, ‘electronic village hall’).
Therefore the term ‘telework centre’ as a common umbrella for centre-based
294
teleworking is less ambiguous. Table 18.1 gives an overview of teleworking options

and puts the various forms of telework centres in a wider context.
Centre-based models of teleworking can be single- or multi-employer units. The
‘satellite office’ is usually characterised as being set up and run by a parent company,
as a rule in the form of a proprietary unit, housing only its own telecommuting
staff. A number of companies in Europe as well as in the US have established
and successfully operated satellite offices, such as Groupe PBS Telergos in France,
and Crédit Suisse in Switzerland (ILO 1990; Duerrenberger et al. 1994; Bagley et
al. 1994). A special variant of this model is the ‘offshore satellite office’ such as the
Travelers software centre in Ireland which is wholly owned by its parent company
in Hartford, US (Brain and Page 1991: 74). Similar facilities have been established
by overseas companies in other low-wage regions, especially in the Caribbean
area, India and the Philippines, sometimes promoted by a deliberate government
policy – as in Barbados – in order to attract work from higher-wage economies
(Birchall and Lyons 1995: 104). India especially has become a major place for
outsourcing software engineering and back-office work, for instance, for airlines
like SWISSAIR and Austrian Airlines, via telework.
The ‘neighbourhood office’, on the other hand, is the dominant model of a
multi-employer teleworking facility, run by a third party. It offers office space and
advanced communication facilities to be shared by teleworkers from different
employers, allowing them to work in or near residential areas. Size and proximity
to the teleworkers’ homes vary from small local units to larger regional centres
(more about this model in the next section). Most other variants of telework
centres also tend to be organised as multi-employer facilities but differ from the
neighbourhood office model in other respects. The rural ‘telecentre’ or ‘telecottage’,
for instance, as well as its more recent urban twin are oriented towards offering
teleworking opportunities as a major function within a set of regional development
goals based on the use of telematics. Nine years after the first telecottages had
been established in Sweden and Denmark in 1985, a world-wide survey on
‘community teleservice centres’ already counted 237 workers (Qvortrup 1995).
Table 18.1 Variants of centre-based teleworking in the context of other telework categories
295
The UK especially shows a high growth rate: according to the British Telecottage
Association there are already more than one hundred telecottages in the UK and
Ireland alone (Bertin and Denbigh 1996).
‘Executive office suites’ are upscale ‘cousins’ of neighbourhood offices according
to Bagley et al. (1994: section 3, 30) and tend to be located on prime commercial
estate. A hybrid variant is trademarked under the name ‘Comm centre’ in the
US. The ‘resort office’, first introduced in Japan, has now also found followers in
Europe, with facilities on Crete and Majorca. Located in a resort area, the function
is mainly in use for short periods or occasionally during holidays in cases when
a continuous contact with the primary office, supported by special facilities is
required (cf. Holloway 1994: 5–7, 26–28; Spinks 1991: 350). ‘Call centres’ are a
special variant dedicated to a variety of teleservices like telemarketing. Because
of their work characteristics and larger size (around 100 teleworkers) they resemble
‘customer service factories’ (Richardson 1996).
All these variants are constituted by factors like special type of career, type of
users, functional profile and location and most of them represent new institutional
models. It is worth taking account of the conceptual evolution of teleworking and
to mention also the ‘virtual office’ concept as an expression of ‘networked
teleworking’. It stands for new work arrangements and forms of cooperation based
on telematics which do not presuppose fixed locations, central premises and stable
organisational structures but which tend to be project bound. The notion of the
‘elusive office’ as coined in a prominent book title (Huws et al. 1990) accentuates
this aspect of teleworking. It also includes forms of networked co-operation enabled
by telematics called teleco-operation as well as group or team telework (Gillespie et al.
1995: 15; Commission of the European Communities 1994: 9).
The spread of neighbourhood offices in Europe and

world-wide
One of the earliest institutional work arrangements which was invented to enable
working for a distant employer from one’s residential area is the neighbourhood
office. However, while quantitative information on the spread of home-based
teleworking is increasingly available, there is no exact evidence available on the
number of existing neighbourhood offices. What is clear is that the majority of
telematics-oriented projects established have been telecottages rather than
neighbourhood offices in the more narrow sense. Nevertheless, recent studies
undertaken by Bagley et al. (1994) and Becker et al. (1993), together with a number
of other sources (Murphy 1996; Pekkola 1993; ILO 1990) including personal
communication with project managers, provide a lot of empirical examples.
The history of neighbourhood offices started with the opening of pioneering
projects in Maine-la-Vale, France (1981) and Nykvarn, Sweden (1982), followed
by similar centres in Benglen, Switzerland (1985) and a second Swedish facility.
The first known neighbourhood office outside Europe was established
296
considerably later by the State of Hawaii in the US (1989). From the beginning
of the 1990s, an increasing upswing of projects can be observed, especially in the
US but also in Europe. In some countries such as Switzerland, Denmark and
Finland, neighbourhood offices or its variants have been stimulated by national
initiatives (cf. Rotach and Keller 1993; Storgaard 1995). At least a dozen new
neighbourhood office projects (in the more narrow sense) have been implemented
in Europe during the nineties to date, while the number of telecentres and
telecottages is much higher (cf. Gordexola database, MONIREG database): a
number of promising start-ups of neighbourhood offices most recently in the
UK, especially in Wales, as well as in Scotland (Antur Teifi, Grampian region or
Scottish Highlands and Islands Enterprise), Ireland (Kinawley, Cork), The
Netherlands (Friesland, Lochem), Denmark (Veile), Finland (Archipelago of South-
West Finland), Sweden (Nynaeshamn), Germany (Unterfranken, Fraenkische
Schweiz), and Austria (Waldviertel). An Austrian ‘televillage’ project with
integrated neighbourhood office facilities near Vienna has been in planning since
1994. A most ambitious project is reported in the MONIREG database
(MONItoring for information society initiatives and policies in REGions) for
France: by 1996 one hundred neighbourhood offices (bureaux de voisinage) were
planned to be created in the Ile de France region around Paris.
On the other hand, there are also projects which have meanwhile stopped
their operation, such as the Nykvarn neighbourhood office – one of the most
prominent experimental cases, or the ‘telebureau’ in Goms, a very remote Swiss
mountain village. In a Dutch case, Purmerend Telewerkkantoor, the starting stage
has been extremely long and progress has been much below initial expectations.
Where the project was not deliberately designed to be an experiment of limited
duration, a number of problem areas have come to the fore (cf. Bagley et al.
1994): underestimation of required marketing efforts; insufficient resources for
centre management; low inclination of client organisations in conurbation areas
to use neighbourhood offices in remote rural regions; lack of ability to provide
anticipated social contacts because of small size and infrequent presence of
teleworkers. This gives a rather mixed picture with indications of serious hurdles
on the one hand but quite promising aspects, including an overall positive
evaluation of the pioneering Nykvarn project, on the other.
The development of neighbourhood offices outside Europe is still more in
flux, especially in North America. A major initiative is the Residential Area-
Based Offices (RABO) project, also known as the Neighbourhood Telecentres
Project (Mokhtarian et al. 1996). This three-year programme financed by the
Federal Highway Administration and the California Department of Transportation
has established a total of 15 neighbourhood offices in or near residential areas,
accompanied by a research programme at the Institute of Transportation Studies,
University of California, Davis. Bagley et al. (1994: section 3, 32–49) describe
similar plans for Colorado, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota, North Dakota and
Washington State together with further projects underway. According to
Mokhtarian (1995: 97) this amounts to at least 30 telework centres in the operation
297
or serious planning stages in the US alone. The Australian government also

approved funding for up to 30 telecentres over four years in 1992, of which at
least some will be neighbourhood office-like. Japan also has a number of projects,
although not all of them are neighbourhood offices in the full sense (Spinks
1991: 343). Interestingly, there is a strong presence of state and other public
sector agencies behind almost all of these initiatives, especially in the US.
Evaluation results
Major findings of available evaluation studies from the US (Bagley et al. 1994;
Mokhtarian et al. 1996; Becker et al. 1993) included the following:
• While there was certainly some variation in goals and objectives among
centres, improving transportation, stimulating local business, and serving as
a basis for research were overarching concerns.
• Implementation time span from six weeks to three years. (The mean for US
telecentres was about six months (less time should have been spent on facility
development and more time on critical marketing tasks for the sake of a
higher utilisation rate).
• Training of telecommuters is important for a successful use of the
neighbourhood office.
Factors which are of key importance for success:
• An intensive and comprehensive marketing approach is important. Bagley et

al. (1994) suggest putting the strongest emphasis on sound and systematic
marketing which has to include all components from product development
and design to positioning, pricing and promotion. As guidelines for this task
(‘a formidable challenge for some time to come’) the authors suggest: ‘be
serious about marketing; hire professional consulting if in-house expertise is
not available; market early in the planning process and continue throughout
the project; and use every available tool to promote the telecentre – mass
media, phone, speeches, direct mailing, newspaper articles, flyers, e-mail,
electronic bulletin board, and so on’ (Bagley et al. 1994: Summary, 11–12).
• Presentation of telework centres as a new form of work which has the potential
to increase efficiency (instead of viewing them primarily as solutions to traffic
congestion and as demonstrations of new technologies (Becker et al. 1993)).
• Careful site selection with consideration of local availability of restaurants,
shopping opportunities, post office, etc.
• High-quality facilities and management (full-time site administrator).
Major implementation barriers were identified in the study by Bagley et al. (1994)
in the following four circumstances:
298
• Costs to tenant employers: one of the most important hurdles has been found
to be a disinclination on the part of the tenants to pay market-level rents or,
indeed, any rent at all: ‘As long as telecommuters retain a desk at their
conventional office and telecommute on average only one day a week, this
barrier may be extremely difficult to overcome. Claiming hard-to-quantify
benefits, such as increased productivity, to offset the added cost is not yet
convincing the prospective tenant employers’ (Bagley et al. 1994: Summary,
20). This problem has been reemphasised by the earlier than anticipated
closure of two telecommuting centre projects in the California Bay Area
Telecommuting Development Program (BATDP). The two neighbourhood
offices in Concord and San Jose had to face a significant under-utilisation
because employers were not willing to pay rents for alternative workplaces in
addition to the traditional office (Telecommuting Review 1994).
• Discomfort with remote supervision (uneasiness and problems for managers
to supervise remote workers).
• Security concerns (security of proprietary information; some employers were
declining to use neighbourhood offices which did not have private offices
and were not satisfied with lockers, passwords, security codes, etc., as
substitutes).
• The differential distribution of costs and benefits over teleworkers, employers
and regional public (direct costs such as office rents, reorganising use of
office space and work-groups, training managers, etc. have to be carried by
the employers of teleworkers).
In a comparative assessment of multi-employer centres and others, in particular

of satellite offices and telecottages, the study concluded that multi-employer centres
in general had found it more difficult to achieve sustained commercial viability.
This parallels to some extent the mixed picture found for European projects of
this type. However, there are also encouraging signs of higher utilisation among
more recent projects which have started with significantly improved
implementation and marketing strategies.
A European case study of networked neighbourhood

offices
An EC-supported project (OFFNET Project Team 1995) investigated the

neighbourhood office model of teleworking in combination with gathering
experience in establishing and running pilot neighbourhood offices within multi-
service telecentres in three countries (UK, Germany and Austria). During the 18-
month project (ending August 1995), efforts were made to establish neighbourhood
offices at the following six sites: WREN Telecottage, Warwickshire (UK); Anglesey
Business Centre, and Antur Teifi Telematics Centre (Wales); Apenburg
Community, Sachsen-Anhalt (Germany); Telehaus Freiwald, and Telehaus
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Waldviertel Management (Austria). The telecottages not only strived to implement

neighbourhood offices but also undertook efforts to develop networked services
among them (first steps concerned translation services in the form of small-scale
practical tests based on the delivery of texts via e-mail).
Four neighbourhood offices were established as pilots during the 18-month period.
The teleworking tasks comprised a variety of professions and qualifications: social
workers in field service, architectural planning and inspection, data entry for an
agricultural database, marketing and administrative tasks for a small business,
production of course materials for distance education. Although the most successful
of these pilots (Antur Teifi) closely matched the original definition and comprised
more than a dozen teleworkers, practical experience showed that the market generally
demanded a more flexible interpretation of a neighbourhood office than envisaged
by the project. One telecentre (Freiwald) ended its operation before the project
finished but triggered a teleworking trial with its former client, a province government
administration. Practically all except the Welsh telecottages were faced with difficulties
in acquiring clients for the neighbourhood offices. The resources required to market
the neighbourhood office were greatly underestimated. A combination of the low
level of awareness amongst medium to large organisations of the neighbourhood
office model and the fact that this model involved some sort of an agreement
between user organisations and a third party (the multi-service telecentre) increased
utilisation barriers. Lead-in times for the establishment of pilot schemes are far
longer in such cases than with home-based teleworking schemes which often develop
from individual homeworking arrangements.
Critical factors and future prospects of centre-based

teleworking
Insights from innovation research can contribute to explain the difficulties with
which telework centres are confronted. Among the critical barriers are challenges
such as: the need to convince potential clients of the economic advantage of using
a neighbourhood office (visibility, observability, triability of the innovation are
important here); appropriate institutional frameworks to take risks and to limit
uncertainty (clear regulations, devices to guarantee information security); social
attractiveness to prospective teleworkers (site location, services); acceptance of
changes in working arrangements by managers (adaptation of management styles);
awareness, communication and marketing of comparative advantages.
The future prospects for telework centres will very much be shaped by a continuing
conflict between economic and social demands: adaptation to intensified competition
(cost-effectiveness, home-based teleworking) on one side and social goals like reducing
regional disparities, providing social contacts at the work place, etc. on the other.
Demand and economic viability will remain crucial questions in the medium and
long term. Multi-functional telecottages can be suitable carriers of neighbourhood
offices, but the development and improvement of appropriate business strategies is
300
an absolute pre-condition. Strategic options include: diversification, seeking contracts

from public sector institutions, subsidised premises, etc. Among key requirements to
achieve attractiveness and viability are the following:
• comparative advantages of neighbourhood offices versus other forms of

teleworking need to be pointed out and demonstrated
• clear strategic decisions and professional management
• market analysis and intensive marketing strategies
• low-cost rent conditions
• attraction of anchor clients
• balancing of social and economic functions.
Without significant steps forward on these dimensions the diffusion of multi-

employer telework centres cannot be expected to take off. They will remain
institutional models irrespective of how innovative they may be.
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19
ORGANISATIONAL FITTING AND

DIFFUSION OF NEW CULTURE
Internal telework at telecoms
Patrizio Di Nicola and Ruggero Parrotto
Introduction
This chapter has two main aims. First, proving foremost that teleworking involves
cultural and organisational matters before technical issues; second, demonstrating that
traditional theoretical models about management styles, leadership models and power-
recognition mechanisms can be applied in order to analyse the impact of new technology
on labour relations. To this end, we will analyse internal telework in telecommunications
‘carriers’, where there is full availability of the newest technologies. In fact:
1 The telecoms are companies of giant size, with tens of thousands of employees.
Their presence is truly capillary, with personnel, offices and structures in practically
every corner of the country they serve. Their product – the processing and
transfer of information – is non-material, obtained by means of advanced
technologies and, almost by definition, readily teleworkable. De-localisation of
activities would render their production process more flexible, as well as their
relations with users and the supply of their services. Lastly, telework represents a
low-cost innovation for the telecoms, because ownership of the networks and
the communication technologies is vested in them. Often exclusively so.
2 Experimenting, producing and ‘selling’ integrated solutions for telework could
constitute an important line of business for the telecoms. There is the
possibility of stimulating new markets for hard- and software dedicated to a
wide variety of specific sectors, from SOHO (Small Office Home Office)
right through to the great company networks, tackling aspects like data
security, productivity instruments for dispersed workgroups, multimedia,
and the ergonomics of integrated telework stations. Lastly, of course, telework
has an immediate impact on the basic products of the telecoms: networks,
high-speed links and data traffic.
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It is evident, therefore, that research regarding the spread or, rather, the
nonspread of telework must draw from the experiences of the
telecommunication companies. Some of these companies, as we shall see,
have used telework internally, more or less in laboratory conditions, and in a
strategic manner, generating – at the time more by accident than design – a
cultural management fertilisation process. The solutions they offer the market
are ‘global’: though they take due account of the technological problems,
they embrace also the psycho-sociology of work, the repositioning of the
productive organisation, contractual problems and trade union relations, the
problems associated with data security, intellectual property and other legal
aspects. As we shall see in the eight cases analysed in the present study (plus
Telecom Italia, our national carrier), these telecoms have contributed – each
according to their own company traditions – to the growth both within and
without their own structures of an extensive culture that sees telework as a
modern instrument, though certainly not the only one, for promoting
organisational flexibility.
Internal telework experience: an overview
The following cases involve telecommunication managers with extensive telework

experience. Some of these cases, though not ones we consider ‘excellent’, are
particularly interesting on account of the fact that they develop formal and, even
more often, informal approaches to telework that readily lend themselves to being
repeated outside the immediate company environment.
Table 19.1 Teleworking cases A–H
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INTERNAL TELEWORK AT TELECOMS
Case A
Company A is realising a telework experiment for their own employees, although

it has not received a great deal of publicity. About twenty technicians forming
part of the ‘New Projects’ Division have been moved from the central office to
a satellite office, obtained by restructuring an old building in a small centre
situated about 30 km from the capital. Contact with the central office is
maintained by means of ISDN links and interaction between the various subjects
is supported by software dedicated to the management of remote groupwork
(groupware). The declared purpose of the experiment is to study the technical
and feasibility requirements of telework and, more particularly, telework
performed at telecentres.
Case B
The telework strategy of Company B is centered on the personnel in charge of

sales and the technicians who provide customer assistance. This company
commenced the automation of about 5,000 employees, supplied with computers,
software and network technologies. The investment involved was of the order of
$50 million. The second phase of the experiment consisted of the setting up of a
‘rally centre’, a meeting-place for the company’s sales personnel who normally
telework. In the centre there is a very extensive rotation of people, this being
made possible by a computerised space booking system. According to his/her
particular needs, each salesperson books a desk (or a meeting table) on a certain
day and at a certain time. The booking system gives the telephone number assigned
for the length of the stay at the centre, and provides the names of the colleagues
who will be there on that occasion.
Case C
Company C is running three telework experiments: telework from home for a

wide range of professional figures, mobile telework for technicians engaged in
assistance work, each of whom can access the central office database via a portable
computer, and a ‘virtual office’ for the account executives. The first of these
experiments is the oldest and the most important of the three. In May 1992, the
company launched a telework experiment for 31 employees, who could work at
home for two or three days each week. By September of the first year only 22
people were still continuing the experiment, thus demonstrating that,
notwithstanding the very best intentions that had led the original group to
volunteer for the experiment, the problems deriving from the need to reconfigure
one’s family and social life constituted, at least in the short term, a very real and
a constant obstacle.
305
Case D
Company D, unlike the others, has made very little ado about their internal
telework experiments, because they consider them to constitute a normal practice
in support of work flexibility. Ever since the 1970s, in fact, many employees,
especially those of a medium to high level, have engaged in occasional work from
home, generally for some days each week or some hours each day. Contact with
the office evolved in the course of time and was maintained in various ways:
access to internal electronic mail, dispatch by telefax, telephone communications,
etc. These initiatives, however, were not co-ordinated at the central level and
were generally taken on the basis of informal agreements reached between the
worker and his/her direct superior. In this case the decisive stimulus for the further
development of telework came in 1990 with the passing of a law on environmental
protection. In this context, Company D faced a great demand for services,
equipment and consultancies to transform office jobs into telework activities.
Case E
The genesis of telework in the case of Company E was not substantially different from
what we have already seen in the case of Company D. The first telework experiments
came into being in a wholly informal manner at the beginning of the 1980s, when it
was made possible for some of the company’s employees to access the internal data
networks from their homes. As from 1991 onwards, however, the experiments were
formalised by the drafting of an internal telework regulation, which established access
parameters and rules to ensure data security and protect the health of employees. This
was accompanied by the preparation and approval of a teleworking agreement, which
to this day has been applied to about 20,000 employees (10 per cent of the total), most
of whom (about 12,500) work in the conditions of a virtual or mobile office or a satellite
office. Telework has also been given a great deal of publicity.
The excellent cases
Case F
The first experiment
The first telework experiment lasted for a year, starting in June 1992. It involved
11 telephone operators of the dial-assistance service. The declared purpose of the
experiment was as follows:
• to demonstrate that telephone operators of the assistance centres could do

their work from home;
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• to explore the extent to which normal office equipment could be transferred

to an employee’s home without having to undergo far-reaching modifications;
• to understand how telework problems, be they technical or otherwise, could
be successfully solved;
• to investigate the manner in which technology can support the work of
operators and supervisors;
• to see whether the benefits expected from telework really represent concrete
advantages for the parties involved;
• to determine the requirements that are indispensable for applying telework
on a large scale at the dial-assistance centres.
The results obtained from this experiment were in line with expectations, but
also furnished a stream of additional information that proved particularly
useful. Indeed, over and above confirming both the advantages (reduction of
stress, greater work flexibility, greater leisure time) and the drawbacks
(maintenance problems in the event of equipment failure, fewer external
relations of the employees concerned), the experiment also provided numerous
other indications:
• the importance of the audio-visual means (videotelephone) as instruments

that substantially facilitate communication and interaction;
• the support that the supervisor gave to the teleworkers tended to drop after
the initial phases of the experiment;
• the sense of isolation had not really constituted a problem;
• working at home does not change the hourly productivity of the workers
and does not even exert any effects on the absence rates due to illness.
The second experiment
Notwithstanding the experience acquired as a result of the first experiment,

Company F did not introduce the practice of telework to any appreciable
extent among their employees working at the dial-assistance centres. Two
years were to pass from the end of this experiment before a telesales centre
implemented a pilot project that caused 12 of their 25 telephone operators
to be transferred to a workstation at home. Participation was wholly on a
voluntary basis and subject to a selection test. Following extensive
negotiations with the trade unions, the candidates, who originally were full-
time employees, were told that they could participate in the telework
experiment if they accepted a part-time job for 25 hours per week, a figure
that was subsequently raised to 30 hours when the company came face to
face with the difficulty of recruiting volunteers who were prepared to accept
such a sharp downturn in their working hours and income. This experiment
is still in progress.
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Telework among executives
Company F implemented a form of telework that is particularly innovative. In

1992, in fact, the company and the trade union representing the higher and
executive grades signed an agreement that made it possible for these highergrade
employees to work at home on an individual and voluntary basis. In its general
approach, this agreement prefigured a ‘quasi-definitive removal’ from the office
environment. What happened in actual practice, however, is very different from
expectations. Even though no official figures illustrating the magnitude of the
phenomenon are available, outside observers affirm that the greater part of the
managers who requested the facility of engaging in telework continued to come
to the office with a certain regularity, limiting their work at home to the tasks that
best lent themselves to being undertaken in a quieter and more peaceful
environment (for example, reading or writing important documents) or the
occasions when particular circumstances made their presence at home desirable.
Case G
Implicit telework
Telework within Company G commenced in a rather subdued manner: from the

beginning of the 1970s onwards, a number of local managers allowed some of their
employees to access the company networks from home, mainly with a view to enabling
them to carry out urgent work outside office hours or to avoid loss of working time
on the occasions when adverse weather conditions prevented them from reaching the
office. There thus came into being the first telework programmes, which became
known as Alternative Work Arrangement, a name that did not even make express use of
such words as telework or telecommuting. This process of ‘implicit telework’ tended
to expand with the further development of the informatics and telematics technologies,
which not only made it possible for the employees to perform an ever larger number
of even complex tasks from their own homes, but also provided the companies with
the necessary means for ‘opening’ the company networks to external connections at
a low cost, while yet maintaining reasonable levels of data security. According to a
recent survey, almost 70 per cent of the employees of Company G are now authorised
to access the company information system from their own homes.
Explicit telework
Company G officialised their internal telework in March 1995. Administration of

the new programme, now known as Teleworking Option, was entrusted to a newly set
up inter-company committee. A practical teleworking guide was prepared at the
beginning of 1996. It consists of a basic document and six appendices, each of
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which is intended to solve some specific operational aspect bound up with telework.
The publication also includes a teleworking contract agreed with the unions.
Case H
Company H is a major telecommunications operator and sells a wide range of technical

solutions capable of being applied to teleworking. Circulation of information about
teleworking is considered as a strategic operation for promoting its further expansion.
Internal telework is widely used in this company, but it is not equally well-documented
and, as elsewhere in this particular country, springs more from an empirical practice
than a rigorous contractual approach. In this rather informal context, therefore,
considerable importance attaches to an experiment, designed for a duration of 12 months,
that set out to study 11 teleworkers within the company and a control group of identical
size made up of people who have become indirectly involved in teleworking problematics:
colleagues, husbands or wives of teleworkers, personnel responsible for computer
maintenance, middle-grade employees who have teleworkers among the staff they control,
executives and administrators of the services affected by teleworking. The first results
of this study highlighted no less than the following four paradoxes:
The rigidity/flexibility paradox
Even before they were selected for the experiment, all the teleworkers involved enjoyed
a great deal of freedom in planning their day. Being generally inserted in some team or
workgroup, all the co-ordination activities within the group were performed, generally
in a rather informal manner, during their stay at the office, often in the form of a one-to-
one interaction. There were only rare occasions when the group had to call meetings
that required the presence of all the team members. The first effect of the decentralisation
of some of the team members is therefore that the resource of informal co-ordination is
no longer available at the office. This immediately gives rise to the need for a codified
exchange of information, which obliges all the members of the group to reorganise
their activities in such a way as to leave room for frequent meetings. This becomes an
element of greater rigidity not only for the teleworker, who is obliged to go to the office
at pre-established times, but also for his colleagues, who now have to arrange their work
schedules around meeting cycles at set times.
The leisure time paradox
The greater part of the time gained by having to do less travelling is dedicated to
the work itself. But the interviews arranged at intervals of six months bring out
very substantial modifications in the organisation of family life: more time can be
dedicated to any children and some of the teleworkers have started cooking their
309
own meals. The periods of extra work would therefore seem to be bound up
more with the progress of the project in which the teleworker is involved than
with an intrinsic propension for hyperactivity induced by telework itself.
The creativity paradox
Creativity can be categorised as the analytic generation of new ideas. According to the
researchers responsible for the experiment, working from home tends to increase
analytical creativity, because the working environment in one’s own home, being
free from disturbance, makes possible greater concentration and therefore better
problem-solving activities. But there is a downturn in the capacity of creating
new concepts, because the separation from one’s colleagues reduces the creative
stimuli and the occasions for checking one’s ideas against those of the others.
The isolation/communication paradox
There are times when the office is the least suitable place for carrying out certain
activities that, above all, call for isolation. But the experiment brought out the fact
that, side by side with the need for remaining isolated if certain activities are to be
properly performed, the workers voiced an almost obsessive demand for having at
their disposal the greatest possible number of technological devices that facilitate
communication with others. These devices can be divided into two great families:
the interactive technologies, like the telephone and the videoconference, which in
real time recreate the interaction that exists at the office; and the asynchronous
technologies, which include telefax, the voice-box systems and electronic mail and
make it possible to be reached without being accessible.
Telecom Italia: between organisational flexibility and

workforce rebalancing
The implementation of telework at the Italian carrier was a very special process:
it was reached with the agreement of the unions through an extensive process of
bargaining, discussion and mutual education. The collective agreement signed in
1996 by the Italian telecommunications companies and the trade unions is the
first agreement concluded above individual company level that envisages
generalised recourse to telework in all the signatory companies.
But it is also the first time that a collective agreement draws its inspiration not from
a simple employment defence logic in the face of a crisis or company restructuring
(the so-called defensive telework), but rather from the goal of promoting telework as
such, recognising it as possessing a valency that goes well beyond the traditional
approach, which saw it as a mere instrument for limiting surplus labour.
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The agreement is underlain by a widely drawn notion of telework subdivided

into three categories: at home (but envisaging periodic returns of the teleworker to
the office), working out (in this case the returns to the office are to be agreed with
the direct superior and the daily duration of the telework (without in any way
altering the contractual working hours), its precise location of work during the
day and the performance assessment criteria may be characterised by innovative
features), and remote (in which case the working activity is performed at a distance,
generally from centres far removed from the company’s office that is responsible
for the activity in both hierarchical and substantial terms).
The legal connotation of the labour relationship remains the one traditionally
associated with subordinate work. For the purposes of the implementation
experiments, subsequent and more specific agreements will define the activities
and professional figures to be included, the modalities of the experiments and the
professional and social guarantees for the employees involved. The ordinary
hierarchical functions may be carried out via telematics and/or by means of target
assessments. The teleworkers are to adopt every possible precaution to ensure
absolute secrecy of the company information made available to enable them to
carry out their tasks.
Over and above the novelties already set out, it seems interesting to note that
this is also the first time that a company–union agreement contemplates mobile
telework (called working out in the agreement), which during late 1997 and early
1998 will find a first application among the salesmen of Telecom Italia.
An explicit provision of the agreement recognises that in the case of teleworkers,
performance and hierarchical control may henceforth follow new paradigms that
are more in keeping with the effective working situation: even though it did not
prove possible to avoid the sacred reference to the contractual working hours,
which remain valid also for the teleworkers, the agreement yet represents an
undeniable step forward as compared with the contractual experience hitherto
matured in Italy.
Each company that signed the collective agreement could apply it according
to company needs. Telecom Italia initiated a telework project as part of two
company-level agreements signed together with the trade unions in the wide area
of management of personnel redundancy and mobility processes. All the three
kinds of teleworking have been implemented.
Remote teleworking affected the existing operator-assistance work centres. This
choice aims, above all, at balancing the workforce geographically by remote-
siting part of the operator services (i.e. directory enquiries) and by assigning
them to a business unit which physically operates outside its area of jurisdiction.
In practice, workloads of other geographic sites will be transferred to distant
work centres. This project will involve about 400 workers, but it is likely to be
extended to all the workforce employed in directory enquiries.
Home teleworking is currently going to involve 50 employees of the operator
services. Telecom Italia will bear the costs associated with the performance of the
job at the employee’s home, namely those related to occupancy of the required
311
space and consumption of electricity. This project is going to be extended to a

maximum of 5 per cent of the workforce employed in directory enquiries (that is
to say 250 employees).
‘Working out’ is the name of the project involving 725 salespersons in Telecom
Italia. They will always be in touch with the company, through a little suitcase
containing a computer, a printer and connection with all the company information
systems. In this way, the sellers may always (and from wherever they are) manage
their electronic agenda, enter the databank of the company, have all the information
they need in order to manage the commercial relation with the customer, monitor
all the selling activities and the connected incentives.
Conclusions
General
The telecoms constitute a reliable sample, because – for wholly legitimate reasons
closely bound up with their business – they are both beneficiaries and providers
of telework services. And it is equally beyond doubt that coming to the potential
customer with actual firsthand experience of successful applications can ensure
greater credibility and authority, and not only at the commercial level, but also at
the institutional level.
The analysis performed shows very clearly that the telecoms who have already
matured significant experiences of telework in their own midst also have a very
pronounced capacity for spreading the culture of telework among the public at
large. And, in an appropriate ranking list in order of importance, this takes precedence
over ‘ability’ in ‘selling the telework product’, although they are undoubtedly also
well provided with this latter capacity. More particularly, all the ‘excellent’ cases
analysed by us show that the problems that had to be overcome were not by any
means solely of a technical nature, but also involved human resource management,
here understood as agreement, motivation and valuation. This made it possible for
the managers to become fully conscious of the extra-technological problematic
associated with telework. This consciousness also derives from the fact that in all
these excellent experiments the managers were themselves involved in telework
activities and therefore have firsthand experience of it. This is the second aim of the
paper, but we shall leave this aspect for discussion at a later stage.
Side by side with internal telework, the telecoms have also developed their range
of services intended to solve organisational, trade union, psychological, training
and attitudinal problems. It does not seem a mere matter of chance, for example,
that quite a few companies not only place the accent on the need to undertake a
careful in-depth evaluation of the persons to be authorised to engage in telework,
but also stress the desirability of developing individualised teleworking models, approaches
that we might define as attempts to formulate micro-sociological indicators of an
individual teleworking capacity. Others, working in environments that are potentially
312
favourable and well suited to the introduction of telework, are trying to gain greater
insight into the multi-dimensional relationship that exists between the factors that
speak in favour of telework and those that counsel against it.
The organisation for telework
‘Selling telework’ is not only a market operation of the telecoms, but also a cultural
and knowledge-spreading process that gathers momentum from within and thus
constitutes a virtuous spiral. In fact, the experiments so far carried out and reported
in the relevant literature highlight the fact that the development of telework in
the industrialised societies invariably involves a number of well-defined and
fundamental elements:
• the demand for flexibility expressed by the workers (and to a lesser extent also by
the companies), was almost always bound up with the existence of unfavourable
geographic or climatic conditions, and was intended to facilitate and optimise the
manner in which individuals distribute their time between life and work. This, for
example, is the variable that contributes to explaining the rapid growth of telework
in such vast, cold and sparsely populated regions as Canada and Sweden;
• the support of the public authorities, who by means of appropriate laws and
regulations, often with the ultimate aim of reducing environmental pollution
and traffic, grant fiscal facilitation to companies who adopt teleworking. This
is the case, for example, of the state of California and of the US in general;
• the birth of a telework culture production sponsored by the managers of the
telecommunication networks.
We are here concerned with an obligatory process that can not be given up: telework
breaks up and puts an end to many of the schemes and patterns underlying the pre-
existing culture of the industrial societies that, starting with Adam Smith and right
through to Taylorism and Fordism, gave rise not only to a particular production
mode, but also to a cultural model that is today being called into question by these new
forms of work. It is precisely for these reasons that many of the authors today tend to
underline the fact that the chains that have so far prevented telework from really
getting off the ground are inherent to our old and timeworn management paradigms.
Telework twixt codification and informality
Yet another important characteristic that can be found in all the cases of internal
telework so far implemented by the telecoms is the existence of two levels at which
the relevant experimental work was carried out.
At the first level, which one might call the formal or codified level, the work was
advanced by involving personnel of homogeneous qualifications for whom the
313
technicians had designed a specific workstation, while an appropriate teleworking

agreement was reached with the unions that represented them and acted on their
behalf. All said and done, these experiments tended to create traditional workplaces
in the worker’s home and the desk used there had to become as far as possible a mere
appendage of the office. Though often not admitted, the ultimate scope of these
experiments was to transform into telework a number of activities characterised by a
low variance, and therefore distinguished by the substantial repetitiveness of the
individual tasks and few unforeseeable factors, this with a view to producing work
‘mechanisms’ that could be sold and adopted outside the company without in any
way interfering with the buyer’s pre-existing organisation. We are here concerned
with an approach that, being rigid on the labour side, seeks to have a minimal impact
on business or company culture. The design idea underlying these experiments
accepted all the principal Taylorist paradigms: the division between those who design
the work and those who carry it out, the rigid determination of the tasks obtained by
means of a scientific study of what has to be done, the ambition of creating a single
‘best way’, in this case of a purely technological nature, conceiving domestic
workstations dedicated to a single type of work (for example: answering the telephone,
searching for specified information in an appropriate database and then communicating
the findings to the caller). These attempts, which sought to introduce telework without
modifying the pre-existing organisation, in the end proved to be useful means of
collecting data and information about behaviour patterns, but did little or nothing as
regards the repeatability or expansion of the proposed solution.
The second and more profitable line along which the telework experiments of
the telecoms have hitherto been pushed forward is the informal one. In these
cases, peripheral management, subject to complying with a set of rules or principles
(generally in the form of recommendations), were given the possibility of agreeing
specific teleworking modalities with interested employees, and the arrangements
therefore had to be convenient and advantageous for both parties. The central
office in these cases offered consultancy services on telework and instruments to
support the decision, but the responsibility for codifying the work relationship, at
times in a somewhat slack manner, was left with the periphery, together with an
ample margin of discretion. In support of this practice there always existed some
kind of framework agreement with the unions, often setting out mere principles,
that established the minimum criteria that had to be observed. The subjects of
these telework relationships were almost invariably high-grade officials, often the
managers themselves, whose activities, or at least some part of them, lent
themselves to being more efficiently performed at home.
Strictly speaking, therefore, we are here concerned with part-time forms of
telework, this in the sense that the teleworkers’ work was done partly at home
and partly in the office. These attempts substantially reduced not only the fear of
isolation and exclusion, but also the risk of weakening the teleworker’s
identification with the company, and they were truly innovative because they
were always implemented as part of work scenarios characterised by a maximum
of performance flexibility.
314
Authorising the higher-grade employees to do their work from home – always,

of course, in accordance with their specificities – also has the enormous advantage
of facilitating the expansion of the experience and therefore makes it easier to
pass from a managerial culture of ‘controlling the work’ to the new approach of
‘controlling the result’.
As is readily shown by the cases studied by us and the whole of the relevant
scientific literature, the true obstacle to overcome in the endeavour of
expanding telework consists of the passage from the paradigm of the office in
the first place, that is to say, the office seen as the place where all the activities
can be and are best performed, to a paradigm of the work in the first place. This
implies that one has to see the work environment with the eyes of a layman:
the office remains the place where ideas are born and verified and where
creativity and project promotion find stimuli, drive and collective verification,
but not necessarily the ideal place for coming to grips with every type of
work. There will inevitably be cases where the optimal working environment
is the drawing room of one’s own home.
A mixture of formal and informal experience and a constant interchange
between the two types of experience therefore seems to have constituted the most
fruitful road for the growth and development of telework.
Informal experiments often come into being as pioneer operations and at times
spring from the entrepreneurial genius (Schumpeter 1932) of a number of
managers who feel the need to render more flexible both their own work
relationships and those of their subordinates (though they must, of course, dispose
of the operational autonomy necessary to do so). The typical effect obtained in
such situations is that of combining new work modalities with the diffusion of a
telework culture understood as a practice of flexibility and informality.
The mixture of formality and informality: adapting before

adopting
At this point one cannot but wonder, seeing that such a linear procedure is quite
sufficient to produce a telework culture within a company organisation, why
there are still so few cases in which this actually happened, as is also borne out by
our own study. The informal approach requires one essential condition to be
satisfied: there should exist a hierarchical structure that will make it possible. All
said and done, therefore, an organisation must in some way envisage the possibility
of innovating its own paradigms, its own reference standards: innovation must
be a value to be pursued as a source of benefit.
Although the scope of the present study does not extend to analysing the
managerial cultures of present-day company organisations, it nevertheless seems
unavoidable at least to attempt a problem-setting operation with a view to pin-
pointing the principal variables that have to be taken into account and, if possible,
also the interrelations between them.
315
Telework is a rather more complex and articulated phenomenon than is

generally believed. This is borne out, above all, by witnesses from countries that
are more advanced in this field. To say that the Information Society is an irreversible
scenario does not automatically permit one to say that this scenario will be simpler
and more positive. Though it is reasonable to think that the Information Society
will upset the social, organisational, juridical and technological equilibrium that
underlies the consolidation of industrial society, it seems equally foreseeable that,
notwithstanding protective intervention by the institutions, there will eventually
be winning companies, businesses and individuals, but also losing companies,
businesses and individuals.
Acknowledgement
While carrying out the present study, the authors enjoyed the benefit of the
counsel, help and courtesy of numerous people, many of whom are known only
via electronic mail. The authors are in debt especially to Francesca Sacchi and
Mario Iannaccone: they were an invaluable help to this study.
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318
20
THE MIS-MATCH BETWEEN

SUPPLIERS AND USERS IN
TELEWORK
Lennart Sturesson
Introduction
Since the 1970s there have been many over-optimistic predictions on the growth
of teleworking. For instance, in 1971 AT&T was anticipating that all Americans
would be working from home by 1990. More recent predictions, though, have
been modified, with teleworking now viewed as an evolutionary rather than
revolutionary development. Despite this, Gray, Hodson and Gordon – three
telework promoters – write: ‘with the increasing availability, and decreasing cost,
of the enabling technology, the end of the [world] recession could signal the start
of the teleworking boom’ (1993: 22).
Surveys based on Swedish Statistics in 1986 and 1995, analysed by the research
institute Nordplan in Stockholm, indicate that the amount of employed people
working at home for at least six hours per week has increased from 240,000 to
350,000 during the period 1986 to 1995, which is respectively six and ten per
cent of the workforce (Engström et al. 1990, and personal information from
unpublished survey results). This cannot be interpreted as a large success for
telework, although it is perhaps still too early to evaluate the efforts of different
actors to promote telework.
In waiting for a possible boom, it is worth looking at explanations other
than the recession for the slow evolution of telework. In doing this, it is necessary
to look at both promoters and users of telework, and the technology which is
supposed to support it. It is also time to go beyond the question of why people
are teleworking to ask the question why they do not telework. As such, it is
important to search for the mis-matches between what promoters of telework
can offer and what teleworkers want and need. In this chapter I will identify
actors that promote telework in Sweden, drawn largely from two cases of
municipal telework promotion, and will relate the actors’ ambitions to
teleworkers’ experiences.
319
Definition of telework
Given my empirical study, I will concentrate on telework performed in the

teleworker’s home or neighbourhood, and consider employees as well as self-
employed teleworkers. I have defined people as teleworkers if they are working
at least 5–8 hours (one day) per week at a distance from their employer or customer.
I have not excluded people working without the use of telecommunication or
computers – for me it is an empirical question as to how dependent telework is of
information and communication technology (ICT) use.
Identifying the actors
In the literature on teleworking developments, promoters of telework are

commonly identified among three types of actors, namely the employers, the
teleworkers and their families, and public actors (authorities). Telework is
described primarily as an affair between employers and employees,
sometimes also involving public actors who promote telework for the sake
of employment or the environment. However, in the 1990s in Sweden, the
strongest promoters of telework are the suppliers of telecommunication and
ICT equipment.
Concepts and theory
The difficulty in implementing telework on a large scale raises the issue of

new technology – for instance, in this case, whether ICTs are important to
the introduction of telework. There is a common belief that such technologies
are the key to working at home or in a neighbourhood office. It is therefore
necessary to see if the homeworkers use and need telecommunications, or if
they behave just like they used to: reading information, writing a text on a
home computer, or making some phone calls – things that white-collar
employees have done for decades.
To be able to analyse a possible mis-match between promoters and teleworkers,
it is appropriate to look at telework from an actor perspective: who are the
promoters, why do they promote telework, which are their strategies and
arguments, and how do they act to introduce telework? But it is also important to
look at the teleworkers’ motives and needs, and not only the need for technology
and technical artifacts, but also their needs to organise their lives, to win time, to
minimise conflicts, etc.
A central question will be: What are suppliers selling? Is it ‘telework’, or is it
computers and other equipment, telecommunication, or a lifestyle? Are the
‘commodities’ which they propose to users the same as what they deliver? And
are the commodities the same as the teleworkers need and ask for?
320
SUPPLIERS AND US ERS IN TELEWORK
Conservative technology
Faced with new technologies or social innovations, it is common for people to

behave in their normal way – doing what they would have done before such
changes. In an article on automobiles, Hård and Jamison (1996) write that
alternative technology seldom succeeds if it poses an alternative on all of three
levels that they identify. These levels involve the three kinds of reinforcing
structures that define stabilised technologies (Hård and Jamison 1996: 5–6).
The symbolic level refers to the values that are associated with technologies –
the visions, expectations and desires – on both the individual and collective level.
The organisational level refers to the social systems that support the dominant
technologies and from where attacks on alternatives are often launched. Success,
according to Hård and Jamison, is often based on a promoter’s ability to break
through established institutional frameworks and devise social innovations for
technical development.
The behavioural level includes the habits and routines that are found in everyday life.
Technologies have little chance unless they adapt themselves to standard routines of
behaviour, and to personal expectations that users have of their technical artifacts.
Hård and Jamison suggest that a too ambitious alternative is less likely to
succeed than a conservative one, conservative meaning that the technology is not
a radical innovation but is related to an established set of ideas.
Symbolic values
Hård and Jamison note that certain symbols are a part of the technology context.
It is therefore necessary for people to be connected to the right type of symbols.
They take as an example early automobiles, where the electric car came to
symbolise femininity, an ideal not favoured in the persisting male car-culture.
There is also another way of looking at symbols. Suppliers of a commodity
try to give it a symbolic value to persuade the consumer of its advantages. But in
the end, the commodity must have a use value, valuable enough for the users to
buy and use the commodity, and to recommend it to their personal networks.
Thus, by symbolic value I mean the value accredited to an artefact, not because
of its direct usefulness, but because of its perceived potential to give the owner a
means to make her/his dreams and visions come true (i.e. it is perceived as
increasing the person’s social and cultural capital, to speak of Bourdieu). The
symbolic value is added to by making the artefact a symbol for something tempting.
The meaning of use value in this sense is the immediate technical or practical
function of the artefact as perceived by the owner.
From this I make the presumption that for a social innovation like ICT-based
telework, a main actor has to build a network which enrols strong promoters as
well as a broad population of potential teleworkers. And for teleworkers to join
the party the social innovation offered has to be conservative, meaning that it is
321
not radical on all the three levels of symbols, organisation, and behaviour. In this
concept, successful symbols must be accepted by the users either as a value as
such on the symbolic level, or give users values that have or can be transformed
into use values on the behavioural level.
Telework in Sweden
Nykvarn
The idea of telecommuting was discussed intensely in Sweden in the first-half of

the 1980s. In 1982–84 there was an experiment centred around a neighbourhood
office in Nykvarn, about 60 km south west of Stockholm, where seven employers
agreed to rent an office for a total of ten employees. These people shared their
working hours between the Nykvarn office and their main workplace in Stockholm
or Södertälje, 15 km away.
The actors promoting the experiment were: a Nordic research institute, Nordplan;
several suppliers of telecommunication, IT and office equipment; and Södertälje
municipality and its housing company. After the experimental period, the neighbourhood
office existed for another year, after which it was closed down. The employers no
longer wished to foot the costs of the extra workplace. Scepticism from white-collar
unions is also considered to have contributed to the failure (Ranhagen et al. 1986).
Reports from the UK that telework can be a trap for women amplified this scepticism.
Sweden in the early 1990s
After the Nykvarn office was closed, there was little discussion about telework in
Sweden, although some telecottages were established (local centres which supply
ICT equipment to local people). The telecottage teams formed an association
which became a strong voice for the telecottage idea in Sweden – as well as for
distributing work in general, independent of distance.
This was supported by Swedish authorities like NUTEK (Swedish National Board
for Industrial and Technological Development) and Glesbygdsmyndigheten (National
Rural Area Development Agency). Swedish municipalities, especially in regions far
from big cities, have been very eager to attract small firms and convince larger
companies to outsource some departments to their region, supported by ICT.
Another organisation interested in telework is ECTF, the European
Community Telework/Telematics Forum, aimed at promoting teleworking,
launched under the auspices of DG XIII in 1992, and having a co-ordinator in
Sweden co-operating with NUTEK.
In this period discussion on telework was mainly concentrated on telecottages
and on employers having some of their business decentralised into smaller places
and rural areas or the archipelago.
322
Nyköping
At the start of the 1990s the municipality of Nyköping, with about 45,000
inhabitants, planned a vast new construction project, Nya Nyköping (New
Nyköping). The new site was described like this on the front page of a prospectus:
The intelligent society is soon here!

In a charming small-town environment.
Now we start building!
According to the prospectus, the meaning of ‘the intelligent society’ is the possibility
of replacing commuting by working at home or at a telework centre or telecottage in
the neighbourhood. By using new technologies (such as AXE, fibre optics and ISDN
[Integrated Services Digital Network]) it was suggested that you can work at home
but still feel as if you are sitting in your office. As such, it would be possible for
commuters to work some days at home instead of travelling 100 km to Stockholm.
This project was operated by the municipality in a separate company, Nya
Nyköping HB. Initiated by municipality politicians and HSB (which is a Swedish
co-operative housing society in which the local tenants own their apartments,
and their local co-operative society owns the buildings), the project company
became the main actor for introducing telework. The project manager employed
an information officer who made contact with the telecom operator Telia (formerly
Swedish Telecom), which became involved by installing ISDN in Nyköping and
the new district. The manager also looked for teleworkers, admittedly with the
purpose of achieving early success stories of telework.
In the municipality there were different opinions on the Nya Nyköping project.
Started by the Social Democratic Party, the non-socialist parties were reluctant to
make the project company as independent as suggested. And the local daily
newspaper Södermanlands Nyheter was critical of the way in which the project was
operated, and presented it almost entirely as a housing project, not as one for
telework or new lifestyles.
After the first 120 apartments were built on the new site of Brandholmen, 3 km
away from the city centre of Nyköping, there was a deep recession in the Swedish
economy, and the rest of the planned 4,000 apartments were postponed for years to
come. Thereby the goal of the project to make Nya Nyköping an ‘information village’
became impossible to achieve. Some teleworkers moved into the new houses, but the
proportion was not extraordinary when compared with amounts in other places.
Nynäshamn
In Nynäshamn, a town with 25,000 inhabitants situated on a Baltic peninsula 60

km south of Stockholm, the starting basis was different from that of Nyköping.
The main actors consisted of a little group of enthusiasts who were themselves
323
practising both commuting and teleworking, with one of them becoming project
manager. Their network included municipality politicians and officials. One of
the initiators worked with a Telia subsidiary, Telia Promoter, which was searching
for a municipality for a pilot experiment with telework. With Nyköping hesitating
about it, they instead chose Nynäshamn. Telia was then one of the sponsors in
building the information office for telework in Nynäshamn.
Information was given to as many as possible of the 4,000 commuters living
in the municipality but working elsewhere (most of them in Stockholm, which
meant about one hour’s journey in each direction). During the project period,
1994–96, contact was established with 321 commuters showing interest in
telework. One year later the work resulted in a neighbourhood office which,
among other telecom-related services, offered an office for teleworkers on a
regular or ad hoc basis.
Before the telework project started, at the beginning of the 1990s, HSB in
Nynäshamn built two housing areas, with about 50 apartments and about 60 co-
operative terrace houses. These were designed for ISDN installation, which was
also a marketing argument. Neither in Nynäshamn then, was the housing project
a mark of success in the teleworking story.
The late 1990s
At about the same time that Nya Nyköping was built, companies such as Telia,
Canon, Compaq and others, began large advertising campaigns promoting
telework. Additionally, in the 1990s some employers have also started to show
interest in home- or telecentre-based telework. When researchers are trying to
find objects to study, however, it seems that the number is quite limited: Ericsson,
Telia Research, Siemens-Nixdorf, Intel, DIAL Försäkring (insurance), and a few
others, are the companies always referred to.
At this time a telework discourse also became manifest. Almost everybody
was talking about telework - newspapers, magazines and other media reported
about projects or single teleworkers. A new magazine devoted to teleworking,
Distans [Distance] was even started.
Telework, at least for some period, has been a distinct part of the ‘IT hype’,
which is also connected to other concepts like the ‘Information Society’, the
Internet, the World Wide Web, and so on. As such, telework functions as one of
the symbols of the Information Society.
The empirical material
The two projects of Nyköping and Nynäshamn constitute my empirical material.

Questionnaires were directed to people moving into the housing sites, and to
people identified through the telework project in Nynäshamn – having responded
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to the various information and advertising activities. They were either working
at home for some of the time, or were interested in doing so.
In Nya Nyköping, 143 adults out of the population of about 200 (73 per cent)
answered a questionnaire (sent out in December 1994) on the living area, work,
work travel and homework. In Nynäshamn, a corresponding questionnaire was
sent out in March 1995 to 162 adults in the HSB blocks; 100 of them replied (62
per cent). Another questionnaire to the group ‘interested in telework’ was sent to
128 persons; 89 of whom replied (70 per cent). From these 332 respondents I
have identified 52 teleworkers, qualifying according to my definition. I have also
undertaken interviews with teleworkers in Nyköping. The interviews have been
focused on the history of the person’s telework experience and their use of ICT,
so far as it relates to the expectations of the Nya Nyköping project.
My investigation indicates that the teleworkers consist mainly of two groups:
the self-employed and employees well advanced in their careers. Professionals
and qualified employees are markedly over-represented, while women in general
are under-represented.
The teleworkers have long working hours – a great part of the homework is in
fact unpaid overtime. For four of the ten teleworkers in Nyköping, the homework
is a spare-time job. This leaves three persons working for their employer at home
for at least 5–8 hours per week.
The interviews indicate that teleworkers make conscious and well-considered
choices. Two of the teleworkers, both self-employed, are engaged in starting a
neighbourhood office, which could not be realised first time round. They are
convinced of the usefulness of ICT for remote work, but frustrated by promises
of the Nya Nyköping marketing which were not fulfilled. Some teleworkers in
Nynäshamn also indicate the same mis-match.
Teleworkers use information and communication technology more frequently
than others – most obviously in the use of fax machines and modems. Most of
them use their own equipment, although they consider it to be not good enough
for the job. This is in line with the results of another Swedish study which
interviewed teleworkers in four companies. Here, information technology was
important and was necessary for communication with the workplace. Nevertheless,
although workers were reasonably well-equipped with ICT, they still asked for
more technical equipment. However, this does not mean that ICT alone is enough
for tele working to function well (Larsen 1996).
Teleworkers, therefore, seem to have a very practical attitude towards information
technologies. They are aware that they have to evaluate the marketing message against
their own demands, and decide whether the benefit is worth the price of the product.
Interpreting the story
None of the described projects has resulted in a take-off for telework. In Nykvarn, the
employers withdrew, citing the costs involved in the office, and the clerical unions did
325
not give their support. In Nyköping, the municipality ceased to be an actor for telework
after the apartments were built and no new construction projects were in sight. In
Nynäshamn, the teleworking project has left some traces, not so much as a telework
boom but rather in IT programmes for schools and in a neighbourhood office (although
this acts as more of a service centre for small companies than for teleworkers). But this
still functions as a base for promoting telework in Nynäshamn, as well as other places
where affiliated offices are established – one of them in Brandholmen, Nyköping!
Does this mean that teleworking is too radical an innovation to be accepted by
a considerable amount of workers? Let us look at the three levels suggested by
Hård and Jamison.
Suppliers and symbolic level
ISDN and ‘intelligent society’ was used by the actors of Nya Nyköping as symbols
of telework. As such, they were active in forming and reproducing the ‘telework
discourse’, or the image of teleworking. Contributing to this discourse were,
above all, suppliers of ICT equipment and services, but also other central public
authorities (e.g. European Union and the Swedish government’s IT commission
in speaking about the Information Society – where telework is seen as a prominent
ingredient), mass media, consultants and even researchers.
Thus telework is constructed as a symbol of modernity – urging you to take
part in the ‘Information Society’. Modern in this context is not the same as urban:
on the contrary, nature is very close to the teleworker, the archetype of the little
red Swedish cottage being a standard image.
The symbol of flexibility is also a key element, not meaning freedom from
work, but freedom to work where and when you want, or to put it another way:
freedom to be in control of your life.
Taken together one can find telework symbolising a lifestyle with a large amount
of freedom, where it is possible to combine work and family without conflicts, to live
and work close to nature, and to be modern in the Information Society. It is a Swedish
middle-class dream of being able to combine a work career with family life, which
normally means a lot of planning and switching between different duties in life.
Such symbols ought to appeal to many Swedes, so they should not be
hindrances to teleworking. But some questionnaire answers indicate that
teleworkers do not believe in these pictures: telework in practice is not so
unproblematic as the adverts suggest, and communication technology is not so
easy to handle as suppliers want employees to believe.
Employers and organisational level
Employers are quite invisible in the local projects I have studied. Answers from teleworkers
indicate that employers’ support is not satisfactory. This is also a main explanation for
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the slow rate of expansion in many other telework studies. Consequently, the teleworkers
in my studies are persons with the will and capacity to telework on their own premises,
whether they be salaried employees or self employed.
This can be interpreted in two quite different ways. One is that the social systems
consisting of work relations do not support the social innovation of telework. The
other interpretation is that the large amount of overtime indicates that employees
adjust themselves to heavy working conditions by means of teleworking.
However, there are some reports of companies in Sweden having programmes for
teleworking. They show that telework is possible to establish on a company basis, but
to succeed, management has to be an active supporter of the idea. From a study in
Sweden, Constance Perin highlights the great differences between the work system,
believed to be rationally organised, and the household system, believed to be effectively
ordered and relatively unpredictable. Co-ordinating these two systems obviously needs
some efforts (Perin 1996; Baumann 1995; Larsen 1996).
One of the messages from telework promoters is that work will be organised
in rather different ways when ICT makes us more flexible and mobile, and when
companies want just-in-time workers and consultants instead of life time employees
– working at home and mobile work being solutions for this.
Teleworkers and behaviour level
According to the responses to my questionnaires, the teleworkers’ arguments for

teleworking are advantages such as: ‘more effective work’, ‘undisturbed working
conditions’, ‘reducing work journeys’, ‘independence in work design’ and
‘possibility to combine work and spare time’ (which does not include taking care
of children while working). They indicate that teleworkers are interested in
performing a job well, at the same time as having the ‘flexibility’ that is suggested.
But there are disadvantages, most of them connected to work: ‘poorer contacts
with colleagues’, ‘more difficult to relax from work’, ‘fewer or bad technical
utilities’. These are more frequently noted than ‘missing work material’,
‘disturbance from family’ and ‘intrusion in dwelling’. The conclusion must be
that even if many people want to work at home, this is not always comfortable.
Technology
As indicated above, teleworkers use information and communication technology

more frequently than other respondents, but most of them are not satisfied with
their equipment. Most of them use their own equipment, which they consider to
be not good enough. To be able to work more at home one-third remark that
they need better technical equipment. This means that although promoters of
telework argue that ‘technology is not a problem’, teleworkers do consider it to
be a problem.
327
The answer to the question of whether ICT matters, thus, is that it does, but
that few teleworkers have been equipped with adequate technology, which is
another indication of a mis-match between promoters’ visions and users’ needs.
Conclusion
Telework, for many employees, seems to mean radical change – in organising

work and its social system, in the ‘organisational level’ (according to Hård and
Jamison 1996), as well as in the ‘behavioural level’ in everyday life. In my studies
on telework in Sweden I have found that teleworkers have unmet demands
concerning work conditions that would help combine work with family life, as
well as concerning ICT equipment. Thus, there are mis-matches on the
organisational as well as on the behavioural level.
This can be interpreted as a failure by promoters to ensure that the symbolic
and use values offered are high enough to sell telework as a social innovation. As
symbolic values have been dominating until now, it may be, therefore, that there
is a need for messages with higher use values.
References
Baumann, F. (1995) Teleworking from an organisational point of view: critical success factors and
limits, London: City University Business School.
Engström, M., Eriksson, G. and Johanson, R. (1990) To be flexible in time and space. Structures
and tendencies of distance work, Stockholm Byggforskningsrådet, Report T8. (In Swedish:
Att flexa i tid och rum. Distansarbetets struktur och tendenser.)
Gray, M., Hodson, N. and Gordon, G. (1993) Teleworking explained, Chichester: John Wiley
and Sons.
Hård, M. and Jamison, A. (1996) Successful and Failing Challengers: Diesel and Steam as Alternatives
to the Gasoline Automotive Engine, Stockholm: KFB-meddelande: 14.
Larsen, K. (1996) Prerequisites and limitations for remote work – experiences from four Swedish
companies, Linköping University. (In Swedish: Förutsättningar och begränsningar for arbete
på distans – erfarenheter från fyra svenska företag.)
Perin, C. (1996) ‘Project Management Models as Social, Cultural, and Cognitive Systems:
Relating Paid and Unpaid Work Schedules’, in P.J. Jackson and J. van der Wielen
(eds) Proceedings of the Workshop New International Perspectives on Telework: From
Telecommuting to the Virtual Organisation, London, 31 July–2 August 1996, 2, Tilburg, The
Netherlands: Tilburg University Press.
Ranhagen, U., Jägbeck A.H., Berg, H. and Stjernberg, T. (1986) Workplaces near home with
new technology. The neighbourhood central in Nykvarn, and other visions, Stockholm:
Arbetarskyddsfonden: Abstract 899. (In Swedish: Bostadsnära arbetsplatser med ny teknik.
Grannskapscentralen i Nykvarn och andra visioner.)
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21
TELEWORK – THE CRITICAL

MANAGEMENT DIMENSION
Reima Suomi, Ari Luukinen, Juhani Pekkola and Marya Zamindar
Introduction
In our chapter, we adopt a management point of view on telework. This is based

on the following assumptions we have about the current situation of telework:
1 in most cases, the feasibility of telework is easy to see from the point of view
of macroeconomics, participating organisations, as well as from participating
individuals;
2 though technical problems can be severe in individual cases, they can usually
be overcome; telework is not primarily a technical problem;
3 in spite of its feasibility and technical soundness, telework has not invaded
classical hierarchical organisations as fast as could be expected. Something
must therefore inhibit the invasion of telework;
4 the reason for the slow adoption of telework especially in larger organisations
can be found in management communication styles and practices.
A profile of telework: the nature, extent and potential

of telework in Finland
Statistical findings: flexibility in Finnish working life

according to the Finnish 1995 Working Life Barometer
In Finland, the Working Life Barometer (Ylöstalo et al. 1996) is used by the
Ministry of Labour each year to collect data of contemporary interest. The
Barometer is a sensitive instrument which can be used to examine many aspects
of the transformation of Finnish working life. The data are collected by the Central
Statistical Office by means of telephone interviews of approximately 1,000 wage
earners (between the age of 18–64 years). An analysis of the collected data from
329
the years 1992 to 1995 shows the changes in the quality of Finnish working life,
including data on wage earners, expectations regarding the future.
Using these data, we now highlight some results that support our hypotheses
above.
Working in groups
In order to meet sophisticated customer demands, ‘group work’ is necessary because

services for customers can only be produced through complicated value chains,
involving many employees. In 1995, 28 per cent of employees reported that they
were working in some kind of organised group. Approximately the same number of
employees reported that they did not work in any kind of group. The remainder of
the sample (43 per cent) worked only occasionally in groups. The differences between
the sectors are considerable. Groupwork was most popular in the state sector and
most unpopular in the service sector. On the whole, one can say that working in
groups is popular in Finland. Groupwork can cause difficulties in implementing
telework practices, because the cohesion and integrity of a group requires delicate
management practices that can be difficult to implement in a telework context.
Development programmes
The implementation of several kinds of official development programmes is a

strong signal from management that organisations must change. In 1995, the
question of whether or not organisations had adopted development programmes
was included in the Barometer for the first time. According to the response,
development programmes were surprisingly common in Finnish workplaces. An
astonishing two out of three workplaces have some kind of programme. Due to
the nature of the question, it was not possible to clarify the content of the
programmes. This result can be interpreted as a general willingness on the part
of management to adopt new practices and, in such an environment, even telework
programmes are easier to implement.
Recruitment practices and the amount of permanent positions
According to the Barometer, work arrangements have become more diversified

in Finland. In 1995, 23 per cent of all companies recruited personnel. The majority
of the recruited individuals did not receive permanent positions and permanent
employment relations have been breaking down very rapidly. Only 29 per cent
of the 23 per cent of companies that had experienced a growth were able to offer
permanent positions, and two-thirds of the new working relationships were atypical.
Trends indicate a diminishing core of permanent employees within companies.
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TE LEWORK: THE CRITICAL MANAGEMENT DIMENSION
This shows, in our opinion, that employers are preparing for flexibility through
the manipulation of the amount of core and flexible workers. Flexibility, in the
form of efficiency and working time adjustments of the contemporary workforce
(for example, in the form of telework) is not supported by this trend.
Nevertheless, we should bear in mind that most telework arrangements in
Finland are a result of non-systematic and informal developments. In general,
telework arrangements are not regarded as part of the organisational strategies
aimed at improving the flexibility of companies.
Factors behind the adoption of telework as

discovered through statistical analysis of employer
opinions
Current context of telework in Finland
The proportion of teleworkers in Finland is a little more than 8 per cent of all
wage earners (Zamindar 1995). In all, the figure amounts to 150,000 Finns. In
the Finnish Working Life Barometer study, ‘teleworkers’ were referred to as
employees who work outside the employer’s facilities at least some hours per
month by using modern information technology. About 3 per cent of Finnish
wage earners, or about 50,000 Finns, are teleworking quite frequently, that is to
say at least one day per week on average. Proportionally, the extent of telework in
Finland is at the same level as it is in Sweden and Norway (Pekkola et al. 1996).
Teleworkers are mainly employees in higher-income groups who have a strong
educational background. They are usually independent professionals who work
under pressure, but are satisfied with their position in the firm and with their
firm’s working conditions. Typically, relationships with superiors and colleagues
are strong, and employees who became teleworkers report that their output is
worthwhile and influential.
Three out of four Finnish teleworkers are male. About 40 per cent of the
persons who telework are upper-level executives. Telework is used particularly in
technical planning areas. Every fifth teleworker belongs to a small work
organisation of 20 to 50 employees. Relatively more teleworkers work in small-
to mid-size organisations comprising about 100 to 200 employees.
Understanding organisational change in the workplace is essential to appreciate
telework. Telework is part of an ongoing industrial transformation of organisations
to post-industrial systems whereby products are becoming more tailored and
customer-oriented, while at the same time the mass-production and standardisation
of products decreases. Nowadays, to be able to produce more sophisticated
products and supply specific market niches, production methods must be more
flexible and decentralised as compared to the mass-production era. Information
and information technology are also becoming more important as companies
need to be increasingly sensitive to market changes in order to capitalise on
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emerging market niches. A greater need for geographically dispersed specialists,

for example, makes telework arrangements more attractive for businesses. Thus,
in one sense, telework is dependent on post-industrialism and a feature in the
process toward labour evolution and modern production methods.
To summarise, telework is not merely a technological innovation, it is also a
sociological innovation. The reasons behind telework take-up include social-
organisational factors like moving away from a lack of flexibility in old, industrial-
production structures.
Statistical analysis using a survey-built database from the FET project in co-
operation with the Finnish Information Processing Association (Tietotekniikan
Liitto) reveals three factors determining whether or not an organisation will adopt
telework. The greatest predictor for the implementation of telework is the existence
of an appropriate information technology infrastructure. These results show that
technical infrastructure provides a conducive atmosphere for telework.
Second, organisational size proves to be important in predicting whether or
not a firm will implement telework. The parameter value for this variable is large
and negative, indicating that the larger the size of the organisation, the less likely it
is they will have telework arrangements.
The last significant variable in the model shows that teamwork is positively
related to the practice of telework. This significant, positive relationship shows that
teamwork acts as a catalyst for telework. Teamwork structures may allow employees
to overcome fears about social isolation that might result from teleworking.
The correlation between high-wage employees and telework practice was
measured by analysing the relationship between motivation to recruit and retain
key personnel (high-skill, high-wage employees) and the use of telework. The
correlation between the desire to recruit skilled staff and the use of telework is so
low that it precludes inclusion into a regression model. Similarly, the correlation
between the desire to retain skilled personnel and telework use is also too low to
include it in the model. These results, however, must be read with some caution.
The correlations reflect the opinions of managers regarding the amount of telework
that already exists (or should exist) in their organisation. These variables do not
measure the objective existence of a category of skilled workers against the actual
use of telework. Although such measurement would be ideal, in practice this is
not always a feasible method for measurement.
The perceived impact of labour unions on telework also proves to be
insignificant. It is possible that Nordic managers do not regard the influence of
labour unions as anything out of the ordinary, even though labour unions have
more of a role in the Nordic countries, if such managers have no experience with
which to compare their own situation.
Finally, analysis showed that none of the negative influences described in the
literature is hampering the spread of telework – neither the cost of setting up a
teleworker, nor the expected career problems caused by a lack of social interaction,
nor supervisory difficulties for managers. Furthermore, the perceived positive
productivity advantages correlate significantly with the actual practice of telework.
332
Regression modelling shows that belief in productivity gain is relatively important,

but still not as influential as use of teamwork, handling of simple information
technology problems, or firm size.
Through such analysis, it can be inferred that the statistically ideal company for
adopting telework in Finland is a small, teamwork-oriented firm which already
possesses an adequate information technology infrastructure. Regression modelling
shows that it is this type of firm which is most likely to introduce telework. Policy
implications derived from these results indicate that policy-makers should, for example,
concentrate on promoting telework especially within small firms which are most
likely to respond favourably to telework initiatives. Policy-makers can also make
their policies more effective by promoting technological innovation and network-
based information technology. Advanced technological infrastructure proves to be
an important condition behind telework adoption. The lack of statistical significance
of labour union opposition and fear of social isolation, together with the statistical
significance of data regarding the receptivity to telework, strengthens the conclusion
that well-constructed telework promotion policies can be successful in Finland.
Practical telework management in Finnish

enterprises
Based on the results of the ‘Telework for Change’ project and our earlier case studies
among some Finnish companies, we believe that there are several ways in which the
introduction of telework can take its course and materialise in organisational settings.
Furthermore, we suggest that these changes occur mostly in a concealed way and
that they are closely related to the evolving new working culture which manifests
itself in the management of resources and communication.
As described above, at least two developmental trends can be distinguished
regarding the adoption of telework in the Finnish business environment. The
first trend is associated with the development of flexible and distributed work
patterns in small enterprises. The second deals with telework applications in
larger organisations. To avoid extreme simplifications, we would like to stress
also that there are important differences within these categories in respect to the
way telework is perceived.
Telework in small Finnish enterprises
In Finland, there is a growing number of small enterprises which have adopted

flexible modes of production and new ways of working as a basis of their business
operations. Flexible work arrangements are introduced to create competitive
advantage when establishing the organisation.
Many of the small firms that are utilising telework are characterised by the
effective use of telecommunications in relation to internal communication,
333
networking with subcontractors and other organisations, and in delivering products

to clients. Moreover, they can be characterised as innovative, especially with respect
to the way in which they manage resources and organise business operations. We
can conclude that such developments reflect a newly emerging work culture.
Innovative small businesses can be regarded as forerunners of the growing
information society, or as agents of change in the working environment, because
they are showing other businesses how market needs can be met in a flexible,
efficient and also profitable way. Most important of all, they are the ‘carriers of
change’, influencing organisational and management culture. In this context,
telework and other distributed work patterns, like dispersed groupwork
arrangements or business networking, can be seen as natural consequences of
flexible modes of operation and an emerging new culture. Likewise, telework
arrangements appear to be unofficial and hidden by nature. Systematic and official
telework schemes seldom exist in these circumstances.
Telework in large Finnish enterprises
Large Finnish corporations have developed telework arrangements mostly along

with their other pursuits for organisational development. Basically, most of the
motives to introduce telework are related to rationalisation of the use of labour,
or changes to make work processes more effective and productive. Nowadays,
telework arrangements are in many cases the result of extensive investments in
information and telecommunication technology. However, other motives,
arguments and reasons also exist.
There are also enterprises which have looked for the possibilities offered by
telework arrangements to utilise opportunities to motivate, recruit or retain their
key personnel. Although these kind of arrangements (which derive from
managerial pursuits to develop an active human resource management policy)
are especially uncommon in Finland, they do exist. In some cases, the companies
mentioned above also have some explicit elements of proactive personnel policies
built into their telework arrangements.
Telework in virtual organisations
It can be suggested that the most prominent base for the future spread of innovative
telework schemes is related to the emerging ‘virtual organisation’. As noticed
above, virtual organisations can originate in small enterprises under favourable
circumstances. Likewise, such structures and modes of operation can be developed
in existing large companies. ICL Data can be regarded as one of the leading
companies in Finland in this respect.
We expect that the fundamental factor behind the development of virtual
organisations and telework arrangements is related to what people really want to
334
do and how they would like to do it, not where or in which organisational
surroundings this is going to happen. As Peter Johnson puts it: ‘work is what you
do, not where you go’.
Without much disagreement, we can assume that virtual work arrangements
that comprise telework are by definition based not only on the innovative
organisation of work and new perception of management culture but also on
effective use of human intellect.
Conclusions
One of the reasons why we conclude that telework arrangements have not spread
as fast as could be expected is the lack of market pressure on many organisations.
Changes in organisational structures and processes are usually painful, and
organisations postpone these changes until they are unavoidable.
With regard to telework promotion, it is important to pay attention (in a client-
oriented fashion) to the way in which businesses are organised and control their
resources. A ‘need-driven’ approach to telework is demanded. Specifically, it is
essential to recognise three conditions which are necessary for businesses to initiate
telework. An adequate technological and communication infrastructure, sufficient
technological skills, and a reorganisation of corporate structures and cultures is
needed to provide for successful and lasting telework arrangements. Telework
should not only be seen as a new way of working, but in the most extreme case
as a virtual way of organising that supports organisational adaptation to
environmental changes.
To summarise, our theoretical discussion and our empirical findings both point
out that there are no major obstacles to the successful adoption of telework in
Finland. The technical facilities are available together with the willingness of
workers to engage in telework arrangements.
Current governance structures indicate that large organisations outsource work
and make use of smaller organisations as buffers against fluctuations in demand.
As a result, small organisations have been the first to learn how to create flexible
organisational structures. As small organisations are very dependent on knowledge
owned by the workers, they are not usually willing to hire and fire employees all
the time, but look for other means to add flexibility. This is where telework comes
in. Small organisations have management techniques that support and allow for
telework. With regard to this we have to realise that telework arrangements, in the
way researchers define them, are not always understood by small organisations as
such. For them, telework is just a normal way of doing business.
We can conclude that management capabilities and opinions seem to be the
critical factor for the introduction of telework. Small organisations seem to have
an advantage over larger corporations. Larger organisational units should therefore
try to learn from smaller ones.
335
References
Pekkola, J., Heikkilä, A. and Zamindar, M. (1996) ‘Directions of Telework in Finland’, in

Luukinen, A. (ed.) Report by the Finnish Experience with Telework Project, Ministry of Labour,
Publication of the Labour Administration, 143, Helsinki.
Ylöstalo, P., Kauppinen, T. and Heikkilä, A. (1996) Työolobarometri marraskuu 1995, Ministry
of Labour, Työpoliittinen tutkimus 145, Helsinki.
Zamindar, M. (1995) Telework in Finland. Factors behind Telework Use as Seen From an Employer
Perspective, Ministry of Labour, Publication of the Labour Administration, 116, Helsinki.
336
CONCLUSION
New networks and agendas
Paul J. Jackson and Jos M. van der Wielen
The contributions to this book can be read in two ways: first, as a range of
insights into different issues bound up with teleworking and virtual organisation;
second, as a demonstration of the different standpoints, interests and agendas
concerned with these. As such, it provides an overview of recent developments
(both practical and theoretical) on the state of teleworking and offers new
perspectives and lines of analysis to help move things forward. We would therefore
like to use this conclusion to discuss some of the consequences these two readings
have for future research and practice. To begin, we will draw together the main
ideas discussed in the book’s four parts.
Drawing the parts of the book together
Part 1 of this book showed that teleworking is a complex subject, about which
many standpoints can be brought to bear. If we look at the history of teleworking
ideas, starting with the initial discussion of telecommuting back in the 1970s, we
find that perspectives on telework have continued to change over time. The
meaning and significance of the concept has thus varied depending on the contexts
in which it has been used.
At one level, it is looked upon in concrete, practical terms – as an effective
approach to a range of organisational and social problems, such as traffic growth
and demands for flexible working. At another, more abstract, level – particularly
when it forms part of the debate about the Information Society – telework is seen
as embodying a new set of ideas and principles. In short, it is looked upon as part
of a new paradigm that challenges old assumptions about the design of organisations
and the way work and private life have traditionally been compartmentalised.
There can be little doubt that while developments such as telework do indeed
embrace new sets of temporal and spatial relations, supported by advanced
337
CONCLUS ION: NEW N ETWORKS AN D AGENDAS
information technologies, they cannot be looked upon as an inevitable consequence

of such technologies, nor as a cornerstone of a new (post-)industrial era. We
instead need to establish more thoughtful, integrative approaches that provide
robust linkages between teleworking, the technologies that support it, new
organisational forms, and wider developments in societal and industrial structures.
In Part 2 we saw the way in which the compartmentalisation of industrial and
social structures into distinct, geographically separated sets of social relations and
practices has been subject to change – leading to new ways of integrating work,
family and leisure. However, we have also seen that such developments raise
their own issues and problems – such as the management of role conflict. This
heightens the demands placed on those concerned – workers, family members,
employers, etc. – in managing the boundaries between work and family relations.
Teleworking developments also highlighted the cultural significance of temporal
and spatial structures in work and family life. We have seen how the meanings
and descriptions of ‘work’ have traditionally been bound up with activities and
experiences undertaken at particular places – buildings, offices – and at particular
times (typically, 9 a.m. to 5 p.m.). The ideas and practices involved in this have
become deeply rooted in the habits, norms and values of industrial culture. The
consequence of this is that certain times (hours of the day, days of the week), as
well as particulars places (the boardroom, the office, the living room) carry with
them strong symbolic connotations. These stand by to inform and reproduce
different sets of meaning and experiences (concerning work, leisure, and so on)
and cannot therefore be looked upon as socially neutral. This helps to explain, for
instance, why those productive activities that take place outside of workplaces
and work times are often looked upon as ‘non-work’ and are devalued
economically and culturally as a result.
Part 3 illustrates the web of interrelated issues and agendas involved in temporal
and spatial work innovations. For organisations looking to reap the benefits of
dispersed working, this raises questions about a range of matters – from business
strategy, technology policy and organisational learning, to team building and
collaborative working, and management and control. In the broader context of
the city, we have seen that matters of ‘public good’ (such as economic renewal)
are not necessarily high on the agenda of individuals and organisations planning
teleworking.
Clearly, these are not matters that can be treated as narrow, ‘technical’ problems.
They are inherently complex, as well as being innately social and political. To
deal with them, two sets of tools and abilities are in demand. First, we need
methodologies that help to relate and integrate issues from a wide range of areas,
disciplines and viewpoints. For instance, in the organisational context, a
teleworking perspective requires interweaving perspective from business strategy,
facilities management and human resource management. Second, given the
different actors involved, it is imperative to find ways of managing the different
interests and expertises of the actors. Rather than eliminating different viewpoints
then, we must embrace the richness and diversity these provide. At the same
338
CONCLU SION: NEW NETWORKS AND AGENDAS
time, those involved must recognise the existence and interdependence of other
stakeholders involved in developments.
Many of these stakeholders were discussed in Part 4 of the book. Here, we
examined the interests, experiences and strategies of a number of actors, and the
networks they were engaged in or sought to create. When it comes to teleworking,
no actor is an island. The success and stability of teleworking networks depends
on a range of people adapting to their required role in the teleworking network
over time. Ensuring an appropriate alignment of business strategies on the part of
client organisations, telework centres, even televillages, etc. is essential for the
durability of initiatives. Teleworking networks are often fragile because of the
amount of (often institutionalised) forces acting against them. For example, the
conservative attitudes of managers and workers alike may act as a brake on
innovation. They strongly embedded in industrial culture and are often slow to
change. The examples from Part 4 illustrate that we need to create a more
encompassing realignment of work-related values and business models for
teleworking to develop.
Future networks and agendas
The above has raised a number of questions and directions for future teleworking
developments. First, there is the need for new management tools which can aid
the task of integrating teleworking issues and perspectives into planning and
business strategy. Second, skills are required to manage the new boundary relations,
particularly those created by homeworking and virtual teams. Third, there is a
need to create new networks for both research and practice, which respectively
should be based on multi-disciplinary and multi-party collaboration.
A number of key issues are now firmly placed on the teleworking agenda. For
example, understanding the symbolism of time and space and the shifting meanings
of work and non-work, are matters at the heart of teleworking. We need to raise
the general consciousness about these factors in order to redefine underlying
assumptions about the nature of work, how it is organised and the institutions
that support it (such as government bodies, training establishments, trade unions,
and so on). Attitudes and values – often deeply culturally embedded – may need
revising as part of a wider rethink on the way we live and work.
In creating and managing new ways of working – for instance, in managing
dispersed workforces, temporary teams and inter-organisational alliances – new
modes of co-ordination, co-operation and control are required. If such innovations
are to succeed and mature, organisations must ensure a shared understanding
between constituent parts, create identity, loyalty, commitment and trust among
members, as well as maintaining learning and knowledge development in the
organisation as a whole.
As far as individuals are concerned, there is a requirement to develop a set of
skills, with self-management and entrepreneurship abilities becoming increasingly
339
CONCLUS ION: NEW N ETWORKS AN D AGENDAS
important. For those working alone, the formation of coping strategies is essential
for dealing with new sources of stress.
Where teleworking and virtual working arrangements are built, based on the
solutions offered by a single prominent and powerful actor (such as an IT or
telecom company), there is a danger of over-simplifying the needs and interests
of the other actors in the network. As we have seen, virtual teams need to engender
a sense of shared enterprise, individuals need to find ways of managing revised
social boundaries. These cannot be solved simply by new technologies. This
points to the need for social innovation – new attitudes and forms of behaviour –
as well as technical innovation – if new forms of working are to succeed. As such,
a wider understanding of issues and work dynamics is required.
There is a clear requirement, therefore, to integrate teleworking ideas and
issues into both broader social agendas (such as urban planning, transport
management, etc.) as well as corporate strategies (for example, in creating inter-
organisational alliances or new forms of service delivery). Because these challenge
many established institutions and practices – the central workplace, the work–
family divide, the functional divides within organisations – new modes of thinking
and planning are required.
This points to the need to draw on the expertise of parties and experts who
can provide a broader diagnosis of the problems at hand, as well as offering a
more encompassing view of what the strategic aims of such innovations might
be. This also recognises the different rationales for such developments – economic
growth, social inclusion, environmental protection, corporate restructuring, traffic
management, work flexibility, and so forth. Such an approach to teleworking
could help to ensure more encompassing methods of problem solving, but more
importantly could help to create a shared vision of the desired future.
340
INDEX
Note: page numbers in italics denote figures or tables.

Acker, J. 131, 132, 133 Bennis, W. G. 226
actor network theory 9–12, 263 Bentham, Jeremy and Samuel 42
Aicholzer, G. 159, 160 Berg, Ann-Jorunn 115
Allen, S. 58 Berry, L. L. 197
Alpander, G. C. 197 biotechnology 40, 50
American Planning Association survey Bitner, M.J. 187, 193, 196, 197, 200
209 Blackler, F. 59, 66
Analytica survey 29 Blancero, D. 199, 200
Andersen, Arthur, & Co 171, 189 Boland, R. 65
Anderson, C. D. 47 Bots, P.W.G. 176
AT&T 27, 189, 208, 319 Boudes, T. 48
Atkinson, J. 58 boundaries, home /work 141
Aumann, S. 146, 148, 149, 154, 159, boundary-crossing 45–6, 52, 96, 109
160, 161 boundary spanning 195–6, 199, 202
Auramäki, E. 97, 112 Bourdieu, Pierre 321
Australia 215, 216, 217, 220–1, 225, 298 Bowen, D. E. 186, 187, 188, 190, 191,
Austria 96, 100–2, 297; see also RegCorp; 192, 193, 195, 197, 198, 201, 202
TeleCorp Bowers, J. 97
automated teller machines 247 Brandt, S. 2, 58
automobile technology 321 Brewer, A. M. 222, 226, 229, 230
autonomy 124, 150, 156–7, 309–10 Brigham, M. 78
Britton, F. E. K. 26
Bagley, M. N. 159, 160, 211–12, 296, Brooks, H. 293
297, 298–9 Brown, S. W. 188
banking: centralisation 251, 252, 253, Browne, M. W. 228
254; customer services 248; bureaucracy 62, 84
information technology 247, 255, Burrell, G. 60
256; networks 85, 249–51; retail business networks 115
banking 247–50; specialised units business perspective, intellectual capital
251, 252, 253 174, 178
Barnatt, C. 7, 75 business planning 182, 210
Bateson, J. E. G. 197 business process re-engineering 6, 102
Becker, F. 29–30, 296, 298 Büssing, André 146, 148, 149, 151, 152,
Becker, Gary 175 154, 157, 159, 160, 161
Becker, H. 25
Bell, D. 56, 60 California, telecommuting 218, 224
Beninger, J. R. 80 call-centre consultants: administrative
Bennett, J. G. 177 group 274–5; communications
Bennett, V. 58 276–7; networks/relationships
341
INDEX
273–4, 275–6; projects 271–2; corporate culture 191, 221, 236

and provisioners compared crisis management 208, 233, 236, 242
277 8 Cross, T. B. 22, 28
call-centres 251, 296 cultural capital 321
Callon, M. 9, 10 cultural norms 148–9, 289, 313
Canada, telework 118–21, 132 customer assistance technicians 305
Capelli, P. 81, 225 customer capital 172–3, 181
capital types 171–3, 181 customer service 185–6, 203, 235–6, 248;
capitalism 60, 77, 81 languages used 68, 69; relations 185,
car industry, technology 321 187, 189–94, 201–2; satisfaction 187,
career-oriented person 31–2, 34 273
career prospects 82, 150, 192, 285, 313 Cyberspace 7, 77, 87, 88, 115
centralisation: banking 251, 252, 253,
254; information 59; technology 65, Daniels, A. K. 121, 128, 130
68, 69, 79 Davidow, W. H. 56, 75, 76–7
Checkland, P. B. 247 decentralisation 226, 242
Chen, P. S. T. 223 demographic changes 227
child care 43, 104, 119, 128, 140, 142, desk-sharing 101
152, 327 DeVault, M. L. 128, 130
Clark, P. 49, 50 dial-assistance service 306–7
Clarysee, B. 51 dispersed working: see telework
Clegg, S. 56, 62–5, 71, 78, 84–5, 225 distance working: see telework
Clement, A. 96, 100 distributed work 169–70, 178–81; see also
clients 108, 269, 276; see also customers telework
collective teleworking 159–61, 162 domestic work 52, 119, 121, 128–31
comfort, telecommuting 282–3, 285–6, Drucker, P. 122, 125, 174
287 Dur, R. C. J. 176
commitment 46, 131, 191, 225–6 Dutton, W. H. 87
commodities, symbolic value 61, 321
communication 113, 262–3, 269–70 earthquake crisis management 233, 235,
communications technology 59, 261; 237, 238, 242; see also 2Great Hanshin
call-centre consultants 276–7; Earthquake
earthquake crisis 235, 237, 238; ecological factors 148, 222–3
techniques 262–3, 279; see also ICTs Edge Work Group Computing Report
community, telecommuting 282–3, 208
285–6 education 68, 152–3
commuting 1, 10, 11, 138, 217–19, EFTPos facilities 247
237–9, 241 electronic bulletin boards 101
compressed work week 220–1, 222 electronic cottage 3, 25
compulsion, telecommuting 282–3, 287, electronic home offices 33, 34
288 electronic homework 22, 25, 31, 294
consumption, and production 121, 195 electronic networks 23
context concept 96–7, 99, 107 e-mail 24, 108–9, 235, 265, 269, 276
contract work 212–13, 217 Empirica survey 36(n 1), 160
contracts, psychological 45–6, 194, 195, employees: commitment 225–6; customer
199, 226 relations 185, 187, 189–94, 201–2;
control 80–1; banking telework 253; by development 191–3; employer
customers 196; managerial 80, 286–7, contracts 45–6; turnover rates 68; see
315; output 190, 193, 315; process also teleworkers
190; traditional 225; see also employers 223–4, 331–3, 326–7
supervision; surveillance employment changes 215, 216, 217
Cooper, R. 60 employment relationship 45, 81
cooperation 13–14, 96, 101; see also employment status 58, 137, 325, 331, 332
teleco-operation engineers, mobile 68–9
Corbett, M. 78 Ernst and Young 171, 189, 190, 191
342
INDEX
ethics 81–2, 84 Giddens, A. 13, 66

ethnography, context 96–7 Glaser, W. R. and M. O. 152
Europe: neighbourhood office 297, 299– globalisation 61
300; telecottages 211; telework 5, 22, Goodman, R. A. 45, 48
28–9, 88(n2), 146, 160–1, 169 Gordon, G. 26, 36, 224, 319
European Commission 5, 28 Grantham, Charles E. 169, 170, 176
European Community Telework/ Gray, M. 26, 29, 224, 319
Telematics Forum 322 Great Hanshin Earthquake 233, 236–7;
executive decision systems 174 commuting 237–9, 241; implications
executives, telework 296, 308 239–42; structural damage 234, 236–7,
241; transport 234, 237; worker
face-to-face interaction 255, 256, 265, contact 234–5, 236, 237
266, 276, 278 Greenbaum, Joan 101, 102
family factors 152–4, 156–7, 158, 227, Greenberg, J. 193, 200
288, 338 Gregory, D. 98, 99
fax 113, 235, 269, 276 Grönroos, C. 186, 187, 188
feminist theory 95, 98, 121 group work 330
Finland: enterprise size 333–4, 335; groupware programs 170
telework 329–35; virtual organisations Growth Management Act, Washington
334–5; Working Life Barometer 329, 284
330, 331 Gummesson, E. 186, 187, 246
Fireman, S. M. 282 Guthrie, K. 87
flexibility: ICTs 215; location 58;
postmodern 61; production 13; Hacker, W. 149
telework 1, 143, 150; time/space 41, 51 Haddon, L. 114, 136
flexible firm 101 Hägerstrand, T. 98
flexible specialisation 56, 81 Hall, R. H. 226, 227
flexible work arrangements 1, 2, 33–4, handbooks for telework 25, 26
224–7; causal linkages 228–9; Handy, Charles 11, 74, 76, 77, 220
compressed work week 220–1, 222; Haraway, D. 97, 115
employee commitment 225–6; Hard, M. 321, 326, 328
national culture 289; organisational Harvey, D. 56, 60, 61–2, 66
structure 224–5, 226; recruitment Hassard, J. 13, 61, 62, 86
330–1; telecommuting 219–20; Hensher, D. 215, 217, 220, 230
working hours 220, 236, 327 Hergge, R. 96, 111
flexitime 236 Hesse, B. 170
flexiwork 22, 23, 25, 26, 31, 33 Hiltz, S. R. 35
Fordism 61, 63, 75, 83 Hodson, N. 26, 224, 319
Foucault, M. 13 Hold, R. 2, 5, 25, 58, 253
Frese, M. 149 home-based teleworking 4, 6, 40, 46–7,
Fulk, J. 262–3 66, 106–8, 110, 141, 149; invisibility
107, 131, 193; isolation 154, 157, 158;
Galbraith, J. K. 171 self-employment 23; social
Garhammer, M. 155–7 relationships 142; Telecom Italia 311–
gender: domestic work 128–30; home/ 12; telework space 138–9, 140
work 6, 46–7, 107–8; organisational homeworkers 4–5, 6, 9; banking 250–2,
culture 131; place 95, 96; power 253, 254
relations 110; role stereotyping 44–5, Hudson, W. J. 172, 182
47; teleworkers 127, 138, 157–8, 325, human capital 171–2, 175, 181
331; time/space arrangements 95, 115; human resource management 173–4;
work flexibility 41; work/non-work attitudes 221–3, 228, 312; business
118–19; workforce participation 215, perspective 174; customer services
216; working hours 111, 153 188– 9; organisational factors 226–7,
gendered work 121, 132, 142 229–31; performance appraisal 192–3
Germany, telework 144 humanisation of work 149–51
343
INDEX
Huws, U. 5, 6, 23, 24, 27, 29, 35–6, 59, Japan: earthquake crisis management
287 233–42; Ministry of Posts and
Hyman, R. 80 Telecommunications Research
Institute 234, 243; MITI 75, 85;
IBM 44, 152, 189, 195 neighbourhood office 298;
ICTs (information and communications organisation methods 64; satellite
technologies) 87, 88(n 1); domestic offices 243; Tokyo 239–42
implications 142–3; flexibility 215; Japan Transport Economics Research
managerial control 80; mis-matches Centre 239
325, 328; organisational space 71, 76; Johnson, Peter 334
telework 136–7, 320 Johnson, S. A. 200
identity, office persona 41 Jones, B. 79
impression management 140, 195–6
industrial relations 225, 303; see also trade Kanter, R. M. 74, 75, 78, 81
unions Karpin Report 222
industrial renewal models 85, 87–8 knowledge 65–6, 68, 97, 99, 174
information: centrality 59; contextual knowledge workers 61, 122, 284–5
107; flows 176; and knowledge 65–6; Kordey, N. 160
processing 303; resources 173–4; Körte, W. B. 5, 27, 28, 29, 160
systems 80 Kraut, R. E. 4, 5
information-based work 4, 59 Kumar, K. 56, 59, 60, 71, 79, 80
information and communication Kurland, N. B. 191, 201
technologies: see ICTs
Information Society 3, 56, 59, 65 labour division 142, 144, 314
information technology xvii 3, 4, 6, 7, 27; labour market 225
banking telework 247, 255, 256; labour unions: see trade unions
organisation 21, 35; space/time LAN-Distance Software 103, 114
concepts 40; virtual organisation 75; Larsen, K. 325, 327
see also ICTs Lash, S. 60, 74
innovation 292; networks 50; Law, J. 9, 10
organisational factors 12, 227, 333–4, Lawler, E. E. 197, 198
335; virtual organisation 76–7; see also learning process 182, 246
social innovation Leidner, R. 288
Institute of Future Studies, University of Liebeskind, J. P. 51
South California 28 lifestyle: household 227; telework 30–2,
Institute for the Study of Distributed 34 36(n2), 138, 326
Work 176 Link Resources 146
insurance, gender 157–8 Lotus Development Corp. 195
Intel, supervisors 191 Lotus Notes 103, 105, 174
intellectual capital 170–6, 178, 182 Lozano, B. 121, 130
interaction, face-to-face 255, 256, 265, Lundin, R. A. 45, 48
266, 276, 278 Luxton, M. 121
interdependence 262, 273, 279
International Labour Office 160 Mackenzie, S. 121
Internet 1, 5 McKersie, R. 225
invisibility, teleworkers 107, 131, 193 macroeconomics 60–1, 149
Ireland, telework 56, 67–72 Mahmassani, H. S. 223
ISDN 323, 324, 326 Malone. M. S. 56, 75, 76–7
ISDW 169 management 12, 189–94, 226; attitudes
isolation 154, 157, 158, 170, 310, 333 88(n4), 174, 286–7, 329; control 80,
IT: see information technology 111 286–7, 315; knowledge based
170–1; new wave theory 81, 83; as
Jackson, P.J. 7, 12, 56, 58, 59, 75, 77 provisioners 264–70
Jacobs, S. M. 146–7, 161 management appraisal research 192
Jamison, A. 321, 326, 328 microeconomics 149, 215–16
344
INDEX
microelectronics 80 43–4, 48–9; restructuring 6–7, 75–6,

Midler, C. 42, 45, 48 84, 88–9(n6), 246; size 227, 332,
Miller, T. E. 5, 284 333–4; space/time 13; and technology
Mills, A. J. 130–1 xvi 74, 76, 80; work 100–2, 123, 224–5
Mirchandani, K. 52, 130 Organisational Analysis System 167,
mis-match, telework/ICTs 319, 325, 328 176–82
Mitchell, William J. 210 organisational citizenship 229–31
mobile telephones 235, 240 organisational function models 176
mobile telework 68–9, 305 organisational theory 48–9, 84–5
mobility restrictions, personal 150 Osterman, P. 46, 225
modems 261 output control 190, 193, 315
modernism 12, 25, 61–2, 63–4 Outsource Inc., research work 68–70, 71
Mokhtarian, P. L. 209, 219, 220, 297, 298 overtime 44, 51–2, 124–5, 325
Moorcroft, S. 58
morality in organisations 81–2, 84 Packendorff, J. 45, 48
Murgatroyd, S. J. 131 panopticon 41, 42, 82
Paquette, P. C. 100
needs analysis, projects 271–2 Parker, M. 60, 62
neighbourhood office 295–9, 300–1, 322, part-time work, telework 139, 140, 152–3,
325–6 217, 314–15
Netherlands, telecommuting 224 Peattie, L. 121
networks: banking 85; business 115; for performance appraisal 191–3, 285
future 339–40; innovation 50; Perin, Constance 40, 41, 43, 46, 52, 81–2,
postmodern 56; social 51, 263; trends 83, 102, 110, 131, 286, 327
34–6; trust 75; workflow 275–6 Perman, L. 124, 125
new wave management theory 81, 83 Pettigrew, A. M. 50
Nichols, L. D. 169, 176 Piore, M. 56, 60, 77
Nilles, Jack 1, 3, 4, 22–3, 31, 59, 207, 218, place: concepts 61; feminist theory 95, 96;
281, 285 and time 95, 98, 109, 338, 339
Nippert-Eng, C. 43, 46, 52 planning, business 182, 210, 207–8,
non-work 125–8, 133, 149, 151–2 264–5
Northridge Earthquake 242 pollution 217, 218–19, 223–4
Norway, teleworking 115 Porter, M. E. 81, 173, 222
nursing, computerised care plans 98 post-industrialism 56, 331–2
NUTEK, Sweden 322 postmodernism 64–5, 86; capitalism 60;
Nyköping 322, 324–5, 326 client-oriented production 12–13;
Nykvarn, neighbourhood office 322, flexibility 61; organisation 56, 59–61,
325–6 63–4, 78, 84, 85–6; periodisation 60,
Nynäshamn 323–5, 326 62 86; and post-modernism 60;
,
telework framework 59–61; virtual
Occupational Reinforcer Patterns 288–9 organisations 56, 78
office: changing definition 35; distractions post-structuralism 86
125–7, 133; non-work 125–8; social poverty, US 212
cues 287; social interactions 282 power relations 62–3, 110, 115
OFFNET Project Team 159–60, 299 printing industry 97, 144
Ogburn, William F. 292 privacy abused 191
Olson, Margrethe H. 22, 192, 262 private enterprise centres 33, 34
Ontario telework studies 120–1 private sphere: see public/private spheres
organisation: disaggregation 61, 81; Probyn, Elspeth 97, 98
domestic work 130–1; ethics 81–2, 84; process management 6, 177, 190
forms 56, 79, 115, 145–6; information production: and consumption 121, 195;
technology 21, 35; intangible assets dataprocessing 65–6; flexibility 13;
171, 173; modernist 61–2, 64; industrial/household 41–5, 52; mass
paradigms 80; postmodernist 56, 12 13
59–61, 63–4, 78, 84, 85–6; projects 42, productivity 50, 283, 284–6, 332–3
345
INDEX
project: call-centre consultants 271–2; Schumpeter, J. A. 292, 315

clients 269, 273; communication security: banking telework 253–4;
269–70; core team 268; crises 273; neighbourhood office 299; telework
networking 50–1; organisation 42, centres 294
43–4, 48–9, 101–2; productivity 50; self-discipline 100–1, 139
scheduling 265; social dynamics 48–9 self-employment 23, 31–2, 34, 137, 325
project management models 42, 45, 47–8 self-management 14, 40–1, 44, 81–2, 123,
promotion: see career prospects 131, 195, 198, 327, 339
provisioners: administrative group 267; service employees 187–8 service
and consultants compared 277–8; management 185–6, 188; discretionary
managers 264–70; networks/ behaviour 199–200; fairness to
relationships 267, 270; projects 264–6; employees 194, 195, 199; output
supervisor 268 control 193; and teleworking 187
psychological contract 45–6, 194, 195, 188–9; see also customer service
199, 226 Shapiro, D. 97
public/private spheres 42–3, 52, 111, 121, shared-facility centres 33, 34
146–52 Shellenbarger, S. 288
public transport 212, 217–18, 240 Sheppard, D. 127
Puget Sound Telecommuting Silverstone, Roger 136
Demonstration 281, 283–6 Skandia Group 171, 172, 173
skill levels 12, 225
quality of life 146–7; collective Smith, D. E. 97, 128
teleworking 159–61, 162; social innovation 321–2, 327, 332, 340
humanisation of work 149–50; non- social interactions 125–7, 133, 142, 282,
work life 151–8 287
Quebec telework studies 120–1 social network theories 263
Quinn, J. B. 74, 75, 81, 100 Soderholm, A. 45, 48
Qvortrup, L. 287, 296 Soete, Luc 27
soft systems methodology 246
Raizman, M. 22, 28 SoftCo, case study 178–81, 182
rational choice theory 262 SOHO (small office, home office) 10, 303
rationalities, divergent 77, 84–5 space 93; flexibility 51; geographical /
real estate values 209, 210 cultural 95; home/work 40, 95–6;
RegCorp 96, 100–2; dispatch system 114; symbolic factors 11; and time 13–14,
interviews 105–6; regional distribution 41, 66–7, 82, 83, 93, 99, 115, 139–40,
101, 108; work systems 112 215–20; work sites 140
research methodology 120, 246, 263 specialised units, banking 251, 252, 253
Residential Area-Based Offices 297 state support: neighbourhood office 298;
restructuring: economic 1; flexibility 13; telecommunications infrastructure
organisations 6–7, 75–6, 84, 88–9(n6), 208, 209–10
137, 246 Statistics Canada 119
retail banking 247–50 Steinle, W.J. 27, 28
reward structures 101 stereotyping, gender 44–5, 47
Rodgers, C. S. 287 Stern, E. 2, 5, 25, 58, 253
Ronco, W. 121 Stewart, Tom 171
RTA 218, 220 strategic choice 84, 88(n4)
stress 150, 154
Sabel, C. 56, 60, 77 supervision 189–91; call-centre
sabotage 200 consultants 274–5; neighbourhood
sales personnel 102, 305, 312 office 299; provisioners 268; support
satellite offices 33, 34, 243, 295, 305 194; see also control; surveillance
Scarbrough, H. 247 suppliers of technology 320, 326
Schneider, B. 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, surveillance 42, 68; see also control;
193, 195, 198, 201, 202 supervision
Schultz, T. W. 171–2 Sweden 64, 319, 322–8
346
INDEX
symbolic economy 61 telephone banking 249

symbolism: commodities 61, 321; telephone operators 306–7
controls of telework 81–2; place/time teleport 185, 186, 210–11
11, 338, 339 telepresence systems 170
systematics 177 telesales centre 307
telework 2–8, 22, 25; abuse of 190–1,
Tancred, P. 132 200–1; career prospects 82, 150, 192,
Tansik, D. A. 193 285, 313; as concept xvi, xviii, 3–4, 6–8,
tax laws, telework 208–9 26–7, 56–8, 70–2; creativity 310; crisis
Taylorism 42, 78; effects of 225; Fordism management 208, 233, 236, 242;
63; information systems 80, 82; labour defined 21–5, 58–9, 119–20, 320;
division 314; surveillance 68; time developments 8–12, 144; flexibility 1,
49–50 143, 150; ICTs 136–7, 320; information
teamwork 191, 332–3 technology 27; lifestyle 30–2, 34, 36(n2),
technology: actor network theory 9–12, 138, 326; management 12, 189–94, 226;
263; asynchronous 310; centralised/ mis-matches 319, 325, 328;
dispersed 65, 68, 69, 79; and industrial organisational forms 21, 32–4, 101–2,
relations 303; interactive 310; 145–6; part-time 139, 140, 152–3, 217,
organisation xvi, 74, 76, 80; 314–15; postmodernism 59–62;
satisfaction 327–8; telework 112–13, prevalence 27–30, 144, 319; productivity
320, 321, 332, 333 332–3; as social innovation 3, 148–51,
TELDET survey 29 292–4, 321–2, 327, 332; space 95–6;
tele-shirking 200–1 symbolic/organisational/behavioural
Telebed, research work 68–9, 70–1 levels 321, 326–7; technology support
Telecom Italia 310–12 112–13, 320, 321, 332, 333;
telecommunications 5–6, 303; case studies telecommunications 9, 23; trade unions
304–10; individualised models 10, 119–20, 212, 217, 314, 332, 333
312–13; informal telework 314–16; telework, types: centre-based 115, 294,
infrastructure 208, 209–10; telework 9, 300–1; codified/informal 96, 313–15;
23; see also ICTs collective 159–61, 162; home-based
telecommuting: analysis 22–3; California 129. 130, 138–9, 146, 212–13, 294,
218; comfort 282–3, 285–6, 287; 305, 307, 311–12; mobile 294; service
community 282–3, 285–6; compulsion management 187, 188–9
282–3, 287, 288; defined 25, 30–1, telework centres 211–12, 213, 251–2, 253,
219–20, 281; early experiences 3, 293–6
283–4; efficiency 44; knowledge teleworkers 26, 102–3; creative rule
workers 284–5; managerial attitudes breaking 198–9; autonomy 124, 150,
286–7; negative aspects 285; 156–7, 309–10; communication 113,
prevalence 5, 207 261, 262–3; coordination with office
Telecommuting Withdrawal Model 281, 139, 226; discretionary behaviour
282–3; American bias 284; knowledge 199–200, 327; education 152–3;
workers 288–9; Occupational employment status 58, 137, 325, 331,
Reinforcer Patterns 288–9; Puget 332; empowerment 197–8; fairness
Sound Telecommuting Demonstration 194, 195, 199, 202; gender 127, 138,
281, 283–6, 289; Theory of Work 157–8, 325, 331; impression
Adjustment 288 management 195–6; invisibility 107,
teleco-operation 144–5, 296 131, 193; multiple work sites 99;
TeleCorp 96, 100–2, 103–5; desk-sharing work/non-work 122–8; workaholism
101; spatial distribution of work 124–5, 141; see also self-employment
114–15; work systems 112; working teleworking contact employee jobs 195–8,
hours 109 199–202
telecottages 71, 211, 294, 296, 322 Telia (Swedish Telecom) 323, 324
telemarketing 296 Tenkasi, R. 65
telematics 144 time: concepts 49–50, 61, 98, 109; control
telephone 109, 113, 235, 269, 276, 277 over 111, 155, 156; family life 156;
347
INDEX
feminist theory 98; flexibility 41, 51; Wagner, I. 96, 98, 99, 100, 101
and place 95, 98, 109, 338, 339; social Weber, Max 62, 84
aspects 155–6; and space 13–14, 41, Webster, F. 56, 59
66–7, 82, 83, 93, 99, 115, 139–40 Weick, K. 65
time-geographies 98 welfare, telework 212, 213
time-management practices 109 Wharton, C. S. 124
Toffler, Alvin 3, 25 Whipp, R. 49, 50
Tomaskovic-Devey, D. 47, 286 Wierda, Overmars & Partners 26
trade unions: Australia 225; telework 10, Wolkowitz, C. 58
119–20, 212, 217, 314, 332, 333 women teleworkers 127, 138, 325, 331; see
traffic 222–3, 225, 230 also gender
transport 217–19; planning 10, 207; post- work: and child-care 104; cooperative 96;
earthquake 234, 237; Tokyo 240, 241; and family 46–7, 156–7, 158, 338;
see also public transport flexibility 9, 11, 41, 219–20, 306,
travel patterns 222–3 330–1; gendered 121, 132, 142; and
trust: managerial 11, 40–1, 44, 131, 132; home 66, 149; humanisation 149–51;
networking 51, 75, 339; virtuality 84; identity 41; information-based 4, 59;
working from home 114 integration 338; knowledge workers 61,
Turoff, M. 35 122, 284–5; location 121; measurable
124–5; organisation 100–2, 123, 224–5;
UK, telework 29, 74; retail banking output/presence 125,
telework study 248–55 132–3; paid/unpaid 41–5, 121, 122; social
Ulberg, C. 281, 284, 285, 287 relations 327; space/time factors 215–20
Urry, J. 60, 74 Work Adjustment Theory 288
US: California 218, 224; information work/non-work 118–19, 120–8, 339
workers 4; neighbourhood office work satisfaction 226
297–8; new wave management theory work system changes 95, 112
81, 83; poverty 212; service 186; workaholicism 124–5, 141
telework 146, 169, 208; teleworkers worker types 2, 31–2, 34, 49
29, 88(n2); see also telecommuting workflow 97, 112, 268–9
US Department of Transportation 210, 219 workforce participation, gender 215, 216
US Federal Emergency Management workgroups, communication 262–3
Agency 242–3 working from home 114, 116, 149, 208–9,
US General Accounting Office 211 212–13; see also telework types, home-
US General Services Administration 208 based
US Office of Management and Budget 212 working hours: Australia 216, 217;
autonomy 109, 309–10; flexible 151,
Van der Wielen, J. M. M. 7, 12, 13 220, 236, 327; gender differences 111,
Van Sell, M. 146–7, 161 153; overtime 44, 51–2, 124–5, 325;
videoconferencing 170 rigidity 11, 215; scheduling 123–4;
virtual organisation xvi, xviii, 75–9; telework/centralised work 103–4,
Finland 334–5; market actors 7–8; as 155–7, 287 workplace 1, 12, 41,
paradigm shift 74–5, 76, 79–83; 106–9, 289
postmodernism 56, 78; semantics 87; Wynne, R. 5
services 186; space/time 14
virtual workplace arrangements 170, 305 Zapf, D. 149
virtuality 7, 76–7, 84 Zapf, W. 292–3
voice-mail 277 Zeithaml, V A. 187, 193, 197, 203
Zerubavel, E. 49, 52
Wadel, C. 122, 124, 126, 128 zoning regulations 208–9
wage earners 31–2, 34 Zuboff, S. 256, 284
348

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TELEWORKING: INTERNATIONAL

Teleworking: International Perspectives is an up-to-date, groundbreaking and

Paul J. Jackson is a lecturer in Management Studies at Brunel University, UK.

THE MANAGEMENT OF TECHNOLOGY AND INNOVATION

CREATIVE TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE

Edited by Paul J. Jackson and

London and New York

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced

List of figures viii

1 Introduction: actors, approaches and agendas: from

2 From teleworking to networking: definitions and trends 21

3 Work, space and time on the threshold of a new century 40

4 Conceptualising telework: modern or postmodern? 56

5 Rethinking the virtual organisation 74

6 Telework: managing spatial, temporal and cultural

7 No longer a struggle? Teleworkers’ reconstruction of

8 The experience of teleworking: a view from the home 136

9 Teleworking and quality of life 144

10 Organisational assessment in the distributed work

11 Teleworking service management: issues for an

12 Planning for telework 207

13 Flexible work and travel behaviour: a research framework 215

14 Telework and crisis management in Japan 233

15 Integrating the teleworking perspective into

16 Telework as social innovation: how remote employees

17 Evolution of the telecommuting withdrawal model: a

18 A social innovation in its infancy: experiences with

19 Organisational fitting and diffusion of new culture:

20 The mis-match between suppliers and users in telework 319

21 Telework – the critical management dimension 329

Conclusion: new networks and agendas 337

2.1 Life form categories 32

2.1 Surveys of teleworkers in the UK 29

Georg Aichholzer is Senior Researcher at the Institute for Technology Assessment

forms of work and the implications of information technologies for the

economist with skills in microeconomics, econometrics and business policy.

Martin Kompast is a teacher of physics and mathematics. Since 1993 he has

Kiran Mirchandani is working on the Social Science and Humanities Research

Constance Perin is a cultural anthropologist specialising in the study of

Lars Qvortrup is Professor in the Department of Communication, Aalborg

Janet W. Salaff is a Professor of Sociology and Principal Investigator of the

Reima Suomi is Professor of Information Systems Science at Turku School of

Ina Wagner is a Professor at Technische Universität Wien and Head of a Centre

design, computer support of hospital work, CSCW and networking. One of

By the mid-1990s the debate on teleworking seemed to be stuck in an orbit

Paul J. Jackson and Jos M. van der Wielen

reconceptualise the issues at hand. To find new ways of looking at teleworking

Different approaches to telework

Teleworking phenomena have been approached in many ways: as an icon of

Back to the future: technology, symbolism and telework

Telework as an objective phenomenon

As the amount of studies on the subject shows, there is enormous interest in

Forecasts and estimates of teleworking developments

Many studies have sought to calculate existing and future teleworking

More recently, Miller estimated the total number of homeworkers/teleworkers

would gender studies researchers looking at the impact homeworking has on

Telework as a conceptual representation

here is to achieve strategic flexibility by externalising or eliminating activities that

Understanding teleworking’s complexity