A Conception of Teaching

Nathaniel L. Gage

A Conception of Teaching
Dr. Nathaniel L. Gage
Stanford University
School of Education
Stanford, CA
USA

ISBN: 978-0-387-09445-8 (hardcover) e-ISBN: 978-0-387-09446-5

ISBN: 978-0-387-84931-7 (softcover)
DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5

Library of Congress Control Number: 2008931138

© Springer Science + Business Media, LLC, 2009

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To Maggie

Since March 10, 1940

Professor Nathaniel L. Gage
1917–2008

Photo credit: Chuck Painter/Stanford News Service

Tribute

“This is an important book by the top scholar on research on teaching. As al ways,

Professor Gage has much to say–and he says it well. ”
Tom Good
Professor of Education, University of Arizona

“The scope and import of N. L. Gage’ s scholarship is easily documented. Others

have described this. Less tangible or apparent is his impact on those who had the
immeasurable good fortune to enjo y his mentorship. He modeled de votion to the
disciplines of scholarship – a ne ver satisfied striving toward thoroughness, dedica-
tion to clarity especially about methodologies that color interpretations, insistence
on clarifying foggy arguments, and commitment to stimulating rather than disparag-
ing other scholars’ thinking. His extraordinarily high expectations blended naturally
with gentleness in corrections and patience in e xplaining not just what was the case
but how a case came to be the case. These qualities were all the more special in the
context of almost always being much too near a deadline. Like other superb mentors,
Nate taught students and colleagues a very great deal about educational psychology.
More significantly, he led us to learn and prize the ethic of scholarship. ”
Phil Winne
Professor & Canada Research Chair, Simon Fraser University

“Besides being a superb scholar and an e xacting editor, Nate Gage was a consum-
mate gentleman of the old school. I remember a meeting of the “Invisible College”
at Syracuse University in the early 1980s. Nate was reporting on the procedures he
had used in his planning and preparation for the National Institute of Education’ s
1974 Conference on Studies in Teaching, which he chaired. He showed a slide of a
chalkboard used during the planning process. On the chalkboard he had listed the
ten panels that were to make up the conference, along with the chairs and members
of each panel. I was struck by the fact that all the male participants were identified
by last name only , while the female participants were identif ied by both f irst and
last name. Given the concerns about gender equity of that time period, I w ondered
if this could be an instance of se xism. But when I ask ed him to e xplain the
difference in recording of the names, he said that he thought it w ould be rude
to refer to women by their last name only. He clearly cared about issues of gender

vii
viii Tribute

equity. When Ann Lieberman and I or ganized a special w orkshop on problems of

two-career marriages at a later AERA conference, Nate attended, and confessed to
the assembled group that he felt guilty about the w ays that he had probably inhib-
ited Maggie, his dear wife, from e xploring her o wn career possibilities. He kne w
that his early vie ws on the role of w omen were constrained by the social e xpecta-
tions of that period, and he really worked at understanding and accepting the newer
perceptions of appropriate roles. The number of w omen scholars who serv ed as
members of the NIE panels reflected that new understanding. His chalkboard notes
demonstrated how his early views of appropriate w ays of addressing w omen were
incorporated into his ne wer vie ws of appropriate roles for w omen. I ha ve long
cherished the memory of that chalkboard image. For me, it captures one of the ways
Nate’s personal beliefs contributed to his professional relationships.”
Greta Morine-Dershimer
Emeritus Professor of Education, University of Virginia

“I met Nate Gage in August of 1974. I w as a ne wly admitted doctoral student in

educational psychology at Stanford Uni versity, and Nate w as my academic advisor .
We sat together in Cubberly Library re viewing my resume, and he ask ed me ho w I
came to know my previous employer who had written a letter of recommendation for
my file. I told him that Bob Bak er’s daughter was my best friend in high school and
after we graduated colle ge, and Bob ask ed if I w ould like to come to California and
work in his research lab . Nate responded with a chuckle, and said with a twinkle in
his eye, “Well, you must have impressed him in some other way because he could not
write a letter lik e this otherwise.” Nate still had this same, w armly playful spirit the
last time I sa w him as well. Almost e xactly 33 years later , in August of 2007, Nate
appeared une xpectedly, w alking down the aisle with his assistant, at my outgoing
address as the president of Di vision 15 (Educational Psychology) of the American
Psychological Association. I was so moved that he would make the effort at 90 plus
years of age to come to San Francisco to hear me speak that I had to tak e a moment,
pause, and introduce him to the many younger faces in the audience. That same twin-
kle was there in his eye then, and the last thing he said to me as he left the reception
afterward was, “Baby girl, you did me proud. ” Perhaps the most meaningful thing I
can say about Nate Gage is simply that he was there for me throughout my career.”
Lyn Corno
Teachers College, Columbia University

NATE GAGE: A MAN FOR ALL SEASONS

“Although Nate w as known as a psychologist, his w ork encompassed much more
– some philosophy of education, some history of education, some sociology of
education. All aspects were brought to bear in his attempt to create a theory of
teaching that was both rigorous and based on empirical e vidence. It was his quest
for empirical evidence that brought us together. Nate joined the Stanford faculty in
1962, a year after I arri ved. We often discussed some of the research questions in
education. He posed a problem that often plagued social scientists, namely , that
although there may be numerous studies on a particular subject, the e vidence from
Tribute ix

any single study may not be con vincing. This might be due to small sample sizes
(often the case in dissertations), or there may be heterogeneity in the data. However,
the composite of the studies seem to point in one direction. Nate’ s question w as
whether this disparate e vidence could be combined in a statistically rigorous w ay
so as to yield a convincing conclusion. Statistical methods for combining the results
of independent studies ha ve been called meta-analysis, and Nate’ s question w as a
catalyst for me to be gin working on the development of statistical methods for the
analysis of such data.
Nate had a kind sense of humor. He had a number of sentences that he liked and
which he would repeat. One such would come out at faculty meetings after I would
make some comment involving numbers. Nate would say, “Ingram, you know that
you are no good with numbers.” This w as also said when we had to check the bill
at a restaurant.
For the last 45 years Nate has been a friend, a colleague, and an intellectual
stimulus. Most recently, he expressed concern that the education community recog-
nize that teaching had a scientif ic foundation. This book represents his le gacy in
showing that such a foundation e xists.”
Ingram Olkin
Professor of Statistics and Education, Stanford University

“When I first met Nate Gage in 1972, he w as described as the “f ather of research
on teaching.” I didn’ t quite kno w what that meant at the time, being a ne w staff
member at the National Institute of Education, just completing my dissertation on
students’ achievement motivation. I soon learned. Nate Gage w orked relentlessly
on developing and sustaining research on teaching and bringing to it the prestige
required to be accepted as an educational research f ield. Nate’s strong focus on
research on teaching, its concept, conduct, power, and use continued throughout his
lifetime. He was a humble man: one who never placed himself in front of the pack,
and would converse with anyone—young or older academics, school people, poli-
ticians—with respect and grace. His knowledge of the field was simply remarkable.
He was, indeed, the Father of Research on Teaching, and will be sorely missed.”
Virginia Richardson
Professor of Education Emerita, University of Michigan

“Nate was a mentor and safe harbor during my graduate student days at Stanford
(1968-1970) and then a colleague and good friend throughout the remainder of his
career. Many memories come flooding back, but two stand out as a graduate student
and are still vi vid. The f irst memory is that of a big f ight Nate and I got into at a
meeting of the Psychological Studies in Education faculty. He was a chaired profes-
sor; I w as a graduate student representati ve. The f ight was whether psychological
principles were general or subject-matter specif ic. Nate held the former vie w and
I held the latter. We got into a real match... so much so that Lee Cronbach caught
up with me after the meeting saying that it w as apparent that senior faculty as well
as graduate students could mak e fools of themselv es! The “debate” w as quickly
forgotten and had no bearing on Nate as a mentor and friend.
x Tribute

The second memory is of Nate at home. Nate and Maggie often invited graduate
students over for wine, cheese, and con versation. On one such occasion I learned
that Nate w as on volume Q of the Enc yclopedia Britannica. Nate w as reading the
encyclopedia from A to Z, no doubt editing as he went along!
Two memories of Nate stand out as a colleague. The f irst: I had written a paper
to present at a conference and ask ed Nate to read it. He did, editing copiously as
was his want. He allowed as how it was a good paper but wasn’t ready for publica-
tion. I told him I didn’t plan to publish the paper. He told me that he never wrote a
paper he didn’ t intend to publish and that stuck with me throughout my career ...
inhibiting some writing, but, alas, not enough! The second: While I was dean at the
Stanford University School of Education (1995-2000), a retired Nate came to talk
to me—Nate w as working for me, no longer vice v ersa! He w as concerned about
finding funding for his ne xt project... a book inte grating research on teaching and
research on instruction. I suggested he apply for a small grant from the Spencer
Foundation. He did so and recei ved funding. He came to my of fice to report the
grant with a smile that made the Cheshire cat look as if it were pouting. And best
of all for Nate, his receiving this grant meant he was still in close competition with
his brother who, like Nate, was famous in his own field. As fate would have it, our
paths crossed in mysterious ways. Nate held the Margaret Jacks chair in Education;
I now hold that chair... and it feels good that Nate sat in it as well. ”
Richard J. Shavelson
Margaret Jacks Professor of Education, Stanford University

“Good philosophical training culti vates a sk eptical e ye, and good philosophical
training in education often uses educational research to train one’ s skeptical eye.
When I f irst began to read Nate Gage, I presumed his w ork would be grist of the
mill for my ne wly culti vated sk epticism. Instead, something quite dif ferent hap-
pened. I realized that his work was “really good stuff,” and if I was going to critique
it I w ould have to w ork very hard. Thus be gan nearly three decades of back-and-
forth exchanges between us that I kno w were f ar more benef icial to me than the y
were for Nate.”
Gary D. Fenstermacher
Professor of Education Emeritus, University of Michigan
Preface

The only Theory that can be proposed and ever will be proposed that absolutely will
remain inviolate for decades, certainly centuries, is a Theory that is not testable. All
Theories are wrong. One doesn’ t ask about Theories, can I sho w that the y are
wrong or can I sho w that the y are right, b ut rather one asks, ho w much of the
empirical realm can it handle and ho w must it be modif ied and changed as it
matures? (Festinger, 1999, p. 383)
If the history of science pro ves anything, it is that all Theories pro ve eventually
to be wrong (even if “wrong” only means incomplete or standing in need of elabo-
ration). (Phillips, in Phillips & Burb ules, 2000, p. 31)
A word about gender: For millennia, all people, including females, were referred
to as “he.” I recognize that times have changed by referring to all teachers as “she.”
Male teachers should accept the error as a compensation for the earlier one.

xi
Acknowledgments

My first three years of work on this book were supported by a small research grant
from The Spencer Foundation, which I wholeheartedly thank. For the whole work,
the data presented, the statements made, and the vie ws e xpressed are solely my
responsibility. I am, of course, thankful to the scholars and research w orkers on
whose work I have drawn, as noted in the te xt and list of References. W ithout the
products of their w ork, especially those of the last half-century , when research on
teaching began to flourish, this w ork would have been impossible.
Professor S. Alan Cohen of the Uni versity of San Francisco generously made
available to me various publications and other materials that greatly f acilitated my
becoming informed on the concept of instructional alignment. Se veral Stanford
colleagues answered my queries related to their specialties: Professor Denis C.
Phillips, on philosophy of science; Professor Ingram Olkin, on meta-analysis;
Professor Deck er W alker, on instructional design. The late Professor K enneth
Sirotnik of the Uni versity of Washington was altogether cooperative in giving me
information about “A Study of Schools,” the tour de force led by John Goodlad.
Janet Rutherford, my superb administrati ve assistant, saved me from months of
wandering in the stacks of the Stanford libraries, solved problems with my compu-
ter, and provided much highly intelligent general helpfulness. Barbara Celone and
Kelly Roll, of Stanford’ s Cubberley Education Library , and Mary-Louise Munill,
of the Interlibrary-Borro wing Services of the Stanford Libraries, obtained man y
books and articles and, in doing so, occasionally performed seeming miracles.
Dean Richard Shavelson and, later, Dean Deborah Stipek, of Stanford’ s School
of Education, helped me by acting on their f aith that, although I w as retired, I was
making appropriate use of a Stanford Uni versity office.
Professors David C. Berliner of Arizona State Uni versity, Barak Rosenshine of
the University of Illinois, and Raymond L. Debus of the University of Sydney, have
been friends of the kind that e very author needs. I am immensely grateful for their
long-term friendship, encouragement, and criticism. The editorial w ork of Cynthia
Haven saved me from awkwardnesses and obscurities.
Finally, the lo ve and support of my late wife, Mar garet, and our children –
Elizabeth, Tom, Sarah, and Anne – ha ve kept me steady over the years.

xiii
Contents

Tribute .............................................................................................................. vii

Preface .............................................................................................................. xi
Acknowledgments ........................................................................................... xiii

1 An Agenda ................................................................................................. 1
Choices Among Alternative ....................................................................... 2
A Theory of Teaching Rather than Instruction .................................... 2
A Theory of Teaching That is Both Descriptive and Prescriptive ....... 3
A Conception of Teaching for Both Cognitive
and Affective Objectives of Education ................................................ 4
A Broadly Valid, Rather than Specif cally Valid, Theory .................... 4
A Theory of Teaching Actions and Teacher Characteristics................ 6
A Theory of Classroom Teaching Rather Than Any
of the Challenges to Classroom Teaching ............................................ 6
An Overview of Chapters 2–9 ................................................................... 7
Chapter 2 .............................................................................................. 7
Chapter 3 .............................................................................................. 7
Chapter 4 .............................................................................................. 8
Chapter 5 .............................................................................................. 8
Chapter 6 .............................................................................................. 9
Chapter 7 .............................................................................................. 9
Chapter 8 .............................................................................................. 9
Chapter 9 .............................................................................................. 10

2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching ..................... 11

Experimental Main Effects ........................................................................ 13
A Major Review of Experimental Studies ................................................. 13
Evaluating the Magnitude of Main Effects ................................................ 14
But, Is Human Teaching Moribund? .......................................................... 20
Conceptions of Theory............................................................................... 21
Must Scientif c Research Be Theory-Driven? ........................................... 23

xv
xvi Contents

The Prior-Theory-is-Indispensable Position ........................................ 24

The Prior -Theory-is -Not-Indispensable Position ............................... 24
Implicit Guiding Theories .................................................................... 25
Karl Popper’s Resolution of the Issue........................................................ 30
An Empirical Approach to Controversies About Scientif c Method ......... 30
The Faust-Meehl Proposal ................................................................... 31
Empirical Consensus in Defining Science ........................................... 31
Theory as the Outcome of Research .......................................................... 32
The Neglect of Theory in Educational Research ................................. 32
Calls for Theory in Educational Research ........................................... 33
Carroll’s Model of School Learning .................................................... 34
Questionings of the Value of Theory ......................................................... 35
B. F. Skinner’s Position on Theory ...................................................... 35
Levels of Theory .................................................................................. 36
Positions Against Theory ..................................................................... 37
Knowledge Outcome and Knowledge Use ................................................ 39
For Knowledge Producers .................................................................... 39
For Knowledge Users........................................................................... 39

3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching ....................... 41

Evolution of the Paradigm ......................................................................... 42
The Process-Achievement Paradigm ................................................... 42
The Criterion-of-Teacher-Effectiveness Paradigm .............................. 42
Context Variables ................................................................................. 43
The Teacher’s-Thought-Processes Category .............................................. 44
The Student’s Thought Processes Category ............................................... 46
The Variables in the Categories ................................................................. 47
The Presage Category .......................................................................... 47
The Context Category .......................................................................... 48
The Teacher’s Thought Processes Category ........................................ 48
The Variables in the Process ´ Content of Teaching Category .......... 49
The Student’s Thought Processes Category ......................................... 50
The Student Achievement Category .................................................... 50
The Change from “Process” to “Process ´ Content” ............................... 51
On the Process Side ............................................................................. 52
On the Content Side ............................................................................. 52
Relationships between All Possible Pairs .................................................. 54
A Paradigm for the Study of Teaching....................................................... 54
Two-way Relationships Between Pairs of Categories.......................... 55
Ways of Describing the Process of Teaching ............................................. 56
Intra-Category Relationships ............................................................... 58
Inter-Category Relationships ............................................................... 58
Multivariate Relationships ................................................................... 58
Instructional alignment ........................................................................ 59
Contents xvii

4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching ................................................ 61

Models of the Process of Teaching ............................................................ 62
Two Categories of Models ......................................................................... 62
Progressive–Discovery–Constructivist Teaching ................................. 63
Conventional–Direct–Recitation Teaching .......................................... 66
Empirical Studies of the Process of Teaching............................................ 68
A Historical Study................................................................................ 69
Observational Studies .......................................................................... 69
Similarity of the Bellack Model to Computer-Assisted
Instruction Frames ............................................................................... 74
The Generalizability of the CDR Model .................................................... 75
CDR Teaching Across Nations ............................................................ 75
CDR Teaching Across Subject Matters ............................................... 76
The Reader’s Memory.......................................................................... 77
Present Status of the Search for the Prevalent Model of Teaching ............ 77
Reasons for Suspending Judgment ...................................................... 78
Present Conclusion as a Conjecture ..................................................... 79
Why the Persistence of CDR Teaching? .................................................... 79
Is Progressive Education Still Around? ..................................................... 83

5 A Conception of the Content of Teaching ............................................... 85

The Neglect of Content in Process–Product Research on Teaching .......... 85
The Garrison–Macmillan Critiques ..................................................... 86
Content Variation ....................................................................................... 88
Instructional Alignment ............................................................................. 88
Approaches to Instructional Alignment ............................................... 89
Instructional Alignment Summarized .................................................. 91
Methods of Studying Instructional Alignment .................................... 91
Categorizations of Content ........................................................................ 96
Taxonomies .......................................................................................... 97
Bloom’s Taxonomy .............................................................................. 97
The Anderson–Krathwohl Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching,
and Assessment .................................................................................... 98
Types of Knowledge ............................................................................ 98

6 Conceptions of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation ........ 101

Two Components of Cognitive Capabilities .............................................. 101
Intelligence ........................................................................................... 101
Prior Knowledge .................................................................................. 102
Adjusting Teaching to Students’ Cognitive Capabilities ........................... 103
Early Cognitive Capabilities ................................................................ 104
Cognitive Capabilities and Teaching Processes ................................... 104
xviii Contents

Simplifying .......................................................................................... 105

Reducing Cognitive Load .................................................................... 106
A Clinical Approach .................................................................................. 106
Tutoring ................................................................................................ 107
Teaching with Multiple Intelligences......................................................... 107
Soliciting for Multiple Intelligences .................................................... 109
Responding and Reacting for Multiple Intelligences........................... 109
A Conception of Student Motivation ......................................................... 109
Behavioristic Approaches .................................................................... 110
Cognitive Approaches .......................................................................... 111

7 A Conception of Classroom Management .............................................. 113

Poverty ....................................................................................................... 113
Poverty and the Superintendency ............................................................... 116
Classroom Management in General ........................................................... 116
Instructional Time ................................................................................ 117
Studying Students’ Thought Processes ................................................ 118
Categories of Instructional Time.......................................................... 119
Classroom Management in Elementary Schools ....................................... 120
Classroom Management in Secondary Schools ......................................... 120
Avoiding Biases toward Students............................................................... 121

8 Integrating the Conceptions ..................................................................... 123

Sub-Theories .............................................................................................. 123
An Illustrative Theory Consisting of Sub-Theories ............................. 124
Scheme of Presentation of Sub-Theories ............................................. 125
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching................................................... 125
Sub-Theories of Structuring................................................................. 125
Functions of Structuring ...................................................................... 126
Structuring as Lecturing....................................................................... 128
The Communicability to Teachers of Comprehensibility-Affecting
Actions ................................................................................................. 132
Sub-Theories of Soliciting ................................................................... 134
Sub-Theories of Responding and Reacting.......................................... 140
Sub-Theories of the Content of Teaching .................................................. 141
Instructional Alignment ....................................................................... 141
The Teacher’s Choice of Content ......................................................... 142
Sub-Theories of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation ........... 144
A Sub-Theory of Classroom Management ................................................ 145
Integrating the Sub-Theories...................................................................... 146
The Culmination: Using the Theory .......................................................... 148
Contents xix

References ........................................................................................................ 151

Author Index.................................................................................................... 165

Subject Index ................................................................................................... 171

Chapter 1
An Agenda

After everything else has been done and pro vided – the mone y raised; the schools
erected; the curricula de veloped; the administrators, supervisors, and teachers
trained; the parents and other citizens consulted – we come to teaching, where all
of it makes contact with students, and the teacher influences students’ kno wledge,
understanding, appreciations, and attitudes in what we hope will be desirable ways.
Teaching is well-nigh the point of the whole educational enterprise and establish-
ment aimed at producing student learning.
Teaching is also important in terms of a kind of ethical imperative. Nations require
that their young people ha ve frequent contact, for long periods, with adults called
teachers. When such a relationship is legally imposed on young people, it seems only
fair that society should do whatever it can to make that relationship a beneficial one.
The literature of the behavioral and social sciences is full of conceptions and research
on learning and memory. Teaching is comparatively a stepchild, neglected by those who
have built a formidable body of conceptions of learning and memory. The uses of learning
conceptions for teaching constitute a tool-kit that has been left to rust. It is as if the theo-
retical work of, say , Faraday, had ne ver given birth to the tremendous applications of
electrical energy so that when Einstein turned on his lamp, he could read his notes. This
book seeks to give teaching the kind of attention that learning and memory have received.
Teaching is where learning and memory conceptions should pay of f.
Finally, teaching is worth studying simply because of the intrinsic interest of the
phenomena to which teaching gi ves rise. Ev en if such research had no practical
value, it would be worthwhile for the same reasons that astronomy and archaeology
are worthwhile. As part of our universe and our human condition, teaching cries out
to be studied and understood.
Conceptions are both the guide and the outcome of research, including research
on teaching. Research is the process of seeking relationships between v ariables.
That simple def inition applies to an y science, whether it is in the natural or the
behavioral sciences. To explain, we search for logical relationships; e.g., if time is
indispensable for learning, lack of time prevents learning. To predict, we search for
temporal relationships; e.g., kno wing a teacher’s high school grade-point a verage,
we can predict with better than chance accuracy, her grade-point average as a college
freshman. To control or improve, we search for causal relationships; e.g., kno wing
that teachers who receive training in question-asking do better than similar teachers

N.L. Gage, A Conception of Teaching, 1

DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5_1, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
2 1 An Agenda

who do not receive such training, we can use that kno wledge to bring about better
teaching. Explanation, prediction, and control, or one or more of these, are the
purposes of all scientific research, including research on teaching.
And what is teaching? W e can def ine it as one person’ s influence aimed at
improving the learning of other persons. Usually, we think of teaching as occurring
in face-to-face interaction between the teacher and the learner, but it can also occur
when a teacher creates influential e vents, in which he or she does not participate.
In that w ay, the authors of books and the de velopers of computer programs may
also be considered teachers. But we will restrict our concern to teaching that occurs
while a teacher is in the presence of students.
So research on teaching may be def ined as the search for relationships between
variables where at least one of the variables is a behavior, a thought, or a character-
istic of teachers. The teacher v ariable may be an independent v ariable, e.g., a w ay
of teaching; or a dependent v ariable, e.g., the teacher’ s response to advice; or an
intervening v ariable; e.g., a teacher’ s thoughts during a student’ s response to a
question, a classroom situation, or some other kind of v ariable. But at least one
teacher variable must be involved if the research is to be research on teaching.
The study of teaching as a concern of the beha vioral and social sciences has
matured from its philosophical beginnings in antiquity to its present robust youth at
the recent turn of the millennium. It is still young, having begun to thrive only dur-
ing the 1950s. But it is now flourishing with an abundance of scholarly publications
by a large number of active researchers on teaching. The result o ver the centuries,
especially the last half-century , has been an accumulation of ideas, concepts, dis-
tinctions, insights, empirical findings, and conceptual formulations that seem ready
for an attempt at a theory of teaching. Notice the indef inite article: “A.” It signifies
that mine is just one of an indef inite number of concei vable theories. The v arious
models of teaching described by Jo yce, Weil, and Calhoun (2000) could be theo-
rized, i.e., explained in terms of “covering laws,” of the kind described in Chap. 8.
Why do the authors of the models consider them to be ef fective, in what ways?
This chapter sketches the development and scope of the conceptions of teaching
to be presented. After discussing the choices I ha ve made among v arious possible
emphases and directions, I will summarize each chapter to provide a brief introduc-
tion to the rest of the book.

Choices Among Alternative

The theory to be proposed in this book reflects choices made in the early stages of
its development.

A Theory of Teaching Rather than Instruction

The differences between the terms teaching and instruction reside mostly in their
connotative meanings. But those dif ferences are clear enough to be rele vant to the
Choices Among Alternative 3

scope of this monograph. “T eaching” is the term used more in formal educational
settings, namely, in elementary schools, secondary schools, colle ges, and graduate
schools. “Instruction” is used more in sharply focused out-of-school training in
business, industry, and the armed forces.
One way to distinguish the tw o terms w as offered by R. M. Gagné and Briggs
(1979), leaders in the field known as instructional design :
Why do we speak of “instruction,” rather than “teaching”? It is because we wish to
describe all of the e vents which may ha ve a direct ef fect on the learning of a human
being, not just those set in motion by an indi vidual who is a teacher . Instruction may
include events that are generated by a page of print, by a picture, by a tele vision pro-
gram, or by a combination of physical objects, among other things. Or… the learners
may be able to manage instructional e vents themselves. Teaching, then, may be con-
sidered as only one form of instruction, albeit a signally important one (p. 3).
But research on teaching puts teaching, rather than the more general “instruction,” at
the center because it is the teacher who arranges for the students’ interaction with all the
media mentioned by Gagné, et al. T ypically, the teacher o versees the students in their
reading, interaction with computer programs, viewing of films and television, as well as
the recitations, discussions, lectures, explanations, and tutoring that occur in schools.
Typically, the teacher directs all aspects of teaching, except for the content of
the curriculum, which is usually prescribed for the teacher in v arying degrees.
The manner, style, and mode of teaching typically f all under the almost com-
plete control of the teacher , especially the use of teaching materials other than
the textbook, such as slides, audio tapes, mo vies, videotapes, digital video dis-
plays (DVDs), and computers. Teachers also control the use and arrangement of
out-of-school learning experiences, such as excursions and visits to museums.
Instructors have less autonomy; the y are more lik ely to follo w the curriculum
and materials appro ved by the or ganization that emplo ys them. T eachers are for -
mally trained in teacher education programs in colle ges or graduate schools.
Instructors are usually trained in the business, industrial, or military organization in
which they will do their work.
In all of these w ays, teaching differs from instruction, not in an y formal, legal-
ized, tightly regulated way, but rather in the connotati ve meanings of the terms as
they have come to be used in the United States since at least the mid-nineteenth
century when public schools became prevalent.

A Theory of Teaching That is Both Descriptive and Prescriptive

The theory will serv e both the descripti ve and prescriptive aspects of theory. That
is, it will describe how teaching does occur and also prescribe how it should occur
to optimize student achievement.
The idea that there are tw o kinds of theory , descripti ve and prescripti ve, is
widely accepted (see, for example, Bruner, 1966; Reigeluth, 1999, p. 2). Descriptive
theory describes a process as it does go on. Prescripti ve theory describes ho w the
process should go on if it is to be optimized according to some v alues.
4 1 An Agenda

But the distinction blurs when we realize that the same descripti ve theory – its
concepts and their relationships – can serv e both descripti ve and prescripti ve pur -
poses. That is, when we find that the relationship of variable x to variable y affects an
outcome z (a descripti ve theory), that relationship can be used to optimize z ( a pre-
scriptive theory). The optimization requires that we seek certain v alues of x and y .
For example, we can describe ho w teachers e xplain the Pythagorean Theorem.
But if we e valuate the ef fectiveness of the e xplanation in terms of student under -
standing, we can use the e xplanation-understanding relationship to prescribe ho w
the explanation should be made.

A Conception of Teaching for Both Cognitive and Affective

Objectives of Education

The theory of teaching will focus on both the cogniti ve and the affective objectives of
education. Of course, a good deal of teaching, especially in elementary schools, is
concerned with the emotional and social development of students as well as with their
cognitive development (see R. B. Smith, 1987). Still, teachers’ concern with emotional
development typically may tend to decrease gradually from the 1st to the 12th grades.

A Broadly Valid, Rather than Specifically Valid, Theory

The theory will apply to many varieties of teaching and have broad validity. It will
formulate a set of widely v alid concepts or v ariables to describe teaching and the
widely occurring relationships between those concepts or variables. The breadth of
the theory signifies its attempt to describe and explain teaching’s many dimensions:
the teaching of man y kinds of subject matter at man y levels of student maturity ,
toward man y sets of cognitive educational objectives, to students of an y gender,
social class, or ethnicity, in man y school or classroom settings, by many kinds of
teachers, in many cultures. B. O. Smith (1963) expressed an even bolder aspiration
toward a universally valid theory of teaching:
Our most general notion is that teaching is everywhere the same, that it is a natural
social phenomenon and is fundamentally the same from one culture to another and
from one time to another in the same culture. Teaching is a system of action involving
an agent, a situation, and an end-in-view, and two sets of factors in the situation: one
set over which the agent has no control (for e xample, size of classroom and physical
characteristics of pupils) and one set which the agent can modify with respect to the
end-in-view (for example, assignments and ways of asking questions) (p. 4).
Any attempt at universality in a conception of teaching runs into the great variety
of subject matters taught. For example, a book on subject-specific teaching (Brophy,
2001) included 14 chapters, each by a specialist on teaching methods and activities
Choices Among Alternative 5

for a specific subject: beginning reading, content area reading and literature, writing,
mathematics of number , school geometry, biological literac y, physics, representa-
tions, earth science, history , physical geography , cultural geography , citizenship,
and economics. W ithin each of these subjects, there are presumably optimal
instructional methods specific to particular kinds of content. W e can make further
breakdowns for specif ic kinds of students in terms of their cultural backgrounds,
levels of cognitive capability, cultures, communities, and so on.
Against the assumption underlying the Brophy-edited v olume is the vie w of
R. M. Gagné (1976) : “Learning is not unique to subject matter . There is no sound
rational basis for such entities as ‘mathematics learning, ’ ‘science learning,’ ‘lan-
guage learning,’ or ‘history learning,’ except as divisions of time” (p. 30).
Gage (1979) proposed that the generality-specificity issue be resolved by creat-
ing a hierarchy of levels of generality shown in Table 1.1.
The theory to be proposed takes the highly general tack. Although much of this
book will seem to have been aimed at only elementary and secondary school teach-
ing, it may also apply to colle ge teaching, as w as implied when Bellack (1976)
noted that his formulation of the process of teaching had also been observ ed at the
college level (see pp. 5–31). As Sirotnik (1983) observed, we can never understand
teaching if we need a separate theory to e xplain each of the myriad forms that
teaching can tak e in types of subject matters taught, of students, of community
contexts, and of resources available.

Table 1.1 Possible levels of generality-specificity for a theory of teaching

Level I All grade levels, subject matters, student types.
Level II Major grade-level categories, such as preschool,
early primary grades, late elementary grades,
secondary, and college levels.
Level III Major subject-matter categories, such as verbal,
mathematical and scientific, aesthetic, and
psychomotor.
Level IV Major grade-level subject-matter combinations,
such as primary-grade reading, upper-
elementary social studies, high school geom-
etry, and college physics.
Level V Major grade-level subject-matter combinations
for students at different points on various
dimensions, such as general cognitive capa-
bility, academic motivation, ethnic identity,
socioeconomic status, sensory and motor
abilities.
Level VI Major topics within grade-level subject-matter
combinations such as the sound of “th,” the
Bill of Rights, the Pythagorean theorem,
Ohm’s law.
6 1 An Agenda

A Theory of Teaching Actions and Teacher Characteristics

The term “teacher actions” refers to what teachers do: explain, ask questions, etc.
The term “teacher characteristics” refers to what teachers are: recently trained,
experienced, etc.
The term “teaching effectiveness” implies that the teacher’s actions, such as her
ways of explaining and questioning, account for her ef fects on students. The term
“teacher effectiveness” implies that it is her characteristics and personality traits,
such as her intelligence, kno wledge, and emotional stability , that account for the
teacher’s effects on student achievement.
Much early research, re viewed by Getzels and Jackson (1963), sho wed that
teacher-characteristic variables account for little of the variance in student achieve-
ment. More recent studies, however, reverse that trend. For example, Ehrenberg and
Brewer (1995) found that teachers’ v erbal aptitudes boosted student achie vement
gains. Monk (1994) found that secondary school teachers’ preparation in mathe-
matics and science raised student gains in mathematics and science. Strauss and
Sawyer (1986) sho wed that the cogniti ve abilities of teachers not only af fected
student achievement but also lowered student dropout rates.
The proposed theory will assume that the teachers’ verbal aptitudes, preparation
in the subject matter, and cognitive abilities affect their decisions and behavior – all
of which influence student achievement substantially. Accordingly, the theory will
address both actions in “teaching” and characteristics of the “teacher .”

A Theory of Classroom Teaching Rather Than Any

of the Challenges to Classroom Teaching

Classroom teaching has long been decried and challenged. John De wey’s progres-
sive education w as an early challenger . As Cuban (1992) sho wed, it ne ver took
hold.
B. F. Skinner’s (1968) programmed – and, later, computer-assisted – instruction
has been greatly strengthened by the ongoing computer re volution, b ut it still is
used by only a minority of teachers (H. Beck er, 2000). Cuban (1986, 2001) has
continued to f ind relati vely little use of computers in classrooms. In a possible
exception to this trend, H. Becker reported relatively abundant use of computers by
the students of teachers who had at least five computers in the classroom, had some
competence with computers, and were well abo ve average in the strength of their
belief in a constructivist (described in Chap. 5) teaching philosophy. So only under
special conditions of teacher preparation do classrooms appear to be dif ferent than
they have been for many decades.
Fred Keller’s (1968) “personalized system of instruction” in the 1970s, Benjamin
Bloom’s (1968) “mastery approach” in the 1970s, Ann Bro wn’s (1989, 1996) and
others’ “reciprocal teaching” in the 1980s, and Robert Slavin’s (1990) “cooperative
learning” in the 1990s, ha ve not, in the absence of e vidence to the contrary , been
An Overview of Chapters 2–9 7

adopted by the vast majority of 3.5 million U.S. elementary and secondary school
teachers (National Center for Educational Statistics, 2000), to say nothing of teach-
ers abroad.
The ubiquity and tenacious survi val of con ventional-direct-recitation (CDR)
teaching (described in Chap. 5) is the main reason for my decision to focus on it to
develop a conception. (F or a brief summary of the early research on the survi val
power of conventional-direct-recitation teaching, see Sirotnik 1983.)
Observational studies in the United States (for e xample, Bellack, Kliebard,
Hyman, & Smith, 1966; Hoetker & Ahlbrand, 1969; Mehan, 1979; Goodlad, 1984)
have agreed in showing that, when they examine the observational evidence about
what goes on in classrooms, con ventional-direct-recitation (CDR) teaching pre-
vails. In the recitation cycle, (a) the teacher “structures” the subject of the discus-
sion, (b) then asks a question, (c) then either calls on a volunteer or selects a student
to respond, and (d) f inally reacts to the student’ s response. Although these c ycles
are repeated for much of a class period, the teacher may provide time for individual
students to work alone or in a small group on an assigned task.

An Overview of Chapters 2–9

The following sections briefly describe the subsequent chapters. The y orient the
reader to the work as a whole and sketch the context into which I place the elements
of the argument.

Chapter 2

The Need for a Theory of Teaching

I first describe the need in terms of the man y affirmations from philosophers and
behavioral scientists o ver the years. In the process, I consider whether scientif ic
research requires a prior theory – a theory spelled out before any data are collected.
The issue is resolved with ideas from Conjectures and Refutations by the philoso-
pher of science Karl Popper (1963) .

Chapter 3

The Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

This section – an updating of Gage (1996) – is relati vely technical and not indis-
pensable to a comprehension of the book as a whole. It deals with the ne gative
responses to the possibility-of-theory question. Among others, two behavioral scientists
8 1 An Agenda

– Cronbach (1986), an educational psychologist, Ger gen (1973), a social

psychologist, and Thomas (2007), an educational psychologist – have argued that,
because the requisite ra w material of an y theory consists of generalizations, and
because lasting and broadly v alid generalizations in the beha vioral sciences are
impossible, valid theories in the behavioral sciences or, at least, those in educational
and social psychology , are impossible. The chapter reb uts their ar guments with
logical analysis and empirical e vidence. It ends with an e xamination of their
implied indeterminism and a defense of the possibility and v alue of probabilistic
theory in the behavioral sciences.

Chapter 4

The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

The proposed paradigm – or model of a scientif ic field – comprises six basic cate-
gories of related concepts that underlie the proposed theory. Because these concepts
can tak e forms that v ary qualitati vely, quantitati vely, or both, the y will also be
called variables. I describe and illustrate the v ariables in terms of ho w they have
entered into analytical (logical) and empirical studies of teaching.
The chapter presents these concepts in the historical order in which the cate go-
ries were developed. But they are arranged spatially in a “pedagogical” order that
makes sense for all amounts of teaching – whether the y last a fe w minutes or a
school term. In that order , some cate gories of concepts, logically at least, must
precede others
The categories of concepts can be di vided into two sets: (a) those that are logi-
cally prior to a teacher’s teaching, i.e., her presentation of the process-and-content
of teaching, and (b) those that logically occur after her teaching.

Chapter 5

A Conception of the Process of Teaching

This chapter discusses the thoughts and beha viors of teachers as the y seek to
foster their students’ achie vement of the objecti ves of the teaching. Man y
models of teaching ha ve attracted some attention, b ut only one seems to ha ve
won the allegiance of the vast majority of teachers in elementary and second-
ary schools. The chapter describes that model and the e vidence of its wide
usage – not only recently , but in the whole twentieth century; not only in the
United States, b ut in other countries; and not only in a fe w subjects, b ut in
many. The chapter also e xamines the reasons for the persistence and pre va-
lence of this model.
An Overview of Chapters 2–9 9

Chapter 6

A Conception of the Content of Teaching

This chapter presents a concept – instructional alignment – that has pro ven useful
in a v ariety of conte xts in which the content of teaching has played a part. These
contexts consist largely of the roles content plays in teaching and also in assessing
achievement. This discussion leads to an e xamination of the issue of teaching-to-
the-test content, as in Popham’ s (1993) “measurement-dri ven-instruction,” versus
testing-to-the-content-taught. The issue is resolved in terms of making the curricu-
lum dominate both teaching and testing.

Chapter 7

A Conception of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation

Cognitive capabilities consist of (a) the general cogniti ve ability (IQ) of students,
(b) their multiple intelligences, and (c) their prior kno wledge of the content being
taught. Students in an y class dif fer in their cogniti ve capabilities. The dif ferences
among students raise the problems of maximizing teaching’ s appropriateness to
those differences. The chapter e xamines ways in which teachers can achie ve that
appropriateness. At its end, the chapter examines the behavioral and cognitive ways
of influencing student motivation.

Chapter 8

A Conception of Classroom Management

The chapter be gins with a presentation of the role of po verty in creating much of
the problem of classroom management. The problem is much greater in schools and
classrooms that serv e students from impo verished f amilies and neighborhoods.
Classroom management is aimed at the proper use of classroom time: maximizing
instructional time and minimizing counterproductive time. The model of classroom
learning developed by Carroll (1963) lends itself to focusing on time as a basis for
defining student aptitude, opportunity to learn, and perse verance in terms of time.
Students’ thought processes are important aspects of instructional time because
they provide a criterion of effectiveness in use of time. The y are regarded as inter-
vening variables, occurring between teaching and achievement.
Productive and counterproducti ve use of time can be related to classroom
management practices. Research has identif ied such practices in elementary and
secondary schools.
10 1 An Agenda

Avoiding various kinds of teacher bias on grounds of student gender , cognitive

capability, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status is an important aspect of classroom
management.

Chapter 9

Integrating the Conceptions

The chapter be gins with the ideas of the philosopher of science Hempel (1965)
concerning ho w a conception can consist of sub-conceptions. I illustrate sub-
conceptions with an analogy: four sub-conceptions serving as an e xplanation of an
automobile’s motion.

Sub-Conceptionsof Process

To optimize process, we must optimize the four components of the classroom-

direct-recitation (CDR) model of teaching described in Chap. 5: structuring, solicit-
ing, responding, and reacting. The empirically identif ied ef fectiveness of certain
forms of these components is in each case re garded as a sub-conception consisting
of: (a) a phenomenon in such teaching that calls for e xplanation and (b) a covering
law providing that explanation.
Each of these phenomena is the concern of a sub-conception. Each sub-
conception consists of a sample of research on that component that pro vides “an
example of a phenomenon to be e xplained.” Then an e xplanation of that phenom-
enon is pro vided by a “co vering la w.” The conjoining of a phenomenon to be
explained and an e xplanatory co vering la w occurs repeatedly to pro vide a sub-
conception for each of the four components of the process of teaching.

Sub-Conceptionsof Content

Then the chapter presents in a similar w ay a set of sub-conceptions of the content of

teaching. The next section of the chapter consists of an inte gration of the sub-con-
ceptions of process and content. Finally , the chapter introduces cogniti ve capability
and motivation as modifiers of the relationships between process and content.
Chapter 2
The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory
of Teaching

Gary Thomas (1997, 2007), a professor of educational psychology at the University

of Birmingham. His paper, “What’s the Use of Theory?” (1997) and his Education
and Theory: Strangers in Paradigms (2007) ha ve attracted attention in lar ge part
because of the no velty of their message: the undesirability of theory in education.
His position is well represented by the follo wing quotation from his book:
I contend that the allure of theory – and the desire of educators to call their ideas “theory”–
-rests historically on its success in other f ields, most notably natural science. It w as from
this success that theory dre w its epistemological le gitimacy. Many educators appeared to
have at the back of their minds the idea that theory represented the clearest distillation of
intellectual endeavor: the conceptual and methodological cream of the v arious disciplines
from which it had been borrowed. But my argument is that these successes provide no good
reason for contemporary education’ s romance with theory . The domains in which theory
has been useful f ind no congruence in education. Indeed those domains where theory is
valuable are more limited than one might imagine, and I plead for more of the methodo-
logical anarchy which Feyerabend (1993), the iconoclastic philosopher of science, pleaded
for scientific research. (p. 20)

Thomas’s position is based on his apparent conception of education as a homogene-

ous, unstructured entity , similar to a sno wball that contains one kind of molecule
(H2O) and no internal structure. Education, on the other hand, has a lar ge number
of discrete components, each of which uses its o wn concepts and purposes.
Examples of these components are educational f inance, educational architecture,
educational personnel, educational curriculum, and educational assessment. AERA
(the American Educational Research Association) has a dozen di visions, such as
(a) Administration, (b) Curriculum Studies, and, perhaps of greatest interest to
readers of this book, (k) Teaching and Teacher Education. And, because members’
interests were often more specif ic than the Di vision structure allowed, AERA has
about 170 Special Interest Groups, such as Accelerated Schools, Brain and
Education, Classroom Management, Design and T echnology,... Or ganizational
Theory, Teacher as Researcher, and Writing and Literacies. In short, education has
an internal di versification of components inf initely more comple x than that of
Thomas’s sno wball-like treatment of education. F or that reason alone, Thomas’ s
rejection of the rele vance of theory to education should not disallo w attempts to
formulate a theory of teaching.

N.L. Gage, A Conception of Teaching, 11

DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5_2, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
12 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

An acceptable part of Thomas’s argument is that theory rests on generalizations.

“[G]eneralization – the drawing of an essence – is what theory is about in one of its
most important meanings” (p. 57). But then Thomas cites approvingly the statement
by MacIntyre (1985) that con ventional social science seeks generalizations, or at
least “probabilistic” generalizations, and in this, he says, it has f ailed: “it has
provided nothing in the w ay of generalizable kno wledge in tw o hundred years”
(MacIntyre, 1985, p. 57).
Here MacIntyre and Thomas o verlook abundant empirical e vidence assembled
by Gage (1996) and by Lipsey and Wilson (1995), among others. This evidence of
stable, consistent generalizations, some of which is presented in Chap. 3 (pp. 3–15
to 3–20), exists in the form of main ef fects, correlational and e xperimental, in the
behavioral sciences. Where such main effects are complicated by interaction effects
that are long-lasting and dependable across many contexts, those interaction effects
are welcome as generalizations produced by the beha vioral sciences. But if the
interaction ef fects, of whate ver order , are not themselv es dependable and thus
admissible as part of the orderliness sought by science,they cannot be part of science.
If the search for dependable interaction ef fects can never succeed, then we should
despair of making science about interaction ef fects. But if it does succeed, then
interaction effects become part of the reason for rejecting despair for the behavioral
sciences. Thus the present argument is not anti-the-importance-of-interaction-effects
but rather anti-disorder. The evidence cited below indicates that interaction ef fects
are not so strong or ubiquitous as to vitiate the story told by the main ef fects in at
least some of the ecologies often studied by beha vioral scientists.
For e xample, correlational main ef fects are ab undant. Research on indi vidual
differences has established important correlations that ha ve been o verwhelmingly
positive in the thousands of instances in many contexts since such correlations were
first determined early in the twentieth century . Thus, it is hard to f ind a zero or a
negative correlation between two different tests of general mental ability; between
the verbal, mathematical, and spatial special abilities; between general mental ability
and educational achievement (measured with grades or test scores), between socio-
economic status and academic ability; between years of schooling and amount of
knowledge; between socioeconomic status and educational achie vement.
The status-achievement correlation should remind us that a generalization may
change without impairing the scientific status of the underlying knowledge. A case
in point: much contemporary educational research seeks to lower that correlation to
zero, so that low-resource-family children will do as well in school as middle-class
children. But, if that research succeeds, it will not in validate the underlying
generalizations that connect social class to achie vement – via the mediating v aria-
bles in home and school en vironments, parent-child interactions, and teaching
practices (Berliner, 2005). Changes in the ecological frequenc y or magnitude of
certain conditions may change the mean v alues of these mediating v ariables with-
out changing the mediating relationships involved. (This point was recalled for me
by Richard C. Anderson, personal communication, October , 26, 1994, and by
Michael J. Dunkin, personal communication, No vember 10, 1994).
A Major Review of Experimental Studies 13

Experimental Main Effects

In experiments, one or more of the independent variables is manipulated to determine

whether the manipulation af fects other (dependent) v ariables. Such main ef fects are
also widely discernible. Suppose the generalizability criterion is def ined as at least
90% consistency in direction of a relationship over populations of studies numbering
at least 20. Re viewing replications of e xperiments only in research on teaching,
Walberg (1986) found such generalizability in the direction of the main ef fects of
(a) cooperative learning on race relations, (b) mid-semester rating-feedback to teachers
on impro vement in the f inal rating of the teacher , (c) the personalized system of
instruction on student achievement, (d) academic engaged time on learning, (e) innovative
curricula as against traditional curricula on innovative learning, (f) behavioral instruction
as against traditional instruction on learning, (g) open education as against traditional
teaching on attitude toward school, (h) adjunct questions on recall, and (i) student-
centered as against instructor-centered discussion on students’ attitudes.

A Major Review of Experimental Studies

Lipsey and Wilson (1993) brought together 302 meta-analyses of e xperimental or

quasi-experimental studies of the efficacy of mental health treatments, work-setting
interventions, and educational methods. They found that the meta-analytic reviews
show a strong, dramatic pattern of o verall positive effects that cannot be readily
explained as artif acts of meta-analytic technique or generalized placebo ef fects;
indeed such [artifactual or placebo] effects are rather modest” (1993, p. 1181).
They then ref ined their compilation by eliminating possibly biased treatment-
effect estimates – those based on one-group pre-and-post designs, on only
published rather than both published and unpublished studies, and on less than the
largest number of studies in a given domain. The mean effect size of the remaining
156 meta-analyses w as 0.47 (median = 0.44); 99.4% of the ef fects were positi ve,
and 83% of the effect sizes were 0.20 or higher. More important, such results were
found within each of the three categories of interventions. Such effect sizes betoken
a highly consistent-in-direction and substantial mean-le vel of ef fectiveness. They
suggest that, whatever the moderating or weakening influence of interaction effects
may be, many main effects are consistent and strong enough to allay despair for the
behavioral sciences.
The criticisms of the Lipse y-Wilson work by Sohn (1995) and Eysenck (1995)
were countered by Lipsey and Wilson (1995) so as to lea ve unaffected the present
point concerning the magnitude and consistenc y of main ef fects. Ev en if, as
Eysenck ar gued, the psychotherap y ef fects were lar gely suggestion ef fects, the
results would support strong and consistent generalizations.
Evaluations of consistenc y are f acilitated by comparisons. Thus, ho w does the
consistency of research results in the beha vioral sciences compare with that in
14 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

the p hysical sciences? Hedges (1987) made such a comparison by applying an

index (Birge’s R) of the v ariability of f indings in six beha vioral-science research
areas: sex differences in (1) spatial and (2) v erbal ability, the ef fects of (3) open
education and (4) desegregation on achievement, (5) the validity of student ratings
of college faculty, and (6) the effects of teacher expectancy on IQ.
He also determined such consistenc y of results in 13 areas of particle physics:
the lifetimes of nine subatomic particles and the masses of four of those particles.
Hedges (1987) found that
Neither criterion [a verage v alue or statistical signif icance of the consistenc y measures]
indicates a very large difference between the consistency of research results from the social
sciences and the consistency of those from the physical sciences. (p. 449)

He also showed that the particle-physics consistencies were similar to other physi-
cal science consistencies (e.g., in atomic weights, constants in quantum mechanics)
and that the beha vioral science consistencies were similar to other behavioral sci-
ence consistencies (e.g., in gender dif ferences, effectiveness of methods of teaching
writing, the validity of personnel selection tests).
On consistency of results, then, the widespread ne gative view of the behavioral
sciences is questionable. The beha vioral-science main ef fects that Hedges e xam-
ined were about as consistent as the results found in one branch of physics. Even if
particle physics is weaker than most physical sciences in its consistencies, the f act
that any behavioral science consistencies can come close to those of an y respected
physical science should alleviate despair.

Evaluating the Magnitude of Main Effects

The magnitude of effect sizes (correlation coefficients or standardized mean differences)

in the behavioral sciences has often been derogated. Surely , it is assumed, correla-
tions of 0.15 or ef fect sizes of 0.20 ha ve no value in theoretical or practical w ork.
But as Rosenthal (1994) noted, “neither e xperienced beha vioral researchers nor
experienced statisticians had a good intuitive feel for the practical meaning of com-
mon effect size estimators” (p. 242). One basis for such a feel can be obtained by
examining main effects obtained in medical research on matters important for the-
ory and practice. The medical main effects were found through correlational studies
and randomized e xperiments based on the same logic as the beha vioral science
studies that yielded the results mentioned abo ve. Thus, as T able 2.1 sho ws, the
percentage of 518 patients with lung cancer in a hospital who were also smok ers
was 96%, whereas the percentage of 518 matched patients with other diseases who
were smokers was 89% (Lilienthal, Pedersen, & Dowd, 1967, p. 78). The difference
of 7% was considered important.
An experiment (Beta-Blocker Heart Attack T rial Research Group, 1982) deter -
mined the ef fectiveness of a drug (propranolol) in reducing f atalities from heart
attacks in men who had already had a heart attack. As sho wn in Table 2.2, of the
Evaluating the Magnitude of Main Effects 15

Table 2.1 Frequency of smoking in lung cancer patients and matched controls
Patients with lung cancer Matched patients with other
Smokingstatus (N = 518) diseases (N = 518)
Smokers 96% 89%
Nonsmokers 4% 11%
Total 100% 100%
From Cancer Epidemiology: Methods of Study (p. 78), by Lilienthal et al. (1967). Adapted with
permission.

Table 2.2 Results of beta-blocker trial

After 30-month follow-up Propranolol(N = 1,900) Placebo(N = 1,900)
Dead 07.0% 09.5%
Alive 093.0% 090.5%
Total 0100.0% 0100.0%
Adapted from “A Randomized TriaI of PropranoIoI in Patients with Acute Infarction. I. Mortality
Results” by Beta-Blocker Heart Attack Trial Research Group (1982) Copyright 1982 by American
Medical Association. Adapted with permisson.

Table 2.3 Effects of cholesterol lowering

Cholesterollowering
Results after 9 years treatment (N = 1,906) Placebo
Definite fatal or nonfatal heart attack 8.1% 9.8%
No definite fatal or nonfatal heart attack 9 l.9% 90.2%
Total 100.0% 100.0%
Adapted from Lipid Research Clinics Program (1984) .

1,900 men randomly assigned to the group that recei ved propranolol, 7% had died
after 30 months, while of the 1,900 in the group that recei ved a placebo, 9.5% had
died. The difference of 2.5% between the two percentages was taken very seriously
as support for underlying theory and as a basis for medical practice.
In another experiment (Lipid Research Clinics Program, 1984), 3,806 men were
assigned at random to a cholesterol lo wering drug or to a placebo. As sho wn in
Table 2.3, it w as found, after a nine-year follo w-up, that 8.1% of the 1,906 men
receiving the cholesterol-lowering drug had had a heart attack, as against 9.8% of
the 1,900 who took the placebo, for a dif ference of 1.7%. An article in Science
stated that these results w ould “affect profoundly the practice of medicine in this
country” (Kolata, 1984, p. 380).
A retrospecti ve, hence non-e xperimental, study (Goldstein, Andre ws, Hall,
& Moss, 1992) of the ef fects of aspirin on heart attacks w as done with patients at
15 heart research centers. It found, as shown in Table 2.4, that of those who had not
16 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

Table 2.4 Incidence of fatalities from heart attacks in aspirin- and nonaspirin-using patients
Status after 2 years Aspirin users ( N = 751) Aspirin nonusers ( N = 185)
Dead 1.6% 5.4%
Alive 98.4% 94.6%
Total 100.0% 100.0%
Adapted from “Reduction in Long-Term Cardiac Deaths with Aspirin after a Coronary Event,” by
R. E. Goldstein et al. (1992). Adapted with permission.

been taking a small daily dose of common aspirin (N = 185), 5.4% had a fatal heart
attack. Of those ( N = 752) who had been taking aspirin, only 1.6% had a f atal
heart attack. Thus the no-aspirin patients were 3.4 times (5.4/1.6) more lik ely to
have a deadly heart attack than those who had tak en aspirin. (Medical researchers
often determine the dif ference between the control-group incidence [%cl and the
treatment-group incidence [~°el as a percentage of %c; thus: [%C–%e]/%C. In this
aspirin study, that procedure yielded a 70% mortality reduction associated with
taking the aspirin. But, of course, this procedure can yield hard-to-interpret results
when %c is small; see W eissler, Miller , & Boudoulas, (1989). Lipse y and
Wilson (1993) e xamined the results of 15 meta-analyses of medical-treatment
effects on mortality and other medical and psychological outcomes. They concluded
that in assessing meta-analytic estimates of the ef fects of psychological, educa-
tional, and behavioral treatment, we cannot arbitrarily dismiss statistically modest
values (e ven 0.10 or 0.20 SDs) as ob viously tri vial ... [C]omparable numerical
values are judged to represent benef its in the medical domain, e ven when similar
outcome variables are at issue. (p. 1199) It might be ar gued that the medical main
effects are taken seriously because the dependent variables are extremely important,
often matters of life and death. But man y behavioral-science dependent v aria-
bles – school achievement, dropout rates, mental health, recidi vism, occupational
adjustment, personal relationships, and group ef fectiveness – are also clearly
important. In an y case, apart from the practical importance of the dependent
variables, the medical examples suggest that small main effects can have scientific
significance – in both medical and beha vioral science. The implication is that the
results of present-day beha vioral science research, in the form of main ef fects,
provide a good basis for beha vioral-science theory and practice. The medical
experiments and surv eys yielded “small” main ef fects because the treatments
worked for some patients but not for others. Why? Presumably because these inde-
pendent variables interacted with other v ariables, such as patients’ physiological
characteristics. Such interactions are not re garded as precluding the possibility of
medical science. The present ar gument applies the same reasoning to uphold the
possibility of behavioral science.
Recognizing interaction effects, medical practitioners do not act unthinkingly on
a main effect; they use judgment, based on e verything else they know about medi-
cine and the patient, including those patient characteristics that might interact with
a treatment to produce undesirable ef fects (see, e.g., Bro wn, Viscoli, & Horwitz,
1992). Similarly, applications of behavioral science main effects in teaching, counseling,
Evaluating the Magnitude of Main Effects 17

psychotherapy, and b usiness and industry – and in theory de velopment – must

depend on judgment, based on everything known about relevant theory, the desired
outcomes, the clients, and such other factors as characteristics of settings that might
make a given treatment less or more desirable. Medical theoreticians and practitioners
do not reject main ef fects because they do not tell the whole story . Neither should
those who use social and psychological main ef fects in theoretical and practical
work. The medical research results cited are tak en seriously not only because of
their practical value but, of course, because the y are supported by rele vant theory.
The role of theory needs also to be tak en into account in appraising the scientif ic
status of the beha vioral sciences (Gage, 1994a, 1994b). The present point is that,
even with theoretical support, some medical effect-sizes were small. Small behavioral
science ef fects, similarly consistent with theory and other research, should be
accorded similar respected. The possibility of science in the presence of interaction
effects. Theoretical w ork needs better information on the generalizability and
longevity (i.e., decade × treatment interactions) of the main ef fects with which
behavioral science is concerned. Before meta-analysis, kno wledge about the
strength, durability, and consistenc y of main ef fects rested primarily on the tradi-
tional nonquantitati ve, e xcessively impressionistic, and unsystematic literature
review. Such re views were additionally fla wed by their taking too seriously the
statistical significance of the results of single lo w-power studies. Now it is under -
stood (Gage, 1978, pp. 24–31; Hedges & Olkin, 1988; Schmidt, 1992) that
vote-counting conducted on the basis of such statistical signif icance almost cer -
tainly leads to errors of statistical inference whereby a f alse null hypothesis goes
unquestioned. Meta-analysis can re veal when the results of replications v ary so
widely that we should suspect the influence of additional v ariables on the main
effect. In that event, meta-analysis can identify what v ariables make how much of a
difference in the magnitude of main ef fects (see, e.g., Cook et al., 1992). It can
reveal, across replications, whether the dif ference between the ef fects of, for e xam-
ple, tw o dif ferent kinds of teaching is lar ger or smaller or e ven re versed in, for
example, classes with middle-class students as against classes with lo w-income-
family students and so on. Such results of meta-analysis, which are indeed interac-
tion ef fects determined across replications, point to qualif ications needed in
interpreting main effects. Becker (1996) has proposed “a systematic theory of the
generalizability of research results, dra wing on formal quantitati ve methods for
research synthesis and on the theory of generalizability of measurements” de vel-
oped by Cronbach, Gleser , Nanda, and Rajaratnam (1972). This approach w ould
mean studying main ef fects with the same rationales that Cronbach and his co-
workers developed for studying test scores. Becker’s formulation makes possible
the quantitative study of the generalizability of main effects and also of interaction
effects. But here, as was noted above, the interaction effects can be studied through
meta-analysis, not within single studies but across replications, where the possibly
interacting variables that influence the main effects are not only aptitudes, or char-
acteristics of persons, b ut also v ariables in the measures and settings used. The
results of such generalizability studies may concei vably be incorporated into.
Guttman-type facet theorizing with the built-in strengths of replications. High statistical
18 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

generalizability is more per suasive when the replications meta-analyzed are more
heterogeneous in the types of persons, measures, and conte xts represented. Thus,
the same results obtained in 20 highly similar studies carry less weight for general-
izability than such same results in studies whose subjects vary in, for e xample, eth-
nicity and educational level, whose measures come from both tests and observations,
and whose contexts extend from the laboratory to real-life situations.
In mentioning Thomas’s opposition to theory, I find his argument further weakened
when we realize that “theory” is synon ymous with “explanation.” For example, one
collection of papers on theory by philosophers of science is titled Theories of
Explanation (Pitt, 1988). Gi ving up the search for a theory of teaching is equi valent
to giving up the search for explanations of educational phenomena. Although Thomas
(2007) is willing to accept and respect theory in the natural sciences, his position
against theory for phenomena in education, such as teaching, means that he is willing
to give up the search for e xplanations of phenomena found in teaching. T o provide
explanations of teaching – explanations of why and how it works and why some kinds
of teaching work better than others – is the purpose of this book.
In the natural sciences, the desirability of theory has gone unquestioned for
centuries in the writings of philosophers and scientists. Scientists re gard v alid
theory as the ultimate goal of scientif ic research. Among the achie vements of
physical scientists ha ve been such triumphs as the theory of motion, electromag-
netic theory, relativity theory, quantum theory, and the theory of the chemical bond.
The biological sciences point with pride to Darwin’s theory of evolution, Pasteur’s
germ theory of disease, Mendel’s genetics, the Watson-Crick double-helix structure
of DNA, and much more.
Until recently, the same unanimity about the v alue of theory pre vailed in the
social and beha vioral sciences, e ven though their theoretical achie vements were
less glorious or well-established. In psychology , some e xamples are the general
factor (g) theory of intelligence, attribution theory, classical and operant condition-
ing theory, construct theory, and the theory of cognitive dissonance. Major volumes
(e.g., Koch, 1959–1963) ha ve brought together some of psychology’ s attempts at
theory. In sociology, we find social mobility theory, the theory of group structure,
and much more, as well as v olumes devoted to the de velopment of theory (e.g.,
Berger & Zelditch, 1993; Cohen, 1989; Dubin, 1969; Glaser & Strauss, 1967).
Thus, for a long time, to question whether v alid theory was desirable was nearly
unthinkable. Until the last few decades, natural and social scientists and philosophers
regarded valid theory as the pinnacle of scholarly and scientif ic achievement.
The general and centuries-old con viction among scientists and scholars agreed
with the aphorism, “There is nothing so practical as a good theory” (K urt Lewin,
quoted in Marrow, 1969, p. viii). But Le win’s statement calls for the specif ication
of the practical values that theory serv es. For example, the theories of astronomy
– however valid, enlightening, and exquisite as explanations of the location, motion,
clustering, and composition of heavenly bodies have value only for the guidance of
astronomers engaged in further searches for understanding. Except for use in na vi-
gation and meteorology, astronomical theory has little or no practical value, in the
sense of being useful in the e veryday affairs of persons who are not astronomers.
Evaluating the Magnitude of Main Effects 19

In other natural sciences, theory has indeed had practical value, that is, has served as
a basis for the development of technology that meets human needs. T ransistors, devel-
oped out of solid-state theory, made possible computers, space exploration, and medical
tools. Lasers, based on radiation theory, made possible valuable innovations in medical
diagnosis and treatment. Magnetic resonance induction theory made possible more
detailed e xamination of the human body’ s interior. The theory that portrays DN A’s
double-helix structure made possible the mapping of the human genome and a growing
host of practical applications in medicine, agriculture, genealogy, and criminology.
Despite this esteem of theory in science, the philosophy of science, in the manner
of all philosophy , consists of “a record of criticism and countercriticism; through
such a dialectic philosophers come closer to whate ver truth is to be found in their
subject matter” (Gewirth, 1991, p. 1). Often, however, those who might be expected
to engage themselv es with the philosophy of science pay little attention to it. As
Scriven (1968) noted,
Curiously enough... man y scientists reject the philosophy of science as irrele vant to their
own activities although the y constantly talk it and teach it and illustrate its rele vance in
their own w ork, sometimes under the title ‘methodology’ and sometimes just as advice
without a label. (p. 84)

Indeed, my o wn informal surv ey of three recent recipients of the doctorate in

chemistry from major uni versities indicated that the y knew little or nothing about
the ideas of important twentieth-century philosophers of science: Paul Feyerabend,
Thomas Kuhn, and Karl Popper.
By the same tok en, a theory of teaching should also yield practical benef its,
because teaching is central to the process of education, and education is indispen-
sable to the freedom and well-being of individuals in modern societies. Here is how
the physicist Louis Ridenour (1950), made this point at a meeting of the American
Educational Research Association:
The first observation that we can dra w from a study of research in the natural sciences,
and of the engineering which rests on scientif ic knowledge, is this: when one is f aced
with the necessity of solving an important practical problem, he may be forced to attack
it directly; but a better solution than that yielded by a direct attack on a problem is likely
to come from an une xpected source, usually from an in vestigation in “pure science”
which has been undertak en altogether for its o wn intellectual interest. That is, the great
advances in practical engineering technique ha ve always arisen from random scientif ic
investigations aimed at no more immediate object than that of understanding the world a
little better.
A parable due to Ernest Lawrence, Berkeley physicist and Nobel laureate, may serve to
illustrate this point. Suppose, says La wrence, it had been decided in the year 1840 that
methods of indoor illumination required impro vement. Suppose that the go vernment had
established an indoor illumination commission, with plenty of money and contract author-
ity, with great laboratories staf fed with competent scientists and engineers. There w ould
have been progress, sure: better designs for lamp chimne ys, more efficient fuels than ani-
mal oils, improved wicks, and the like. With considerable effort, a two- or three-fold improve-
ment in the economy and ef fectiveness of indoor illumination might ha ve been produced
in a few years time. But it is entirely certain that no one connected with the indoor illumination
commission would have spent any time waving wires in front of magnets, connecting together
with a wire of metal two dissimilar metal plates immersed in a common electrolyte no one
20 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

would have done any of the things which in fact led, before a generation had passed, to our
giant and indispensable electrical industry....

In short, it is quite possible to be so “tough-minded” and “practical” as to miss entirely the

discoveries that are of major importance in what you need to do. (Reprinted in Gage, 1960)

Hirsch (2002) e xpressed a similar admonition: Educational research cannot be

scientific unless it cultivates and produces theory that will yield causal explanations
of the outcomes of educational treatments. A theory of teaching should improve our
abilities to explain (understand) teaching, predict the determiners and consequences
of teaching, and control (that is, improve) the effectiveness of teaching.
The desirability of a theory of teaching also results from the desirability of improv-
ing the competence, attracti veness, and re wards of the teaching profession. After
surveying the f ield of teacher competence and teacher education in the U.S., K err
(1983) recommended v arious polic y changes, the f irst of which w as that research
universities should develop a three-year professional doctoral program in teaching:
a new professional doctorate grounded in theory and professional studies... A doctor of
teaching for e very 20–30 re gular teachers in a school w ould be both af fordable and ef fi-
cient. The re gular teachers w ould emplo y the most sophisticated diagnostic measures,
instructional techniques, and assessment instruments with the guidance, supervision, and
counsel of the head teachers. (pp. 142–143)

The desirability of a theory of teaching w as implicit in the statement by Finn

(2000) of a vie w of the need for , and prospect of a scientif ic basis for the art of
teaching, as follows:
You will hear it said... that schools of education should be more lik e schools of medicine
and that teaching as a profession should be more like medicine as a profession. There is an
important reason, however, why they are very different and likely to stay that way for some
time to come. For better or w orse, medicine rests on science, on a reasonably stable body
of knowledge, based on high-quality, replicable research accepted by everyone in the field
and systematically imparted by its training institutions. I look forw ard to the day when
teaching will be that w ay, too. But it is not that w ay today, and it may not be for the ne xt
two centuries. (pp. 11–12)

Finn’s guess as to ho w long it may tak e to ha ve a scientif ic basis, and hence a

theory, of the art of teaching cannot be evaluated now. Similarly, no one could have
predicted – in the 1840s, when Faraday was waving wires in front of magnets – the
emergence in the 1880s of electric po wer industries.

But, Is Human Teaching Moribund?

Thus far, we have argued the case for theory of teaching. But what is the case for a
theory of teaching done by human beings? Since at least the 1960s, teaching by
nonhumans, i.e., by programmed booklets, machines, and computers, has been
developed and promulgated. At first, “programmed instruction,” developed by B. F.
Skinner (1957) and brought together in a lar ge v olume of writings edited by
Lumsdaine and Glaser (1960) caused concern that “a specter is haunting research
Conceptions of Theory 21

on teaching the specter of programmed instruction” (Gage & Unruh, 1967). That
vision was expressed again by Adams (1971):
The suggestion has been made else where that classroom research, in the f ace of the
“specter” of automated education, is the ultimate gesture in futility. After all, what virtue can
inhere in researching a phenomenon that tomorro w will be as dead as a dodo? (p. 101)

Writing a theory of teaching early in the twenty-f irst century might have the same
fate as that of a theory of medicine written in the years (about the 1850s) before
Pasteur’s germ theory of disease revolutionized medicine. Adams offered a possible
consolation: Even if human teaching disappeared, we should “redouble our ef forts
– not indeed in order to solv e pedagogical problems, but so that a quaint form of
twentieth century ritual can be preserv ed for posterity’s interest, edif ication, and
amusement (p. 101).”
The present effort rests on a dif ferent vision – that nonhuman teaching will not
replace human teaching. Rather , it has been a gradual de velopment characterized
by teachers’ learning ho w to use computers and their programs in some what the
same way in which they learned to use textbooks, tests, chalkboards, libraries, labo-
ratories, w orkbooks, slides, f ilms, portfolios, and, more recently , digital video
displays (D VDs). Despite all these additions to the teacher’ s tools, the human
teacher has retained her central role in education. Cuban (1993) convincingly docu-
mented the w ays in which all these inno vations, including computers, could be
summed up with a headline: “Computers Meet Classroom: Classroom W ins.”
The present effort rests on a dif ferent vision – that nonhuman teaching will not
replace human teaching. Although nonhuman teaching has become more prevalent
since the 1960s, its gains have not replaced teachers (Cuban, 2001). Its gro wth has
not had the pace of a re volution. As Cuban put it, after a thorough in vestigation of
many aspects of the issue, “When it comes to higher teacher and student productivity
and a transformation of teaching and learning, ho wever, there is little ambiguity .
Both must be tagged as failures. [italics added] Computers have been oversold and
underused, at least for now” (p. 178).

Conceptions of Theory

There are many usages of the term “theory,” and they vary widely. Almost all con-
ceivable implicit def initions have appeared in one place or another at one time or
another. Chambers (1992, pp. 7–27) identif ied f ifteen usages, which he put into
nine clusters: (1) Theory as contrasted with f act; (2) Theory as contrasted with
practice; (3) Theory as e volving e xplanation; (4) Practical theory that guides a
profession or art; (5) Theory as hypothesis; (6) Theory as ontological or observ a-
tional presupposition; (7) Normati ve theory , such as doctrine or dogma; (8)
Empiricist theory; (9) Scientific theory.
Of these, only the last tw o – empiricist theory and scientif ic theory – are considered
here. An empiricist theory , according to Chambers (1992), is one in which generaliza-
tions about observable variables are related to one another in w ays that accord with
22 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

empirical observations. A scientif ic theory, Chambers (1992) wrote, is one that relates
abstract (e.g., mathematically or logically manipulable, but not observable) concepts and
their variables in logical or rational ways that accord with empirical observations.
Chambers obtained his conception of science from the sociologists W iller and
Willer (1973), who referred to two types of thought – theoretical and observational
– as shown in Fig. 2.1.
The observational level deals only with empirical categories, and the theoretical
level deals only with abstract concepts. Connections on only the observational level
are empirical connections, those on only the theoretical le vel are rational connec-
tions, and connections between the empirical and abstract le vels are abstractive .
Thus the W illers (and Chambers) held that science and empiricism are both
concerned with observ ed empirical e vents, b ut “The logical form of science is
much more complex” (Willer & Willer, 1973, p. 15).
Scientific knowledge, then, consists not only of successful rational connections
between concepts, not only of successful observ ational connections, b ut also of
abstractive connections, which are rational connections that correspond to observa-
tional connections.
The Willer-Chambers conception of theory may ha ve stemmed from assump-
tions that only the theories of the physical sciences are genuine theories and that
only mathematically expressed theories were to be considered theories. Chambers
used as examples only theories from the physical sciences: Copernicus’s classical
mechanics, Kepler’s laws of planetary motion, Galileo’s laws of motion, Lavoisier’s
role of gases in chemical reactions, Crick’ s and W atson’s structure of the DN A
molecule, and Wegener’s continental drift. Chambers apparently considered claims
to theory outside the physical sciences to represent mere pretension.
This conception of theory is not held by all scientists and philosophers of
science. Thus the philosopher of science Nagel (1979) wrote that
The requirements for being a genuine science tacitly assumed in most of the challenges [to
the scientific status of the social sciences] lead to the unenlightening result that apparently
none but a few branches of physical inquiry merit the honorif ic designation. (p. 449)

But, said Nagel, despite their limitations,

Difference in logical form between empirical and scientific knowledge.

Theoretical

Observational

Empiricism Science

Fig. 2.1 Difference in logical form between empirical and scientif ic knowledge (Source: Willer
& Willer, 1973, p. 19).
Must Scientific Research Be Theory-Driven? 23

the generalizations of social inquiry do not appear to differ radically from generalizations currently
advanced in domains usually re garded as unquestionably respectable subdi visions of natural sci-
ence – for example, in the study of turbulence phenomena and in embryology. (p. 449)

In any case, our present goal is to set forth a theory of teaching that will explain
in logical, or intuiti vely reasonable, terms the empirical relationships between
important concepts, or variables, that characterize teaching.
As we noted above, one widely held conception of theory in both the natural and
social sciences is that theory must explain the empirical phenomena, such as the
relationships between concepts and v ariables. Examples of relationships in
psychology would be explanations of (a) the universally found positive correlation
between the socioeconomic status of individuals and their cognitive ability, and (b)
the higher correlation between the IQs of identical twins than that between the IQs
of fraternal twins.
But, because “e xplanation” can mean man y things, it needs to be def ined.
Accordingly, a substantial literature on theories of e xplanation, written mostly by
philosophers of science, has appeared (see e.g., Pitt, 1988). And in that literature,
one widely accepted conception of e xplanation is the “co vering law explanation”
(Hempel & Oppenheim, 1948). Their f irst example of such an e xplanation is that
of a mercury thermometer rapidly immersed in hot w ater.
There occurs a temporary drop [italics added] of the mercury column, which is then followed
by a quick rise. How is this phenomenon to be explained? The increase in temperature affects
at first only the glass tube of the thermometer; it expands and thus provides a larger space for
the mercury inside, whose surface therefore drops. As soon as by heat conduction the rise in
temperature reaches the mercury, however, the latter expands, and as its coefficient of expan-
sion is considerably lar ger than that of glass, a rise of mercury le vel results. This account
consists of statements of two kinds. Those of the first kind indicate certain conditions which
are realized prior to, or at the same time as, the phenomenon to be e xplained; we shall refer
to them briefly as antecedent conditions. In our illustration, the antecedents include, among
others, the f act that the mercury thermometer consists of a glass tube which is partly f illed
with mercury, and that it is immersed into hot w ater. The statements of the second kind
express certain general laws; in our case, these include the la ws of the thermic e xpansion of
mercury and of glass, and a statement about the small thermic conductivity of glass. The two
sets of statements, if adequately formulated, e xplain the phenomenon under consideration;
they entail the consequence that the mercury will f irst drop, then rise . Thus the event under
discussion is explained by subsuming it under [covering it with] general laws, that is, by
showing that it occurred in accordance with those laws, in virtue of the realization of certain
specified antecedent conditions. (Pitt, 1988, pp. 9–10)

Accordingly, a theory of teaching should explain how it is that students learn from
teaching and do so by invoking more general “covering laws” of human behavior.

Must Scientific Research Be Theory-Driven?

In relation to scientif ic research, the value of theory can be dif ferentiated between
(a) theory formulated and used before the collection and analysis of empirical
observations, i.e., “theory-driven research,” and (b) theory produced after the collection
and analysis of observations.
24 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

The Prior-Theory-is-Indispensable Position

One argument in favor of theory is that prior theory is a necessary tool of scientific
research. Some writers ha ve gone so f ar as to claim that nothing scientif ic can be
learned from research conducted without a prior theory that drove the research.
Lewin (1931), the protagonist of “f ield theory” in psychology , labeled as
“Galilean” the theory-dri ven conception of scientif ic research, because he held
Galileo to ha ve been a prime e xemplar of that approach. In contrast, his
“Aristotelian” science – the science of Aristotle as interpreted by Thomas Aquinas
(Martin & Sugarman, 1993, p. 18) – sought generalizations deri ved empirically on
the basis of no prior theory . “Aristotle viewed scientific inquiry as a progression
from observations to general principles and back to observ ations” (Losee, 1980,
p. 6). Akin to Galileian principles, Garrison and Macmillan (1984) stated that
It is only when the research is theory-dri ven from within that the theories themselv es are
supported or falsified; and only when this is done can there be better theories for the expla-
nation and direction of pedagogical practice. (p. 3)

Thus these writers claim that a theory is necessary at the beginning, before observa-
tions are collected, analyzed, and interpreted. Similarly, Chambers (1989) held that
[I]mprovement of [scientific] enterprises does not derive from the accumulation of further facts.
It derives from the introduction of theory of v arious types which can be used both to say what
count as facts, to make sense out of them, and to test them in various ways. (p. 84) [U]ntil very
recently, Process-Outcome researchers [on teaching] do appear to ha ve been una ware of the
manifold significance of theory... in science ... The y are, for e xample, still largely unaware of
the effects of theory on what is observ ed, and thus on what can count as a f act. (p. 86)

The same position was taken, somewhat vehemently, by Ball (1995) in regard to
educational research:
I wish to argue that the absence of theory lea ves the researcher prey to unexamined, unre-
flexive preconceptions and dangerously nai ve ontological and epistemological a prioris .
I shall w ail and curse at the absence of theory and ar gue for theory as a w ay of sa ving
educational studies from itself. (pp. 365–366)

Martin and Sugarman (1993) described the distinction between Aristotelian and
Galilean approaches to scientif ic research as a contrast between the Aristotelian
focus on observed regularities and the Galilean focus on constructing hypothetical
models of underlying realities. Aristotelian forms of scientif ic thought focus on
identifying the essential qualities of objects associated. Aristotelian science discovers
concepts inductively, from analysis of observations, while Galilean science invents
concepts and relies on prior theory.

The Prior -Theory-is -Not-Indispensable Position

The alternative position is that, although valid theory is the supremely desirable outcome
of scientific research, prior theory is not indispensable. In support of that position, Gage
(1994b) pointed to the problems that the “prior -theory-is-indispensable” position runs
Must Scientific Research Be Theory-Driven? 25

into in the light of (a) the concept of implicit theory , (b) the positions of some philoso-
phers of science, (c) the serendipity , or theoryless research, that has led to important
scientific discoveries, and (d) the history of research on teaching.

Implicit Guiding Theories

The first reply refers to the idea of implicit guiding theory. The critics apparently
reject the possibility that scientif ic research can proceed without prior formulation
of an e xplicit theory and its associated hypotheses. No matter ho w well what the
scientist does satisfies other ideals of scientific method (maximized rationality and
objectivity, precision of definitions, public character, replicability, and falsifiability),
if the prior theory has not been e xplicitly formulated, say these critics, the whole
enterprise cannot be considered scientific.
It seems that scientif ic research, in the vie w of these critics, cannot e volve
through a process mo ving from implicit, ill-def ined, perhaps ad hoc, and explora-
tory, b ut nonetheless influential theory , and not requiring prior theories that are
explicitly formulated, and then survive attempts to falsify the theories with empiri-
cal e vidence. The critics used no detailed kno wledge of such relati vely early
research on teaching as that of Mitzel (1960), Flanders (1970), and Medley (1977),
among others, who did process-outcome research on teaching before the 1980s.
They also did not look carefully at the more recent process-outcome research on
teaching. So they seem unfamiliar with the reasoning (that is, the implicit theory),
either openly stated or readily inferred, underlying the researchers’ choice of con-
cepts, variables, and measuring instruments, and thus the easily inferred implicit
theories that these researchers were testing. In short, they do not seem to have ben-
efited from the admonition by the philosopher of science Hanson (1958, p. 3):
“Profitable philosophical discussion of any science depends on a thorough familiar-
ity with its history and its present state. ”
Marland (1995) examined the concept of implicit theory from the standpoints of
the student, the teacher in training, the practicing teacher, and the teacher educator.
All of these use implicit theories of teaching in the form of metaphors: the teacher
as “cook, entertainer, counselor, timekeeper, engineer, preacher, conductor, mother
figure, horticulturist, actor, and ship’s captain” (p. 134).
More such metaphors come readily to mind:the teacher as explainer, chairperson,
prosecuting attorney, and even
“The teacher as a Bayesian sheep dog. ” The resulting image is of a barking collie propel-
ling his b ulging flock along a path by successi ve statistical estimation and adjustment of
the flock’s average direction, while racing to keep diverging individuals contained with the
group. (Snow, 1973, p. 89)

(Bayes’s principle is that “the probability of a gi ven event is a consequence of a

specified one of a number of mutually e xclusive antecedent conditions which might
have gi ven rise to the e vent” [English & English, 1958, p. 51]). Similarly , the
“Bayesian approach in evaluation research [is] the use of conditional probabilities as
an aid in selecting between various program outcomes.” (VandenBos, 2007, p. 105).
26 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

Implicit theories can also, said Marland (1995), take the form of images whereby
the teacher or researcher might see “the classroom as a home” (Clandinin, 1986)
with all of the home’s attendant feelings and emotions.
In considering research on teaching that has not been explicitly theory-driven to
be ipso facto unscientific, the critics ignored the strong probability that it has been
driven by implicit theories. Whenever investigators choose v ariables and de velop
ways of measuring them, they operate on at least an implicit theory if not an explicit one.
The philosopher of science Hanson (1958) had such a conception of implicit theory
in mind when he wrote that
There is a sense, then, in which seeing is a “theory-laden undertaking.” Observation of x is
shaped by prior kno wledge of x. Another influence on observ ations rests in the language
or notation used to e xpress what we kno w, and without which there w ould be little we
could recognize as knowledge. (p. 19)

So it follows not only that the in vestigator must have at least an implicit theory
so as to be able to carry out the necessary research steps in a nonrandom w ay but
also that atheoretical educational science is impossible, as was asserted by Garrison
and Macmillan(1987) . Researchers may not be a ware of their theory , but they act
on it nonetheless.
Such implicit theory is easily seen in the dimensions of teaching specified in the
classroom-interaction-analysis categories used by Flanders (1970); those categories
reflect the implicit theory that classroom climate along a direct-indirect influence
dimension is related to student achie vement and attitude. Such implicit theory is
also e vident in the dimensions in vestigated by Brophy and Ev ertson (1976) –
dimensions that were based on the readily inferred theory that classroom manage-
ment, that is, w ays of holding student attention and minimizing academically
counterproductive use of time, was related to student achievement. A third example
is the widely applied instrument developed by Stallings (1975) to reveal the degree
of implementation of ten dif ferent “theoretical” models of teaching de veloped as
planned variations in Project Follow Through; each model had been developed and
rationalized by a separate team.
To anyone who looks into the background of the observation-of-process schemes
used in process-outcome research on teaching, their underlying implicit theories are
evident even though the y vary in the e xplicitness with which the y are stated. The
assumption that process-outcome research has been atheoretical seems to result
from f ailure to e xamine these authors’ writings and their process-observ ation
instruments. In none of the philosophical criticisms is there any evidence of a care-
ful reading of the details of the process-outcome research reports. It is as if, unless
researchers used the word “theory,” these critics were unable to see the theory .
Philosophers of Science on Scientific Method. A second reply refers to what phi-
losophers of science have written on the idea of f ixed and firm conceptions of sci-
entific method. Much could be found in their writings to raise questions about the
rigid notions of these critics concerning the nature of scientif ic method. Here are a
Must Scientific Research Be Theory-Driven? 27

few such statements, be ginning with that of Peter Meda war, not because he w as a
philosopher b ut because he w as a Nobel laureate who w as quoted by one critic
(Chambers, 1989, pp. 83–84) as an authority on the nature of science. Chambers
ignored Medawar’s statement that
There is indeed no such thing as “the” scientif ic method. A scientist uses a v ery great
variety of e xploratory stratagems, and although a scientist has a certain address to his
problems – a certain way of going about things that is more likely to bring success than the
gropings of an amateur – he uses no procedure of disco very that can be logically scripted.
(Medawar, 1984, p. 51)

The same kind of insistence against an y rigid codification of the methods to be

used by scientists occurs in the writings of both “radical” and “nonradical” philoso-
phers of science. Thus the ‘ ‘radical” philosopher of science Fe yerabend (1963,
p.13) argued that science proceeds according to no rational method. In his vie w,
scientists, in making progress, ha ve violated e very logical principle and follo wed
the motto “anything goes.”
Similarly, the “nonradical” philosopher of science Nagel (1977) stated that the
notion of the scientific method is so weak that it is ar guing against “a stra w man”
to argue against
a notion of method according to which there are f irm, unchanging, and absolutely binding
principles for conducting the b usiness of science. It w ould be dif ficult to f ind many con-
temporary scientists or philosophers of science who hold that the principles the y may be
employing in assessing the v alidity of cognitive claims in science cannot be modif ied and
improved in the light of continuing theory. (p. 71)

These statements mean the opposite of what the philosophical critics of research
on teaching have insisted upon, namely, the inescapable requirement that scientific
research be explicitly theory-driven.
These critics have also ignored the possibility of replicating a study , using as a
basis for a hypothesis a finding of a first study. Such replication with theory on the
basis of results that were not pre viously e xplicitly hypothesized has occurred
frequently in the history of science and in process-outcome research on teaching.
The atheoretical first study’s finding leads to a theory confirmed or disconfirmed in
a subsequent study.
Serendipity in the History of Science. A third reply deals with empirical e vidence
on the necessity of prior theory in scientific research. That evidence is found in the
history of science – a history that re veals many important e xceptions to the ar gu-
ment that scientific research must be explicitly theory-driven.
Especially noteworthy here is the literature onserendipity. The critics of research
have ignored the long and important history of the role of serendipity in scientif ic
research (see, e.g., Kantero vich & Néeman, 1989). That history demonstrates that
extremely important scientific discoveries have been made without any prior theory
or hypothesis. Among such disco veries are X-rays, the electricity-magnetism
connection, penicillin, cosmic micro wave background radiation, and pulsars.
(See Table 2.5 .)
28 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

Table 2.5 Bibliography on serendipity

Baggott, J. (1990). Serendipity and scientif ic progress. New Scientist, 67–68.
Beveridge, W. I. B. (1957). The art of scientific investigation (3rd ed., Ch. 3). New York: Vantage.
Cannon, W. B. (1940). The role of chance in disco very. Scientific Monthly, 50, 204–209.
Kanterovich, A., & Néeman, Y. (1989). Serendipity as a source of e volutionary progress in sci-
ence. Studies of History and Philosophy of Science, 20 ,505–529.
Koestler, A. (1964). The act of creation. New York: Macmillan.
Mach, E. (1896). On the part played by accident in in vention and discovery. Monist, 6 ,161–175.
Roberts, R. M. (1989). Serendipity. New York: Wiley.
Shapiro, G. (1986). A skeleton in the darkroom: Stories of serendipity in science. New York:
Harper & Row.
Simonton, D. K. (1989). Chance-configuration theory of scientific creativity. In Gholson, B. (Ed.),
Psychology of Science: Contributions to meta-science. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Source: Kanterovich and Néeman (1989).

It might be argued that even serendipity is theory-driven because the researcher

must have a theory in order to recognize the anomalous character of the serendipi-
tous f inding and to appreciate its de viation from e xpectations. If so, an y such
recognition of the theory-dri ven character of e ven serendipitous f indings leads us
again to accept the concept of implicit theory: theory that is guiding the research
despite the fact that the theory has not been clearly, distinctly, and explicitly stated.
The researchers w ould not ha ve formulated the implicit theory before their seren-
dipitous finding. Rather, the researchers recognized that the f inding violated their
initial, unstated, and implicit theory and called for a reformulation of either an
explicit or an implicit theory.
Wilhelm Roentgen, for e xample, had not stated beforehand an y explicit theory
that certain rays could pass through opaque matter and af fect a photographic plate.
It was only after he serendipitously observed such an event in 1895 that he worked
on that theory. He called them X-rays.
Similarly, while w orking with Staphylococcus bacteria in 1928, Ale xander
Fleming serendipitously noticed a bacteria-free circle around a mold gro wth that
was contaminating a culture of staphylococci. Upon in vestigating, he found a
substance in the mold that prevented growth of the bacteria even when diluted 800
times. He called it penicillin.
Some History of Process-Outcome Research on Teaching. A fourth reply refers to
the history of process-outcome research on teaching. Ho w do the ideas just men-
tioned, from the philosophy and history of science, bear upon the history of proc-
ess-outcome research on teaching?
The critics did not look carefully at the history and origins of process-outcome
research on teaching. The y thus deprived their thinking, about its scientif ic status,
Must Scientific Research Be Theory-Driven? 29

of information about where process-outcome research on teaching came from and,

especially, why it developed.
How research on teaching has progressed since the years before the 1950s can
be seen in the variables whose research records were examined in extensive reviews
of earlier research on teaching (Domas & Tiedeman, 1950; Morsh & Wilder, 1954;
Getzels & Jackson, 1963). Those v ariables are no w called “presage” v ariables
(Mitzel, 1960) as distinguished from “process” v ariables. Presage v ariables deal
with the teacher’s personality and characteristics, such as intelligence level, educa-
tional le vel achie ved, academic success, age, years of e xperience, kno wledge of
subject matter, extracurricular activities, general culture, socioeconomic status, sex,
marital status, performance on paper-and-pencil tests intended to measure “teaching
aptitude,” inventories of attitude toward teaching, voice and speech characteristics,
appearance, and personality characteristics as measured with rating scales and
questionnaires. By and lar ge, these presage v ariables turned out – as summarized
in the reviews cited above – to be unrelated to student achie vement.
But more recent studies ha ve found signif icant relationships between teacher
personality and characteristics and measures of student achie vement. Nonetheless
these reviews of the literature in the 1950s and ‘60s still explain the shift, beginning
in the 1960s, from presage to process v ariables. Hindsight mak es it easy no w to
consider those early efforts misguided and doomed to f ailure in discovering corre-
lates of student achie vement. In an y event, the record of that research suf ficed to
make investigators (be ginning in the 1960s) turn a way from presage to process
variables. The in vestigators who conducted the studies of presage v ariables
presumably based their work on at least implicit theories and hypotheses; some of
them stated those hypotheses and their rationales in their reports. Nonetheless, the
work on the teacher’s personality and characteristics, at least as formulated in those
studies, did not pay off.
So it was that Medley and Mitzel (1963) wrote what turned out to be an imperative
heeded by many subsequent researchers on teaching. The y said:
Certainly there is no more obvious approach to research on teaching than direct observation
of the beha vior of teachers while the y teach and pupils while the y learn. Yet it is a rare
study indeed that includes an y formal observation at all. In a typical e xample of research
on teaching [before 1963], the research worker limits himself to the manipulation or study
of antecedents and consequents of whate ver happens in the classrooms while the teaching
itself is going on, b ut never once looks into the classroom to see ho w the teacher actually
teaches or how the pupils actually learn. (p. 247)

Accordingly, the subsequent process-outcome w ork did not arise from the
thoughtless, theory-free thrashing-about seemingly imputed to such studies by the
critics. It arose from discouraging experience with presage variables, from the reali-
zation that better results might come from looking at what happens in the class-
room, and from careful thought about what v ariables in classroom process might
make a dif ference in what students learned. Only a careful reading of process-
outcome research reports w ould permit an yone to judge the de gree to which the
research was theory-laden.
30 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

Karl Popper’s Resolution of the Issue

The philosopher of science Karl Popper (1963 ) spoke to the issue of whether all
scientific research must be theory-driven by substituting the concept of conjecture1*
for “theory.” The conjecture should, of course, stem from the best e vidence and
logic available to the in vestigator. A conjecture claims much less than a theory ; it
is an assumption, a guess, a hunch, a speculation, a supposition, a surmise, a
jumped-to-conclusion.
Popper held that inducti ve logic cannot serv e as a w ay to prove the truth of a
conclusion. Even a phenomenon, such as the setting of the sun in the west, that has
been observed to occur predictably in the same w ay, without e xception, innumer-
able times, over many millennia, cannot prove, by inductive logic alone, without the
support of deductive-logical principles, that the sun will al ways set in the west. As
Popper (1963) told it,
Thus I w as led by purely logical considerations to replace the psychological theory of
induction by the follo wing view. Without waiting, passively, for repetitions to impress or
impose regularities upon us, we actively try to impose re gularities upon the world. We try
to discover similarities in it, and to interpret it in terms of la ws invented by us. W ithout
waiting for premises we jump to conclusions. These may have to be discarded later should
observation show that they are wrong.

This was a theory of trial and error – of conjectures and refutations. It made it
possible to understand why our attempts to force interpretations upon the w orld
were logically prior to the observation of similarities. (p. 60)
Popper’s phrases – “try to impose re gularities upon the w orld ... to disco ver
similarities in it to interpret it in terms of laws invented by us ... jump to conclusions
... force interpretations upon the w orld that were logically prior” – are Popper’ s
modest equi valents of “theory .” But, whereas “theory” connotes formality and
rigor, “conjecture” has an informal and fallible flavor. Indeed, Popper’s conception
of scientif ic method, stated in his book’ s title, Conjectures and Refutations,
expresses something similar to the notion of implicit theory – a conjecture to be
subjected to strong ef forts at refutation and to be accepted only as long as it sur -
vives those efforts.

An Empirical Approach to Controversies About Scientific

Method

The ar guments on both sides of the Aristotelian v ersus Galilean issue seem
eminently reasonable. Philosophers and scientists hold strong opinions on the
basis of impressionistic and case-study e vidence. But empirical research on

1*
“The formation or e xpression of an opinion or theory without suf ficient evidence or proof. ”
(Random House, Webster’s College Dictionary ,1991).
An Empirical Approach to Controversies About Scientific Method 31

scientific methods and their outcomes might sho w which side is more v alid in
terms of its results.

The Faust-Meehl Proposal

Consequently, F aust and Meehl (1992) proposed that scientif ic method be used to
resolve questions in the history and philosophy of science. Such an ef fort would entail
(a) identifying representati ve samples of scientif ic projects in a domain, (b) def ining
theoretically promising characteristics of the projects, such as whether or not the y were
theory-driven, (c) measuring the de gree to which the projects manifested these charac-
teristics, (d) e valuating those projects as to the scientif ic value of their yield, and then
(e) determining the degree to which the various characteristics correlated with the scien-
tific v alue of their outcomes and actually dif ferentiated between the projects on the
dimension of scientif ic v alue. The sample selection, the e valuation of yield, and the
identification of the characteristics of the projects represented in their samples, are feasi-
ble undertakings, especially in relation to the importance of the issues to be resolv ed.
In any event, the Faust-Meehl proposal sharpens appreciation of the logical invalidity
of the Chambers (1992) approach to the determination of the source and content of the
abstract concepts – their discovery and manipulation – in his conception of science. As
already noted, e ven if research on the characteristics of successful physical science
yielded intellectually significant findings, we would want, of course, to kno w whether
those f indings hold for the biological, social, and beha vioral sciences, all of which
Chambers ignored in displaying e xamples of science. Further , Chambers used what
might be called his “clinical judgment” in appraising both the track record and the
promise of approaches to research on teaching. But, as F aust and Meehl (1992)
remarked, such judgment has, with great consistenc y, had much less success, as com-
pared with actuarial methods, in predicting all sorts of outcomes. The huge body of
research on clinical versus actuarial judgment convincingly shows that even crude, non-
optimized decision procedures that combine information in a linear manner consistently
equal or exceed the accuracy of human judges (Faust & Meehl, 1992, pp. 197–198).
The Faust-Meehl proposal could be used for impro ving prediction of the scien-
tific payoff of v arious approaches to doing science, including such approaches as
formulating abstract concepts without being influenced by observ ations, which
Chambers (1992) sees as the method of great physical scientists. Even if the Faust-Meehl
proposal is ne ver carried out, it signals the untrustw orthiness on these matters of
strong opinions based on inadequate empirical e vidence.

Empirical Consensus in Defining Science

A second consequence of using empirical facts in the history of science in defining

science is that those empirical f acts include the w ays in which other philosophers
32 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

and historians of science ha ve used the term science. Thus one is led to ask, What
is the consensus among such think ers?
An example of how a philosopher of science re gards the scientific status of the
social sciences is pro vided by Glymour (1983). He f irst dismissed the notion that
“all really scientific explanations follow the pattern of a sort of logicized celestial
mechanics.” Then he asserted that
Social sciences are in large part applied sciences, closely tied to our wish to know the effects
of social policies or the causes of social phenomena. Much of the w ork in contemporary
sociology, educational research, political science, and econometrics is directed to wards such
ends, and what it produces are causal explanations ... of particular social phenomena, and
descriptions of the causal relations among social phenomena. By and large, the explanations
and descriptions produced are of a kind, and are b uttressed by the sort of ar guments that we
recognize as scientif ically rational, and their content is often useful and surprising. Social
scientific w ork of this kind produces e xplanations, causal e xplanations; and kno wledge,
causal knowledge, without producing general la ws, at least not the sort of general la ws the
critics of social science demand. In doing as much, social science follo ws a pattern that is
common throughout the sciences. It is a pattern most common in applied sciences, in epide-
miology, in biology, and in engineering. It is least common, b ut scarcely absent, in physics.
(pp. 127–128)

Thus it is f ar from a unanimous consensus among philosophers of science that

the only correct proper and honest usage of the term “science”, one that is free of
kudos-seeking pretentiousness, is one congruent with the physical sciences. In this
empirical manner, parallel to that of Chambers (1992) in dra wing upon the history
of the physical sciences, we f ind that the social and beha vioral sciences are
sciences.

Theory as the Outcome of Research

So theory is not an absolute prerequisite of scientif ic research. But v alid theory

does gain absolutely high status as an outcome, the summum bonum ,of scientific
research. Philosophers of science agree on the desirability of v alid theory as e vi-
dence that scientific research has succeeded. The prominent philosopher of science
who decried theory as the goal of science was Paul Feyerabend (1993), whose ideas
are considered below.

The Neglect of Theory in Educational Research

During the decades after World War II, American federal research agencies – such
as the National Science F oundation and the National Institutes of Health – were
established. Those agencies supported quests for theory in the physical and biological
sciences on the well-founded assumption that practical applications of scientif ic
theory would eventually contribute to society’s welfare.
Theory as the Outcome of Research 33

In empirical educational research in the U.S., however, the question of theory’s

desirability was largely ignored for a century after the or ganization in 1867 of the
U. S. Bureau of Education – an entity that later became the U.S. Of fice of Education
and then the U.S. Department of Education. In all its forms, that entity paid little
attention to theory as a goal, or as part of the method, of inquiry in education.
The neglect of explicit concern with theory has continued in present-day govern-
mental educational research agencies, in non-go vernmental educational research
programs, in the American Educational Research Association, and in state educa-
tional research organizations. Only in various foundations that support educational
research has work on theory been supported.
This neglect may have stemmed from a fallacious assumption that theory, almost
by definition, had no practical v alue. Because educational research w as supported
and pursued out of an expectation that it would lead to improvements in education,
theory seen as the opposite of practice may ha ve been re garded as a luxury to be
deferred until the urgent practical needs of education were met. Or theory may have
been regarded as something not to be sought directly b ut as something that w ould
emerge inductively, even automatically, after sufficiently large accumulations of the
results of empirical investigations.

Calls for Theory in Educational Research

In recent decades, calls for theory in educational research have been frequent. In his
presidential address to the American Educational Research Association, the phi-
losopher of science Patrick Suppes (1974) offered five kinds of argument:
1. Analogy. “The obvious and universally recognized importance of theory in the
more mature sciences, e.g., economics and psychology” can be analogized to the
“importance of theory in educational research. ” Adequate theory is generally
regarded as the basis for the distinction between empiricism and science.
2. Reorganization of experience. Theory “changes our perspective on what is impor-
tant and what is superf icial,” as when the ob vious (the sun re volves around the
earth) is replaced by the nonob vious truth (the earth revolves around the sun).
3. Recognizing complexity. Seeking theory leads to investigating how and why one
method of, say , teaching reading is better than another be yond the merely
empirical determination of the difference in their effectiveness.
4. Problem solving. By comparison with De weyan problem solving, theory mak es
it unnecessary to “begin afresh” whenever one is confronted with new problem.
5. The triviality of bare empiricism. The mere recording of f acts without generali-
zation or theory operates so that there can be no transfer of understanding from
one situation or problem to another.
Students of research on teaching ha ve often noted the lack of theory as an out-
come. “Theoretical impo verishment” w as the term used by Dunkin and Biddle
34 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

(1974) in characterizing early research in the f ield. In their “recommendations for

researchers” they held that
Perhaps the greatest problem f acing this f ield at the moment is our lack of adequate
theories of teaching that would integrate and explain its many findings. Concepts this field
has, instruments too, and f indings by the score. But what do these f indings mean ? Why is
it that a given teaching strategy appears in one type of classroom and not another, and why
does it work whereas other strategies are found to be less effective? Until adequate, empiri-
cally based theories are developed, this field will continue to exhibit a complex and some-
what chaotic visage. (p. 425)

Dunkin and Biddle (1974) pointed to a “lack of adequate theories of teaching

that would integrate and e xplain its major f indings” (p.425). The y also called for
“the development of concepts for e xpressing the processes of teaching” (p. 428),
integrating concepts into conceptual systems, and in volving the concepts in
“explanatory theories that are supported with empirical e vidence” (p. 429).
They were joined by W inne (1982, p. 14): “[T]here is much consensus that an
essential next step for the f ield’s advance is to generate and test theories. ” Another
demand for theory as a product of research on teaching w as made by Shulman
(1986a). First, he reviewed the results of process-outcome research, which he consid-
ered “easily the most vigorous and productive of the programs of research on teaching
during the past [1975–1985] decade” (p. 9). Then he observed that such research had
declined in vigor because of its “unabashedly empirical and non-theoretical tenor”
(p. 13). It had not yielded e xplanations of the reasons for the occurrences of certain
relationships between what teachers did and what students learned.

Carroll’s Model of School Learning

Carroll (1963) e xpressed a further call for a theory of teaching in his influential
“model of school learning” – a model to be described in Chap. 8. His model pro-
posed five basic classes of v ariables that w ould account for v ariations in student
achievement. Three of these components were e xpressed in terms of time. One of
the tw o “non-time” v ariables in Carroll’ s model, which he also assumed to be
related to achie vement, was Quality of Instruction. Thus, “The model is not v ery
specific about the characteristics of high quality of instruction” (Carroll, 1989,
p. 26). Here Carroll was implicitly affirming the need for theory of teaching. To the
extent that instruction is less than optimal, time needed for learning is increased.
His model mentions that teachers must (a) tell students clearly what the y are to
learn, (b) put students into adequate contact with learning materials, and (c) care-
fully plan and order students’ steps in learning.
In the present context, it is noteworthy that Carroll defined quality of instruction
only briefly, and his statement provides an implicit argument for the desirability of
a theory of teaching . A quarter -century later , Carroll (1989) reaf firmed his
position:
Questionings of the Value of Theory 35

Perhaps because the Carroll model of school learning does not deal e xtensively with
elements involved in quality of instruction, it has not been particularly influential in these
studies [of quality of instruction]. (p. 29)

That the Carroll model should deal with quality of instruction more “extensively,”
perhaps through a theory of teaching, is a logical inference from the state of af fairs
that Carroll described.

Questionings of the Value of Theory

Nonetheless, we should examine recently raised general and specific-to-teaching

questions about the desirability of theory – in the natural sciences, in literary
studies, in social science, in education as a whole, and particularly in research on
teaching.
Alongside the af firmative literature on the desirability of theory , especially
theory of teaching, we f ind other writers who gi ve the impression that the y see
little or no value in theory.

B. F. Skinner’s Position on Theory

In psychology , B. F . Skinner (1938, 1950) seemed to raise doubts about the

desirability of theory with the title of his article: “ Are Theories of Learning
Necessary?” On closer inspection, however, those doubts reflect a misinterpretation
of Skinner. The kinds of theory whose v alue Skinner questioned were those that
sought “any explanation of an observ ed fact which appeals to e vents taking place
somewhere else, at some other le vel of observ ation, described in dif ferent terms,
and measured, if at all, in dif ferent dimensions” (1938, p. 193). F or example, he
questioned theories of beha vior based on neurological e vents, perhaps because, at
the time he wrote, knowledge about neurological events was typically metaphorical
and could not support an y rigorous deri vations of beha vioral phenomena. In the
study of behavior, Skinner was questioning whether such theories – neurophysiological,
endocrinological, mental, or conceptual – are v alid or necessary for theorizing
about behavior.
The very notion of a neurological correlate implies what I am here contending – that there
are two independent subject matters (beha vior and the nerv ous system) which must ha ve
their own techniques and methods and yield their own respective observations. No amount
of information about the second will explain the f irst or bring order into it without the
direct analytical treatment represented by a science of beha vior. (p. 423)

Such attempts to e xplain phenomena at one le vel in terms of another , presumably

more basic, le vel are objectionable, said Skinner , because the y attempt to e xplain
36 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

observed events by appealing to e vents “taking place some where else, at some other
level of observ ation, described in dif ferent terms, and measured, if at all, in dif ferent
dimensions” (Skinner, 1964, p. 385). In Skinner’s view, attributing behavior to a neural
or mental e vent, real or conceptual, tended (a) to mak e us for get that we still need to
account for the neural or mental e vent, real or conceptual, because such attrib utions
were, at least in Skinner’ s day, unobservable neural and cogniti ve explanations, and
gave us unwarranted satisfaction with the state of our kno wledge.
But Skinner raised no questions about the desirability of theories of beha vior –
theories that e xplained beha vior of one kind in terms of connections between
observable behavior and observ able stimuli. Indeed, he de voted his career to the
development of such theory . And he presumably w ould have had no objection to
cognitive or neural theory that stayed at the mental or neural level, without attributing
mental or neural events to other levels.

Levels of Theory

Theories can deal with phenomena at dif ferent levels of natural science: physics,
chemistry, neurology, behavioral, and mental. Theories at the le vel of physics deal
with such concepts as force, mass, and atomic particles (e.g., electrons, protons,
neutrons, neutrinos, positrons) in w ays needed to describe and e xplain certain
phenomena, such as X-rays or the motions of physical bodies. At the level of chem-
istry, theory refers to elements (e.g., oxygen, chlorine) and compounds (e.g.,
acetylcholine) needed to e xplain such chemical processes as digestion, cardiac
rhythm, and brain acti vity. At the le vel of neurology, theories deal with the neural
structures (e.g., synapses) and pathw ays (e.g., af ferent and ef ferent) in volved in
sensing, perceiving, and remembering. At the level of behavior, theories refer to the
observable (visible, audible) actions, such as those in volved in responding,
approaching or withdrawing, positive and negative conditioning. Finally, theories at
the mental-process le vel use such concepts as w orking-memory and long-term
memory (Atkinson & Shif frin, 1968), cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957), and
cognitive load (Sweller, 1999), all in volved in learning, comprehending, problem-
solving, and teaching.

Reductionism

Skinner’s position, although not anti-theoretical, w as anti-reductionist. He can be

challenged by the success of reductionism in science – e xplaining phenomena at
one level in terms of events at another level. Reductionism has long been fruitful in
the biological and physical sciences. In genetics, explanations of secondary charac-
teristics, such as eye color and skin color, have been reduced to, first, chromosomal
differences, then dif ferences in genes, and ultimately to dif ferences in chemical
Questionings of the Value of Theory 37

processes involving DNA. In physics, matter w as reduced to compounds, then

elements, and subsequently, particles such as protons, electrons, and neutrons.
Psychologists ha ve reduced social processes to their psychological bases.
For example, we can understand free enterprise in part, by referring to the socio-
psychological process of competition. Some psychological processes have, in part,
been reduced to their neurological and glandular bases; for example, the experience
of anger results from activation of the adrenal gland by neural processes in the brain,
and those neural messages may be explained in chemical terms, such as the flow of
the chemical compound acetylcholine. Some mental processes occur at the behavioral
level, describing aspects of observ able behavior (e.g., sensing stimuli, responding
to stimuli, de veloping conditioned operants, and bringing about e xtinction by
withdrawing reinforcements).

Positions Against Theory

Despite all the fore going ar guments in f avor of theory , some writers ha ve tak en
positions against theory. They have had in mind theories in the natural sciences and
the behavioral sciences.

In Natural Science

Some anti-theory ar guments in the natural sciences hold that theory operates
against the need for thinking flexibly in doing research and imposes constraints on
creativity. Thus Paul Feyerabend (1993), an iconoclast and self-labeled “anarchist”
in the philosophy of science, saw theory as keeping thinking away from the “accidents
and conjunctures and curious juxtapositions of e vents” (quoted by Fe yerabend,
1993, p. 9, from Butterf ield, 1966, p. 66) that characterize original thinking.
“Science is essentially an anarchic enterprise, and theoretical anarchism is more
humanitarian and more lik ely to encourage progress than its la w-and-order alterna-
tives” (p. 9). As Feyerabend (1993) put it,
For e xample, we may use hypotheses that contradict well-conf irmed theories or well-
established experimental results or both. We may advance science by proceeding counter -
inductively ... Hypotheses contradicting well-conf irmed theories gi ve us e vidence that
cannot be obtained in an y other w ay. Proliferation of theories is benef icial for science,
while uniformity impairs its critical power. (p. 5)

Here Feyerabend is, however, arguing not against theory b ut against premature
“uniformity” in holding theories. His ar gument calls to mind philosophy , a disci-
pline that may be said to deal with nothing b ut theory. Yet philosophy does not
stagnate. In support of his antitheoretical position, Fe yerabend quoted Lenin, who
wrote that “History as a whole is al ways more varied ... than is imagined by e ven
the best parties” and asserted that its lessons should apply to scientists and method-
ologists as well as “parties and revolutionary vanguards” (1993, p. 9). He also noted
38 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

Hegel’s writing that “What history teaches us is this, that nations and go vernments
have never learned an ything from history.” And he quoted Albert Einstein (1951)
to the effect that
The external conditions which are set for [the scientist] by the f acts of e xperience do not
permit him to let himself be too much restricted, in the construction of his conceptual
world, by the adherence to an epistemological system. He, therefore, must appear to the
systematic epistemologist as a type of unscrupulous opportunist.

Thus Feyerabend argued that science proceeds according to no rational method.

In his view, scientists, in making progress, ha ve violated every logical principle in
the philosophy of science literature.

In Literary Studies

Although the f ield of literary studies is not a science, either natural or social, it is
noteworthy that controversies about theory’s desirability, similar in tone to those in
the natural and social sciences, have arisen in that field. A volume edited by Mitchell
(1985) contained an opening chapter titled “Against Theory,” which was followed by
twelve chapters that the editor considered to be “ A Defense of Theory.”

In Educational Research

In an y case, the dif ferences between the natural sciences and the social and
behavioral sciences might be considered to diminish the force of arguments, such
as Fe yerabend’s, based on what has happened in the natural sciences. But the
arguments of a sociologist of education (Thomas, 1997) against the desirability
of theory in educational research, although not addressed specifically to theory of
teaching and not intuiti vely plausible, deserv e attention. The y fly in the f ace of
long-accepted doctrine about the uses and consequences of theory . First Thomas
notes the ambiguity of the term “theory” – its “multiplicity of meanings” (p. 75).
It is highly re garded because of its success “in other f ields [such as the natural
sciences]” that have “no congruence in education” (p. 76). He ar gues that
theory of any kind is thus a force for conservatism, for stabilizing through the circumscrip-
tion of thought within a hermetic set of rules, procedures, and methods.... [Theory is] an
instrument for reinforcing an existing set of practices and methods in education.[It] circum-
scribes methods of thinking about educational problems and it inhibits creati vity among
researchers, policy makers, and teachers. (pp. 76–77)

Rajagapolan (1998) replied by holding that “in ar guing against theory, Thomas
himself … ends up ha ving to rely on certain well-entrenched theoretical orienta-
tions, thus pro viding an e xcellent example of the ubiquity of theory in e verything
we humans do” (p. 337). Also, he wrote, “Underlying Thomas’ s complaint [about
the ambiguity, well-nigh meaninglessness of the w ord “theory”] is the theory that
“every signifier must be attached to one and only one signif ied” (p. 343). Thomas
(1999) then replied, f irst, that Rajagopalan’ s vie w of theory as applying to all
Knowledge Outcome and Knowledge Use 39

“structured thought” w as “confusing.” Second, he re gards such usage of “theory”

as “pretentious,” “pompous,” and having “camouflaging effects.”
Thomas uses Piagetian theory as his example of the way in which theories make
thinking rigid. Here he someho w o verlooked the vigorous re visions of Piaget’ s
theory by man y writers, such as Case (1985). The ef forts to f alsify theories ha ve
necessarily entailed original, unshackled thinking. Hellman (1998) described ten of
the “great feuds in science, ” such as those between Pope Urban VIII and Galileo,
Wallis and Hobbes, Ne wton and Leibniz, and, more recently , Derek Freeman and
Margaret Mead. His ten accounts, only a small sample of controversies about theory,
illustrate the potenc y of theory in stimulating ef forts at refutation. Those ef forts
have produced genuine adv ances in human understanding in f ields as disparate as
gravitation, electromagnetism, evolution, and anthropology.

Knowledge Outcome and Knowledge Use

It is important, in considering these arguments against the desirability of theory, to

distinguish between knowledge outcome and knowledge use .

For Knowledge Producers

It is not true that, in the history of the natural and social sciences, theory has inhibited
creativity, originality, flexibility, and intellectual freedom. These assertions face the
factual contradiction that, in the natural and social sciences, as the history of major
and minor theories sho ws, and as Popper (1965) contended, theories ha ve indeed
provoked indefatigable and creative efforts to falsify them. And theories have survived
only when those efforts have failed.
As a precursor of research, theory may serv e knowledge production as a stimu-
lus of (a) researchable questions, (b) questions deri ved from previous thought, (c)
hypotheses whose testing increases the lik elihood of f indings that mak e sense in
relation to prior thought and in vestigation, and (d) hypotheses that mak e research
findings less in need of an impossible number of confirming replications. So theory
is not an indispensable precursor of outcomes of research, although it can be a valu-
able guide to research that will ha ve scientific payoff.

For Knowledge Users

For knowledge users, theory has the inestimable v alue of making e vents or proc-
esses understandable. Theory can crystallize otherwise e xtremely unwieldy stores
of factual knowledge into applicable forms. Without theory, we would have, at best,
only empirical generalizations that w ould remain unexplained, isolated from other
40 2 The Desirability and Possibility of a Theory of Teaching

phenomena, and unrelated to a co vering law into which the y can be fitted. Theory
ties together in an e xplanatory framework the inf initude of particular instances of
the operation of the theory and thus mak es them make sense. Theory, in this w ay,
serves knowledge use.
As w as easily predictable from where this discussion is located – in a w ork
devoted to the presentation of a theory of teaching – we reject Fe yerabend’s and
Thomas’s arguments against theory. To give up the quest for theory means to gi ve
up the goal of understanding why the students of some teachers achie ve the objec-
tives of teaching at a higher le vel than the students of other teachers, e ven when
non-teaching factors affecting student achie vement – such as student intelligence,
home background, and community economic status – are controlled. These differences
in student achievement are the cause of much concern, w orry, soul-searching, and
policy-examining on the part of the millions of parents of the low-achieving students.
To abandon the search for relevant theory is tantamount to abandoning the hope of
understanding teaching and of impro ving teaching for those students who most
need the improvement.
The arguments against theory will win some acceptance until a v alid theory of
teaching is de veloped. In the meantime, the ef fort should continue. The present
attempt may adv ance education either by survi ving attempts at refutation or by
stimulating the de velopment of better theory that survi ves in its turn further
attempts at refutation.
Chapter 3
The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study
of Teaching

A paradigm provides a powerful tool for describing a way of viewing a phenomenon, a

research program, a set of concepts and v ariables among which relationships will
be sought. A “scientific revolution,” in Kuhn’s view (1962), occurs when a field of
investigation manifests crises, insolv able problems, or anomalies, from which sci-
entists can e xtricate themselv es only by a “paradigm shift” – the adoption of a
fruitful new paradigm. As instances of such “paradigm shifts” in the natural sci-
ences, one could name the re volutions in the physical sciences brought about by
Newton, Kepler, Lavoisier, Curie, and Einstein. In biology, it was Darwin, Mendel,
and Pasteur who led revolutions.
Robert Merton (1955) made one of the earliest uses of the term paradigm, in his
Paradigm for the Study of the Sociology of Knowledge. But it w as only after the
appearance of Thomas K uhn’s f amous monograph, The Structure of Scientific
Revolutions (1962), that the concept become widely known and valuable in the his-
tory and philosophy of science. Since then, the term “paradigm” has been widely
used, even in e veryday discourse, as a term that stands for “model, ” “pattern,” or
“schema.” A f ixed def inition has been elusi ve, ho wever, as Masterman (1970)
showed by identifying 22 different usages of “paradigm” in K uhn’s Structure.
The first use of the term paradigm in relation to research on teaching occurred
in the chapter, “Paradigms for Research on Teaching” (Gage, 1963), written in the
spring of 1962 for the f irst Handbook of Research on Teaching, published in
February 1963. I had learned the term in 1937 from my under graduate mentor, B.
F. Skinner, when he told me that his operant conditioning represented a dif ferent
paradigm from the reflex conditioning of I. P. Pavlov.
The paradigm proposed here f its into the scientif ic approach (Phillips &
Burbules, 2000) to acquiring knowledge and understanding of social and behavioral
phenomena, such as teaching. Other , radically dif ferent kinds of paradigms ha ve
been used for the same general purpose. One of these paradigms is critical theory
(for example, Gore, 1997; Popk ewitz, 1984), which is concerned with the role of
teaching and education in developing the power of social class, gender, and ethnic
segments of society.
This chapter’s paradigm for the study of teaching e volved during the twentieth
century. It consists of six basic categories of related concepts that underlie the

N.L. Gage, A Conception of Teaching, 41

DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5_3, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
42 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

theory presented here. Variables are concepts whose referents can take on forms or
values that dif fer from one another , qualitati vely or quantitati vely. F or e xample,
gender is a concept that varies “qualitatively.” Height is a concept that varies “quan-
titatively.” In this chapter the variables will be described and illustrated in terms of
how they have entered into logical and empirical studies of teaching.

Evolution of the Paradigm

In research on teaching, the paradigm has e volved from the cumulati ve contribu-
tions of students of teaching in the period from the 1890s to the 1980s. The e volu-
tion began with a paradigm implicit in the empirical research design used by Joseph
Mayer Rice (1897; reprinted in Rice, 1913). The subsequent insertion and modif i-
cation of additional categories took place as successive thinkers filled in the overall
conception of what needed to be considered in a full attempt to e xplain teaching.

The Process-Achievement Paradigm

Rice (1897; see also Banerji, 1988) studied the relationship between v ariables in
two categories that would later be called process and achievement. In his study the
process variable was the amount of time teachers devoted to teaching spelling. The
achievement variable was the average score of the teacher’ s students on a spelling
test. The study of this relationship w as later termed the “process-product para-
digm,” shown in Fig. 3.1a, whose two boxes contain the two categories of variables,
and the arrow represents the relationship between them.

The Criterion-of-Teacher-Effectiveness Paradigm

Later, una ware of Rice’ s w ork, I identif ied the similar “criterion-of-teacher -
effectiveness” paradigm, shown in Fig. 3.1b (Gage, 1963, p. 114). It dif fered from
Rice’s process-product paradigm in allo wing for mere correlates, such as promis-
ing predictors of teaching ef fectiveness in the form of teacher characteristics, in
addition to the teaching process variables, such as Rice’s, that connoted determiners

Process
Student
Variables in
Achievement
Teaching

Fig. 3.1a The process-achievement paradigm (Rice, 1897, in Rice, 1907).

Evolution of the Paradigm 43

Potential
Correlates of Criteria of
Criteria of Teacher
Teacher Effectiveness
Effectiveness

Fig. 3.1b The criterion of teacher-effectiveness paradigm (Gage, 1963, p. 114) .

Presage
Variables

Process Outcome
Variables Variables

Fig. 3.2 The paradigm resulting from the insertion of presage v ariables.

of the achievement variables. Also, it admitted criteria of teaching other than stu-
dent achie vement – criteria such as principals’ ratings of teachers and teachers’
length of experience in teaching.

Presage Variables

Mitzel (1960) introduced the concept of presage v ariables. The term denotes
dimensions of teacher personality and teachers’ e xperience in teacher education
programs that are considered to be potential predictors, or “presages, ” of teaching
effectiveness (Fig. 3.2). As Mitzel (1960) described them,
presage variables, so-called here because of their origin in guessed-at-predict ive-value, are
from a logical standpoint completely removed from the goals of education. Their relevance
depends on an assumed or conjectured relationship to other criteria, either process or prod-
uct... There are at least four types of presage v ariables... (a) teacher personality attrib utes,
(b) characteristics of teachers in training, (c) teacher kno wledge and achievement, and (d)
in-service teacher status characteristics. (p. 1484)

Context Variables

Mitzel (1957, cited in Gage, 1963, p. 121) also introduced the cate gory consisting
of context v ariables, or , as Mitzel named them, “contingenc y f actors.” These
44 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

describe the setting, or en vironment, in which the teaching goes on: the rele vant
characteristics of the culture in the nation, re gion, community, school, classroom,
family, and student body.
Adding this cate gory to the pre vious three resulted in the four -category para-
digm used by Biddle (1964) with dif ferent terminology. For the presage cate gory,
Biddle’s term was “teachers’ properties and formati ve experiences.” He called the
context category “school and community contexts” and “classroom situations.” For
the process category, his terms were “teacher behaviors” and “immediate effects on
pupil responses.” F or the achie vement cate gory, his term w as “long-term conse-
quences,” including pupil achievement and adjustment.
But Dunkin and Biddle (1974), in their comprehensi ve, insightful re view of
research on teaching, adopted Mitzel’ s terminology: presage, conte xt, process, and
achievement (see Fig. 3.3). More recently, the Center for Research on the Context of
Teaching (McLaughlin & Talbert, 2001), described one of its monographs as dealing
with teachers’ professional communities in American high schools at the end of the
twentieth century... We describe ho w the w ork of teaching dif fered – in classroom
practice, in colleague relations, and in e xperienced careers – across three dif ferent
types of communities we found in high schools and subject departments ... (p. 2).

The Teacher’s-Thought-Processes Category

B. O. Smith (1961, p. 92) contrib uted the category for teachers’ thought processes
when he called attention, in his “pedagogical model,” to what he called the teacher’s
“intervening v ariables,” namely , the teacher’s thought processes, which foll owed

Presage
Variables

Process Outcome
Variables Variables

Context
Variables

Fig. 3.3 The paradigm resulting from the addition of conte xt variables (Mitzel, 1957).
The Teacher’s-Thought-Processes Category 45

upon the presage and conte xt variables and were antecedents of the process v aria-
bles. Shulman (1975) and his fello w members of a planning conference panel on
“Teaching as Clinical Information Processing” at the National Institute of
Education’s National Conference on Studies in T eaching (Gage & Viehover, Eds.,
1975), brought this cate gory to the fore by elaborating on its potential theoretical
significance:
Thus an understanding of ho w teachers cogniti vely construct the reality of teaching and
learning remains central to the achievement of NIE’s overall goal of developing the means
to improve the provision, maintenance, and utilization of high quality teaching personnel.
A teacher may possess the full range of rele vant instructional skills, b ut if he is unable to
diagnose situations in which a particular set of those skills is needed, the skills alone will
be insufficient. (Shulman et al., 1975, p. 2)

A decade later, Shulman (1986a) elaborated concern with teacher knowledge as

an important aspect of the teacher’ s thought processes. Here he sa w a “missing
program” in that researchers had ne glected the content of teaching. He distin-
guished between three kinds of content kno wledge: “subject matter kno wledge,
pedagogical knowledge, and curricular knowledge”:
Subject matter knowledge is that comprehension of the subject appropriate to a content
specialist in the domain... Pedagogical knowledge refers to the understanding of ho w par-
ticular topics, principles, strategies, and the like, in specific subject areas are comprehended
or typically misconstrued, are learned and lik ely to be for gotten. Curricular knowledge is
familiarity with the w ays in which knowledge is organized and packaged for instruction in
texts, programs, media, workbooks, other forms of practice, and the lik e. (p. 26)

Subsequently, Clark and Peterson (1986) were able to re view a considerable

body of research literature on teachers’ thought processes (Fig. 3.4).

Presage
Variables

Teachers'
Process Product
Thought
Variables Variables
Processes

Context
Variables

Fig. 3.4 The paradigm as modified by the addition of Teacher’s Thought Processes (B. O. Smith,
1961; Shulman et al., 1975) and the Content of T eaching (Shulman, 1986a) .
46 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

This category consists of the actions and interactions of teachers and students in
the classroom (process) and the subject-matter taught (content). Content w as clas-
sified by A Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching, and Assessing (Anderson et al.,
2001). It distinguished between four types of kno wledge to be learned: f actual
knowledge, conceptual kno wledge, procedural kno wledge, and metacogniti ve
knowledge. (These types will be described belo w.)
The Taxonomy also distinguished between six cate gories of cogniti ve process:
remember, understand, apply, analyze, evaluate, and create. Because of our empha-
ses, described and justif ied in Chap. 8, we spell out only the tw o subcategories of
remember: recognize and recall, and only one of the six subcategories of cognitive
process: understand.

The Student’s Thought Processes Category

B. O. Smith (1961) also included in his model the students’ thought processes. He
considered these processes to follo w classroom process v ariables and precede
achievement variables. When students’ thought processes are considered as stable
characteristics, such variables are considered conte xt variables – part of the situa-
tion in which the teaching occurs.
When such processes occur momentarily during classroom discourse, the y are
considered “student’s thought processes. ” Winne (1982, 1987, 1995), W inne and
Marx (1983), and Marx and W inne (1987) reviewed pertinent research and de vel-
oped a detailed rationale for their concern with the thought processes of students
(Fig. 3.5). They wrote:

Presage

Process
Teacher and Student Student
Thought Content Thought Achieve-
Processes of Processes ment
Teaching

Context

Fig. 3.5 The paradigm as modified by the addition of student’s thought processes (B. O. Smith
et al., 1967 ; Doyle, 1977; Marx & Winne, 1987).
The Variables in the Categories 47

Put briefly, between the teacher beha vior and students’ accomplishments assessed after
teaching, we inserted an e xplicit place for students’ cognitions to occur ... The cognitive
mediational model [so termed by Marx and W inne,1987] also recast the locus of causa-
tion in the performance-based model. Instead of teacher beha viors serving as the causes
of students’ learning, teacher behaviors in the cognitive mediation model became signals
for the students to use certain cognitions to learn content. The students’ cognitions were
considered the causes for learning. (Marx & W inne, 1987, pp. 270–271)

The long-o verdue realization that what the teacher teaches deserv es as much
attention in research on teaching as how she teaches should lead to a major revision
in the approach to research on teaching. Also, the terms “process–product” or
“process–outcome,” with their f actory-like connotations, should be dropped. The
term “process ↔content–achievement” should replace them. (The bidirectional
arrow is intended to symbolize the interaction between process and content.) That
is, the content of teaching should no longer be omitted from the term that describes
the research concerned with relationships between teaching and student achie ve-
ment. Accordingly, it follo ws that process ↔content–achievement research should
henceforth be the term for research aimed at disco vering relationships between
teaching – how and what teachers teach – and what students learn.
As Fig. 3.6 shows, the six categories are labeled with Capital letters. The catego-
ries can be categorized into two sets: (a) those – Categories A, B, C – that are logi-
cally antecedent of Cate gory D: and (b) Cate gories E and F that are logically
subsequent to Category D.
The relationships between all 15 pairs of categories that are either logically prior
or logically subsequent to the process ↔content events of teaching are represented
by the tw o-way arrows numbered 1–15 connecting pairs of cate gories. For exam-
ple, student achievement can affect subsequent student’s thought processes, and the
prior process↔content of teaching can influence subsequent teacher’ s thought
processes.

The Variables in the Categories

Here we e xamine and gi ve examples of the v ariety of concepts, or v ariables, that

fall within each of the cate gories.

The Presage Category

This cate gory consists of such characteristics of the teacher as gender , age, and
years of experience. It also comprises traits (stable characteristics, such as intelli-
gence, knowledge about w ays of teaching, and intro version-extraversion) both in
general and in the context of a specific subject matter. The teacher’s cognitive abili-
ties af fect her grasp of the subject matter in all its v ariations and comple xities,
48 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

including the pre viously identified pedagogical content kno wledge introduced by
Shulman (1986b).
The teacher’s knowledge of the subject she is teaching – her content knowledge
– affects the w ay she presents, e xplains, illustrates, and demonstrates the content
she wants her students to learn. The teacher’ s experiences in a teacher -education
program may influence her conceptions of teaching and her implicit v alues about
how teaching should proceed. Her pre vious experience as a teacher influences her
security and optimism about teaching.
The presage category also includes the teacher’s stable affective characteristics:
intentions, beliefs, attitudes, v alues, appreciations, and the lik e, as traits that the
teacher has acquired from e xperience, including experience in a teacher education
program.
Her personality may af fect the general demeanor of her engagement with her
tasks and students. Currently , the so-called “Big Fi ve,” dimensions of personality ,
widely accepted by psychologists (see, for e xample, Cutchin, 1999), illustrate one
way in which personality is given dimensions. Its five dimensions are the degree to
which a teacher tends to be (a) hostile versus agreeable, (b) intro verted versus
extroverted, (c) impulsi ve versus conscientious, (d) neurotic versus emotionally
stable, and (e) intellectually narrow versus intellectually open.

The Context Category

This category consists of characteristics of the nation, re gion, community, school,

and class in which teaching tak es place. The community characteristics include
urban or rural; a verage income; ethnicities. The school characteristics include stu-
dent-body size, resources for teaching, the student-teacher ratio. The class charac-
teristics include the students’ socioeconomic backgrounds, cogniti ve abilities,
ethnicities, pre vious school achie vement, and the students’ heterogeneity along
these dimensions.

The Teacher’s Thought Processes Category

This category comprises the momentary thought processes that deal with cognitive
aspects of her teaching – such as the content being taught, its organization, its facts,
concepts, and principles. Her thought processes also deal with af fective aspects of
her teaching: her attitudes, motivations, and values, and emotionally loaded behav-
iors. Her thought processes deal especially with her momentary use of pedagogical
content knowledge.
When the teacher’s thought processes are a stable characteristic of the teacher ,
the teacher’s thoughts become presage variables – how her ideas about process and
content interact to affect her teaching. When they occur in the midst of the process
The Variables in the Categories 49

of teaching, they are transitory states. Both stable and transitory thought processes
occur before, during, and after the teacher interacts with her students. Jackson
(1968) identified two kinds of teacher thought processes: preactive and interactive.
Preactive thought processes, such as planning, occur before she interacts with her
students. They call upon her kno wledge, beliefs, and values about teaching, learn-
ing, and the curriculum. The successes and failures of recent interactions affect the
teacher thought processes in planning for the ne xt round of teaching.
Interactive thought processes, occur during her interactions with students, which
Jackson found to occur as often as a thousand times per day. She thinks, for exam-
ple, about the e xplanation she is gi ving, the questions she asks, her students’
responses, and her reactions to students’ responses. She also thinks about the suc-
cess of a recent e xchange with students, about her students’ comprehension, and
about the next few steps in her teaching.
Post-interactive thought processes are those she engages in after she has had a
class period with students. These thoughts deal with such things as her satisf action
with the w ay the lesson has gone; whether she needs to change her approach; her
perception of students’ interest, attention, moti vation, and comprehension. Clark
and Peterson (1986) re viewed research on teachers’ planning, interacti ve thought
processes, and post-interactive thought processes.

The Variables in the Process ´ Content of Teaching Category

As noted earlier , only the v erbal (and not the non verbal) aspects of process
will be given detailed attention. Note that we ha ve distinguished between two
types of process: (a) cognitive processes, which refer to the student’ s mental
activities while learning and (b) teaching processes, which refer to what the
teacher is doing: v erbal beha vior; cogniti ve or social-emotional interactions
with students; interactions with the whole class, subgroups of the class, or
individual students. Of these we gi ve special attention to the types of v erbal
interaction.
The verbal process part. The v erbal aspects of the process of teaching will be
those identified by Bellack, Kliebard, Hyman, & F . L. Smith (1966), Hoetk er and
Ahlbrand (1969), and, with different terminologies, by Mehan (1979) and Goodlad
(1984):
(a)structuring (typically by a teacher, setting forth and organizing the content),
(b)soliciting (typically by a teacher asking questions of students) ,
(c)responding (typically by a student answering a teacher’ s question), and
(d)reacting (typically by a teacher after a student’ s response).
The content part. The subject-matter will be as specific as the teacher’s purposes
require. Examples of possible subject-matter -specific process v ariables are those
used in teaching paragraph analysis in reading, in teaching the use of the semicolon
in writing, in teaching the addition of numbers in arithmetic, in teaching the gas
50 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

laws in science, in teaching Shak espeare’s metaphors, and in teaching the checks
and balances in the U.S. Constitution.
Berliner (1989) argued for the study of teacher’s thought processes in relation to
student achievement. The question to be answered w as, Do contrasting groups of
teachers, that is, high and lo w groups of teachers on an y teacher-thought-process
variable, have different effects on student achievement by virtue of their connection
with kinds of teacher beha vior? Research on the ef fects of teacher thinking could
study the thought processes of groups of teachers selected for their dif fering
degrees of ef fectiveness in fostering student achie vement. Such research w ould
yield knowledge of T ype 12 connections, that is, relationships between teacher’ s
thought processes and student achievement. In the process, the research could also
throw light on relationships of T ype 10 (between teacher’ s thought processes and
process ↔ content of teaching) and Type 11 (between teacher’s thought processes
and student’s thought processes).

The Student’s Thought Processes Category

This category includes

student perceptions, e xpectations, attentional processes, moti vations, attrib utions, memo-
ries, generations, understandings, beliefs, attitudes, learning strate gies, and metacogniti ve
[monitoring-own-thoughts] processes that mediate achievement. (Wittrock, 1986b, p. 297)

All these take the form of momentary states, not long-lasting traits.

The Student Achievement Category

This cate gory represents the goal of all the fore going cate gories. It includes
achievement of cognitive objectives and can also refer to achie vement of social-
emotional objecti ves (e.g., adjustment and attitude) and psychomotor objectives
(e.g., gymnastics and dancing ). As was noted in Chap. 2, the present theory deals
only with cognitive achievement.
At the end of some teaching, do the students know, in the sense of being able to
recall or recognize, what the y should kno w? Do the y understand in the sense of
being able to summarize, explain, translate, and apply what they should be able to?
Beyond the cognitive objectives of a specif ic lesson, or course of study , educators
also value metacognitive skills: students’ abilities to monitor and control their o wn
thought processes for the purpose of fostering their o wn achievement.
This category contains the e vidence of the student’ s achievement of the objec-
tives at which the teaching w as aimed. The Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching, and
Assessing (Anderson, Krathwohl et al., 2001) describes student achievement along
two dimensions:
The Change from “Process” to “Process ´ Content” 51

(a)the Knowledge Dimension with four segments: Factual Knowledge, Conceptual

Knowledge, Procedural Knowledge, and Metacognitive Knowledge, and
(b)the Cognitive Process Dimension with six se gments: Remember, Understand,
Apply, Analyze, Evaluate, and Create.
Thus, a cognitive objective of teaching – a desired outcome – consists of a pair -
ing of a kind of Knowledge (facts, concepts, procedures, and metacognitions) with
a kind of Cognitive Process (remember, understand, apply, analyze, e valuate, and
create). For example, a cognitive educational objective might consist of (a) remem-
bering (cognitive process) the multiplication table (type of f actual knowledge); or
(b) understanding (cognitive process) the function of analogy in a passage of prose
(conceptual knowledge).

The Change from “Process” to “Process ´ Content”

What came to be known as process-product, or process-outcome, research on teach-

ing focused on ho w the process of teaching relates to student achie vement. Such
research was prominent in research on teaching from the 1960s to the 1990s. It is
represented in Fig. 3.6 by the relationships of T ype 14 between v ariables in
Category D and variables in Category F.

A
Presage
5
Variables 12
(Teacher
4
Characteristics)
3
11
2

C
D
Teacher E F
Process
Thought Students' Student
Processes Thought Achieve-
1 10 Content of 13 15
(Planning, Processes ment
Teaching
Deciding)
6
7 8
9 14
B
Context
Variables
(Teaching
Situation)

Fig. 3.6 The paradigm with all six categories, lettered A-F, and all 15 two-way arrows, numbered
1–15, indicating the two-way influences between all possible pairs of cate gories.
52 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

The revised version of this category includes the Content of Teaching along with
the Process of Teaching so as to result in a cate gory labeled (Process ↔ Content),
which refers to both the teaching process and the content being taught. But “peda-
gogical content knowledge” suggests that it is merely the content of the teacher’s
mind. Here, however, content is part of the teacher’s action and behaviors. We
hypothesize that this category will improve the explanatory power, the predictive
power, and the improvability of student achievement beyond that produced by
process-product (without content) research.

On the Process Side

Here is how the teacher teaches. Those actions and interactions tak e such forms as
the recitation and the discussion group. Here the v ariables take such forms as the
comprehensibility of explanations, the cognitive level of the questions the teacher
asks (ranging from remembering,... to creating), w ait-time (the number of seconds
the teacher waits after asking a question (see Ro we, 1974), and the helpfulness of
the teacher’s reaction to the student’s response to a question. On the students’ side,
these variables include the amount of academic learning time, or the time during
which a student attends to learning tasks that permit high success rates and are
relevant to academic objecti ves (Berliner , 1990). Af fective components of the
teacher’s actions and interactions tak e such forms as the teachers’ w armth, sup-
portiveness, permissiveness, and authoritarianism.
The classroom processes also comprise the students’ interactions with other
students and the ways in which they influence one another. Nuthall and Alton-Lee,
(1998) described careful studies of students’ interactions with other students.

On the Content Side

Here belongs what the teacher teaches – the subject matter: the f acts, concepts,
procedures, and metacognitions in the form in which the y are specified in the cur-
riculum of the subject being taught. Here one major variable is instructional align-
ment (S. A. Cohen, 1987, 1995 ), or the degree to which the content taught and the
content assessed (tested) are congruent with each other and with the objecti ves of
the teaching. The term assessment is used here to stand for all kinds of assessment:
multiple-choice tests, essay tests, observations of student performance, interviews,
portfolios (collections of students’ products), norm-referenced tests (tests that
compare one student’ s performance with that of a norm group of students), and
criterion-referenced tests (tests that compare onestudent’ s performance with an
established standard).
An example of the potential importance of combining content with process, so
as to replace process-product research with (process ↔content)-product research
The Change from “Process” to “Process ´ Content” 53

can be seen in the “somewhat disappointing” (D. W. Ryan et al., 1989, p. 28) results
of the massive process-product investigation of teaching in nine countries. Carried
out by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement
(IEA), the research dwarfed previous efforts to find relationships between teaching
and achievement.
In seeking to explain the disappointing results, we note the first of D. W. Ryan’s
“generalizations”: “Within countries, teachers differ greatly in what they teach rela-
tive to what is tested” (p. 29). Thus, the study collected data primarily on teachers’
processes, and found those processes disappointingly related to student achie ve-
ment, which was, of course, affected by the content of the teacher’s teaching, or the
degree to which that content ga ve her students “opportunity to learn. ” In Chap. 6,
we refer to “instructional alignment,” or the degree to which what is taught is simi-
lar to what is tested. The teacher’ s teaching should be described not only in terms
of her process but also in terms of her content.
A variable related to instructional alignment is transfer demand (S. A. Cohen,
1987), or “the de gree to which the stimulus conditions of instruction match the
stimulus conditions of assessment” of achie vement. This variable is considered to
be inversely related to instructional alignment; the higher the alignment, the lo wer
the transfer demand.
Another major content v ariable, further considered in Chap. 8, is cognitive
load (Sweller, 1999), or the de gree to which the (process ↔content) of teaching
(a) requires the students to split their attention, that is, pay attention to tw o or
more sources of stimuli at the same time, such as a visual presentation and a
not-closely-integrated oral presentation, (b) presents tasks with interacti ve
elements, or concepts and ideas that cannot be understood one at a time because
the meaning of one depends on the meaning of one or more others; or (c)
requires conventional problem solving as against letting students study w orked-
out examples.
Similarly, a strong case can be made for concern with student’ s thought proc-
esses in attempts to e xplain, predict, or impro ve student achie vement. Winne and
Marx (1987), in particular , argued for the v alue of incorporating data on student’ s
thought processes (Cate gory E) in the search for impro ved explanations of teach-
ing’s effects on student achievement.
The teacher’ s kno wledge of the content being taught matures as the teacher
acquires experience. As Gage (1979) put it,
Experienced teachers have often noted that their years of teaching ha ve given them exten-
sive repertoires of ef fective e xplanations, demonstrations, illustrations, e xamples, dia-
grams, and anecdotes for the myriads of concepts and principles that the y teach and the
many understandings and skills that the y help their students acquire. Just as medicine and
engineering have not shrunk from these levels of complexity in their research and develop-
ment, so research on teaching may also need to do the f ine-grained work that will yield
better ways of teaching a specif ic skill (such as long di vision) to a specif ic kind of pupil
(such as an anxious fifth-grader). (p. 273)

Shulman (1986a) formulated the concept of pedagogical content knowledge to

integrate the process and content of teaching: He wrote that
54 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

Mere content knowledge is likely to be as useless pedagogically as content-free skill. But

to blend properly the tw o aspects of the teacher ,s capacities requires that we pay as much
attention to the content aspects of teaching as we ha ve recently devoted to the elements of
the teaching process. (p. 8)

Pedagogical content knowledge manifests itself in the degree to which the teach-
ing of a particular segment of content reflects such kinds of kno wledge as
(a) the main, or most frequently taught, concepts in the content area,
(b) different conceptions of the subject, such as ho w it has been changing o ver
time, what topics have been recently become prominent, and which ones are on
the way out;
(c) metaphors, similar to similes, without the “lik e,” for e xplaining a concept or
principle;
(d) analogies that help clarify a particular concept or principle by lik ening it to a
more familiar or better understood concept or principle;
(e) examples, which give concrete and familiar instances of a particular concept or
principle;
(f) mnemonics, or memory aids, for remembering such things as the rhyming
scheme of a sonnet (abab, cdcd, efef, gg); and
(g) the difficulty of various topics, or the de gree to which students f ind them hard
to understand and the reasons for which the y are difficult.
Gess-Newsome and Lederman (1999) pro vided applications of pedagogical
content knowledge to science education.

Relationships between All Possible Pairs

On the pedagogical-content-knowledge side (Shulman, 1986b, 1987), the teacher

applies what she knows about pedagogy to the particular details of the topic within
the content being taught. Here belong the types of clarif ication (analogies, illustra-
tive cases, acronyms, structures, etc.) that teachers acquire through their experience
in teaching a given subject matter.

A Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

So the present conception of teaching is that it becomes the proper subject of theory
development when it is specif ied for the purpose of fostering a certain kind of
learning appropriate to a certain kind of curriculum. Figure 3.6 brings together the
resulting six cate gories of variables. The tw o-way arrows connecting pairs of cat-
egories denote relationships between the concepts in each pair of categories – rela-
tionships of the kind that can be re vealed by case studies, correlational studies, or
experiments.
A Paradigm for the Study of Teaching 55

The fifteen possible relationships sho wn by the arro ws in Fig. 3.6 need to be
evaluated as to their promise for theory and research. It is concei vable that strong
theoretical and empirical relationships could be found in all f ifteen cases.

Two-way Relationships Between Pairs of Categories

The influence between a pair of categories can go in either direction, depending on

which variable in the two categories occurs first. The numbers in the following list
are the same as those of the 15 tw o-way arrows shown in Fig. 3.6.
The following pairs of examples illustrates the relationship between each pair of
categories, first in one direction, then in the other . The symbol >< stands for tw o-
way influences in which the > signif ies influence from the f irst-named member of
the pair, and the < indicates the opposite direction of influence. All in all the exam-
ples illustrate the rich v ariety and comple xity of the phenomena inherent in
teaching.
1. Presage >< Context. A teacher with a need for simplicity may tend to create a
certain student grouping for her teaching. Or a school district with caring par -
ents may be willing to emplo y teachers with varied backgrounds.
2. Presage >< Teachers’ Thought Processes. Teachers with high scholastic abili-
ties make more appropriate plans for classroom processes.Or teachers’ positive
feelings about teaching lead to longer careers as teachers.
3. Presage >< Process↔Content of Teaching. Teachers with higher v erbal apti-
tude hesitate in offering alternative explanations when students do not compre-
hend the first explanation. Or confusion in the teacher’s conduct of mathematics
lessons may induce teachers to impro ve their competence in mathematics.
4. Presage >< Student Thought Processes. Teachers with a high le vel of compe-
tence in mathematics may influence students to see the logic of mathematical
ideas more clearly. Or students’ puzzlement may influence teachers to improve
their pedagogical content knowledge.
5. Presage ><Student Achievement. Teachers with rural backgrounds may foster
higher student achie vement in botan y. Or low student achie vement in mathe-
matics may affect teacher motivation for teaching science.
6. Context ><Teachers’ Thought Processes. Poor laboratory equipment for high
school chemistry may moti vate teachers to think of substitutes for missing
equipment. Or teachers’ eagerness to teach Macbeth may lead them to develop
an Elizabethan theatre in the school’s auditorium.
7. Context ><Process↔Content of Teaching. The arrival of a ne w computer f ac-
tory in town may enable teachers to raise the le vel of science content taught in
the community’s schools. Or the English teacher’s way of teaching poetry may
make the town library acquire more copies of Shak espeare’s sonnets.
8. Context >< Student’s Thought Processes. Smaller class size may make students
less hesitant about asking for help. Or student enthusiasm about de veloping a
school newspaper may lead to the school’s purchase of a small printing press.
56 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

9. Context >< Student Achievement. Reducing class size seemed to impro ve stu-
dent achie vement. Or lo w student achie vement in writing made the school
board willing to improve school libraries.
10.Teachers’ Thought Processes >< Process↔Content of Teaching. A teacher who
pondered about how to improve her classroom management skills was then able
to keep her class more engaged in learning acti vities. Or the teacher’s success in
fostering a genuine discussion made her think about why it had gone so well.
11.
Teachers’ Thought Processes >< Student’s Thought Processes. A teacher’s high
expectations of her students’ performance may raise the students’ aspirations.
Or students’ formulations of the content may influence their teacher’ s percep-
tions of her students.
12.Teachers’ Thought Processes >< Student Achievement. Teachers’ beliefs about
the importance of certain scientific facts may influence student comprehension
of that content . Or student achievement of high-level cognitive objectives may
make the teachers value that content more.
13.The Process↔Content of Teaching >< Student’s Thought Processes. Teachers’
interactions with students may influence their students’ aspirations. Or students’
interest in the content may mak e teachers use the same approach ne xt time.
14.The Process↔Content of Teaching><Student Achievement. A debate between
the two groups of students resulted in impro ved student understanding of the
issue. Or students’inability to apply a principle influenced the teacher to
arrange for an exhibit of illustrative applications.
15.Student’s Thought Processes><Student Achievement. Students’ pessimism
affected their learning to multiply fractions. Or student achievement of the abil-
ity to apply a principle raised their moti vation to learn the subject matter.

Ways of Describing the Process of Teaching

Suppose the process of teaching is described on the basis of the positions of an y

given set of processes on an y set of dimensions descripti ve of an y process. One
such dimension is teacher-centered versus student-centered.
Similarly, it might be possible to describe student achie vement of objectives on
the set of dimensions. One such set of dimensions is presented in the Taxonomy for
Learning, Teaching, and Assessing (Anderson & Krathw ohl, Eds., 2001 ), which
makes possible the description of educational achievement in any subject matter on
the basis of a set of six dimensions. Ultimately , the theory might aim at predicting
connections between the prof ile of the teaching description and the prof ile of the
achievement description.
The fifteen possible relationships sho wn by the arro ws in Fig. 3.6 need to be
evaluated as to their promise for theory and research. Although it is concei vable
that strong theoretical and empirical relationships could be found in all f ifteen
cases, the present treatment of them focuses only on those that proceed from left to
Ways of Describing the Process of Teaching 57

right to the v ery next category of the paradigm. This means that relationships will
be considered in detail only between the follo wing sets of categories:
1. Categories A and B in relation to Cate gory C
2. Cate
gory C in relation to Category D
3. Cate
gory D in relation to Category E
4. Cate
gory E in relati on to Category F
1. The relationships of Cate gories A (presage variables) and B (conte xt variables)
to Cate gory C (teacher’ s thought process): Psychologists ha ve often endorsed
the proposition that behavior is a function of the personality interacting with the
environment.
One basis for developing theory would be to classify teaching methods and prac-
tices and mak e profiles of them on the basis of specif ied dimensions. These could
then be used as descriptions of the classroom processes used by teachers.
How do the three components of the ternary relationship – teaching, learning,
and curriculum – fit into this paradigm? The answer is that the conceptual anteced-
ents of teaching are the presage, conte xt, and teacher’s thought-process categories.
That is, all of the v ariables in these cate gories shape the content and processes of
teaching. And the classroom processes, in turn, influence the students’ thought
processes and achievement.
The theory of teaching should particularly e xplain the relationships between
classroom process ↔content and student achie vement. The relationships between
presage v ariables, conte xt v ariables, teacher’ s thought processes and the
process↔content of teaching ha ve been addressed by Schoenfeld (1998). In his
Toward a Theory of Teaching-in-Context, he attempted to “provide a detailed theo-
retical account of ho w and why teachers do what the y do ‘online,’ – that is, while
they are engaged in the art of teaching” (p. 1). He was concerned with “the ways in
which the teachers’ goals, beliefs, and knowledge interact, resulting in the teachers’
moment-to-moment decision-making and actions” (p. 1). He w as engaged in
“explaining, at a f ine-grained level of detail, ho w and why teachers mak e specific
decisions and take specific actions as they are engaged in teaching” (p. 1).
Other categories of the paradigm – presage, context, and teacher’s thought proc-
ess – are central to Schoenfeld’ s focus on teachers’ specific decisions and specific
actions as the dependent variable. Connection between these cate gories and the
heart of teaching, what goes on in the classroom, is e xtremely consequential. The
present focus is on teachers’ decisions and actions as the independent v ariables
with student achievement as the dependent variable. Thus, the process ↔content-
achievement paradigm will be the focus of the present theory of teaching.
The category that interv enes between classroom process ↔content and student
achievement consists of student’ s thought processes. Although Student’ s Thought
Processes are neither visible nor audible and, hence, are not directly observ able,
they can be studied by inferences from other kinds of data described in Chap. 8.
Depending on the specif ic forms of each of these processes, the y can either foster
or hamper learning.
58 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

Intra-Category Relationships

Each cate gory contains man y concepts. Relationships between concepts can be
intra-category, that is, relationships between concepts within a single cate gory, or
inter-category, relationships between concepts in different categories.
Intra-category relationships elucidate the structure of the cate gory – its dimen-
sions and divisions. Thus, within the presage cate gory we could seek relationships
between the teacher’s scholastic aptitude and her pedagogical content kno wledge,
or between her socioeconomic background and her sensitivity to social-class differ-
ences among students.

Inter-Category Relationships

Inter-category relationships show how a concept or variable in one category relates

to one in a different category. One frequently studied relationship of this kind is the
process↔content-achievement relationship. Perhaps the most frequently studied
inter-category relationship has been that between the “process, ” a part of the
process↔content category, and the “outcome,” as the student-achievement category
was called. In 1986, it w as characterized as “easily the most vigorous and produc-
tive of the programs of research on teaching during the past decade” (Shulman,
1986a, p. 9). The reason for this strong interest in process ↔content-outcome
research is easily understood. The raison d’être of teaching is beneficial effects on
students. However interesting relationships between other pairs of cate gories may
be, most persons concerned with teaching are interested in understanding and
improving its effectiveness. In the present terminology that interest tak es the form
of process↔content-achievement research.

Multivariate Relationships

Relationships can also be multi variate in the sense that tw o or more v ariables can
correlate with a third, as in a multiple correlation. An e xample would be Rx.yz , the
correlation between x (achievement) and the student’s (y) scholastic aptitude and (z )
prior knowledge. Or the relationship between two variables can be studied in terms
of how a third v ariable is held constant, as in partial correlation, rxy,z. An example
would be the correlation between x (achievement) and y (scholastic aptitude) with
z (socioeconomic status) held constant.
The lar ge number of concepts or v ariables within each of the six cate gories
indicates the enormous number of relationships that could possibly be studied. This
enormousness requires that only a few of these relationships be chosen for theoriz-
ing, that is, for an attempt to e xplain their relationships. Choices here will reflect
the investigators’ interests and concerns.
Ways of Describing the Process of Teaching 59

Presage variables can be studied in relationship to context variables to determine

whether teachers with higher scholastic achie vement tend to be emplo yed in
wealthier communities. Presage v ariables can be studied in relation to teacher
thought process variables to determine whether differences in say, teacher scholas-
tic aptitudes tend to be associated with dif ferences in teacher’s thought processes.
Similarly, context variables can be studied in relation to teacher’s thought processes
to determine whether teachers in smaller classes tend to gi ve more thought to the
learning difficulties of individual students. Or a presage variable such as the teach-
er’s experiences in her teacher education program can be studied as to whether they
are related to the thoroughness of the teacher’s planning of her teaching. Similarly,
relationships can be sought between teacher’s thought processes and their teaching
as described in the process↔content category.
An analogy with medical research w ould recognize the importance of all of the
research that leads to the de velopment of ef fective forms of diagnosis and treat-
ment. For diagnosis, the de velopment of X-rays, the identif ication of bacteria and
viruses, the development of instruments such as microscopes, magnetic resonance
indicators (MRIs), and so on, are undertak en. For treatment, the de velopment of
pharmaceuticals and sur gical techniques are a part of the v ast medical enterprise.
The development of effective means of diagnosis and treatment requires the contri-
butions of all of the fore going research enterprises.
But, in the end, medical science and technology focus on the attainment of desir-
able results – in bringing about cures, reco veries, good health, and longevity – and
on the treatments that ha ve such ef fects. In medicine, this focus has led to
“treatment-process research” (Dubois & Brown, 1988; Wennberg, 1989), an approach
sharing many of the attributes of process↔content-achievement research on teach-
ing. Such medical research seeks to identify relationships between the kind of
treatment given patients and the patients’ subsequent health.
The present theory is aimed at xeplaining relationships between process↔content
variables and student achievement variables. The relationships can take the form of
correlations or ef fect sizes i.e., standardized dif ferences between the ef fects of
treatments.
Content refers to what is taught: the subject, the concepts within that subject, the
relationships between concepts in that subject, the facts, and principles in that sub-
ject, and so on. Different formulations of content apply to different subject matters.
The content of English literature is formulated along lines that differ markedly from
the content of chemistry.

Instructional alignment

But one variable characteristic of the content that is hypothesized to correlate with
student achievement of the objectives of the teaching in that content is the content’s
“instructional alignment. ” This term designates the similarity , or congruence,
between the content taught and the assessments of achievement in that content area.
60 3 The Evolution of a Paradigm for the Study of Teaching

One hypothesizes that achie vement will be high. If the instructional alignment is
high. That is, there should be a positive correlation between the instructional align-
ment of the teaching and the student achie vement of the objecti ves of that
teaching.
The process component of the process↔content category refers, to put it sim-
ply, to the way in which the teaching has gone on. Here, the number of descriptive
concepts is also indefinitely large. But the one on which we focus first is instruc-
tional time, or the aspects of the duration of time during which the teaching of a
particular part of subject matter , or content, has proceeded (Ben-P aretz &
Bromme, 1990).
Another concept in the content part of the process ↔content cate gory, is the
resultant of the teacher’ s pedagogical content knowledge (Shulman, 1986a; 1987;
Gess-Newsome & Lederman, Eds., 1999). Such pedagogical content kno wledge
manifests itself in the degree to which the teaching of a particular se gment of con-
tent reflects (a) the main, or most frequently taught concepts in the content area, (b)
different conceptions of the subject such as ho w it has been changing o ver time,
what topics have been recently become prominent, and which ones are on the w ay
out; (c) metaphors, similar to similes, without the “lik e,” (d) analogies that helped
clarify a particular concept by lik ening it to a more f amiliar or better understood
concept or principle; (e) examples, which give concrete and familiar instances of a
particular concept or principle, (f) mnemonics, or memory aids, for remembering
such things as the rhyming scheme of a sonnet (abab, cdcd, efef, gg); and (g) the
difficulty of various, i.e., topics or the de gree to which students f ind them hard to
understand.
Chapter 4
A Conception of the Process of Teaching

How teaching happens, what the teacher and students say and do, what students
experience as the y see and hear the teacher and their classmates in the classroom
– all these and more add up to the process of teaching. “Teaching” encompasses
what teachers do in helping their students learn and perform the tasks – listening,
thinking, speaking, reading, writing, solving problems, answering questions, inves-
tigating, and so on – as prescribed, recommended, or suggested by the teacher. The
process of teaching should be inte grated with the content of teaching. The f acts,
ideas, knowledge, understandings, concepts, principles, acti vities, theories, proce-
dures, and the like, help students understand the curriculum.
Since antiquity, Plato and other philosophers ha ve devised, demonstrated, and
advocated various processes of teaching. Broudy (1963) de veloped the historical
narrative on processes of teaching into the nineteenth century .
One e xample of eighteenth century writing on the process of teaching is
Rousseau’s Émile, which e xemplified a “romantic” vie w of good teaching – one
that gave students well-nigh complete freedom to explore on their own. Wallen and
Travers (1963) wrote about Rousseau and his predecessor , Froebel, as follows:
Like Rousseau …. [Froebel was influenced by the concept that development will proceed
harmoniously of its o wn accord if the child is pro vided with a suitable en vironment.
Emphasis w as placed on the indi vidual w orth of each child, and teacher beha vior had
to be such that it did not do violence to the natural la ws of the gro wing organism. The
teacher must be permissive so that the natural process of development will not be violated.
(p. 455)
Skinner (1974), the f amous beha viorist, of fered this comment on Rousseau’ s Émile :
His name is Émile. He w as born in the middle of the eighteenth century in the f irst flush
of the modern concern for personal freedom. His f ather was Jean-Jacques Rousseau. But
he had man y foster parents, among them Pestalozzi, Froebel, and Montessori, do wn to
A. S. Neill and Ivan Ilich. He is an ideal student. Full of goodwill to ward his teachers and
his peers, he needs no discipline. He studies because he is naturally curious. He learns
things because they interest him.
Unfortunately, he is imaginary. He was quite explicitly so with Rousseau, who put his
own children into an orphanage and preferred to say ho w he w ould teach his f ictional
hero, but the modern version of the free and happy student to be found in books by P aul
Goodman, John Holt, Jonathan K ozol, or Charles Silberman is also imaginary .
Occasionally a real example seems to turn up. There are teachers who would be success-
ful anywhere – as statesmen, therapists, businessmen, or friends – and there are students

N.L. Gage, A Conception of Teaching, 61

DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5_4, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
62 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

who scarcely need to be taught, and together they sometimes seem to bring Émile to life.
And unfortunately the y do so often enough to sustain the old dream. But Émile is a
willow-the-wisp, who has led many teachers into a conception of their role which could
prove disastrous. (p. 3)

Even in the relatively short history of empirical research on teaching, that is, in the
second half of the twentieth century , empirical researchers have formulated, advo-
cated, and studied man y kinds of teaching. Empirical research be gan in the 1890s
with the pioneering w ork of Joseph Mayer Rice (1897), b ut cited in Rice (1913) .
Since then, researchers have developed and studied a large array of different kinds
of process. Rice found no correlation between amount of time used by the teachers
for teaching spelling and the achie vement of their students on a spelling test. He
used this finding to inveigh against “the spelling grind.”

Models of the Process of Teaching

A model of the process of teaching is a specific and integrated set of teaching prin-
ciples and practices for use by teachers who accept the model’ s implicit or explicit
conception of effective teaching. Models often contain special materials and manu-
als for the teacher using the model. Books describing collections of models of
teaching have brought together, defined, and described groups of models. One fre-
quently updated collection – Models of Teaching (Joyce, Weil, & Calhoun, 2000)
– identified, categorized, and described four “families” of models containing a total
of 20 models of teaching shown in Table 4.1.
Researchers have studied some of these varieties of process to see how effective
they are in helping students achie ve cogniti ve objecti ves. Some models are also
designed to foster the achievement of social and emotional objectives.

Two Categories of Models

Probably none of these 20 models of teaching, with one exception discussed below,
has been studied and used by more than a fe w thousand of the 3.5 million U.S.
teachers (National Center for Education Statistics, 2000, p. 48).* We make it easier
to understand these models by putting them into tw o cate gories, namely ,
Progressive-Discovery-Constructivist models in grades 1–12 and Con ventional-
Direct-Recitation models.

*
I was unable to find a statistical survey of how often these or other models are used.
Two Categories of Models 63

Table 4.1 Four families of teaching models

A. The social family
Partners in learning
Role playing
Jurisprudential inquiry
Personality and learning styles
Inquiring on social models
B. The information-processing family
The basic inductive model
Concept attainment
Scientific inquiry and inquiry training
Memorization
Synectics (creative thought)
Learning from presentations
Developing intellect
Inquiring on information – processing
C. The personal family
Nondirective teaching
Concepts of self
Inquiring on personal models
D. The behavioral systems family
Mastery learning and programmed instruction
Direct instruction
Learning from simulations
Source: Joyce et al. (2000)

Progressive–Discovery–Constructivist Teaching

The three terms – progressi ve, discovery, constructivist – represent a chronology .

During the first half of the twentieth century in the United States, progressi ve edu-
cation’s way of teaching was much discussed, but far from widely used. During the
third quarter of the twentieth century, discovery teaching was fairly widely consid-
ered. In the last quarter of the twentieth century , constructivist teaching recei ved
much attention from professors of education. All three kinds of teaching allo wed
students much freedom to choose their acti vities according to their interests and
prior knowledge of the content, so that for substantial periods of time the y could
select and carry out their acti vities on their o wn initiative, with some guidance, of
course, from the teacher.
Constructivism is still, early in the twenty-f irst century, a thri ving concern of
educators writing on teaching and teacher education. Among these are F osnot
(1996), Greer , Hudson, and W iersma (1999), Phillips (1985), and Richardson
(1997). Hence, we consider it here. Table 4.2 shows, in an inventory on constructiv-
ist practices, a brief example of what constructivist teaching entails.
Hirsch (1996) pointed out that:
constructivism is not only desirable, it is also universal. It characterizes all meaningful learn-
ing no matter how derived. The nature of one’s constructed understanding is normally irrelevant
64 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

Table 4.2 The constructivist teaching inventory

A. Community of learners
1. Interaction to support the challenging and clarifying of ideas ( frequently ;occasionally;
seldom)occurs.
2. Climate of the classroom is ( primarily challenging ,consistently pushing understanding;
somewhat challenging; primarily non-challenging, does not push understanding).
B. Teaching strategies
1. Teacher’s primary role is to ( facilitate critical student inquiry, not to provide knowl-
edge, skills, and answers; provide students with knowledge, skills, and answers and to a
lesser extent facilitate student critical inventory; provide knowledge, skills, and answers
and not to facilitate students’ critical inquiry).
2. Teacher (intentionally provides; provides, but not intentionally; does not intentionally
provide) students with opportunities for cognitive disequilibrium appropriate for their
cognitive understanding.
C. Learning activities
1. Activities are (seldom; moderately; readily) adaptable to accommodate individual stu-
dents’ interests, needs, and abilities.
2. Opportunities for both confirming and disconfirming solutions are ( frequently ;
occasionally; rarely) provided.
D.Curriculum-assessment
1. Selection of content for teaching is (almost ne ver; occasionally;frequently) based on
students’ interests, prior knowledge, and/or particular learning needs.
2. Teacher (seldom; occasionally; frequently) organizes knowledge and skills to be learned
in such a way that relationships among them are ob vious.
Source: Greer et al., (1999) Sample items from the four categories, with constructivist alternatives
in bold italics

to the means by which one constructed it …. Hearing a lecture – in the e vent that one is
understanding it – requires an active construction of meaning. Listening, like reading, is far
from being a passive, purely receptive activity. (p. 134)

Despite occasional critical voices, many professional students of teaching f avor

Progressive–Discovery–Constructivist teaching (PDC). Because constructi vist
teaching resembles discovery teaching, it probably has the same shortcomings that
Ausubel (1963, pp. 139–175) found in discovery teaching. Table 4.3 shows his version
of twelve claims of advocates of learning by discovery – claims Ausubel effectively
refuted.
After f inding none of these ideas to be justif ied on logical grounds, Ausubel
examined the empirical evidence on the effectiveness of learning by disco very. He
found that both the short-term and long-term studies provided inadequate evidence
because of various methodological shortcomings, such as (a) f ailure to control for
the “Hawthorne Effect” (that is, improvement that occurs merely as a result of the
group’s perception of their being singled out for special treatment) and (b) absence
of a control group.
An abundantly documented attack on PDC teaching w as provided by Kirschner, Sweller,
and Clark (2006). The y held that PDC teaching, which the y labeled “minimally guided
instruction,” is likely to be ineffective. The past half-century of empirical research on this
Two Categories of Models 65

Table 4.3 Statements on discovery learning

1. “All real knowledge is self-discovered”
2. “Meaning as an exclusive product of creative, non-verbal discovery”
3. “Subverbal awareness as the key to transfer”
4. “The discovery method in transmitting subject-matter content”
5. “Problem-solving ability as the primary goal of education”
6. “Training in the ‘heuristics of disco very’”
7. “Every child a creative and critical thinker”
8. “Expository teaching as authoritarianism”
9. “Discovery organizes learning effectively for later use”
10. “Discovery as a unique generator of moti vation and self-confidence”
11. “Discovery as a prime source of intrinsic moti vation”
12. “Discovery and the ‘conservation of memory’”
Considered unsubstantiated by Ausubel (1963, pp. 139–175)

issue has pro vided o verwhelming and unambiguous e vidence that minimal guidance
during instruction is signif icantly less ef fective and ef ficient than guidance specif ically
designed to support the cognitive processing necessary for learning. (p. 76)

Further,
After a half-century of adv ocacy associated with instruction using minimal guidance, it
appears that there is no body of research supporting the technique. In so f ar as there is any
evidence from controlled studies, it almost uniformly supports direct, strong instructional
guidance rather than constructivist-based minimal guidance during the instruction of no v-
ice-to-intermediate learners. Ev en for students with considerable prior kno wledge, strong
guidance while learning is most often found to be equally effective as unguided approaches.
Not only is unguided instruction normally less ef fective; there is also evidence that it may
have negative results when students acquire misconceptions or incomplete or disorganized
knowledge. (pp. 83–84)

The question of whether the comparisons between PDC and CDR were made on
the basis of assessments that w ould be considered f air to PDC teaching can be
considered in terms of the kinds of outcomes measured in the studies cited by
Kirschner et al., (2006). Here a typical statement, of a kind that occurs repeatedly ,
is the following:
Klahr and Nigam (2004), in a very important study, not only tested whether science learn-
ers learned more via a discovery versus direct instruction route but also, once learning had
occurred, whether the quality of learning differed. Specifically, they tested whether those
who had learned through discovery were better able to transfer their learning to new con-
texts. The f indings were unambiguous. Direct instruction, in volving considerable guid-
ance, including examples, resulted in vastly more learning than discovery. Those relatively
few students who learned via disco very showed no signs of superior quality of learning.
(pp. 79–80)

Three replies to the Kirschner -Sweller-Clark ar gument appeared in the

next volume of the same journal. The f irst (Schmidt, Lo yens, van Gog, & P aas,
2007) ar gued that “Problem-based learning is compatible with human cogniti ve
architecture.” T o this ar gument Sweller , Kirschner , and Clark responded that
66 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

problem-based learning “does indeed deemphasize guidance” (p. 115) and thereby
increase cogniti ve load. The second (Hmelo-Silv er, Duncan, & Chin, 2007)
objected to the characterization of problem-based learning and inquiry learning as
unguided disco very learning which increases cogniti ve load because “Surely the
raison d’etre of problem-based learning is to deemphasize direct instructional
guidance (p. 115). The third (Kuhn, 1962) objected to the Kirschner-Sweller-Clark
argument on the grounds that it ignored the problem of what to teach by focusing
on the less important issue of how to teach. The three papers lea ve the case for
conventional-direct-recitation (CDR) teaching still ar guable in a w ay that calls
for the sharpening of the issue by means of further e xperimentation. The case
against the desirability of a theory of PDC teaching gets stronger when we consider
studies of how most teachers actually teach, as summarized belo w.

Conventional–Direct–Recitation Teaching

As we’ve already noted, observations and other evidence suggest that most, by far,
of 3.5 million U.S. teachers in grades 1–12 are still using a different model, namely,
Conventional-Direct-Recitation (CDR) teaching. CDR designates a contrasting,
non-PDC f amily of teaching. The term “con ventional” refers to the ubiquity of
CDR teaching since early in the twentieth century in the United States. vestigations
In
of how teachers have taught (for example, Cuban, 1984, 1988; Goodlad, 1984), and
are presumably still teaching, have supported the inference that most U.S. teachers
practice CDR teaching.
The term “direct” refers to teaching that is teacher-directed and structured, so that
the teacher chooses most student activities. The term “recitation” refers to the almost
universal pattern whereby the teachers ask questions, and the students respond.
The CDR model flourished in the U.S. throughout the twentieth century ,
even as alternati ves of the PDC kind were widely discussed and adv ocated.
Rosenshine (1987) described CDR teaching as “explicit,” and listed its compo-
nents as follows:
• Begin a lesson with a short statement of goals.
• Begin a lesson with a short re view of previous, prerequisite learning.
• Present new material in small steps, with student practice after each step.
• Give clear and detailed instructions and e xplanations.
• Provide a high level of active practice for all students and obtain responses from
all students.
• Guide students during initial practice.
• Provide systematic feedback and corrections.
• Provide explicit instruction and practice for seatwork exercises and, when necessary,
monitor students during seatwork.
• Continue practice until students are independent and conf ident (p. 76).
Two Categories of Models 67

Rosenshine and Meister (1995, pp. 143–149) identified five variations of “direct
teaching”:
(a) theteacher-led meaning;
(b) the teacher effectiveness meaning, that is, a set of teaching actions derived from
empirical research on teacher effectiveness;
(c) the cogniti ve strate gies meaning, in which researchers de veloped w ays of
teaching cognitive strategies – such as summarizing, reading comprehension,
and question-generation – and labeled their teaching “direct teaching”;
(d) the DISTAR (Direct Instructional Systems in Arithmetic and Reading) meaning,
which referred to (i) an explicit step-by-step strategy; (ii) development of mastery
at each step in the process; (iii) specific strategy corrections for student errors; (iv)
gradual transition from teacher -directed activities toward independent w ork; (v)
use of adequate and systematic practice through a range of e xamples of the task;
(vi) many classroom settings in which instruction is led by the teacher, particularly
settings in which the teacher lectures and the students sit passi vely, and (vii) the
undesirable-teaching meaning, which refers to direct teaching as “authoritarian, ”
“regimented,” “fact accumulation at the e xpense of thinking-skill de velopment,”
and “focusing on tests.” (Rosenshine & Meister, 1995, pp. 143–149);
(e) Another usage of “direct instruction,” referred to a model developed by Engelmann
(1980) that emphasizes the use of carefully prepared lessons, designed around a
highly specified knowledge base and a well-def ined set of skills for each subject.
A central element of the theory underlying Direct Instruction is that clear instruc-
tion eliminates misinterpretations and can greatly improve and accelerate learning.
(American Institutes for Research, 1999, p. 63);
(f) Cuban (1988) used the term “teacher-centered instruction” as his label for what
was essentially CDR:
A cumbersome phrase, teacher -centered instruction tries to capture a common
form of instruction where teachers generally teach to the whole group of
students in a class, sho w high concern for whether students are listening, con-
centrate mostly on subject matter and academic skills, and, in general, control
what is taught, when, and under what conditions. (p. 27);
(g) Jo
yce et al. (2000) provided another description:
The most prominent features [of CDR teaching] are an academic focus, a high
degree of teacher direction and control, high e xpectations of pupil progress, a sys-
tem for managing time, and an atmosphere of relati vely neutral affect. (p. 338);
(h) Burns (1984) summarized “descriptors of direct instruction gleaned from the recent
reviews of research on teaching” (p. 106). His compilation is sho wn in Table 4.4.
In short, CDR teaching is relati vely highly structured, and the student plays a
seemingly, but not actually, passive role along lines established by the teacher . Of
the 20 models described by Jo yce et al. (2000), CDR is probably by f ar the most
widely used. Cuban’s history, How Teachers Taught (1984) described CDR as the
almost universal process of teaching in the United States between 1890 and 1980.
Goodlad’s A Place Called School (1984) , in describing the process of teaching
68 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

Table 4.4 Snapshot data: rank order of activities by probability of students having been observed
participating in each at any particular moment
Early elementary activity % Upper elementary activity %
Writtenwork 28.3 Writtenwork 30.4
Listening to explanations/lectures 18.2 Listening to explanations/lectures 20.1
Preparation for assignments 12.7 Preparation for assignments 11.5
Practice/performance – physical 7.3 Practice/performance – physical 7.7
Use of AV equipment 6.8 Use of AV equipment 5.5
Reading 6.0 Reading 5.3
Student non-task behavior – 5.7 Student non-task behavior – 4.9
no assignment no assignment
Discussion 5.3 Discussion 4.8
Practice/performance – verbal 5.2 Practice/performance – verbal 4.4
Taking tests 2.2 Taking tests 3.3
Watching demonstrations 1.5 Watching demonstrations 1.0
Beingdisciplined 0.5 Beingdisciplined 0.4
Stimulation/roleplay 0.2 Stimulation/roleplay 0.3
Junior high activity % Senior high activity %
Writtenwork 21.9 Writtenwork 25.3
Listening to explanations/lectures 20.7 Listening to explanations/lectures 17.5
Preparation for assignments 15.9 Preparation for assignments 15.1
Practice/performance – physical 14.7 Practice/performance – physical 12.8
Use of AV equipment 5.5 Use of AV equipment 6.9
Reading 4.2 Reading 5.8
Student non-task behavior – 4.2 Student non-task behavior – 5.1
no assignment no assignment
Discussion 4.1 Discussion 4.5
Practice/performance – verbal 3.6 Practice/performance – verbal 2.8
Taking tests 2.8 Taking tests 1.9
Watching demonstrations 1.5 Watching demonstrations 1.6
Beingdisciplined 0.2 Beingdisciplined 0.1
Stimulation/roleplay 0.2 Stimulation/roleplay 0.1
Source: Burns (1984, p. 107)

observed in use by 1,017 teachers (f ar more than an y other observational study of

teaching), made it v ery likely that U.S. teachers are still teaching according to the
CDR model. Thus, we can safely conclude that the CDR model survi ved through-
out the twentieth century , while PDC-style alternati ves were much adv ocated, but
not used nearly as often.

Empirical Studies of the Process of Teaching

Empirical studies of teaching processes ha ve used a variety of methods: historical,

stenographic, and observational methods.
Empirical Studies of the Process of Teaching 69

A Historical Study

Cuban’s How Teachers Taught (1984) provided historical information on what kind
of teaching occurred in U.S. classrooms during the twentieth century . Cuban used
an array of non-observational kinds of evidence:
how classroom furniture and space were arranged, what manner of grouping for instruction
the teacher used (whole class, small groups, and so forth), classroom talk by teacher and
students, activities that students and teacher engaged in (recita tion, discussion, reports, tests,
film, lecture, and so forth), and the amount of physical movement allowed the student within
the classroom. These cate gories were visible signs of ho w teacher-centered the class w as.
As it turned out, the de grees of difference over the decades were quite small (pp. 28–29).

From these kinds of evidence, Cuban inferred the following:

To the question—how did teachers teach?—answers can now be drawn from a substan-
tial body of evidence, direct and contextual, from 1900 clearly showing what the central
teaching tendency was and what variations of that dominant strain existed. Precision in
methodology and sampling of historical sources were limited. Ho wever, the collection
of almost 7,000 different classroom accounts, and results from studies in numerous set-
tings, revealed the persistent occurrence of teacher-centered practices since the turn of
the century [italics added]—at the sizable risk of dulling a reader’ s sensibilities by
presenting similar patterns and numbers. This historical inquiry into classroom instruc-
tion and the imprecise responses were in the spirit of one researcher [Tukey, 1962], who
said, “Far better an approximate answer to the right question, which is often vague, than
an exact answer to the question which can al ways be made precise.” (p. 238)

Cuban inferred that, from 1890 to 1980, despite widespread and intense discus-
sion, advocacy, and rationalizing rhetoric f avoring PDC teaching – the majority of
U.S. teachers continued to use CDR. In summary , Cuban (1984) wrote:
Drawn from a large number of varied sources in diverse settings, over nearly a century, the
data show striking convergence in outlining a stable core of teacher -centered instructional
activities in the elementary school and, in high school classrooms, a remarkably pure and
durable version of the same set of acti vities. (p. 238)

Observational Studies

Researchers’ observations of classrooms were rare until about 1960. Some of the
better kno wn observ ational studies were done by Bellack, Kliebard, Hyman, &
Smith (1966), Hoetk er and Ahlbrand (1969), Mehan (1979), and Goodlad (1984).
Although the researchers used different terminologies, the overall portrait suggested
great uniformity in how teaching went on throughout the twentieth century for virtu-
ally all grade levels and subject matters. CDR teaching apparently pre vailed.

Bellack et al. (1966)

Within the uniformity of the CDR model of teaching, we f ind what Bellack et al.
(1966) called, in the title of their extraordinarily thorough monograph, The Language
70 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

of the Classroom. This “language” w as derived from a study of the w ay in which

15 teachers taught a unit on international trade in 15 high school classes. The
researchers analyzed their teaching in terms of a series of c ycles, or sets of
exchanges, between the teacher and the students.
In their complete form, these c ycles consist of v arious combinations of what
Language’s authors called “moves,” namely, “structuring,” “soliciting,” “responding,”
and “reacting,” defined in Table 4.5. The cycle is then repeated in a v ariety of ways,
with one or more of its components either repeated or omitted within a c ycle.
The findings of Bellack et al., were supported by the non-observational work of
Smith, Meux, Coombs, Eierdam, & Szok e. (1962) in “ A Study of the Logic of
Teaching”:
In its normal course, a discussion in progress exhibits a characteristic development. Certain
forms of utterances are used to enjoin or in vite immediate reply; other forms are con ven-
tionally understood to forestall or prohibit immediate response [compare Bellack et al. ’s
Structuring]. A direct question, addressed either to a gi ven person or to the group at lar ge,
conventionally demands some kind of responding action on the part of the indi vidual or
group addressed [compare Bellack et al. ’s Soliciting]. A rhetorical question, on the other
hand, is commonly understood to be uttered for its dramatic or rhetorical ef fect, but some
do serve to trigger discussion. When a reply is made to a direct question [compare Bellack
et al.’s Responding], it is also a con vention that the reply itself be ackno wledged in some
way, at least by w ord or gesture if not by further responding commentary or questioning
[compare Bellack et al.’s Reacting ].(p. 12)
Some of these moves might be omitted in a teaching c ycle, as shown in Table 4.6 .
A direct question, addressed either to a gi ven person or to the group at lar ge, conventionally
demands some kind of responding action on the part of the individual or group addressed [com-

Table 4.5 Definitions of structuring, soliciting, responding, and reacting

1.1. Structuring (STR). Structuring moves serve the function of setting the context for subsequent
behavior by (1) launching or halting-e xcluding interactions between teacher and pupils, and
(2) indicating the nature of the interaction in terms of the dimensions of time, agent, activity,
topic and cognitive process, regulations, reasons, and instructional aids. A structuring mo ve
may set the context for the entire classroom game or a part of the game.
1.2. Soliciting (SOR). Moves in this cate gory are intended to elicit (a) an acti ve verbal response
on the part of the persons addressed; (b) a cogniti ve response, e.g., encouraging persons
addressed to attend to something; or (c) a physical response.
1.3. Responding (RES). Responding moves bear a reciprocal relationship to soliciting moves and
occur only in relation to them. Their pedagogical function is to fulf ill the expectation of the
soliciting moves and is, therefore, refle xive in nature. Since solicitations and responses are
defined in relationship to each other, there can be no solicitation that has not intended to elicit
a response, and no response that has not been directly elicited by a solicitation.
1.4. Reacting (REA). These mo ves are occasioned by a structuring, soliciting, responding, or a
prior reacting move, but are not directly elicited by them. Pedagogically , these moves serve
to modify (by clarifying, synthesizing, or expanding) and/or to rate (positively or negatively)
what is said in the mo ve(s) that occasioned them. Reacting mo ves differ from responding
moves: while a responding move is always directly elicited by a solicitation, preceding moves
serve only as the occasion for reactions. For example, the rating by a teacher of a student’ s
response is designated a reacting move; that is, the student’s response is the occasion for the
teacher’s rating reaction but does not actively elicit it.
Source: Bellack et al. (1966, pp. 16–19)
Empirical Studies of the Process of Teaching 71

Table 4.6
1. STR
2. STR SOL
3. STR REA
4. STR REA REA…
5. STR SOL RES…
6. STR SOL RES RES…
7. STR SOL REA
8. STR SOL REA REA…
9. STR SOL RES REA
10. STR SOL RES REA REA…
11. STR SOL RES REA RES…
12. STR SOL RES REA RES… REA …
13. SOL
14. SOL RES
15. SOL RES
16. SOL REA
17. SOL REA REA…
18. SOL RES
19. REA REA REA
20. REA REA…
21. SOL RES REA RES…REA
…REA …
STR structuring, SOL soliciting, RES responding, REA reacting

pare Bellack et al. ’s Soliciting]. A rhetorical question, on the other hand, is commonly under -
stood to be uttered for its dramatic or rhetorical ef fect, but some do serve to trigger discussion.
When a reply is made to a direct question [compare Bellack et al. ’s Responding], it is also a
convention that the reply itself be acknowledged in some way, at least by word or gesture if not
by further responding commentary or questioning [compare Bellack et al. ’s Reacting]. (p. 14)

The wide applicability of the kind of analysis of teaching de veloped by Bellack

and those who reported subsequently was described by Gage (1979) as follows, on
the basis of a report by Bellack (1976):
During the following decade, that analysis was found useful in about thirty-five related stud-
ies describing teaching at every grade level from elementary through college; in subjects as
varied as reading, arithmetic, mathematics, science, teaching, and nursing; in six other coun-
tries (Sweden, Finland, Australia, Germany, Canada, and Japan); and in such varied settings
as indi vidualized instruction, mathematics in “open” elementary school classrooms, and
early education programs. In all these studies, the pattern of structuring, soliciting, respond-
ing, and reacting was found to occur in clearly def ined ways. (pp. 273–274)

Hoetker and Ahlbrand (1969)

In a study of nine junior high-school English teachers, Hoetk er and Ahlbrand

(1969) found that those classes “beha ved very precisely [as sho wn in T able 4.7]
according to Bellack et al.’s ‘rules.’” According to Nuthall and Snook (1973),
72 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

Table 4.7 Comparisons between selected mean measures of classroom v erbal beha vior in
Bellack, et al. (1966) and Hoetk er and Ahlbrand (1969)
Bellack Hoetker
et al. and Ahlbrand
Measure (1966) * (1969)
A. Percentage of teacher talk, mo ves 61.7 65.7
B. Percentage of teacher talk, lines of typescript 72.1 74.5
C. Distribution of teacher moves, as percentage of all mo ves
STRUCTURING 4.8 3.6
SOLICITING 28.8 32.3
RESPONDING 3.5 1.8
REACTING 24.3 27.0
D. Distribution of pupil moves, as percentage of all mo ves
STRUCTURING 0.4 0.3
SOLICITING 4.4 2.0
RESPONDING 25.0 30.4
REACTING 5.7 1.1
E. Distribution of teacher moves, as percentage of total lines
of typescript
STRUCTURING 14.5 22.4
SOLICITING 20.3 20.6
RESPONDING 5.0 4.3
REACTING 24.8 31.4
F. Distribution of pupil moves, as percentage of total lines
of typescript
STRUCTURING 3.0 3.4
SOLICITING 2.5 1.2
RESPONDING 15.6 13.1
REACTING 5.1 0.6
G. Percentage of teacher questions calling for memory processes 80.8* 87.9

Source: Hoetker and Ahlbrand (1969, p.146)

*Estimated from data in Bellack et al. (1966, pp. 74–75)

The evidence gathered by Hoetk er and Ahlbrand (1969) strongly suggests that this class-
room language game has had a long and persistent history. Records of observational studies
from the turn of the nineteenth century indicate that the game has not changed substantially
in approximately 60 years. (p. 52)

Mehan (1979)

Studying a single class of pupils in grades 1–3 for a whole school year , Mehan
(1979) reported that the class exhibited three of Bellack et al.’s four components of
a teaching cycle: (a) “initiation” (compare the structuring and soliciting of Bellack
et al.), (b) “responding,” typically by students (compare the responding of Bellack
et al.), and (c) “evaluating” (compare the reacting of Bellack et al.).
Empirical Studies of the Process of Teaching 73

Goodlad (1984)

It is, of course, desirable to have large-scale studies on which to base a formulation

of what occurs in CDR teaching. Such a study w as provided by Goodlad’s tour de
force, A Place Called School (1984), a report on ho w 1,017 teachers taught.
Goodlad’s staf f observ ed the 1,017 teachers in a representati ve sample of 38
schools (13 senior high schools, 12 junior high or middle schools, and 13 elemen-
tary schools) in seven states in all regions of the U.S. The observers were carefully
trained and retrained until their results showed a high degree of agreement between
observers. The observers used a modification of the observation system developed
by Stallings and Kaskowitz (1974).
As Goodlad (1984, p. 18) wrote, “The schools we studied differ in location, size,
characteristics of the student population, f amily incomes, and other w ays.
Nonetheless … they shared many similarities, particularly in modes of teaching and
learning” (p. 18). We examine A Place Called School to see how its descriptions of
teaching support or differ from those of the much smaller studies. The book’s fourth
chapter, “Inside Classrooms, ” reports on the process of teaching observ ed in the
classrooms studied.
Table 4.3 sho ws that the high-ranking “Listening to Explanations/Lectures”
represents the counterpart in student acti vity of the teacher’ s “structuring” and
“soliciting” components of the formulation by Bellack et al. (1966). The nearly-as-
high rank of the pupil’s “practice/performance-verbal” represents the counterpart of
the “responding” component of Bellack et al. (1966). Sirotnik (1983), reporting on
the data from Goodlad’s study, wrote:
Providing corrective feedback in combination with additional information designed to help
students understand and correct their mistakes is almost nonexistent [italics added]. In fact,
reinforcement of any kind is rarely noticed [italics added], whether in the form of specif ic
task-related acknowledgement and praise or general support and encouragement. (p. 20)

These findings represent a departure from the findings of Bellack et al., concern-
ing teachers’ reacting, in that Goodlad’ s teachers’ reactions betoken mere general,
non-specific acknowledgment of students’ responses.
In summary , the typical classroom patterns – as reported in A Place Called
School – consisted of the teacher’s (a) explaining or lecturing to the whole class or
to a single student (compare structuring), (b) asking direct, factual questions on the
subject matter, or monitoring students (compare soliciting), (c) the students’ ostensibly
listening to the teacher and responding to teacher -initiated interaction (compare
responding) and (d) the teacher’ s providing non-specific acknowledgement of stu-
dents’ responses.
We can sort Sirotnik’s descriptions according to the cate gories of Bellack et al.
(1966). Such sorting indicates that the f indings of A Study of Schools (Sirotnik,
1983) agree well with the structuring-soliciting-responding-reacting analysis of
classroom teaching constructed by Bellack et al. (1966), and confirmed by Hoetker
and Ahlbrand (1969) and Mehan (1979).
74 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

Working with the data from Goodlad’ s study of 1,017 teachers, Sirotnik (1983)
summarized some of the f indings, in ways that can be aligned with the cate gories
of Bellack et al. (1966):
(a) Structuring. “Nearly 70 percent of the total class time in volves verbal interaction, or
‘talk’ …. Less than a f ifth of the time involves student talk.” (Sirotnik, 1983, p. 20)
(b)Soliciting. “[W]e find that barely five percent of the instructional time is spent on direct
questioning — questioning which anticipates a specif ic response lik e ‘yes, ’ ‘no, ’
‘Columbus,’ or ‘1492. ’ Less than 1 percent of that time is de voted to open questions
which call for more complex cognitive or affective responses.” (Sirotnik, 1983, p. 20)
(c)Responding. “[T]he most frequently occurring single interaction, is one of students
responding to the teacher …. This occurs roughly 15 percent and 10 percent of the time
at the elementary and secondary levels, respectively.” (Sirotnik, 1983, p. 20)
(d)Reacting. “[L]ess than 5 percent of teacher’ s time is spent responding to students,
which, as will be seen shortly, is less than the percentage of time students are observed
initiating interaction with the teacher …. Providing corrective feedback in combination
with additional information designed to help students understand and correct their
mistakes is almost none xistent. In f act, reinforcement of an y kind is rarely noticed,
whether in the form of specif ic task-related ackno wledgement and praise or general
support and encouragement.” (Sirotnik, 1983, p. 20)
In summary, according to Sirotnik (1983, pp. 20–21),
The model classroom pattern consists of the teacher’s (a) [structuring, that is,] explaining
or lecturing to the whole class or to a single student; (b) [soliciting, that is,] then asking
direct, factual questions on the subject matter , or monitoring students; (c) [responding, that
is,] the students ostensibly listening to the teacher or responding to a teacher -initiated inter-
action; and (d) [reacting, that is,] mere acknowledgement of students’ responses rather than
the teacher’s indicating whether the student’ s response w as correct and going on to other
relevant comments.

So we can sort these quotations from Goodlad’s large-scale study according to the
Bellack et al. categories. Doing so indicates that the findings of A Place Called School
(Goodlad, 1984; Sirotnik, 1983) – concur substantially with the structuring-soliciting-
responding-reacting analysis of classroom teaching constructed by Smith et al.
(1962), and Bellack et al. (1966), Hoetk er and Ahlbrand (1969), and Mehan (1979).

Similarity of the Bellack Model to Computer-Assisted

Instruction Frames

Apparently, the CDR conception of the teaching process is not unique to classroom
teaching, b ut has more general applicability . It is similar to the conception of
instruction discernible in the “frames” of computer -assisted instruction. In the fol-
lowing comparisons, material quoted from Computer Based Instruction (Alessi &
Trollip, 1985) is italicized:
(a) Suchframes begin with “a piece of instruction,” ranging in size from a sentence to a
long paragraph, concerning some aspect of the subject matter being taught [compare
Bellack et al.’s “structuring”];
(b) The next part of the frame is a “ question or problem addressed to the student ” [com-
pare Bellack et al.’s “soliciting”];
The Generalizability of the CDR Model 75

(c) Thestudent then “replies” to this question or problem [compare Bellack et al. ’s
“responding”];
(d) The cycle is completed by gi ving the student an “ evaluation of response” (“Right” or
“Wrong”) [compare Bellack et al.’s “reacting”].

The computer-assisted instruction frames were developed by researchers formu-

lating instruction via a medium, a computer, radically different from the classroom
teacher. Its similarity to the Bellack et al., formulation supports the proposition that
the Bellack model embodies something profoundly fundamental in the nature of
teaching.

The Generalizability of the CDR Model

Classroom observations have suggested that teaching in U.S. schools consists typi-
cally of a series of c ycles, or e xchanges between the teacher and students, of the
kind originally described by Smith et al., (1962) on logical grounds and subsequently
by Bellack et al., (1966), Hoetk er and Ahlbrand (1969), Mehan (1979), and, by
inference, Sirotnik (1983), and the frames of computer -assisted instruction.
The cycle repeats – sometimes with modifications such as those shown in Table
4.5, which do not change the essential character of the process: Structuring leads to
soliciting which leads to responding which leads to reacting.

CDR Teaching Across Nations

So far, we have presented evidence on CDR teaching only from U.S. studies. Does
it also predominate in other countries, in other cultures? Smith et al., (1962)
assumed it does:
Teaching is here assumed to be a social phenomenon, fundamentally the same from one
culture to another [italics added]. It has its o wn elements, forms, re gularities, and prob-
lems. It tak es place under what seems to be a relati vely constant set of conditions—time
limits, authority figures, student ability limits, institutional structures, etc. (p. 2)

The IEA Classroom Environment Study (Anderson, Ryan, & Shapiro, 1989) –
conducted under the auspices of the International Association for the Evaluation of
Educational Achievement (IEA) – studied precisely this question. The ten partici-
pating political entities were Australia, Canada (Ontario, English), Canada (Ontario,
French), Canada (Quebec), Hungary, Israel, South Korea, the Netherlands, Nigeria,
and Thailand.
Classroom observation while teaching is underw ay provides the best e vidence
on the process of teaching – b ut it is also e xpensive. So only f ive of the re gions
provided such e vidence: Australia, Canada (Ontario, English), Canada (Ontario,
French), Canada (Quebec), and Hungary. The subject taught and therefore observed
76 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

in four of these five political entities was mathematics (Ryan, Hildyard, & Bourke,
1989, p. 48). In Hungary, physics was taught. All five of these political entities used
the same observation schedules, trained observers the same way, and obtained sub-
stantial agreement between observers. Mandeville (1989) summarized the teaching
in these five political entities as follows:
First, most lessons were di vided into two or more segments, lasting an average of 10 to 15
minutes each. Second, during review, oral practice, lecture, and discourse segments, teachers
typically assumed a v ery directive, interactive role with their students. During written or
laboratory seatwork segments, however, role differentiation between teachers in many coun-
tries w as evident. In many seatwork segments, teachers engaged in what may be termed
“teaching” (that is, they explained concepts and skills to their students, asked questions and
reacted to their responses).
Third, teachers generally spent a great deal of time providing explanations, asking ques-
tions, and reacting to answers to those questions during the entire lesson. These behaviors
were fairly common in review, oral practice, lecture, and discourse segments [italics
added]. (p. 145)

The findings italicized are extraordinarily similar to those reported by studies in

the U. S. (Bellack et al., 1966; Cuban, 1984; Goodlad, 1984; Hoetk er & Ahlbrand,
1969; Mehan, 1979). They suggest that CDR teaching of this kind occurs not only
in U.S. classrooms but in other parts of the w orld as well.
Stigler and Hiebert (1999) reported another study of international similarities
and differences in the process of teaching. It w as titled. The Third International
Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS). They studied videotapes of eighth-grade
mathematics as it w as taught in the United States (81 classrooms), German y (100
classrooms), and Japan (50 classrooms). But their rich treatment of teaching and
teacher education did not focus on c ycles of teaching – that is, the recurring
sequences of teacher and student mo ves exemplified by the structuring-soliciting-
responding-reacting identified in the studies cited above. So their results cannot be
compared with those of the fore going studies.

CDR Teaching Across Subject Matters

The studies of CDR teaching in the U. S. dealt with subject matter that is e xpressed
primarily in w ords – namely , international trade (Bellack et al., 1966), English
(Hoetker & Ahlbrand, 1969), and the v aried content of a class for combined grades
1–3 (Mehan, 1979), So we might question whether the CDR model also pre vails for
largely nonverbal subjects, such as mathematics and science. Here again, The IEA
Classroom Environment Study is helpful, because the subject taught in four of the five
participating political entities – Australia, Canada (Ontario, English), Canada (Ontario,
French), Canada (Quebec) – was mathematics. In the fifth (Hungary), it was physics.
Since the IEA study did not report that their findings differed from those for
verbal subjects, as taught outside the United States, we can reasonably infer
that the same teaching processes were observ ed for mathematics and physics.
Present Status of the Search for the Prevalent Model of Teaching 77

So the IEA Study’s findings further support the ubiquity of CDR teaching. The
IEA study dealt with man y aspects of teaching other than its process, such as
content taught, student characteristics, school v ariables, and v ariables in stu-
dents’ homes.
In summarizing what the IEA Study’ s observers learned about the structure of
lessons, Mandeville (1989) reported:
[T]eachers generally spent a great deal of time pro viding explanations, asking questions,
and reacting [italics added] to answers to those questions during the entire lesson. These
behaviors were f airly common in re view, oral practice, lecture, and discourse se gments.
Although not as predominant, these behaviors also were evident while students worked on
assigned tasks at their seats. (p. 145)

The close resemblance of this description in the f ive U.S. observational studies
(Bellack et al., 1966; Cuban, 1984; Goodlad, 1984; Hoetk er & Ahlbrand, 1969;
Mehan, 1979) suggests that teachers of both v erbal and highly non-v erbal subject
matter follow the same conventional model of teaching.

The Reader’s Memory

Perhaps the most persuasive basis for accepting the prevalence of CDR teaching in
U.S. schools is not to be found in research of an y kind, however valid. Rather, its
well-established ascendanc y may reside in the memories of this book’ s readers,
recalling their o wn classes on their w ay to earning a high school diploma. Those
recollections assure us that we ha ve not erred in selecting CDR teaching as the
model for our theory and our attempt to explain its effectiveness. A comment from
Goodlad (1984) should ring a bell for man y readers:
The classrooms we observ ed were more lik e than unlike those in the old images so man y
of us share. Usually we sa w desks or tables arranged in ro ws, oriented toward the teacher
at the front of the room. Instructional amenities such as library corners, occasionally
present in elementary classrooms, were rarely observed in secondary classes. The homelike
chairs and rugs sometimes seen in primary classes rapidly became rare with upw ard pro-
gression through the grades…. The central focus is on teachers’ pedagogical practices –
grouping, individualizing, using time, making decisions. (p. 94)

Present Status of the Search for the Prevalent

Model of Teaching

When all is said and done, we must question our conclusions about CDR. We have
used inductive logic, in compiling e vidence on its pre valence. That is, if repeated
observations yield the same result, namely , the pre valence of CDR, can it be
regarded as proven to be true?
78 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

Reasons for Suspending Judgment

We must ar gue against ourselv es because of long-established questions about

inductive logic and the extreme amount of evidence not yet examined.

Inductive Logic’s Inadequacy

As philosophers (Hume, 1758; Popper, 1965) famously pointed out, inductive logic
cannot prove the ine vitability of a conclusion. No matter ho w much e vidence –
stenographic, historical, observ ational, or remembered personal e xperience – is
accumulated, we cannot logically conclude, on the basis of inductive logic, that we
have identified the model of teaching used by most teachers in the United States
and elsewhere. In other words, just because the sun has risen e very morning in the
East for untold millennia, we cannot logically prove that it will al ways do so. Just
because we have accumulated much evidence that CDR teaching prevails, we have
not proved that it does prevail.†

Inadequacy of the Evidence

Also, the common sense of anyone familiar with the abundance of the literature of
research on teaching should dissuade us from any firm conclusion. For example, the
foregoing body of evidence is not based on thorough analyses of how teaching var-
ies as a function of grade le vel, subject matter, students’ SES, students’ scholastic
aptitude, teachers’ years of e xperience, and other f actors, including combinations
and permutations of these factors.
Similarly, the e xistence of professional or ganizations and their journals – each
devoted to adv ancing research on teaching and teacher education on particular
grade levels, such as elementary (Elementary School Journal) or secondary (School
Review) – should mak e us cautious before generalizing about the pre valent model
of teaching. Those journals carry many papers advancing proposals for the improve-
ment of teaching in their grade le vels.
The same caution should follow from the work by specialists in the teaching of
particular school subjects (see Brophy , 2001), such as English (for e xample, The
English Journal), history (for e xample, Teaching Social Studies in an Age of
Crisis), mathematics (for example, The Arithmetic Teacher), or science (for exam-
ple, Journal of Research in Science Teaching ).

†
Lakatos (1968) edited a v olume of papers by philosophers that raised man y questions about
Popper’s formulations of inducti ve logic. The present acceptance of Popper’ s position may need
revision in the light of those papers.
Why the Persistence of CDR Teaching? 79

Present Conclusion as a Conjecture

Given such ca veats, and follo wing the advice of philosopher of science Karl
Popper, we re gard our present decision to focus our theory on CDR teaching as a
conjecture (Popper, 1965). Pending the de velopment of bases in deducti ve logic,
supported by inducti ve evidence, for formulating the model of teaching that will
serve as the focus of a theory of teaching, our decision is a matter of con venience
– a jumping to a conclusion. It can be accepted as long as it survi ves rigorous
attempts at its refutation (Popper , 1965) . Such attempts could tak e the form of
strong evidence, supported by deducti ve logic, that some other model of teaching
is more prevalent than CDR teaching.
The CDR model of teaching comprises those models in which the teaching is
highly structured, and the student plays a role that only seems to be passi ve. The
apparent passivity is lik ely to conceal the students’ vigorous cogniti ve processes
along lines set by the teacher.
Of the models described by Joyce et al., (2000), we shall proceed on the question-
able assumption that none except CDR has in all likelihood achieved predominant use
by the millions of grade 1–12 teachers in U.S. elementary and secondary schools. The
CDR model has persisted throughout the twentieth century , while alternatives of the
PDC kind were widely championed b ut not used nearly as often. CDR teaching,
presumably, will prevail in at least the early decades of the twenty-f irst century.

Why the Persistence of CDR Teaching?

John Dewey and other influential thinkers led the revolutionary movement that envi-
sioned progressive education. Classroom observers did not expect to find CDR teach-
ing’s pre vlence because of w ork by the authors and adv ocates of the man y other
models of teaching that were described by Joyce et al., (2000) and older volumes such
as The Passing of the Recitation (Thayer, 1928). The “passing” that Thayer and many
others predicted and hoped for has been belied by research on the teaching that w as
actually going on–including historical descriptions not based on observations (Cuban,
1984; Lamm, 1976, pp. 1–6) and observ ation-based descriptions (Bellack
et al., 1966; Goodlad, 1984; Hoetk er & Ahlbrand, 1969; and Mehan, 1979).
Despite De wey’s ef forts to o verthrow CDR teaching, a non-De weyan w ay of
teaching persisted from teacher to teacher , from grade le vel to grade le vel, from
subject matter to subject matter, from region to region, from decade to decade, and
from nation to nation. Yet what we have seen and what we continue to see is little
change in the way teaching goes on. Cuban (1982) e xpressed a common dismay:
What nags at me is the puzzling durability of this teaching at all le vels of schooling b ut
most clearly and uniformly at the high school, decade after decade, in spite of changes in
teacher preparation, students’ knowledge and skills, and continuous reform ferv or to alter
this form of instruction. (p. 28)
80 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

Sirotnik (1983), on the basis of observ ations in 1,017 classrooms, reported the
same uniformity:
What we have seen and what we continue to see in the American classroom—the proc-
ess of teaching and learning—appears to be one of the most consistent and persistent
phenomena known in the social and beha vioral sciences. To put it succinctly, the “modus
operandi” of the typical classroom is still didactics, practice, and little else (pp. 16–17).

Many explanations of this persistence suggest themselv es:

“Inheritance” of CDR. The twentieth century’ s generations of teachers were
taught in the CDR w ay when the y themselves were children and adolescents. As
Goodlad (1984) reported, after his observational survey of teachers, “teachers teach
very much as they were taught through sixteen or more years of classroom life” (p.
306). When some of these students later entered teacher education programs, the
new influences were evidently not strong enough to break the hold of their personal
experience as students.
This general vie w was shared by W allen and T ravers (1963). The y concluded
that teachers were influenced in their teaching “pattern” more by their own teachers
than by the teacher education program they had undergone. As Eisner (2004) put a
related point:
Schools have a special difficulty in changing their [own] nature. Part of this difficulty stems
from the fact that all of us have served an apprenticeship in them — and from an early age.
Indeed, teaching is the only profession I kno w in which professionalization be gins at age
5 or 6. Students, e ven those of so tender an age, learn early what it tak es to “do school . ”
They learn early what a teacher does in a classroom [italics added]. They learn early how
they must behave in order to get on. (p. 648)

In his attempt to e xplain the persistence, Nuthall (2005, p. 895) in voked the
concept of societal culture by quoting Stie gler and Hiebert (1999, p. 87): “Despite
changing teacher education programs and many attempts to reform teaching meth-
ods, the core of the ritual remains largely unchanged, sustained by a ‘stable web of
beliefs and assumptions that are part of the [wider] culture. ’”
CDRs Apparent Adequacy. Until recently, CDR teaching seemed to w ork well
enough for the middle-class students who made up the majority of U.S. students.
Cuban (1984) sa w that reality as the cause of the “persistence of the ine vitable”
namely, CDR teaching. If U.S. teaching were as grossly inadequate as some critics
hold, most U.S. adults w ould be incompetent as citizens and as w orkers, and most
U.S. students w ould be mark edly inferior to those in other industrialized countries
in their achievement test scores.
Yet the U. S. polity, in which the citizens taught à la CDR have participated, is
one of the most democratic, enlightened, and demanding of cognitive skills among
the nations of the w orld. The U.S. economy in which the y w ork is among the
world’s most efficient and productive. Berliner and Biddle (1995) brought together
abundant evidence against the “attack” on U.S. public schools.
Excessive Demands of Alternatives to CDR. Progressi ve education, open educa-
tion, constructivist education, and other kinds of proposed impro vements, simply
demand more than what most teachers can pro vide by w ay of skill, stamina, and
Why the Persistence of CDR Teaching? 81

conviction. Schools may resist teachers’ departures from the uniformity that has
been so widely observed for so long. Cremin (1964) , a Pulitzer prize-winning his-
torian of U.S. education, illuminated some of the reasons why PDC w as ne ver
widely practiced:
From the beginning, progressivism cast the teacher in an almost impossible role: he was to
be an artist of consummate skill, properly knowledgeable in his field, meticulously trained
in the art of pedagogy, and thoroughly imbued with a zeal for social impro vement. It need
hardly be said that here as else where on the educational scene of the [eighteen] nineties,
the gap between real and ideal w as appalling. (p. 168)

“Open education” – a kind of progressive education that was moderately popular

for a fe w decades, especially in England – also ask ed too much of teachers.
Rothenburg (1989) cited evidence that its teachers were not prepared for it, did not
integrate its elements into a unif ied approach, and omitted important parts of the
curriculum.
Giaconia and Hedges (1982) carried out a meta-analysis, a quantitative synthesis,
of the results of 153 studies that compared open education with CDR in ef fective-
ness. They concluded that although open education did foster more f avorable stu-
dent attitudes towards school, it did not help students achie ve cognitive objectives
more effectively than CDR.
Weak Effect of Computers in Classrooms. Computersimproved markedly and
appeared more frequently in schools during the last quarter of the twentieth century.
Many educators expected radical changes in the classrooms as a result. Ne vertheless,
CDR teaching maintains its predominance into the twenty-f irst century.
Cuban (2001) eloquently titled his book on computers in the classroom ,
Oversold and Underused. In “Summing Up,” he wrote:
The introduction of computers into classrooms in Silicon V alley [the California re gion in
which the computer industry is especially strong] had a number of une xpected conse-
quences. They are:
— Abundant availability of a “hard” infrastructure (wiring, machines, softw are) and a
growing “soft” infrastructure (technical support, professional development) in schools
in the late 1990s has not led, as e xpected, to frequent or e xtensive teacher use of
technologies for tradition-altering classroom instruction.
— Students and teachers use computers and other technologies more at home than at
school.
— When a small percentage of computer -using teachers do become serious or occa-
sional users, the y – contrary to e xpectations – lar gely maintain e xisting classroom
practices rather than alter customary practices. (pp. 170–171)

Accordingly, when teacher education programs sought to train teachers so the y

could capitalize on computers, their influence pro ved to be too weak to do so.
Cuban looked at the past and present place of computers in teaching. He found what
seemed lik e a discouragingly small amount of progress since the manifesto by
Suppes (1966) that painted a much brighter future.
But attempts to forecast where information technology will tak e teaching still
appear. One crescendo of adv ocacy was presented by Zuck erman (2005) in a one-
page editorial that envisioned an awesome expansion of teaching possibilities:
82 4 A Conception of the Process of Teaching

It means a teacher can take the class around the world electronically to look at the development
of civilizations in Egypt, Greece, Rome, Latin America. A Spanish class in Idaho can talk to
students in Bilbao. It means linking biology students in Chicago with a researcher at a micro-
scope in San Francisco, history students with a curator at the National Portrait Gallery, technol-
ogy students with the National Air and Space Museum in W ashington. (p. 68)

But D. K. Cohen (1988) added four additional possible reasons for the persist-
ence of CDR:
The Great Autonomy of U.S. School Systems. The United States has no national
curriculum and no prescribed teaching practices. This situation mak es it easy for
teachers to resist change.
The Conditions of Teaching. Teachers have to use a curriculum the y did not
develop, according to an imposed schedule, under hea vy w orkloads including
extracurricular acti vities, with lo w pay and little prestige. These conditions
weaken teachers’ moti vation to adopt ne w w ays of teaching. But, as Cohen
pointed out, this reasoning does not e xplain why teachers in pri vate schools and
colleges taught in much the same way as teachers in public schools – even though
their teaching loads were lighter , pay w as better, and the y had more freedom to
develop curriculum.
Flaws in Reform. Reform ef forts had to cope with inadequate resources and
school administrators’ insensitivity to teachers’ needs. Yet even when such condi-
tions improved greatly, Cohen noted, efforts to change teaching had little success.
Weak Incentives for Change. Because public schools had little competition,
their administrators and teachers were not moti vated to change.
In Cohen’s (1988, p. 36) vie w, his own explanations “do not seem suf ficient to
explain the glacial pace of change in teaching”. Ev en when these obstacles to
change were absent, as in pri vate schools and colle ges, teaching remained for the
most part unchanged.

Is Progressive Education Still Around?

Despite all the e vidence to the contrary , some writers continue to assert that pro-
gressive education – a major component of the PDC model – is not only wide-
spread, but has caused American schools to “go wrong” (Evers, 1998) and become
altogether unlik e “the schools we need” (Hirsch, 1996). These writers seem to
contradict what we have characterized as the predominant style of teaching in U.S.
schools and thus our conclusion that progressi ve education is absent from U.S.
classrooms.
Evers (1998, pp. 1–2) wrote that “School reformers today are still trying to put
into effect the turn-of-the-century progressi ve education ideas of John De wey and
others – often these days under the banner of ‘disco very learning.’” Progressi ve
education, he said, v anished for a fe w decades be ginning in the mid-1950s “But
progressive education came back and is quite influential today in its contemporary
incarnation of discovery learning.”
Is Progressive Education Still Around? 83

Similarly, Hirsch (1996) wrote:

The anti-subject-matter viewpoint [italics added] of Cardinal Principles [a 1918 publica-
tion of a Commission on the Reor ganization of Secondary Education] has dominated the
training and certif ication of teachers in our teacher -training schools since the 1930s, that
is, during the entire working lives of all persons now teaching in our schools. (p. 49)

We should note that Evers referred to what “school reformers,” not teachers, are
doing. And Hirsch similarly referred to “the training and certification of teachers in
our teacher training schools, ” b ut not to ho w and what teachers were teaching.
Thus, their criticism refers to what goes on in U.S . teacher education programs,
rather than what teachers have been observed doing in their classrooms.
But, as W allen and T ravers (1963, p. 453) pointed out, “Principals commonly
voice the opinion that most teachers do not teach in accordance with the pattern
prescribed by teacher -training institutions, b ut in the pattern the y observed when
they were pupils …. ” Similarly, Labaree (2004, pp. 129–169) elaborated on the
difference between teacher education and teaching. He described what he called
“the Ed School’s romance with progressivism.” He saw teacher education programs
in the United States as strongly biased to wards progressivism for man y years. He
wrote, “[T]he ed schools could indeed cause damage in schools if it were in the
hands of an institution that w as powerful enough to implement this vision, but the
ed school is too weak to do so” [italics added] (p. 130).
Thus the Evers-Hirsch portrayal may be accurate if it is applied to teacher educa-
tion programs, or at least what these programs adv ocate. But the historical and
observational evidence belies their vie ws and tells us that progressi vism has been
missing from U.S. classrooms for a long time.
Chapter 5
A Conception of the Content of Teaching

Passing along the content of a society’s culture is what education is for. The content
of teaching is derived from conceptions of the objectives of teaching – what people
should know, understand, and be able to do. It is what mak es education important
to a society in fostering freedom and well-being, useful to indi viduals in achieving
their economic roles, and, in a democrac y, essential to the competence of citizens
in making their system of go vernment work.
We turn now to a formulation of the ways in which the content of teaching bears
upon a theory of teaching. The formulation will support change in research on teaching,
i.e., in the kinds of questions in vestigated and the kinds of data collected.

The Neglect of Content in Process–Product

Research on Teaching

As research on teaching began to flourish in the 1960s, one of its most active para-
digms came to be known as “process-product research” – the search for relationships
between teaching processes (what teachers did) and the products of teaching (what
students learned). No similarly acti ve research mo vement developed to study the
other main component of teaching – its content. Thus there was no similar level of
research with what might have been called “(process ↔ content)-product research,”
where the ↔ symbol denotes the interaction between process and content. This
chapter will e xplore e xplanations of this ne glect and some of the alternati ve
approaches to a concern with content that ha ve developed. Those approaches will
bear upon a theory of teaching, that is, an explanation of the ways in which teaching
brings about students’ achievement of the objectives of teaching.
The omissions and mistreatments of content in studies of teaching have been the
subject of philosophical insights and also, by way of proposed remedies, the observations
by educators.

N.L. Gage, A Conception of Teaching, 85

DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5_5, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
86 5 A Conception of the Content of Teaching

The Garrison–Macmillan Critiques

The ne glect of content in process-product research on teaching w as repeatedly

criticized by tw o philosophers of education: Garrison and Macmillan (1984);
Macmillan and Garrison (1984). But their references to content confusingly alluded
sometimes to philosophers’ technical term, intentionality, and sometimes to the
everyday concept, intention. Thus Macmillan and Garrison (1984) wrote,
The process-product tradition e xplicitly ignores the intentions [italics added] of teachers
and learners in its in vestigations. ... The f ailure of process-product research to come to
grips with the essential intentionality [italics added] of teaching is its greatest conceptual
shortcoming. ... The unit of observation [in process-product research] is a “behavior” of the
teacher precisely and technically def ined so as to require little or no inference as to the
teacher’s intentions or to the conte xt [intentionality?] of the beha vior that might gi ve it a
broader meaning. W ithout some wider conte xt, behaviors are as meaningless as physical
movements of chess pieces. (pp. 18–19)

Gage and Needels (1989), lacking guidance from the philosophers, erroneously
considered “intentionality” to refer to the intention, or purpose, of teachers. Their
confusion w as e ventually resolv ed by a helpful entry on “intentionality” in The
Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy (Audi, 1995):
intentionality, aboutness. Things that are about other things exhibit intentionality. Beliefs
and other mental states e xhibit intentionality, but so, in a deri ved way, do sentences and
books, maps and pictures, and other representations. The adjecti ve “intentional” in this
philosophical sense is a technical term not to be confused with the more f amiliar sense,
characterizing something done on purpose. Hopes and fears, for instance, are not things we
do, not intentional acts in the latter , familiar sense, but they are intentional phenomena in
the technical sense: hopes and fears are about various things. ... Phenomena with intention-
ality thus point outside of themselv es to something else: whate ver they are of or about. ...
All and only mental phenomena e xhibit intentionality. (p. 381)

It can be readily understood that teaching must be about something, namely, the con-
tent of teaching. (The “beliefs and mental states” of teachers are embraced by the category
labeled “Teachers’ Thought Processes” in the paradigm presented in Chap. 3.)
The problem of determining the intentionality of teachers’ behaviors is generally
solved, by both students and researchers, by using the process of inference: “the
process of dra wing a conclusion from premises or assumptions” (Audi, 1995,
p. 369). When observing the verbal or nonverbal behavior of a teacher, the student
or researcher usually has little dif ficulty in inferring the teaching’ s intentionality,
including her beliefs and mental states. That they are able to do so results from their
abundant experience in making such inferences in daily life. Indeed, daily life in
any society would become chaotic if people were not typically correct in inferring
intentionality from beha vior. Researchers f avor lo w-inference descriptions of
behaviors not to reduce the level of inference in interpreting behavior as to content
or intentionality. Rather, they do so to impro ve the communicability to teachers of
the behaviors and intentions desired by either researchers or teacher educators.
But many researchers on teaching, in focusing on the process of teaching, ha ve
neglected what teaching was about, namely, its content. The successive editions of
the Handbook of Research on Teaching (Gage, 1963; T ravers, 1973; W ittrock,
The Neglect of Content in Process–Product Research on Teaching 87

1986a; Richardson, 2001) did not completely bypass content. But the y considered
it only briefly, as in the following passage from Shulman (1986a):
The content and the purposes for which it is taught are the v ery heart of the teaching-
learning processes. [B. O.] Smith (1983) put it clearly when he asserted that the “teacher
interacts with the student in and through the content, and the student interacts with the
teacher in the same way” (p. 491). Although the content transmitted for particular purposes
has rarely been a central part of studies of teaching, it certainly deserv es a place in our
comprehensive map, if only to remind us of its ne glect. (p. 8)

Similarly, Graber (2002) noted that:

Content kno wledge describes what a teacher understands about the subject matter ….
Regrettably, investigations into this critical form of teacher kno wledge are largely absent
from the literature, yet dialogue continues about what forms of content knowledge are most
significant for the preparation of teachers. ... (p. 495)

That the shift to ward a concern with the content taught has been considered
pertinent to research on teaching, w as made explicit by Doyle (1995) as follows:
The framing of pedagogical research as a question about teacher ef fectiveness and the
grounding of this research in behavioral psychology led to an increasingly generic view of
pedagogy. The language of behavioral psychology focused on overt actions, and the effec-
tiveness question focused on teachers or teaching methods as the direct causes of outcomes.
Taken together, these frame works excluded students and curriculum [italics added] from
the analysis. Methods became treatments, e.g., lecture versus discussion, devoid of the rich
theoretical propositions about the nature of content and its acquisition that had characterized
19th-century discussions of method. In process-product research, behaviors rather than
content were measured during classroom observations. ... Questions about what was being
taught to whom slipped into the background. [italics added] (p. 491)

Emphasis on this substantive change toward taking account of content promises

to improve the results of the kind of research on teaching called, until now, process-
product research (see, e.g., Brophy & Good, 1986; Gage & Needels, 1989; Needels
& Gage, 1991). In correlational process-product research, where teaching is studied
as it occurs naturally , i.e., not manipulated through carefully tar geted training of
teachers by an experimenter, that relationship takes the form of a coefficient of cor-
relation between process variables and product, i.e., achievement and attitude, variables.
In experimental process-product research, manipulation of the process of teaching
results from training e xperimental-group teachers to teach in some ne w ways and
withholding this special training from control-group teachers. Here the relationship
between process and product v ariables tak es the form of an effect size, or the
standardized difference in mean achie vement scores between the students of the
trained, or e xperimental, groups of teachers and the students of the untrained, or
control, groups of teachers. One of several formulas for effect size (Hedges & Olkin,
1985) is shown in Fig. 5.1.

Mean achievement experimental minus Mean achievement control

Effect size = ____________________________________________________
Standard Deviation of the Control Group

Fig. 5.1 A formula for the standardized size of the teachers’ ef fect on the experimental group as
compared with the teachers’ effect on the control group .
88 5 A Conception of the Content of Teaching

The magnitude of the correlation coef ficient or the ef fect size can tell us, in a
quantitative sense, ho w well we “e xplain” the connection between teaching and
achievement. (This form of e xplanation is analogous to the statistical concept of
amount of variance in outcome accounted for, i.e., “e xplained,” by the dif ference
in teaching.)
The proposed change – the inclusion of a content-of-teaching variable – will end
a def iciency that has been e vident in the v ery label of such research until no w:
process-product research (PPR). In the future that kind of research should tak e the
form of (process ↔ content)-product research. (The ↔ symbol stands for the joint
consideration of process and content). The change will reflect an appreciation of a
long-overdue insight, namely, that what is taught is at least as important for student
achievement as how it is taught, if our purpose is to understand what it is in teaching
that affects how well students perform on assessments of their achie vement.

Content Variation

Content could not help e xplain dif ferences in teaching ef fectiveness if it were a
constant. A constant, by def inition, lacks v ariance and therefore cannot e xplain
variance in a variable, such as student achievement.
Content varies even in a single subject matter, such as arithmetic or history, in a
single curriculum of that subject matter, in a single state, school district, school, or
classroom. Even under research conditions, unless the researcher presents the con-
tent via some physical medium, such as a book or a computer , the same subject’ s
content will v ary from teacher to teacher . Even the same teacher will present the
content so that it differs from one time to another.
This inevitability of content v ariability makes content dif ficult to control. That
difficulty may e xplain the ne glect of content in research on teaching. It may ha ve
led researchers to mak e the false assumption that v ariance in student achie vement
within a single subject-matter, such as fourth-grade arithmetic, could be e xplained
solely on the basis of between-teacher dif ferences in the process of teaching.

Instructional Alignment

Several authors ha ve developed, independently of one another and with dif ferent
terminologies, the same substantive advancement in research on teaching: concern
with the content of teaching. The y have introduced that concern as distinguished
from concern with the process of teaching.
Although they used different terms for what they were emphasizing, all of their
terms designate what S. A. Cohen (1987) called instructional alignment :the degree
of fit between (a) the content taught and (b) the content tested in assessing student
achievement. That researchers on teaching ha ve neglected content shows up in the
Instructional Alignment 89

absence of “instructional alignment” and its various synonyms from the indexes of
all four editions of the Handbook of Research on Teaching. S. A. Cohen’ s (1987)
labeling instructional alignment a “magic bullet” is easy to understand; (process ↔
content)-product research should increase the ability of research on teaching to
explain, to predict, and to control, i.e., impro ve, how well students achieve.

Approaches to Instructional Alignment

Instructional alignment was almost completely absent from the variables studied in
research on teaching until now. But it has, in various forms, a substantial history in
the thinking of educational research w orkers in other f ields as against the f ield
called research on teaching. In that history, a variety of terms and methods identified
ideas similar to instructional alignment.
Content and Curricular Validity. Educational measurement has long used the
terms content validity and curricular validity to designate a property of an assess-
ment, namely, “the degree to which assessment questions are representati ve of the
knowledge, skills, or attitudes to be learned as a result of a given teaching or course
of study” (English & English, 1958, p. 575). Or “the extent to which a test meas-
ures a representative sample of the subject matter or beha vior under investigation”
(VandenBos, 2007, p. 224).
Opportunity-to-Learn. Husén (1967) reported on an international study of
mathematics achie vement in twelv e countries. His report used the concept of
opportunity-to-learn. It w as measured by the a verage of teachers’ ratings of each
item on an achievement assessment as to the degree to which the teacher had gi ven
her students preparation for answering the assessment-item correctly.
The various participating nations were understandably sensiti ve to the f airness of
the mathematics test used. No country wanted its students to be disadvantaged because
they had not been taught any part of the knowledge or skills measured by the test.
Teachers within each of the 12 countries also v aried in how well the content of
their teaching fitted the content of the achievement test. It was reasonable to expect
such variability between the average ratings of the teachers of different countries to
be much greater than that within countries.
L. W. Anderson (1987) reported on a subsequent international study in nine
countries. That study e xamined ho w teacher beha vior w as related to student
achievement. Anderson also used the term opportunity-to-learn in of fering the
generalization that:
Within countries, teachers dif fer greatly in what the y teach relati ve to what w as tested.
As a national option teachers were ask ed to indicate the extent to which their students had
had opportunity-to-learn the content included in each item on the post test. On the basis of
their responses, an O TL [opportunity-to-learn] inde x w as derived for each teacher . This
index represented the percentage of items on the posttest that the teachers belie ved their
students had had an opportunity to learn during the conduct of the study ... [T]he difference
between the classrooms in which the students had the most OTL and the classrooms which
had the least OTL is never less that 50 percent in an y country. (pp. 78–79)
90 5 A Conception of the Content of Teaching

The issue of “opportunity to learn” was recognized by Needels (1988) when she
noted that “because the traditional [process-product] design requires that the same
test items must be used for all classes, no consideration can be given to whether all
content contained in the test items was actually taught by the teacher” (p. 504). She
developed a process-product design, presented in Chap. 8, that permitted including
only test items related to the content actually taught.
Facet Similarity. Bar-On and Perlberg (1985) used the facet theory of Guttman
(1959) in developing a theory of instruction. They derived the hypothesis that the
more similar two v ariables (“structuples”) were in terms of their components
(“structs”), the more highly the y w ould correlate. Thus, Higher correlations are
expected between items dif fering b y only one struct [component of a v ariable]
rather than between structuples [variables consisting of more than one component]
differing by tw o structs. That is, the e xpected correlation between a 1 b1 and a 1 b2 is
higher than the expected correlation between a1 b1 and a 2 b2 (p. 99).
It is easy to regard the two variables (structuples) as “teaching (a1 b1 )”and “student
achievement (a1 b2 ).”
Measurement-Driven Instruction. Popham (1985, 1993) used the term “measure-
ment-driven instruction” to designate teaching whose content w as shaped by the test
that would be used to e valuate achievement. That is, the content of the test w ould be
developed first – either by the teacher or by the developers of a standardized test – and
then teachers will be “dri ven” by knowledge of that test to align the content of their
teaching with the content of the test.
Instructional Alignment. S. A. Cohen (1987, 1991, 1995) coined the term
“instructional alignment” to des ignate a characteristic of teaching, namely , the
degree to which the content of the teaching matched the content of the assessment
used to evaluate achievement resulting from that teaching.
Measuring the Content of Instruction. A. C. Porter (2002) de veloped quantita-
tive measures and graphic displays of content taught that permitted comparisons
between separate bodies of content. The quantif ication used the follo wing
formula:
Alignment index = 1– (sum of x–y / 2)

where x denotes cell proportions in one matrix and y denotes cell proportions in
another matrix.
The “matrices” here are tw o-dimensional tables, with the v arious “content top-
ics” in the ro ws and v arious “categories of cogniti ve demand,” or what we ha ve
called “cognitive processes,” in the columns. Porter’s illustrative “Content Matrix,”
with six content topics and five categories of cognitive demand has 6 times 5, or 30,
cells. In each cell is a proportion of all the items in the teaching content or the test
content. If two teachers were being compared, one w ould be X and the other Y . If
the proportions of items in each cell were the same for the tw o teachers, their
“alignment inde x” w ould equal 1, signifying perfect alignment between the tw o
teachers.
Instructional Alignment 91

Instructional Alignment Summarized

The term instructional alignment refers to the similarity between the content taught
and the content of the assessment of achievement of the objectives of the teaching.
The content taught consists of the facts, concepts, procedures, and self-understandings
(metacognitions) that students should kno w, understand, and be able to use in
various ways, as a result of the teaching. That content should conform to the curricu-
lum that has been constructed by the persons and or ganizations authorized by
public or private interests to define the curriculum. The curriculum often, especially
in schools, should include some means – such as tests, observations, interviews, and
portfolios (collections of things written or made by students) – for determining how
well students have achieved the objectives set forth in the curriculum.
It seems obvious that the more the teaching’s content resembles the assessment’s
content, the higher the achie vement measure will be. Despite this ob viousness,
research on teaching has proceeded for man y decades without attention to instruc-
tional alignment. The ob viousness of the connection between opportunity-to-learn
and student achievement may make it susceptible to disrespect by the general public.
But such obviousness does not lessen its importance.

Methods of Studying Instructional Alignment

Henceforth a major concern in achie ving the purposes of teaching should be

instructional alignment. Research on teaching has be gun to show explicit concern
with that aspect of the content of teaching. Se veral methods have been devised to
measure or manipulate instructional alignment: (a) teachers’ ratings of test items as
to their students’ opportunity-to-learn what is required by the test items, (b) content
analysis of teaching and assessment, and (c) manipulation of the alignment in an
experiment.
Teachers’ Ratings of Opportunity-to-Learn. A relatively early realization of the
importance of instructional alignment arose in international evaluations of achieve-
ment, namely, those conducted by the International Association for the Ev aluation
of Educational Achie vement (IEA). T eams of curriculum e xperts from all of the
participating nations constructed the achievement tests used in that research. Those
teams attempted to mak e the tests equally “f air” to all the nations, that is, maxi-
mally similar to the curriculum of each nation. The measure of instructional align-
ment was termed opportunity-to-learn. In the first IEA report, Husén (1967) wrote
that:
One of the factors which may influence scores on an achie vement examination is whether
or not the students have had an opportunity to study a particular topic or learn how to solve
a particular type of problem presented by the test. If they have not had such an opportunity,
they might in some cases transfer learning from related topics to produce a solution, b ut
certainly their chance of responding correctly to the test item w ould be reduced. (pp. 162–163)
92 5 A Conception of the Content of Teaching

Opportunity-to-learn was measured by giving teachers a questionnaire on which

they were to indicate, for each item of the mathematics achie vement test, whether
“All or most (at least 75%),” or “Some (25–75%),” or “Few or none (under 25%)”
of the teacher’s students had had an opportunity-to-learn ho w to solve that type of
problem. For each teacher’s class, there was thus a mean teacher rating over all test
items of opportunity-to-learn and a mean score of the teacher’s students on the test.
The correlation between the mean rating of opportunity-to-learn and the mean
mathematics test scores w as calculated, across the teachers within each country .
There w as much v ariation between countries and between student populations
within countries in the size of these within-country coefficients. Two countries had
no significant coefficients, perhaps because either “opportunity-to-learn” or a ver-
age achievement in the country’s classrooms did not vary enough to make possible
a high correlation. Two other countries had correlation coefficients higher than 0.50.
Thebetween-countries correlations for these variables, that is, correlations with
the country as the unit of analysis, w ould use measures of instructional alignment
and achievement that were much more reliable because the y were based on much
more data concerning the “opportunity-to-learn” and “achie vement” v ariables.
And, indeed, those correlations a veraged 0.64. In short, “students scored higher in
countries where the tests were considered by the teachers to be more appropriate to
the experience of their students” (Husén, 1967, p. 168).
In the Netherlands, Pelgrum, Eggen, and Plomp (1986) (of whose w ork I w as
informed by T. Neville Postlethwaite) used data from 15 countries that participated
in a Second International Mathematics Study . As sho wn in Fig. 5.2, 15 nations’
mean de gree of opportunity-to-learn, measured across all teachers and all items,
correlated substantially ( r = 0.57), with the mean achie vement of the students in
those countries.
But Fig. 5.2 also sho ws that countries with approximately similar O TLs (a verage
measures of opportunity to learn) can ha ve v ery dif ferent achie vement scores. As
Pelgrum et al. (1986, p. 11) noted, this means that factors other than opportunity-to-learn
were also influencing student achievement.
Among these factors other than opportunity-to-learn were “teacher and student
[italics added] ratings of test items on the question of whether the corresponding
subject matter was taught” (p. 67). Pelgrum et al. v alidated these ratings by sho w-
ing that they corresponded with the contents of the textbooks used by teachers, and
also by sho wing that “f actor analyses of the ratings reproduced the (curriculum)
structure of the Dutch school system” (p. 78).
Content Analysis. Comparing analyses of the content taught and analyses of the
content of the achie vement test also pro vides a w ay to measure instructional align-
ment, illustrated by the w ork o f W. H. Schmidt (1978). An e xample w ould be the
content of a lesson on the addition of fractions and assessment items measuring abil-
ity to add fractions.
Experimental Manipulation. A third kind of e vidence concerning instructional
alignment w as used by S. A. Cohen’ s student, K oczor (1984), who studied the
effects of experimentally manipulated instructional alignment. An example of such
manipulation is the following:
Instructional Alignment 93

Fig. 5.2 Scattergram of mean test scores (TEST) and percentages of opportunity to learn (O TL)
for 15 countries (Adapted from Pelgrum et al., 1986, p. 9.) .

For example, the Roman numeral lesson taught subjects ho w to write the Roman numeral
for arabic numerals (e. g., “Write the Roman numeral for 10.”). The aligned test requested
the same kind of behavior, arabic to Roman numeral. In the less aligned test, half the items
reversed the request asking the subject to write the arabic numeral for the Roman numeral.
In the least aligned treatment, all the items were from Roman to arabic numerals, a transfer
task. (Koczor, 1984)

In this experiment, another variable was student aptitude. The results suggested
that the influence of instructional alignment on achie vement was greater for lo w-
aptitude students than for high-aptitude students, perhaps because the aptitude variable
was the equi valent of ability to cope with the dif ferent demands for transfer of
learning imposed by the different levels of instructional alignment. This finding is,
of course, an example of aptitude-treatment interaction (Cronbach & Snow, 1977),
in that the effect of the treatments (different degrees of instructional alignment) was
different for students differing in aptitude.
Measurement-Driven Instruction. A fourth aspect of instructional alignment is
measurement-driven instruction (MDI) (Popham, 1985, 1993). When such “driven-
ness” occurs, i.e., when the alignment of the teaching content with the achievement-
assessment content, designed in advance, is very high, achievement should also be
high. But if the teaching w as not “dri ven” by what the subsequent assessment
would measure, the alignment of the teaching with the assessment w ould be lo w,
and achievement would be low.
The proper alignment of the teaching content with the assessment content was argued
in the classic statement by T yler (1951) on the desirable relationship between teaching
and testing – a relationship that might be labeled “instruction-driven-measurement”
(IDM):
Viewed in this w ay, instruction involves several steps. The f irst of these is to decide what
ends to seek, that is, what objecti ves to aim at or , stated more precisely , what changes in
94 5 A Conception of the Content of Teaching

students’ behavior to try to bring about. The second step is to determine what content and
learning experiences can be used that are likely to attain these ends, these changes in student
behavior. The third step is to determine an ef fective organization of these learning e xperi-
ences such that their cumulati ve effect will be such as to bring about the desired changes
in an ef ficient f ashion. Finally, the fourth step is to appraise the effects of the learning
experiences to find out in what way they have been effective and in what respects they have
not produced the results desired. [italics added] (p. 48)

High-Stakes Assessment. Theterm high-stakes assessment refers to assessment

that has extremely important consequences, such as a student’ s graduation or the
evaluation of a teacher’s competence, High-stakes assessment typically uses stand-
ardized rather than teacher -made assessments. These assessment tools are con-
structed for making comparisons between students – and also between their teachers.
They are constructed by teams of curriculum and measurement e xperts rather than
by teachers, who are – in some conceptions of teaching – permitted or e xpected to
put their personal “stamp,” – their own emphases and de-emphases – on the curricu-
lum. High-stakes testing, according to Nichols and Berliner (2007), typically f alls
very short of achieving its purposes. It does not motivate teachers and their students
to impro ve their performance. Instead, it tends to bear out “Campbell’ s La w,”
(named after Donald T. Campbell, the psychologist who f irst called attention to it):
the tendency to corruption resulting from the use of any quantitative measures, such
as test scores, as the basis for social decision-making. High-stak es testing leads to
cheating by administrators, teachers, and students.
Controversy o ver MDI has resulted from the con viction of some critics (e.g.,
Bracey, 1987a, b ) that it will lead to “teaching to the test. ” Tests are almost always
intended to measure a sample rather than to measure the “uni verse,” (the whole
array), of outcomes at which the teaching should aim. In social studies, for example,
only a sample of the amendments to the U.S. Constitution w ould be the subject of
test questions. In mathematics, only a sample of the applications of quadratic equations
would be the subject of test questions.
Measurement-driven-instruction w ould re ward the teacher’ s concentration on
just the sample, known by the teacher in advance, instead of the educationally more
valuable universe of the knowledge and skills to be taught. The resulting measures
of achievement will be spurious in the same sense that a measure of the safety of a
sample of water treated with anti-bacterial agents would be spurious if it was considered
to measure the safety of the untreated total supply of w ater.
The best policy is twofold: (1) “curriculum-driven-teaching,” and (2) “curriculum-
driven-assessment.” For teacher-made assessments, such a polic y puts the teaching
for the teacher’ s class in the hands of the teacher , who may ha ve had to shape the
curriculum to adjust to characteristics of her students, her school, and her community.
For standardized tests – constructed not by the teacher but by a team of experts on the
curriculum and on test-construction and intended for use in many classes – the teaching
should aim at the teacher’ s conception of the best sample from the population of
objectives. For teacher-made assessments, constructed and used by a teacher for her
own class, it would be necessary to measure instructional alignment by some means
such as content analysis of both the teaching and the assessing. W ith the teacher as
the sole determiner of both, it is reasonable to e xpect her instructional alignment to
Instructional Alignment 95

be high. But it could not be judged in comparison with that of other teachers, who
teach and test in their o wn distinctive ways, except in terms of a percentage of the
“items” taught that are similar to the items tested.
Standardized tests are useful for comparing the achievement of many classes for
two purposes: research on teaching and high-stak es assessment. F or research on
teaching, the scores are used to compare teaching practices as to their effect on student
achievement. In high-stak es testing, test scores af fect important matters such as
student promotion or the e valuation of a teacher . Research on teaching uses the
same test, constructed or selected by the researcher , for all the teachers studied so
that the researcher can compare teachers’ classes with one another, and the correlates
of the achievement of the teachers’ classes can be determined. High-stakes assessment
leaves the content of the assessment inthe hands of measurement experts – employed
by states, counties, or cities – who construct standardized assessments for assessing
the achie vement of all the comparable classes of a specif ied grade-le vel. Here
again the individual teacher does not determine the instructional alignment; it is left,
usually to an unknown degree, to the unforeseeable similarity between the teacher’s
content and the content of the high-stakes assessment. If the teachers learn in detail
the content of the high-stak es assessment, they will understandably try to increase
their instructional alignment, i.e., to engage in “teaching to the test. ”
To lea ve the curriculum entirely in the hands of the indi vidual teacher , as
instruction-driven measurement w ould have it, is to abandon the idea of a f airly
uniform curriculum for the students in all of the fifty states of the U.S. Such a solution
makes the curriculum determine, i.e., serve as the arbiter of, the content of both the
teaching and the testing.
Does high-stakes testing influence the curriculum taught by individual teachers?
Some writers ha ve proposed that high-stak es assessments should emphasize
critical thinking, a kind of achie vement that has typically been ne glected in both
standardized and teacher -made assessments. Teaching to such assessments w ould
be desirable as a way of reducing the emphasis of both teacher-made and standard-
ized assessments on memorized knowledge and increasing the emphasis on critical
thinking.
Such desirable ne w emphases in teacher -made and standardized assessments
would include the kinds of higher cogniti ve processes carefully def ined in the
Taxonomy of Learning, Teaching, and Assessing (Anderson, 2001), namely, under-
standing, applying, analyzing, evaluating, and creating. T eaching to ward such
assessments would, many writers hold, improve the content of teaching. But, as we
note in Chap. 9, Hirsch (1996) has ar gued against the desirability of teaching for
critical thinking on the grounds that critical thinking requires lar ge stores of rele-
vant knowledge attainable only via large expenditures of time.
How can instructional alignment be achie ved without teaching-to-the-test of an
obviously unethical kind? We can put the issue as a question of transfer demand , or
the amount of transfer from an item that w as taught to what is demanded by an item
in the subsequent achievement-test. Transfer is “change in ability to perform a gi ven
act as a direct consequence of ha ving performed another act relevant or related to it”
(English & English, 1958, p. 562). T ransfer demand w ould be at a minimum if the
96 5 A Conception of the Content of Teaching

teacher taught directly to the test, providing training in answering the identical ques-
tions in both the teaching and the testing. But if the test content requires some transfer
of what w as taught to what the test calls for , teaching-to-the-test becomes increas-
ingly desirable. Then it is equivalent to teaching for positive transfer, that is, teaching
content and skills that will f acilitate answering questions, performing tasks, or solv-
ing problems presenting transfer demand from those that were taught.
Thus teaching-to-the-test is desirable insof ar as the “assessment” imposes a
reasonable transfer demand. T eaching and assessing for critical thinking w ould
require a reasonable transfer demand, inasmuch as critical thinking by def inition
requires ar gumentation on issues not pre viously encountered and thus a suitable
amount of transfer demand. So we can resolv e the apparent conflict between
desirable instructional alignment and undesirable teaching-to-the-test insofar as the
assessment imposes a transfer demand that is reasonable in the light of the student’s
maturity and the teacher’s educational objectives.

Categorizations of Content

What students are taught is customarily put into the well-kno wn categories called
school subjects. In elementary schools, the subjects customarily include reading,
writing, arithmetic, social studies (history , geography), science, art, music, and
physical education. In secondary schools, the subjects include English (composi-
tion and literature), mathematics (algebra, geometry , trigonometry, and, in recent
decades, calculus), social studies (history , civics), foreign languages, and science
(biology, chemistry, physics).
For each of these subjects, there are subject-matter , or curriculum, specialists
who have created bodies of scholarship and research (e.g., Brophy , 2001; Jackson,
1992) on the content that is best included (and e xcluded). Various journals serv e
their authors. Issues arise, controversies flourish, and schisms form.
The treatment of content cate gorization in this chapter will not dra w upon the
work of subject-matter specialists. Rather it will deal with the ideas of educational
psychologists who have focused on the general phenomena of learning and teaching
– phenomena that occur in the form and of problems and their solutions, that cut
across subject matters. These psychologists ha ve de veloped cate gorizations of
content – categorizations to which we now turn.

Taxonomies

Several major taxonomies – systems of classification – of content have been developed.

Each attempts a classif ication of concepts rele vant to content. W e shall deal only
with those that bear upon the cognitive – as distinguished from social-emotional
and psychomotor – educational objectives.
Categorizations of Content 97

Bloom’s Taxonomy

The first of these w as the famous Taxonomy of educational objectives. The classi-
fication of educational goals. Handbook 1: Cognitive domain (Bloom, Engelhart,
Furst, Hill, & Krathwohl, 1956). It was developed to serve examiners – developers
of achievement tests – who needed carefully de veloped definitions and categoriza-
tions of the kinds of achievement that their examinations – consisting of test items,
questions, and problems – would seek to evaluate. Its categories are summarized in
Table 5.1 .

Table 5.1 Categories of the bloom taxonomy of educational objecti ves in the cognitive domain
Knowledge
1.00Knowledge
1.10 Knowledge of specifics
1.11 Knowledge of terminology
1.12 Knowledge of specific facts
1.20 Knowledge of ways and means of dealing with specif ics
1.21 Knowledge of conventions
1.22 Knowledge of trends and sequences
1.23 Knowledge of classifications and categories
1.24 Knowledge of criteria
1.25 Knowledge of methodology
1.30 Knowledge of the universals and abstractions in a f ield
1.31 Knowledge of principles and generalizations
1.32 Knowledge of theories and structures
Intellectual abilities and skills
2.0Comprehension
2.10Translation
2.11Comprehension
2.12Extrapolation
3.00Application
4.00Analysis
4.10 Analysis of elements
4.20 Analysis of relationships
4.30 Analysis of organizational principles
5.00Synthesis
5.10 Production of a unique communication
5.20 Production of a plan, or a proposed set of operations
5.30 Derivation of a set of abstract relations
6.00Evaluation
6.10 Judgments in terms of internal e vidence
6.20 Judgments in terms of e xternal criteria
Source: Bloom et al. (1956)
98 5 A Conception of the Content of Teaching

The Anderson–Krathwohl Taxonomy for Learning,

Teaching, and Assessment

This taxonomy, developed by Anderson et al. (2001), aimed to serv e not only the
purposes of assessing but also those of learning and teaching. Their w ork led them
to set up four cate gories of Kno wledge: Factual, Conceptual, Procedural , and
Metacognitive .(Their five categories of Cognitive Process are treated in Chap. 8 ).
Table 5.2 gives the subcategories of the four categories of Knowledge.

Table 5.2 The knowledge: major types and subtypes

A. Factual knowledge
Aa. Knowledge of terminology
Ab. Knowledge of specific details and elements
B. Conceptual knowledge
Ba. Knowledge of classifications and categories
Bb. Knowledge of principles and generalizations
Bc. Knowledge of theories, models, and structures
C. Procedural knowledge
Ca. Knowledge of subject-specific skills and algorithms
Cb. Knowledge of subject-specific techniques and methods
Cc. Knowledge of criteria for determining when to use appropriate procedures
D. Metacognitive knowledge
Da. Strategic knowledge
Db. Knowledge about cognitive tasks, including appropriate contextual and conditional knowledge
Dc.Self-knowledge
Source: Anderson et al. (2001)

Types of Knowledge

The teacher’ s structuring can state f actual kno wledge, conceptual kno wledge,
procedural knowledge, or metacognitive knowledge.
Factual Knowledge. This cate gory consists of information about what is true or
false. It takes such forms as propositions (Bill Clinton has been President; An even
number is di visible by tw o), images (Alaska is northwest of Canada; Giraf fes are
taller than elephants), and linear orderings (The glider w as invented before the air -
plane; Vowels are usually listed as a-e-i-o-u- and sometimes y) .
Conceptual Knowledge. This cate gory includes general ideas (honesty , mass,
democracy), principles (mass equals force times acceleration), distinctions (rights
differ from obligations).
Procedural Knowledge. This cate gory comprises w ays of doing things, such as
behavioral (Walk carefully; Start sentences with capital letters) and mental (Think
before you respond; Summarize after you’ ve described; Re view after you’ ve
studied).
Categorizations of Content 99

Metacognitive Knowledge. This cate gory consists of thinking about one’ s o wn

cognitions. This tak es such forms as asking yourself whether you kno w or under-
stand, whether you should reread or re view, whether you’re allowing enough time
for carrying out a task, whether you’ve explained something clearly enough.
The role of content in a theory of teaching is to denote what is being taught, just
as the role of process in the theory is to denote how it is being taught. We turn now,
in Chap. 7, to salient characteristics of the students to whom teaching is addressed
– their cognitive capability and their motivation.
Chapter 6
Conceptions of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities
and Motivation

The process and content of teaching must be appropriate to two major categories of
factors – the students’ cognitive capabilities and the students’ motivation. Concern
with students’ cognitive capabilities and motivation should take place early in an y
teacher’s thinking about the process and content of teaching.

Two Components of Cognitive Capabilities

Cognitive capabilities are tw o-sided. They comprise (a) the student’ s intelligence
and (b) the student’ s prior kno wledge of what is being taught. The intelligence
component applies to content in general. Prior knowledge consists of what students
know, before being taught, about some specific kind of content.

Intelligence

We also call intelligence by such other names as intelligence quotient (IQ), general
intellectual capability , scholastic aptitude, cogniti ve ability (Carroll, 1993), and
multiple intelligences (Gardner, 1983). It has a general form – general intelligence
– that applies to all kinds of cogniti ve tasks, and a number of more specif ic forms
that apply to more specific kinds of intellectual tasks, such as verbal, mathematical,
and spatial.
The special abilities ha ve been identif ied in tw o ways: (a) f actor analysis – “a
mathematical procedure for reducing a set of intercorrelations to a small number of
descriptive or e xplanatory concepts” (V andenBos, 2007). This statistical method
was used on a lar ge scale by Carroll (1993) for determining the cate gories, or
“factors,” into which v arious kinds of cogniti ve abilities f all. Such cate gorization
was also performed by Gardner (1983) using a “multiple-intelligences” approach
described below.
Cognitive capabilities, called “mental age” by the original de velopers of intel-
ligence tests, make up the numerator in the traditional definition of the intelligence

N.L. Gage, A Conception of Teaching, 101

DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5_6, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
102 6 Conceptions of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation

quotient, or IQ, which equals Mental age divided by Chronological age. Mental age
is “the le vel of de velopment in intelligence, e xpressed as equi valent to the life
[chronological] age at which the a verage child attains that le vel” (English &
English, 1958, p. 18).
Factor Analysis. Factor analysis is the statistical analysis of the intercorrelations
between scores on a considerable number of tests, all of which, for the purposes
of this chapter , meas ure some aspect of intelligence. Its purpose, as considered
here, is to search for f actors, or clusters of tests, that measure the same kind of
mental ability. It yields special and general factors. The special factors appear when
factor analysis identif ies clusters of tests that measure to a high de gree the same
underlying, abstract kind of special ability , such as v erbal ability, mathematical
ability, and spatial ability. The tests within a factor correlate more highly with other
tests in the same f actor than the y do with tests in other f actors. The basis for the
concept of general intelligence, dubbed “ g” by its disco verer (Spearman, 1904),
rests on the f act that all the special abilities ha ve always been found to correlate
positively with one another. That is, people who score at a gi ven level on one abil-
ity, say verbal, tend to score at approximately the same level on other abilities, say,
mathematical and spatial. Those positi ve correlations taken together betok en an
underlying general ability that can w ork well on all of the kinds of cogniti ve
content.
Carroll’s (1993) integration of the f indings of factor analyses yielded the kinds
of special abilities listed in Table 6.1 .
Multiple Intelligences. Special abilities were also identif ied by Gardner (1983)
from a v ariety of kinds of e vidence: literary accounts, neurological e vidence,
descriptions of genius and def iciency, and anthropological reports. His f indings,
termed multiple intelligences, resemble and also dif fer from Carroll’s, as is shown
in Table 6. 1 .

Prior Knowledge

The other part of cognitive capabilities is the student’s prior knowledge of the con-
tent being taught. Students often v ary in prior kno wledge according to their inter -
ests, self-education, pre vious schooling, and random e xperiences. Whate ver the

Table 6.1 A comparison of Carroll’s and Gardner’s cognitive-ability categories

Carroll’s cognitive-ability factors Gardner’s multiple intelligences
Crystallizedintelligence Linguistic
Auditory perception ability Musical
Fluidintelligence Logical-mathematical
Visual perception Spatial
[Nocounterpart] Bodily-kinesthetic
Knowledge-of-behavioral-content Interpersonal
Source: Carroll (1993, p. 461)
Adjusting Teaching to Students’ Cognitive Capabilities 103

content, or subject matter , of the teaching may be, it is reasonable to assume that
students will differ, sometimes substantially, in their prior kno wledge of that con-
tent. Those differences should influence the effectiveness of the process and content
of the teaching aimed at those students.
The Russian psychologist Vygotsk y (1978) recognized the importance of prior
knowledge in his concept of “zone of proximal development” (ZPD), formulated in
the 1920s. The ZPD consists of the difference between the knowledge, or problem-
solving ability, of the student before receiving instruction and the student’s capabili-
ties after receiving the guidance and assistance of a teacher . Ausubel (1968, p. i v)
recognized the reasonableness of the assumption that prior knowledge is important
when he stated that “If I had to reduce all of educational psychology to just one
principle, I would say this: The most important single factor influencing learning is
what the learner already kno ws. Ascertain this and teach him accordingly .” Or, as
R. M. Gagné (1985) made the same point,
One set of factors contributing to learning is the capabilities that already e xist in the indi-
vidual before an y particular ne w learning be gins. The child who is learning to tie shoe-
laces does not begin this learning “from scratch” but already knows how to hold the laces,
how to loop one over the other, how to tighten the loop, and so on. (p. 16)

Prior knowledge consists, for any subject matter, of the same types of kno wl-
edge (factual, conceptual, procedural, and metacognitive) and the same cognitive
processes (remember , understand, apply , analyze, e valuate, and create) that
appear in A Taxonomy for Teaching, Learning, and Assessing (Anderson &
Krathwohl, 2001). Students’ prior kno wledge almost al ways v aries whene ver
students are assessed as to their prior achievement of the objectives of the teach-
ing. Typically, students’ scores on a pretest of achie vement correlate positi vely
with their scores on a posttest. That is, students who had more of the types of
knowledge and cogniti ve-process capabilities before the teaching tend to score
higher after the teaching on an assessment of that content kno wledge and cogni-
tive-process capability.

Adjusting Teaching to Students’ Cognitive Capabilities

Teaching should be appropriate for students’ cognitive capabilities as teachers seek

to carry out the tasks imposed by the teaching. Traditionally, curriculum developers
for any of the v arious grade levels and subject matters try to adjust the content to
the estimated cogniti ve capabilities of the anticipated students of a specif ic grade
level. The authors of textbooks in a specific subject matter for a specific grade level
must also estimate the cognitive capabilities of anticipated students.
But curriculum developers and textbook authors can adjust their product to only
a relatively narrow range of cognitive capabilities. That range is narro wer than the
range of cognitive capabilities usually encountered by a teacher among the students
in her class. F or example, a f ifth-grade teacher may ha ve students whose mental
ages range a full year or more abo ve and below the average of her students.
104 6 Conceptions of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation

Early Cognitive Capabilities

By the time 5- or 6-year -olds enter school, the y have developed well past the inf ant
and early childhood stages of cognitive capabilities described by Piaget and Inhelder
(1973) and others. R. L. Atkinson, R. C. Atkinson, E. E. Bem, & S. Nolen-Hoeksema
(2000, p. 77) summarized the abilities of typical kindergarten and first-grade children
as follows. Such children can typically
• differentiate themselves from objects,
• recognize themselves as agents of action and act intentionally ,
• realize that things continue to e xist when no longer visible or audible,
• use language to represent images and w ords,
• differentiate themselves from others,
• take the viewpoint of others, and
• classify objects by one or more features and arrange them in some order .
Then, between the ages of about se ven to twelve, they become able to
• think logically about objects and events
• realize that objects stay the same in number and weight even when they differ in
position, shape, or color,
• classify objects according to several features and order them in series on a single
dimension, such as size,
• think logically about abstract propositions and test hypotheses systematically ,
• become concerned with the hypothetical, the future, and ideological problems.
What these research findings on intelligence mean is that the a verage student is
well able to cope with the elementary- and secondary-school curricula that ha ve
become well established around the world. But the students differ in the speed and
facility with which the y can learn what is usually taught in those grades. Students
eventually succeed if they are not too far below the average level of cognitive capa-
bilities for their age.

Cognitive Capabilities and Teaching Processes

Here we develop connections between (a) the various levels of cognitive capabilities
that occur in grades 1 to 12 or at the colle ge level and (b) the dif ferent ways of
teaching that become appropriate for students at different levels of cognitive capabilities
relative to the average level for their grade level.
The psychology of individual differences, which is the study of the psychological
ways in which individuals and groups differ from one another, was early seen as a
source of knowledge that would be useful for teachers in coping with the f act that
each of their students differed in cognitive capabilities from their other students. We
turn now to attempts to develop ways of dealing with this unavoidable characteristic
of classrooms-full of students.
Adjusting Teaching to Students’ Cognitive Capabilities 105

Applying Aptitude–Treatment Interactions. One method originally proposed for

use by teachers in coping with individual differences among their students in cogni-
tive capabilities was the use of f indings from research on aptitude-treatment-inter -
actions (ATIs), discussed in Chap. 5. Such interactions w ould enable teachers to
select “treatments, ” or teaching processes and contents, according to ho w the y
“interacted” with students’ cognitive capabilities. An ATI would mean that a given
kind of teaching would yield dif ferent results for students who dif fered on some
“aptitude,” or characteristic, such as cognitive capabilities. Such interactions would
mean that students at one le vel of cognitive capabilities would be better taught by
one kind of teaching, while students at another level would be better taught by a
different kind. F or e xample, students at higher le vels of cogniti ve capability
would be taught the Pythagorean theorem with words and numbers, but students at
lower levels would be taught with w ooden squares and a right triangle dra wn on a
board.
This ATI proposal faltered on the low or non-existent replicability of findings from
research on meta-analyses (e.g., K ulik, 1981). The low replicability meant that f ind-
ings were inconsistent from one investigation to another and hence untrustw orthy.
Also ATIs confronted teachers with ideas that were difficult to put into practice.
It called upon teachers to use possibly radically different approaches to teaching for
students within the same class. It called upon teachers to di vide their students into
two or more sharply dif ferentiated groups. Coupled with the undependability of
ATIs, these flaws brought the ATI approach to an end.

Simplifying

One effective way of teaching for different levels of cognitive capabilities within a
single grade level is simplification. It can take various forms:
Reduce the Number and Length of the Items Encountered. or F example, the
teacher can reduce (a) the number of lines of a poem to be memorized; (b) the number
of chemical atomic weights to be remembered; (c) the number of words in a single
sentence of an explanation; (d) the number of sentences spoken by the teacher with-
out pausing or allo wing interruptions; (e) the number of sen tences that refer to a
given topic; (f) the length of reading assignments; (g) the number of problems
assigned for homework, (h) the duration of uninterrupted teacher talk; (i) the time
gap between the content of recent teacher discourse and the occurrence of teachers’
questions on that discourse.
Use Simpler and More Familiar Words. Examples: “hide” rather than “con-
ceal;” “make unclear” rather than “obfuscate.”
Provide Mnemonic Devices. Example a: Mnemonic de vice HOMES for the
names of the Great Lak es (Huron, Ontario, Michigan, Erie, Superior). Example b:
Mnemonic Device: MVEMJSUNP = My Very Earnest Mother Just Served Us Nine
Pickles. F or the names of the planets, in order of their distance from the sun:
Mercury, Venus, Earth, Mars, Jupiter , Saturn, Uranus, Neptune, Pluto. Example
106 6 Conceptions of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation

c: Mnemonic Device: ROY G. BIV (a made-up name) for the colors of the rainbow,
in order: Red, Orange, Yellow, Green, Blue, Indigo, Violet. – OR – Richard Of York
Gave Battle In Vain.
Provide Algorithms, or Sets of Rules, for Solving Problems. Example a: A set of
steps for multiplying by tw o or more digits, whereby the product of the multipli-
cand (the number to be multiplied), e.g., 250, and the first digit (2) of the multiplier,
e.g., 72, is written on the first line and the product of the multiplicand and the sec-
ond digit of the multiplier is written on the second line and indented one space to
the left, and so on for the multiplier’s remaining 1750

250
×72
500
1750
18000

Reducing Cognitive Load

The de gree to which a learning situation requires the student to e xert cogniti ve
effort has been termed cognitive load by Sweller (1999). As the term suggests, the
concept is concerned with the “consequences of difficulty in dealing with the elements
of a task, ” and “dif ficulty in holding and processing man y elements in a limited
working memory” (Sweller, 1999, p. 36).
Sweller (1999) elaborated on f actors affecting cognitive load, namely, (a) inter-
activity, (b) split attention, (c) w orked e xamples, and (d) redundanc y. He also
suggested w ays of coping with dif ferences in cogniti ve capabilities by reducing
cognitive load in ways set forth in Chap. 8.

A Clinical Approach

The term “clinical” refers to the diagnosis and treatment of psychological prob-
lems, such as the adjustment of teaching to the needs of individual students. (It also
refers to medical or psychiatric processes.) The teacher , in using these w ays of
meeting the needs of their less cognitively capable students, must momentarily treat
them in w ays that are dif ferent from those suitable for the other students in her
class. Cronbach (1967) captured the way in which teachers typically – on the evidence
of one’s own memories of classroom teachers’ processes – cope with the inevitable
differences among their students:
The teacher adapts instructional method to the indi vidual on both the micro (small) and
macro (large) levels. He barely ackno wledges the comment one pupil mak es in class dis-
cussion, and stops to praise a lesser contribution from another who (he [the teacher] thinks)
A Clinical Approach 107

needs special encouragement. He turns away from one pupil who asks for help – “You can
find the answer by yourself if you k eep at it” – and w alks the length of the classroom to
offer help to another, because he has decided to encourage the independence of the former
pupil and to minimize the frustration of the latter . On the lar ger scale, he not only allo ws
options for a term paper, but may custom tailor a project for the student with special abili-
ties or limitations.
The significant thing about these adaptations is their informality [italics added]. The
teacher picks up some cues from the pupil’s test record and his daily w ork, and other cues
from rather casual observation of his social interactions. The teacher forms an impression
of the pupil from the cues, usually without an e xplicit chain of reasoning. He proceeds on
the basis of the impression to alter the instruction; the adaptation too is intuiti ve, without
any explicit theory. No doubt the decisions tend to be beneficial, but there is reason to think
that intuitive adaptations of this kind will be inef ficient and occasionally may be harmful.
(pp. 28–29)

At this point Cronbach introduced a w arning based on his research on clinical

processes. He w arns against teachers’ “o verdifferentiation.” He cites his f inding
(Cronbach, 1955, pp. 182–183) that counselors expect too much from high scorers
and too little from lo w scorers on tests. The implication is that teachers should
avoid extremes in their attempts to adapt their teaching to differences in the cogni-
tive capabilities of their students. They will mak e fewer and less e xtreme errors
when they lean toward treating all their students as close to the a verage.

Tutoring

Tutoring consists of the teacher’s working with a single student or a small number
of students who impress the teacher as needing special attention. That need can
arise because the student is finding the content as presented too difficult or too easy
as compared with the majority of students in the class.
For students having difficulty, the tutoring can be organized according to the same
structuring, soliciting, responding, and reacting that occur in re gular CDR teaching.
Structuring can provide simpler and shorter explanations of content, using the simpli-
fication de vices described abo ve. Soliciting can pro vide easier -to-answer-correctly
questions. The student’ s responding can be strongly encouraged, and the teacher’ s
reaction can be warm and patient. The teacher may insure that students have adequate
time-on-task, encourage students to try harder, and assure students of her expectations
of their eventual success.

Teaching with Multiple Intelligences

How should the teaching process be formulated in vie w of the e vidence of multiple
intelligences? Must radically different processes be used for students known to differ
in the strength of the various intelligences? Or can the Conventional-Direct-Recitation
(CDR) process, delineated in Chap. 4, serv e and be adapted to students’ multiple
intelligences?
108 6 Conceptions of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation

Students’ cognitive capabilities are still often considered to be unidimensional,

that is, to fall higher or lower on a single measure, such as IQ or prior kno wledge.
So teachers could then use the kind of clinical judgment sketched above in adapting
their teaching to individual differences among students on that single dimension.
In view of the identif ication of multiple dimensions, one approach is to re vise the
teaching process radically (in the sense of going to the root of the problem) so as to
exploit and enhance one or more of the multiple intelligences. Then the teaching process
calls forth the kind of student intelligence required by the content being taught.
Lazear (1992) developed such a radical approach. He identif ied four stages in
such teaching:
(a) a wakening the intelligences; (b) amplifying the intelligences; (c) teaching
with the intelligences; and (d) transferring the intelligences.
Awakening the Intelligences. The teacher here can acti vate linguistic intelligence
by calling for a written composition. Or she can call attention to logical-mathemat-
ical intelligence by asking for the proof of the Pythagorean theorem.
Amplifying the Intelligences. The teacher can strengthen musical intelligence by
asking students to practice the scale. Or she can improve visual-spatial intelligence
by asking students to draw, from memory, a map of the state the y live in.
Teaching with the Intelligences. The teacher can impro ve students’ bodily-kines-
thetic intelligence through helping students understand the concept of balance by
using a see-sa w and v arying their distances from the point on which the see-sa w
rests. Or she can enhance their interpersonal intelligence by having small groups of
students discuss the pros and cons of capital punishment.
Transferring the intelligences. Here the teacher’s task is to help the students under -
stand the applicability of a teacher’ s structuring can adjust to her students’ spatial
intelligence by using visual aids ranging from a chalkboard to slides and mo vies pro-
jected onto a screen. Because students may dif fer in their ability to understand such
visual aids, the teacher can modify the aids by making them simpler or more complex
according to students’ needs. Particularly in geometry and visual arts—such as dra w-
ing, painting, mechanical drawing, and lettering—teachers can vary such factors as the
size, complexity, perspective, color, and detail in adjusting visual stimuli to students’
spatial intelligence.
Musical Intelligence. Students are likely to differ greatly in musical intelligence not
only because of innate factors that make them more or less musically intelligent for no
observable reason. The y also dif fer because of en vironmental f actors such as their
parents’ and friends’ musical interests. The elementary school teacher’s responsibility
is to gi ve her students an introduction to music that will enhance their pleasure and
alertness to the possibility that some of her students should get more than such an
introduction, namely, an opportunity to take lessons in playing a musical instrument or
in singing.
Because her structuring aims at the class as a whole, it is typically concerned
with musical appreciation, not performance. As such, her structuring becomes a
verbal activity for providing knowledge about music of the kinds identif ied in the
A Conception of Student Motivation 109

Anderson-Krathwohl Taxonomy described in Chap. 5: factual knowledge, conceptual

knowledge, procedural knowledge, and metacognitive knowledge.

Soliciting for Multiple Intelligences

The kinds of questions ask ed by the teacher after her structuring should also be
appropriate to the students’ linguistic, logical-mathematical, spatial, and musical
intelligences. Adjustments of soliciting for linguistic intelligence result from varying
the same f actors as those identif ied in structuring, namely , sentence structure,
transition between paragraphs, complexity, demand for prior knowledge, and duration.
Questions can be adjusted for logical-mathematical intelligence by v arying the
factual, conceptual, procedural, and metacognitive knowledges asked for. Questions
can take spatial intelligence into account by varying the size, complexity, perspec-
tive, color, and detail to which the questions refer . Differences in musical intelli-
gence can call upon the teacher to vary her questions about the musical compositions
she uses in fostering music appreciation. F or students qualif ied for instruction in
some form of musical performance, she can ask for performances appropriate to the
student’s level of skill.

Responding and Reacting for Multiple Intelligences

We combine the treatments of responding and reacting to recognize their close psycho-
logical and temporal relationship in the practice of teaching . That close relationship
makes it appropriate to discuss them together . Sirotnik (1983, p. 20) reported that, in
The Study of Schools, “[T]he most frequently occurring single interaction is one of
students responding to the teacher .... This occurs roughly 15 percent and 10 percent
of the time at the elementary and secondary le vels, respectively.”
After hearing one of the kinds of questions described abo ve, students will
respond in w ays that thro w light on their multiple intelligences. Their responses
will guide the teacher to ward improved understanding of their students’ capability
in the kind of intelligence tapped by the question. Then the teacher will tak e steps
to remedy any shortcomings revealed by the student’s response.

A Conception of Student Motivation

Students’ cognitive capabilities may be re garded as tools that students can use for
the purpose of learning. The concept of moti vation refers to the de gree to which
students use those tools. Student achie vement depends on students’ moti vation as
well as it does on their cogniti ve capabilities. Unmoti vated bright students may
learn less than well-moti vated students who ha ve less cogniti ve capability . The
110 6 Conceptions of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation

teacher’s task includes maximizing the degree to which students use their cognitive
capabilities for the purpose of achie ving the objecti ves set forth in the content of
teaching.
That students dif fer in their moti vation is easily and widely recognized. Some
students f ind school w ork interesting and challenging, The y enjo y hearing and
reading about ne w ideas, and the y find their classroom sessions enjo yable. Other
students have the opposite reactions to their classroom experiences, which they find
dull, frustrating, and irrelevant to their interests.
Teachers learn to hope for the first kind of students and to dread the second kind.
The first kind makes teachers feel successful, and the second kind frustrates teachers.
The influences that affect student motivation are of several kinds. One kind consists
of the f amily background. Better educated parents more often influence their
children to v alue education more and to tak e advantage of opportunities to learn.
Less well educated parents pass on to their children less respect for what schools
offer. Similar influences come from a student’ s siblings and friends. Harris (1998)
brought together much e vidence that children are influenced more by their peers
than by their parents.
What makes these differences occur? One place to look for the causes of these
differences is the homes of the students. Some students’ parents create home en vi-
ronments that foster high respect for what schools of fer, and that respect mak es
their children more highly motivated to do well at school. Similar influences come
from the student’ s peers, who pass their attitudes to ward schooling on to their
friends.
We shall focus here on the approaches that teachers can tak e to moti vate their
students. The approaches fall into the same two major categories of approaches that
characterized the science of psychology during the twentieth century: behavioristic
approaches and cognitive approaches.

Behavioristic Approaches

Behaviorism is an approach to psychology that focuses on observ able, e.g., visible

and audible, phenomena. As applied to motivation, it focuses on operant conditioning,
namely, the changing of beha vior (resulting from stimuli of unkno wn origin) by
means of its subsequent positive or negative reinforcement. Positive reinforcement
is a post-behavioral event that increases the probability of the behavior that preceded
the positive reinforcement. Negative reinforcement is the withdrawal, or cessation,
of an event that tends to reduce the probability of the occurrence of the preceding
behavior. Thus both positive and negative reinforcement tend to increase the prob-
ability of the prior behavior.
In teaching, the teacher’ s praise is a positi ve reinforcer in that its occurrence
tends to strengthen, or increase the lik elihood of, the prior e vent, e.g., the student
behavior that preceded the praise. Similarly , in teaching, the teacher’ s frown is a
A Conception of Student Motivation 111

negative reinforcer whose non-occurrence strengthens the likelihood of the student’s

making a correct response.
Contracts. Thus students can be motivated to try to learn by either positive or nega-
tive reinforcement, and teachers presumably ha ve for millennia been a ware of this
effect of their beha vior (e.g., praise or frowns). But teachers can mak e such
changes in student beha vior more lik ely by entering into contracts with students.
For example, student volunteering can be increased by a contract whereby the stu-
dent’s volunteering at least once an hour for se veral days will be re warded with
something the student values, such as time with a ne w computer. And the terms of
the contract can be gradually changed until the student volunteers much more often
without the extraneous reward, or reinforcement.
Token Economies. Arrangements, whereby desirable student beha viors are rein-
forced with “tokens” that the students can exchange for things they want are called
“token economies” (McLaughlin & W illiams, 1988). The tok ens may be mere
cumulative points, chips, stars, ratings, or check marks. The tar get behaviors to be
decreased (e.g., talking out of turn, off-task behavior, hyperactivity) or increased
(e.g., attention to school subjects, assignment completion, accurac y of perform-
ance) have been found controllable through tok en economies. The teacher mak es
sure that the rules for gaining or losing tok ens are understood by her students. The
things for which tokens can be exchanged take such forms as edibles, toys, trinkets,
recess duration, and free time.
The effectiveness of tok en economies in bringing about the desired changes in
student behavior has been well-documented (McLaughlin & Williams, 1988, p. 471).
It represents a triumph of beha vioral methods for manipulating motivation.

Cognitive Approaches

During the last third of the twentieth century , psychologists o vercame their hesitanc y
about theorizing with variables that were not directly observable behaviors. They became
willing to work with cognitions: “all forms of kno wing and awareness, such as perceiv-
ing, concei ving, remembering, reasoning, judging, imagining, and problem solving”
(VandenBos, 2007, p. 187). When it came to understanding motivation, they saw a moti-
vated person “as someone with cognitions or beliefs that lead to constructi ve achieve-
ment beha vior, such as e xerting ef fort or persisting in the f ace of dif ficulty” (Stipek,
2002, p. 10).

Teachers can af fect cogniti ve aspects of moti vation through what the y say to
students about their o wn expectations of students. The teacher’ s genuine e xpecta-
tion that a student can succeed at a task will moti vate the student to e xert effort to
meet the teacher’s expectations. Teachers can influence their students’ perception
of learning tasks: the task’s relevance to students’ values, its value for understand-
ing the logical aspects of reading, its usefulness in using arithmetic and other
aspects of mathematics in occupational and recreational acti vities.
112 6 Conceptions of Students’ Cognitive Capabilities and Motivation

Increasing a student’s level of success with school tasks will lower the probability
of the student’ s becoming unmoti vated. Here the teacher’ s sensiti vity to e very
student’s successes and f ailures in meeting the demands of the curriculum can
guide the teacher’ s treatment of the student. The student’ s f ailure to understand
something should become a signal calling forth the teacher’ s increased ef fort to
bring about the understanding. In short, the teacher’ s v arious cognitions should
guide the teacher’s effort to help every student succeed.
Chapter 7
A Conception of Classroom Management

Classroom management is a prerequisite of the process, content, and student cogni-

tive capabilities and student motivation components treated in Chaps. 4-6. It can be
distinguished from teaching because it does not deal directly with the process and
content of teaching. As Johnson and Brooks (1979) put it,
[T]he function of classroom management can be distinguished conceptually from the
teacher’s primary function, instruction, however intimately the two may be related in prac-
tice....[E]ach of the tw o functions can occur without the other , since instruction does not
always involve a group of learners in a classroom, and classrooms need to be managed
whether or not instruction is taking place. (p. 1)

The distinction between teaching and classroom management w as also identi-

fied by Brophy and Good (1986) when the y noted that
[S]o many findings [of process-product research] were derived from naturalistic situations
where teachers v aried drastically in their allocation of time to academic acti vities and in
their classroom or ganization and management skills. The dif ferences in student opportu-
nity to learn created by these dif ferences in time allocation and classroom management
probably overwhelmed, and thus mask ed, the ef fect of whate ver differences occurred in
quality of instruction. (p. 367)

The publication of a Handbook of Classroom Management (Ev ertson &

Weinstein, 2006) implied further recognition of the distinction between teaching
and classroom management.

Poverty

Before we consider classroom management at the classroom level, we must not shy
away from a crucial aspect of the context of teaching – one that shapes the problem
of teaching in areas of society where classroom management is most difficult. That
aspect is po verty – the po verty of students, of their f amilies, and of their
neighborhoods.
Berliner (2005) con vincingly described po verty as a major f actor that troubles
classroom management in the U.S. According to authoritati ve statistics cited by

N.L. Gage, A Conception of Teaching, 113

DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5_7, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
114 7 A Conception of Classroom Management

Berliner, poverty is more widespread and longer -lasting in the U.S. than in compa rably
prosperous countries. And, in the U.S., po verty is associated with lo w scholastic
achievement, especially among African-American and Hispanic students. As is
shown in Tables 7.1 and 7.2, the average achievement of students from low-income
African-American and Hispanic families is substantially lower than that of middle-
class white American students and of students in other countries. Po verty-afflicted
family environments and neighborhood environments prevent the realization of the
genetic potential of students from low-income families, while middle-class students
are able to achieve at their genetic potential (Turkheimer, Haley, Waldron, D’Onofrio,
& Gottesman, 2003). The medical problems that impair scholastic achievement and
opportunities beyond the school years occur more often and more se verely among
students from low-income families and neighborhoods.

Table 7.1 Mathematics scores (mean = 500) ( Source: PISA* 2000: Lemke et al., 2003)..
Country Score
Japan 557
Korea, Republic of 547
New Zealand 537
Finland 536
Australia 533
Canada 533
United States Average Score of White Students 530
Switzerland 529
United Kingdom 529
Belgium 520
France 517
Austria 515
Denmark 514
Iceland 514
Sweden 510
Ireland 503
Norway 499
Czech Republic 498
United States Average Score 493
Germany 490
Hungary 488
Spain 476
Poland 470
Italy 457
Portugal 454
Greece 447
Luxembourg 446
United States Average Score for Hispanic Students 437
United States Average Score for African American Students 423
Mexico 387
*PIMA = Program on International Student Achie vement Source: Berliner, 2005, p. 20
Poverty 115

Table 7.2 Literacy scores (mean=500) from PISA * 2000 (Lemke et al., 2003)
Country Score
Korea, Republic of 552
Japan 550
United States Average Score of White Students 538
Finland 538
UnitedKingdom 532
Canada 529
New Zealand 528
Australia 528
Austria 519
Ireland 513
Sweden 512
CzechRepublic 511
France 500
Norway 500
United States Average Score 499
Hungary 496
Iceland 496
Belgium 496
Switzerland 496
Spain 491
Germany 487
Poland 483
Denmark 481
Italy 478
Greece 461
Portugal 459
United States Average Score for Hispanic Students 449
United States Average Score for African American Students 445
Luxembourg 443
Mexico 422
*PIMA=Program on International Student Achievement
Source: Berliner, 2005, p. 21

Accordingly, the test scores of students from low-income families and neighbor-
hoods.in the U.S. are substantially lo wer than that of middle-class American stu-
dents and middle-class students in other countries. Po verty-afflicted f amily and
neighborhood environments prevent the realization of the genetic potential of students
from low-income families, while middle-class students are able to achie ve at their
genetic potential, Also the medical problems that impair scholastic achie vement
and employment opportunities beyond the school years occur more often and more
severely among students from low-income families and neighborhoods.
Most important, as Berliner states, seemingly modest decreases in the po verty
level of lo w-income f amilies result in impro ved student beha vior and scholastic
achievement. Poverty seriously restricts the potential of school reform for impro v-
ing how students behave and how much they learn. He describes a study (Dearing,
McCartney, & T aylor, 2001), that used, as a measure of po verty, the ratio of income-
116 7 A Conception of Classroom Management

available to the [f inancial] needs faced by a f amily. A ratio of 1.00 means that the
family is just making it, that its f amily income and needs such as housing, food,
transportation, etc., are matched. A ratio of 3.00 w ould be more lik e that of a
middle-class family, and a ratio of 0.8 w ould indicate poverty of some magnitude.
A large and reasonably representati ve sample of poor and non-poor f amilies were
followed for 3 years, and their income-to-needs ratios were computed re gularly, as
were their children’s scores on various social and academic measures. It was found
was that, as poor families went from poor to a lot less poor, for whatever reasons,
their children’s performance began to resemble that of the never-poor children with
whom they were matched (Berliner, 2005, p. 44).
Berliner’s argument implies that one ef fective, and hitherto well-nigh unused,
way to impro ve schools and achie vement in the U.S. is to reduce the po verty of
low-income families and their children . In the words of Dearing et al. (2001),
Nearly 17% of children in the United States li ve in po verty (U.S. Bureau of the Census,
1999); thus, the importance of these findings, especially with respect to risk and prevention,
is great from an incidence v alidity perspective (see F abes, Martin, Harish, & Upde graff,
2000). The findings of the present study showed that naturally occurring decreases in fam-
ily income-to-needs were associated with worse developmental outcomes for children from
poor f amilies. Conversely, naturally occurring increases in family income-to-needs were
associated with better developmental outcomes for children from poor families .
[italics added] (p. 1791)

Poverty and the Superintendency

Consistent with Berliner’s portrayal of the way poverty affects classroom manage-
ment is the description by Merrow (2004) of the difficulties of obtaining successful
superintendents of big-city schools, such as those of T ucson, St. Louis, Houston,
and Pittsburgh, where man y of the students come from lo w-income f amilies. As
Merrow described it,
Typically, a new superintendent arrives in a city, hailed as the answer to e very problem –
low test scores, poor attendance, embarrassing graduation rates. When change does not
occur overnight, or perhaps at all, disappointment sets in. The superintendent departs for
the next school district, and the c ycle begins anew. (p. B-1)

This portrayal of a problem associated with classroom management points at the

realities. Where po verty surrounds the parents and their children, classroom man-
agement has rough going.

Classroom Management in General

Fortunately, although po verty is widespread in the U.S., it is f ar from uni versal.

Classroom management, along lines that research has found to be ef fective, has
been able to provide classroom environments that foster learning and achievement.
It is that kind of classroom management to which we no w turn.
Classroom Management in General 117

In its function as a prerequisite of teaching, classroom management seeks to

optimize the amount of classroom time a vailable for teaching’s processing of con-
tent in w ays suitable to students’ cognitive capabilities. Con versely, classroom
management seeks to minimize classroom time spent in w ays that interfere with
teaching and learning. In the minimizing function, classroom management seeks to
prevent students from engaging in counterproducti ve activities, such as irrele vant
conversation with other students, disrupti ve noise-making, w asted time, and dis-
tractive movement – acti vities that subtract from the time a vailable for the teach-
ing’s processing the content to be learned and for the students’ learning of that
content. We turn now to each of these major aspects of classroom management.

Instructional Time

The study of classroom management has been formulated in terms of the concept
of instructional time, or the ways in which time is used or misused in the classroom.
A body of theoretical and empirical literature on the v ariables relevant to instruc-
tional time has emerged. The concept of instructional time provides an explanation
for the positive correlation between the many kinds of classroom management and
student achievement. Classroom management deals with techniques that minimize
the amount of time spent in making transitions from one subject or acti vity to
another and the amount of time spent in housekeeping and logistical activities, such
as passing papers around or getting materials ready .
The instructional-time approach stems from influential publications by Carroll
(1963, 1985, 1989), who proposed that three of five major factors in school learning
– the student’ s aptitude , opportunity to learn, and perseverance – could be
expressed in terms of time. Only the fourth factor, ability to understand instruction ,
and the fifth factor, instructional quality, could not be so e xpressed.
1. Student aptitude. The amount of time ordinarily required by a student for learn-
ing content in some domain, such as mathematics or science, other things being
equal.
2. Opportunity to learn. The amount of time allowed for student learning by a pro-
gram, school schedule, or teacher.
3. Perseverance. The amount of time a student is willing to spend on learning a task
or unit of instruction, other things being equal.
4. Ability to understand instruction. In interaction with the method of instruction,
especially in situations where the learner is left to infer for himself the concepts
and relationships to be learned.
5. Quality of instruction. A v ariable that could not be e xpressed in terms of time
but is considered to require that students be told clearly what the y are to learn,
that students must be put into adequate contact with learning materials, and that
steps in learning must be carefully planned and ordered. (p. 714) .
Carroll’s model ga ve birth to a producti ve “instructional-time mo vement” in
education, resulting in, among others, managerial applications to such v ariables as
118 7 A Conception of Classroom Management

length of the school year and the school day . It was an important part of the basis
for Mastery Learning (Bloom, 1968), an influential model of teaching during the
1970s. Other applications took the form of signif icant research on instructional
time, that is, on w ays in which teachers could use classroom management so as to
optimize the use of classroom time and, thus, the level of student achievement (see,
e.g., Ben-Peretz & Bromme, 1990; Berliner , 1987; Denham & Lieberman, 1980;
Fisher & Berliner, 1985). But Gage (1978) pointed to a signif icant gap in Carroll’s
conception of time in the classroom:
Academic learning time, in the form of allocated and engaged learning time is, in a sense,
a psychologically empty quantitative concept. [italics added] W e need better analyses
of how that time is filled, of what learning processes go on during academic learning time.
(p. 75)

Carroll (1989) replied:

The problem is, of course, that although we can measure time – certainly elapsed time, and
possibly “academic learning time” or “time on task, ” we cannot meaningfully measure
what goes on in the head of the student during that time [italics added], or insure in an y
way that what goes on in the student’ s head is addressed to learning. (p. 27)

Studying Students’ Thought Processes

Here Carroll was writing like a behaviorist. He was overlooking well-established

methods for studying “what goes on in the head of the student” – methods
developed within the cogniti ve psychology that became more prominent than
behaviorism during the last 40 years of the twentieth century . E. D. Gagné,
Yekovich, & Yekovich (1993) described f ive of the methods used in cogniti ve
psychology for studying mental processes: (a) response latencies (ho w long it
takes for a person to respond to a stimulus), (b) e ye fixations (what part of a
stimulus a person is looking at), (c) v erbal reports (what a person says he is or
was thinking at a certain time), (d) sorting (ho w a person sorts or classif ies a
set of objects), and (e) free recall (what a person can recall after being pre-
sented with certain stimuli).
By 1986, research on students’ thought processes had flourished enough to war-
rant a chapter titled “Students’ Thought Processes” (W ittrock, 1986b) in the third
edition of the Handbook of Research on Teaching (W ittrock, 1986a) . Wittrock
began that chapter with a list of 12 kinds of students’ thought processes:
The recent research on students’ thought processes studies the effects of teachers
and instruction upon the student perceptions, e xpectations, attentional processes,
motivations, attributions, memories, generations, understandings, beliefs, attitudes,
learning strategies, and metacognitive processes that mediate achievement. (p. 297)
Particularly acti ve in e xploring students’ thought processes were Marx and
Winne (Marx & W inne, 1987; W inne, 1982, 1987, 1995; W inne & Marx, 1983,
1987). Answers to Carroll’s methodological question – how to “study what goes on
in students’ heads” – took various forms. Especially studied by them was the question,
Classroom Management in General 119

Do students actually seek cues for their learning during the teacher’s discourse? On
this question, Winne and Marx (1983) wrote
Do students seek out signals about cognitions? Our answer sho wed that students notice
cues for cognitions that their teachers use during instruction. Ho wever, this does not dem-
onstrate that students actively look for cues. One w ay to show that students seek out cues
is to locate places in lessons where teachers do not claim that a cue w as used. Then, if
students tell us that the y observ ed a cue there nonetheless, we ha ve e vidence that the y
actively look for cues.
Occasionally, we stopped the replay of a lesson for a teacher because we thought a cue
had been given but had not been identif ied. On some of these occasions, the teachers said
that they were not sure that the y really used a cue at that point. On others, the y were sure
that a cue had been used but they gave ambiguous descriptions about the cue that they were
trying to guide students to apply .... When we intervie wed students, we replayed the vide-
otape, stopping it at all these types of situations. The e vidence supporting our contention
that students are active seekers of cues comes from their responses to incidents where their
teacher either was ambiguous about whether a cue was delivered or was certain that no cue
had been used. (pp. 274–275)

The significance of the f inding that students use cues in the teacher beha vior
they witness is that it points to the possibility of using students’ thought processes
as the basis for conjectures as to what is going on during instructional time. Such
conjectures can be illustrated by holding that (a) students are paying attention to
what the teacher is saying, (b) the y understand the curriculum-rele vant features
of what she is saying and what the y have read, (c) their participation in the “lan-
guage game” of Bellack, Kliebard, Hyman, and Smith (1966) enables them to
respond, either audibly or silently, to the teacher’s solicitations, and (d) in formu-
lating their responses the y use cogniti ve processes of the kind re viewed by
Wittrock (1986b).

Categories of Instructional Time

As the study of instructional time developed, it became clear that instructional time
could be categorized. Berliner (1990) formulated the following:
Allocated time: “The amount of time a state, district, school, or teacher provides the student
for instruction” in a given subject. (p. 4)
Engaged time. “[T]he time that students appear to be paying attention. ” (p. 4)
Time-on-task.”[E]ngaged time on particular learning tasks.” (p. 5)
Academic learning time. “[T]hat part of allocated time in a subject-matter area.... in which
a student is engaged successfully in the acti vities or with the materials to which he or she
is exposed, and in which those activities and materials are related to educational outcomes.
[i.e., are in instructional alignment] with assessments of outcome. ” (p. 5)
Transition time: “[T]he noninstructional time before and after some instructional acti vity.” (p. 5)
Waiting time. “[T]he time a student must w ait to receive some instructional help.” (p. 6)
Pace. “[T]he amount of content co vered during some time period.” (p. 6)
Off-task time. To Berliner’s list we add a kind of time that classroom management should
minimize: time spent in such ways as the aforementioned irrelevant talk between students,
disruptive noise-making, and distracting movement.
120 7 A Conception of Classroom Management

In terms of the definitions of these time variables, our conjectures would be that
student achievement will be
– positively correlated with amounts of allocated time, engaged time, time-on-task, aca-
demic learning time, and pace, and
–negatively correlated with amounts of transition time, w aiting time, and off-task time.

The implication is, of course, that the teacher should aim classroom manage-
ment at increasing the positively-correlated-with-achievement kinds of time and at
reducing the negatively-correlated -with-achievement kinds of time. Some research-
based findings on classroom management can be translated into “teacher should”
statements.

Classroom Management in Elementary Schools

The follo wing e xamples of these f indings in elementary school classrooms were
developed by Brophy and Evertson (1976) and paraphrased by Gage (1978, p. 39):
Teachers should have a system of rules that allo w students to attend to their
personal and procedural needs without having to check with the teacher.
Teachers should move around the room a lot, monitoring students’ seatwork and
communicating to their students an a wareness of their behavior, while also attend-
ing to their academic needs.
When students work independently, teachers should insure that the assignments
are interesting and worthwhile yet still easy enough to be completed by each third
grader without teacher direction.
Teachers should keep to a minimum such acti vities as gi ving directions and
organizing the class for instruction. Teachers can do this by writing the daily sched-
ule on the board, insuring that students kno w where to go, what to do, etc.
In selecting students to respond to questions, teachers should call on a child by
name before asking the question as a means of insuring that all students are gi ven
an equal number of opportunities to answer questions.
With less academically oriented students, teachers should al ways aim at getting
the child to gi ve some kind of response to a question. Rephrasing, gi ving cues, or
asking a new question can be useful techniques for bringing forth some answer from
a previously silent student or one who says, “I don’ t know” or answers incorrectly.
During reading-group instruction, teachers should gi ve a maximal amount of
brief feedback and provide fast-paced activities of the “drill” type.

Classroom Management in Secondary Schools

Emmer and his co-w orkers (Emmer, Sanford, Clements, & Martin, 1982; Emmer ,
Evertson, Sanford, Clements, & W orsham, 1984) de veloped comparable f indings
concerning classroom management for junior and senior high school teachers
Avoiding Biases toward Students 121

Examples of the results of their research are pieces of advice to teachers with such
titles as “keys to room arrangement,” “planning your classroom rules,” and “moni-
toring student work in progress.”
On the important problem of managing inappropriate beha vior, Emmer et al.
(1984) offered the following recommendations:
1. When the student is of f task – that is, not w orking on an assignment – redirect
his attention to the task: “Robert, you should be writing no w.” Or, “Becky, the
assignment is to complete all the problems on the page. ” Check the students’
progress shortly thereafter to make sure they are continuing to work.
2. Make eye contact with or mo ve closer to the student. Use a signal, such as a
finger to the lips or a head shak e, to prompt the appropriate beha vior. Monitor
until the student complies.
3. If the student is not follo wing a procedure correctly, simply reminding the stu-
dent of the correct procedure may be ef fective. You can either state the correct
procedure or ask the student if he or she remembers it.
4. Ask or tell the student to stop the inappropriate beha vior. Then monitor the stu-
dent until it stops and the student be gins constructive activity. (p. 100)
Another realization about classroom management research is that, ho wever
obvious some of its findings may seem, many teachers at all grade levels have failed
at classroom management. And the y have been helped (e.g., Anderson, Ev ertson,
& Brophy, 1979) to do a better job when gi ven training based on the f indings of
research showing how more effective classroom managers behave differently from
those who are less effective.

Avoiding Biases toward Students

Research has shown that teachers, usually unintentionally, exhibit biases of various kinds
concerning students – biases that reduce students’ ability to stay on task. Accordingly ,
avoiding such bias is also a signif icant aspect of classroom management.
The bias may stem from teachers’ unwittingly dif ferentiating disadvantageously
against students on the basis of their gender , or ethnicity, or socio-economic status.
Perhaps most difficult bias to avoid is that against low-achieving students.
Biases show up when students get treated dif ferently by teachers in such w ays as
how often students are called upon,
how teachers react to students’ responses,
how long teachers will wait for students to respond to a question,
how often students in dif ferent parts of the classroom – say , the rear and the sides
– may be called upon,
how often teachers give justified praise or reproof to students.
Since the bias is usually unintentional, teachers tend to be una ware of it. If so,
merely mentioning bias may tend to reduce it. Another possibly helpful practice
122 7 A Conception of Classroom Management

calls upon Teacher A to invite Teacher B to observe in Teacher A’s classroom, and
perhaps count the occurrences of an y of the abo ve-mentioned biases. Analyzing
such data might make Teacher A aware of her biases.
The concept of instructional time provides an e xplanation for the positi ve cor-
relation between the many kinds of classroom management and student achievement.
Classroom management deals with techniques that minimize the amount of time
spent in making transitions from one subject or acti vity to another and the amount
of time spent in housek eeping and logistical acti vities, such as passing papers
around or getting materials ready.
Chapter 8
Integrating the Conceptions

The notion of a single theory that does full justice to the phenomenon being
explained is, of course, attractive but infeasible for teaching. An example of a single
adequate theory is Isaac Ne wton’s second la w of motion; it embraces only three
variables (force, mass, and acceleration), related as f = ma, or force equals mass
times acceleration. Ev en so, it held only for frictionless surf aces and motion in a
vacuum. In the e veryday world, without the v acuum and with friction, matters get
more complicated.
Typically, scientif ic theories refer to relationships between man y v ariables.
In the behavioral sciences, theories of complex phenomena are abundant. Behavior
theory (Skinner, 1953) relates dri ve, behavior, reinforcement, e xtinction, response
generalization, and operant conditioning. Cognitive learning theory (Levine, 1975)
deals with short-term memory (w orking memory), long-term memory , and its
rehearsal, decoding, and retrie val processes. Cogniti ve-abilities theory (Carroll,
1993; Detterman, 1994; Gardner , 1983; Neisser , 1998) deals with general ability
(g), group abilities, special abilities, and IQ change. Cogniti ve dissonance theory
(Festinger, 1957; Harmon-Jones & Mills, 1999) speaks of relationships between
dissonance ratio, psychological comfort, a versive consequences, self-af firmation,
and dissonance magnitude.

Sub-Theories

Teaching is, of course, immeasurably more comple x than motion in a frictionless

vacuum. Because the process of CDR teaching comprises four components (structuring,
soliciting, responding, and reacting), we begin by formulating separate sub-theories,
for each of those components. The subsequent inte gration of the sub-theories of
process, the sub-theories of content, the sub-theories of cogniti ve capability and
motivation, and the sub-theories of classroom management will constitute a theory
of teaching.
The philosopher of science Hempel (1965) e xpressed this multi-e xplanation
conception of theory in the following terms:

N.L. Gage, A Conception of Teaching, 123

DOI: 10.1007/978-0-387-09446-5_8, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009
124 8 Integrating the Conceptions

[A] deducti ve-nomological [D-N] e xplanation is not concei ved as in voking only one
covering law; and our illustrations sho w how indeed many different laws may be invoked
in explaining one phenomenon. A purely logical point should be noted here, however. If an
explanation is of the form (D-N), then the la ws L 1 , L2, …, L r invoked in its e xplanans
[explaining ideas] logically imply a la w L which by itself w ould suf fice to e xplain the
explanandum [thing to be e xplained] event by reference to the particular conditions noted
in the sentences C 1 , C2, …, C k. This law L is to the ef fect that whenever conditions of the
kind described in the sentences C 1 , C2, …, C k are realized then an e vent of the kind
described by an explanandum-sentence occurs. (p. 346)

An Illustrative Theory Consisting of Sub-Theories*

A multi-component process can illustrate the conception of separate sub-theories

– one for each of the components of teaching. This is the multi-component theory
that e xplains a single phenomenon: ho w an automobile is made to mo ve as the
result of a sequence of four component processes:
1. Delivery of Fuel and Air. A gasoline-po wered automobile engine has a fuel-
injection system that sprays a precise mixture of gasoline and air into the space
between each piston and the c ylinder’s walls. The covering law is derived from
hydrodynamics theory that explains how fluid flow (vaporized gasoline and air)
results in a combustible mixture of gasoline and air in the c ylinder.
2. Ignition. A precisely timed electrical spark ignites the v aporized gasoline and air.
The covering law is derived from combustion theory that would explain how igni-
tion produces the combustion of the mixture that creates heat, causing the gaseous
mixture to e xpand and e xert pressure on a piston. Each other piston then mo ves
because of its connection to one of the rotating cranks on the crankshaft.
3. Reciprocation. The pistons’ up-and-down or back-and-forth motion is transformed
by the connecting rods into the circular motion, or rotation, of the crankshaft. The
covering law is derived from the theory of mechanics that would explain the motion
of levers connected to a shaft.
4. Transmission. The circular motion of the crankshaft is transmitted by the dif ferential
– a system of gears and shafts – to the axles of the wheels, causing the axles and
wheels to rotate and the car to mo ve.
The covering law here is deri ved from theory of mechanics that w ould explain
how a rotating rod can have its mechanical energy converted into the rotation of an
axle perpendicular to the rotating wheel.
Now we go on to de velop a sub-theory of the process of teaching. Ne xt, we do
the same for the content of teaching. Then sub-theories of cognitive capabilities
and classroom management are developed. Finally, the eighth chapter integrates the
sub-theories of process, content, cognitive capabilities, and classroom management
to formulate a theory of teaching.

*
Written in collaboration with Thomas Burro ws Gage.
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching 125

Scheme of Presentation of Sub-Theories

The follo wing presentations of sub-theories f irst pro vide an example of the
phenomenon to be explained and then a covering law explaining that phenom-
enon. The term example signif ies that the pedagogical phenomenon has not
necessarily been as well established as if, for instance, it had been demonstrated
by successive valid meta-analyses. That requirement could not have been met, in
view of the lack of suf ficient research-based evidence. Instead, only an e xample
of the phenomenon is presented, and the proposed co vering la w is of fered to
indicate what the e xplanation could ha ve been if the phenomenon had been
well established.
The term covering law was used by Hempel (1965, pp. 345–346) to refer to the
deductive-nomological explanation of the phenomenon. Unlike his explanations of
phenomena in the physical sciences, the covering laws used in the present theory of
teaching are not strong deducti ve-nomological laws. Rather, they may be a logical
law, such as a v alid syllogism. Or the y may be a uni versally accepted common-
place, such as the desirability of rationality . Or the y may be well-established
empirical generalizations, such as the positive correlation between students’ socio-
economic status and their academic achie vement. Each of these possibilities may
be used to e xplain a phenomenon that occurs in teaching. The e xplanation of the
phenomenon is deduced from the co vering law.

Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching

Sub-Theories of Structuring

We turn now to sub-theories for each of the four components – structuring, soliciting,
responding, and reacting – of the process of CDR teaching. Each of these can be
the subject of a sub-theory. We begin with Bellack’s definition.
1.1 Structuring (STR). Structuring moves serve the function of setting the context for
subsequent behavior by (1) launching or halting-excluding interactions between teacher
and students, and (2) indicating the nature of the interaction in terms of the dimensions of
time, agent, activity, topic and cognitive process, regulations, reasons, and instructional
aids. A structuring move may set the contest for the entire classroom game or a part of the
game. (Bellack, Kliebard, Hyman, & Smith, 1966, pp. 16–17)

A concept similar to structuring was defined by Smith, Meux, Coombs, Nuthall,

and Precians (1967):
The Beginning of a Venture. An utterance or part of an utterance containing an e xplicit
indication (announcement or proposal), usually by the teacher , that a particular topic is to
be considered [compare Bellack et al. ’s Structuring]. Such an announcement is usually
followed by a question which initiates discussion of the proposed topic or by an in vitation
to speak [compare Bellack et al.’s Soliciting] on the topic. (p. 13)
126 8 Integrating the Conceptions

Table 8.1 Examples of brief structuring

Process Content
1. “Let’s turn now to ¼ the difference between nouns and verbs.”
2. “We mustn’t overlook ¼ how dividing by fractions differs from dividing
by whole numbers.”
3. “But the picture changes when we turn evaporation to condensation.”
from ¼
4. “I want you to appreciate ¼ the horrors of what slavery meant to those who
now are called African-Americans.”

Examples of brief structuring. Everyone who has been a student has experienced
a teacher’s structuring. We readily think of e xamples, embracing both process
and content, of what teachers ha ve done in “setting the conte xt for subsequent
behavior or performance.” Table 8.1presents brief examples.
The length and duration of teacher structuring can be much lar ger than these
examples as teachers “set the conte xt,” “con vey an implicit directi ve,” “launch
classroom discussion in specif ied directions, ” and “focus on topics, subjects or
problems to be discussed, or procedures to be follo wed.”

Functions of Structuring

Whether structuring is as brief as these e xamples or much longer , it has se veral

functions in CDR teaching: focusing attention, modifying content, agenda setting,
and guiding students’ cognitive processes.
Focusing Attention. Helping students understand the reasoning underlying the
immediate part of the curriculum – and its corresponding educational objecti ves – is
an important function of structuring. Accordingly, at an early point in the considera-
tion of that subject matter, the teacher makes statements about the importance to her
students – and the reasons for that importance – of the subject matter to be studied.
At the be ginning of each ne w topic, its importance should be e xplicated, or left
implicit, to the extent judged appropriate by the teacher. That importance should stem
from the teacher’s perception of the needs, usually intellectual needs, of the students
and the needs – economic, political, or social – of the society in which the y live. As
each subsequent topic in the content comes to the fore, the teacher should judge
whether the importance of the topic should be pointed out or whether its importance
is obvious enough to make importance-explicating unnecessary.
How well the teacher succeeds in focusing attention sho ws up in what Carroll
(1989) called student perseverance, or “the amount of time a student is willing to
spend on learning a task or unit of instruction, other things being equal” (p. 26).
More able students need to e xhibit less perse verance in studying a gi ven topic
because they learn more rapidly and need less time to achie ve the objectives of the
teaching. The focusing of attention is manifested in the “system of human memory”
set forth by Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968):
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching 127

Our … categorization divides memory into three structural components: the sensory register,
the short-term store, and the long-term store. Incoming sensory information first enters the
sensory register, where it resides for a very brief period of time then decays and is lost. The
short-term store is the subject’ s w orking memory; it recei ves selected inputs from the
sensory re gister and also from the long-term store. Information in the short-term store
decays completely and is lost within a period of about 30 seconds, b ut a control process
called rehearsal can maintain a limited amount of information in this store as long as the
subject desires. The long-term store is a fairly permanent repository for information, infor-
mation which is transferred from the short-term store. (pp. 90–91)

Example 1 of the phenomenon to be explained: Ne wby (1991) found that,

among 30 first-year elementary school teachers, “those classrooms in which there
was a higher incidence of gi ving reasons for the importance of the task ¼ sho wed
a higher rate of on-task beha vior” (p. 199).
The covering law: As part of the attention-focusing process, giving justifications
for expending effort is effective because of the students’ rationality.
Modifying the Content: Taking into account the students’ personalities (e.g., prior
knowledge, interests), the teacher can modify the content so as to optimize its physic al
properties (e.g., size, color , motion), aesthetic properties (e.g., attracti veness, sym-
metry), psychological properties (e.g., rele vance to personal, social, and emotional
needs), and intellectual properties (e.g., difficulty, complexity, logicality).
Example 2 of the phenomenon to be explained: Sesame Street, a tele vision
show for children (Fisch & T ruglio, 2001), impro ved children’ s readiness for
school and their subsequent school achie vement. Its material w as e xplicated in
detail, appealing enough to attract children a way from competing acti vities, con-
crete and e xplicit, child-centered and child-rele vant, repetiti ve and reinforcing,
providing models and identif ication, and in viting participation. The visual and
sound materials exhibited color, movement, strangeness joined with familiarity, an
appropriate intellectual level, and humorous juxtapositions.
The covering law: Modifying content is aimed at impro ving the fit between a stu-
dent’s personality (e.g., abilities, prior kno wledge, interests, values) and the character -
istics of the material to be learned (e.g., dif ficulty and relevance to students’ interests).
Because of dif ferences in their personalities, e.g., their abilities and interests,
students are lik ely to dif fer in their moti vation to learn an y specific content. The
teacher’s task becomes one of seeking, through structuring, to describe the material
to be learned so as to f it the personalities of as man y students as possible. Hence,
modifying the content, or appropriate description of the material, can focus the
attention of students at any level of capability.
Agenda Setting. The teacher determines what content is to be learned and the
successive steps of the process by which it is to be learned.
Example of the phenomenon to be explained: Observation in classrooms
indicates that students almost always accept the teacher’s agenda setting, namely,
defining the content to be learned and the classroom processes through which that
learning is to be brought about. When the teacher signals (“Let’ s turn now to...”)
that her class should focus on a certain aspect of the content – particular f acts,
concepts, principles, skills, problems, and more – (“by engaging in”) – some
particular process, the students typically accept the teacher’ s authority to mak e
such decisions.
128 8 Integrating the Conceptions

The covering law: Role theory (e.g., Biddle, 1979; Johnson & Johnson, 1995;
Newcomb, 1950) e xplains this student acceptance as resulting from the superior
status of the teacher – a status deri ved from the teacher’ s social position in the
classroom, the school, the community , and the society – and the role (e xpected
behavior) that accompanies that position. Students’ perceptions of the teacher’s role
result in students’ expectations that the teacher will tak e responsibility for guiding
students as they seek to achieve objectives specified in the curriculum.
Example 1 of the phenomenon to be explained: The teacher can guide students’
cognitive processes by suggesting that students focus on some content – an e vent,
phenomenon, problem-solution, or other intellectual entity relevant to the objectives
of the lesson. The teacher can suggest that students monitor their o wn intellectual
processes, that is, use metacognition, by asking themselv es such questions as “Do
I really understand what the teacher or the book has said?” or “Can I apply this
principle?” or “Should I review this material again?”
Example 2 of the phenomenon to be explained: Metacognitive training can
improve mathematical reasoning, as illustrated by an e xperiment (Kramarski &
Mevarech, 2003a, b) in which eighth-graders received metacognitive training consist-
ing of three sets of self-addressed metacognitive questions: comprehension questions,
strategic questions, and connection questions. As Kramarski and Me varech (2003b)
put it,
The comprehension questions were designed to prompt students to reflect on a problem
before solving it.... The strate gic questions were designed to prompt students to consider
which strategies were appropriate for solving or completing a gi ven problem or task and
for what reasons …. The connection questions were designed to prompt students to focus
on similarities and dif ferences between the immediate problem or task and problems or
tasks that they had already completed successfully. (p. 286)

Compared with an untrained control group, the trained group sho wed improved
achievement of mathematical reasoning.
Example 3 of the phenomenon to be explained: Another version of metacogni-
tive effects occurs when students are advised to use “chunking” to f acilitate their
ability to remember a series of numbers, letters, or w ords. The chunking breaks up
a series of, say , 15 items (w ords, numbers, names, etc.) into, say three groups of
five items, i.e., small groups that are easier to remember .
The covering law: Metacognition, or students’ monitoring of their o wn cogni-
tive processes, improves achievement by providing the student with covert practice,
self-guidance, and rewards.

Structuring as Lecturing

Structuring lends itself to further analysis through the kinds of research that ha ve
been done on lecturing. The teacher, in structuring the discourse that sets the stage
for the subsequent components of the teaching c ycle, may gi ve a brief lecture –
typically, an uninterrupted monolog.
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching 129

The Duration of Structuring. How long structuring should go on depends on the

maturity of the students and the characteristics of the content. Most writers on lec-
turing deal with lectures aimed at relatively mature audiences, such as undergradu-
ates and graduate students. In the present conte xt, we consider the teacher’ s
structuring to be carried out as a shorter lecture at the elementary and secondary
school levels.
Although both structuring and lecturing are teacher monologs, the y should be
differentiated. A lecture typically lasts longer – for, say, up to a whole 50-min class
period – and presents information for students to remember and comprehend ,along
lines described in the Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching, and Assessing: A
Taxonomy of Educational Objectives (Anderson, Krathwohl, Airasian, Cruikshank,
Mayer et al., 2001 ).
Structuring moves tend to be shorter than lectures. Structuring moves occur in a
smaller proportion of the discourse than an y of the other three types of mo ves
(soliciting, responding, and reacting). or less than 5% of all moves. But, as Bellack
et al. (1966) noted, when
these data are considered in terms of lines spoken, structuring accounts for a much greater
percentage of the teacher’s discourse [italics added]. This is to be accounted for by the fact
that structuring moves are generally longer than other types of moves. (The mean length of
structuring is 9.1 lines of transcript, in contrast to 3.5 lines for reacting, 2.0 lines for
responding, and 1.9 lines for soliciting). (p. 153)

Example of the phenomenon to be explained: Everyday experience with children

and adolescents of varying ages indicates that younger children can typically pay atten-
tion to oral discourse, other things (such as the interest and importance of the content)
being equal, for shorter periods than older children and adolescents. Older individuals, at
least up to the ages of about 60, ha ve longer attention-duration abilities. But uncom-
monly interesting phenomena, such as the children’ s television program Sesame Street ,
show that attention duration is determined by the characteristics of the content (such as
the aforementioned “color , movement, strangeness joined with f amiliarity, intellectual
level, and humorous juxtapositions,”) as well as the maturity of the audience.
The covering law: Attention-duration is determined by the maturity of the stu-
dents and the characteristics of the content.
So our conception of structuring as a part of the teaching c ycle must tak e into
account the limits on structuring duration imposed by the le vel of maturity of elemen-
tary- and secondary-school students. Taking into account the typical attention-duration
of students of different ages, the teacher adjusts the duration of structuring – the amount
of time during which the teacher structures, with only slight or no interruption. So, hold-
ing content characteristics constant, the structuring typically must be relati vely short
(say, 0.25–2.0 min) in the lo wer school grades, and this attention-duration increases
gradually as grade le vel increases to, say, 20 min in grade 12. Only at the colle ge and
graduate-school levels does the traditional 50-min lecture hold student attention.
The Comprehensibility of Structuring. The most important feature of structuring is
its comprehensibility . Often called “clarity ,” it also betok ens intelligibility , or the
degree to which the structuring achie ves its purpose of conveying to students its mes-
sage about the nature of what the ne xt episodes of the teaching will be concerned with.
130 8 Integrating the Conceptions

Comprehensibility is measured by the de gree to which students to whom the

structuring is addressed e xhibit, f irst, appropriate cogniti ve processes during
the structuring and, second, the success of students in answering rele vant oral or
printed questions. Much research on the importance of the features of structuring
has examined the opinions of college students concerning what features of lectures
are important to them. Summarizing such research, Hati va (2000) found that the
feature of lectures that showed up most frequently and strongly in studies of college
students’ opinions w as clarity. It seems safe to assume that, in vie w of clarity’ s
meaning, students at lower grade levels would agree.
Communicative Logic and Comprehensibility. Structuring’s logicality, or con-
formity to the rules of logic, is an important f actor in comprehensibility . Everyday
experience tells us that comprehensibility often depends on the logic of what is said.
Everyone has e xperienced hearing discourse that w as incomprehensible because it
was illogical. Ausubel (1963) wrote as follo ws on the concept of logical meaning:
It implies that the learning material per se consists of possible and nonarbitrary relationships
that could be nonarbitrarily incorporated on a non verbatim basis by a hypothetical human
cognitive structure that had the necessary ideational background and de gree of readiness.
This criterion of logical meaning applies primarily to the attributes of the material itself. If it
(the material) possesses the characteristics of nonarbitrariness, lucidity and plausibility , then
it is, by definition, also relatable to the aforementioned hypothetical structure. (p. 39)

Examples of the phenomenon to be explained: Studies by Needels (1984, 1988)

and Huh (1985) in vestigated whether structuring becomes less comprehensible as
its illogicality increases . Needels studied the teacher as the e xhibitor of logical
discourse. Her definition of discourse resembled that of Bellack et al. (1966): “lec-
turing, asking questions of students, reacting to students’ responses, and responding
to students’ questions and comments” (Needels, 1988, p. 509).
She applied the general conception of logical v alidity in a study of relationships
between logic in teaching and the achie vement of students in comprehending and
appreciating what was taught. The logic entailed here was not formal logic of the kind
found in philosophy , science, and mathematics, and applied to teaching by Ennis
(1969). Rather, she studied “communicative logic” as formulated by Grice (1975):
It is a commonplace of philosophical logic that there are, or appear to be, di vergences in
meaning between, on the one hand, at least some of what I shall call FORMAL de vices—
~, , , > , (x), E(x), fx (when these are gi ven a standard tw o-value interpretation)—and, on
the other, what are tak en to be their analogs or counterparts in natural language—such
expressions as not, and, or, if, all, some ( orat least one), the. Some logicians may at some
time have wanted to claim that there are in f act no such di vergences; but such claims, if
made at all, ha ve been somewhat rashly made, and those suspected of making them ha ve
been subjected to some pretty rough handling. (p. 41)

So there must be a place for an unsimplif ied, and so more or less unsystematic,
logic of the natural counterparts of these de vices; this logic may be aided and
guided by the simplified logic of the formal devices but cannot be supplanted by it;
indeed, not only do the tw o logics dif fer, but sometimes the y come into conflict;
rules that hold for a formal de vice may not hold for its natural counterpart (p. 43).
Grice’s argument makes room for the analysis of natural language in terms of its
“communicative logic.” The natural language studied by Needels (1988) w as that
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching 131

of teachers in structuring for students what subsequent discourse will be about. In

considering such discourse, Needels used Grice’ s “Cooperative Principle”: “Make
your conversational contribution, such as is required, at the stage at which it occurs,
by the accepted purpose or direction of the talk exchange in which you are engaged”
(Grice, 1975, p. 45).
Grice also stated four “maxims” of the Cooperati ve Principle:
(a) Quantity
1. Make your contribution as informative as is required for the current purposes
of the exchange.
2. Donot make your contribution more informative than is required.
(b) Quality
1. Do not say that which you belie ve to be false.
2. Donot say that for which you lack sufficient evidence.
(c) Relation,that is,
1. Berelevant.
(d) Manner
, that is,
1. void
A obscurity of expression,
2. void
A ambiguity,
3. Bebrief (avoid unnecessary prolixity),
4. Beorderly (Grice, 1975, pp. 45–46).
Needels (1988) used these four maxims of Grice’s conception of communicative
logic in a study of relationships between (a) logical v ariables in teaching and (b)
the de gree of students’ comprehension of, and interest in, what w as taught. She
began by noting that classroom discourse dif fers from informal con versation in
being more constrained as to the topic and the participant; in each case the teacher’s
choices dominate. Then she identif ied six Grice-implied variables, each expressed
negatively, that is, in illogical form:
Manner: 1. Confusing syntax
Quantity: 2. Omission of necessary definition
3. Omission of causal factors
Relation: 4. Irrelevance
Quality: 5. Incorrect use of words
6. Incorrect causal relationship. (pp. 507–508)
The study recorded and transcribed what each of ten sixth-grade teachers said to
their students during a 1-day lesson on light. The transcripts were analyzed twice:
first, to obtain scores for the teacher’ s perpetration of each of the six kinds of
illogic; and second, to determine whether the teacher subsequently, during the lesson,
corrected each of the instances of illogic.
The students’ scores on pretests of (a) scholastic aptitude and (b) prior knowledge
of light were obtained. And posttest scores were obtained for student achie vement
132 8 Integrating the Conceptions

of the lesson’s objectives, namely, (a) comprehension of the lesson content and (b)
interest in the content of the lesson.
The unit of analysis of the data w as the test item. The results for the f irst analysis
of teachers’ initial, that is, not self-corrected, violations of the logic of classroom dis-
course showed “no consistenc y [across test items] in the direction (positi ve or ne ga-
tive)” of the correlations between the teachers’ illogicality measures on the subject
matter of a test item and their students’ percentage of correct responses to that item.
But then the teachers were scored for their subsequently (during the same presen-
tation) corrected-by-themselves versions of their communicative illogic. After such
corrections, consistent across-items negative relationships (determined with a test of
the significance of combined results) were found between (a) the teacher’ s self-cor-
rected degree of illogicality on Confusing Syntax rele vant to a given item of the les-
son-comprehension test and (b) their high-aptitude students’ percentage of correct
responses on that item of the test. Apparently, only the high-aptitude students became
confused by their teacher’s illogic and understood that item of the test less well.
Also, the correlation between (a) frequenc y of illogical discourse and (b) the
students’ mean favorability of attitude toward the lesson content w as determined.
It suggested that “a greater de gree of communicati ve illogic on the teacher’ s part
was associated with less f avorable student attitudes to ward the lesson content”
(Needels, 1988, p. 522).
A Second Study of Communicative Logic. Huh (1985) carried out a study similar
to that of Needels. The main dif ference was that it w as conducted in Seoul, South
Korea, not the U.S. Huh also def ined, in form, ten kinds of illogic: (a) confusing
syntax, (b) vagueness, (c) verbal mazes, (d) incomplete e xplanation, (e) irrelevance,
(f) gaps in definition, (g) incoherence, (h) inconsistency, (i) incorrect explanation, and
(j) analytical errors.
Ten sixth-grade teachers taught their students tw o 1-hr lessons on se ven topics
about light: reflection, refraction, properties of light, lenses, absorption, prisms, and
color. The audio-recorded lessons, transcribed and analyzed, yielded scores for each
teacher on each of the ten kinds of illogic. The teachers’ scores on the measures of
illogicality differed significantly from one another and correlated negatively (r =-.24)
with their students’ total scores on tw o tests of lesson comprehension.
In short, these two studies suggest that structuring, like all oral communication,
is comprehensible to the de gree that it conforms to the principles of “communica-
tive” logic.
The covering law: Valid communicati ve logic meets the listener’ s needs and
expectations acquired through experience in everyday discourse.

The Communicability to Teachers of Comprehensibility-Affecting

Actions

Telling teachers what actions, or beha vioral v ariables, af fect comprehensibility

involves the distinction between high-inference and lo w-inference variables (e.g.,
Gage, 1969, p. 1452). The inference-le vel of a variable is the amount of inferring,
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching 133

i.e., deriving by reasoning or judging from premises or evidence – that the observer
or auditor of teaching beha vior must use in judging the occurrence or amount of
that behavior variable. Some behaviors require relatively little inference; examples
of these are the numbers of times a teacher calls on girls or boys and the frequency
with which the teacher writes on a chalkboard. Other behaviors require a consider-
able inference from what is seen or heard in the classroom, such as the de gree to
which the teacher is partial v ersus fair, autocratic v ersus democratic, aloof v ersus
warm, or the de gree to which students are apathetic v ersus alert, or obstructi ve
versus cooperative.
Thus inference-le vel becomes important in teacher education when oral or
printed advice is gi ven to teachers on ho w the y should perform in order to act
appropriately on the need for , say , comprehensibility . It becomes important in
studying teaching when observers must judge, say, comprehensibility. A high level
of inference causes the w ords presented to be susceptible to man y interpretations,
i.e., vague and ambiguous. A low level occurs when the words are explicit, readily
interpreted, and precise as to their references to beha vior.
Typically, high-inference features of teaching are e valuated with a rating scale,
that is, “an instrument used to assign scores to persons or objects on some numerical
dimension” (V andenBos, 2007, p. 769). Lo w-inference features are typically
estimated by counting observ ers’ tallies of the occurrences of the beha vior being
measured. It is sometimes held that high-inference instructions are the more effective
for communicating “molar,” or comprehensive, abstract aspects of action or behavior
and that low-inference instructions are more effective for communicating “molecular,”
or specific, components of action or beha vior.
High-Inference Variables. McConnell and Bowers (1979) furnished examples of
high-inference variables; they included ratings of teacher clarity, teacher variability,
teacher enthusiasm, teacher use of student ideas, teacher pro vision of opportunity
to learn, and teacher task-orientation. Such ratings call for much inference from the
terms used to the action designated, often resulting in ambiguity and confusion for
the recipient of the advice.
Low-Inference Variables. When the amount of inference from the advice is lo w,
determiners of comprehensibility are more unambiguously expressed, understood, and
acted upon. The following list, drawn from McConnell and Bowers (1979), illustrates
low-inference variables:
Teacher statements were classif ied as af fective, substantive, or procedural. Interchanges,
particularly those relating to content, were classif ied as to entry and e xit. An entry to an
interchange could be a pupil question, a teacher question get ting a student to elaborate,
a teacher question intending to elicit pupil thought and di vergent response, or a teacher
question aimed at a specif ic response. The e xits were based on teacher responses to the
student portion of the interchange: acceptance, disappro val, or neutral. (p. 6)
Inference Level and Outcome Prediction. The inference level of teacher-action
variables may be signif icant not only for the communicability of advice to, or
observation of, teachers. It may also af fect the value of a teacher-behavior vari-
able for correlating with, or predicting, student achie vement and attitude.
Example of the phenomenon to be explained: McConnell and Bo wers (1979)
compared high- and low-inference measures of teaching behaviors as to their value
134 8 Integrating the Conceptions

for predicting student achievement and attitude in 43 algebra classes. High-inference

measures included ratings of the teacher’ s “enthusiasm” and “clarity ,” and
low-inference measures included frequency counts of such behaviors as “problem-
structuring” and “reb uking.” Of the 87 correlations of the lo w-inference types of
process measures with student achievement, 18% were statistically significant (i.e.,
probably not due to chance) while only 11% of the 72 high-inference correlations
were statistically significant.
The covering law: The correlation of teaching variables with student-achievement
measures is in part a function of the reliability of the measures of the teaching
variables, and that reliability is a function of the level of inference required in judging
the occurrence or amount of the teaching v ariables.

Sub-Theories of Soliciting

1.2. Soliciting (SOL). Moves in this category typically take the form of questions intended
to elicit (a) an active verbal response on the part of the persons addressed; (b) a cognitive
response, e.g., encouraging persons addressed to attend to something; or (c) a physical
response. (Bellack et al., 1966, p. 18)

As the CDR model specifies, the next step in an episode of teaching is soliciting.
The term “soliciting” is used, rather than its more common near-synonym questioning,
because soliciting need not take grammatically interrogative form. “Although these
[soliciting] moves may take all grammatical forms – declarative, interrogative, and
imperative – the interrogative occurs most frequently” (Bellack et al., 1966, p. 18).
A soliciting mo ve may be a declarati ve sentence that be gins with an emphasis
(Magellan discovered America?) or ends with an upward lilt (17 + 13 = 30 ?).Such
forms of soliciting serve the same purposes as questions.
Goodlad (1984), in his observ ational study of 1,017 classrooms, found that
“Less than 1% of [soliciting] time is devoted to open questions which call for more
complex cogniti ve or af fective responses [by students]” (Sirotnik, 1983, p. 20).
Observations of CDR teaching indicate that teachers uniformly , in all grade le vels
and subject matters, ask about 90% of the questions in classroom discourse.
Students do a correspondingly high percentage of the responding (Dillon, 1988).
Pedagogical moves occur in classroom discourse in certain cyclical patterns and combinations,
which are designated teaching cycles. A teaching cycle begins either with a structuring mo ve
or with a solicitation that is not preceded by a structuring mo ve. (Bellack et al., 1966, p. 19)

The question serves (a) to focus the students’ attention on some part of the struc-
turing, and (b) to engage the students in discovering how well they have understood
the structuring.
Teacher Questions During Discussions. In discussions, students’ utterances are
longer than those in recitations, are aimed at fellow participants (classmates), and are
mostly steered by the students themselves. Teachers often ask questions, or solicit,
when they want students to participate in a discussion of a topic, issue, or phenom-
enon. Teachers’ questions should obviously call forth students’ responses.
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching 135

But does a discussion occur? A discussion is usually intended to enable students,

through gi ve-and-take among themselves, to engage in problem-solving, sharing
opinions, practicing self-expression, thinking for themselves.
Example of the phenomenon to be explained: In classroom discussions, as
against recitations, the teacher’s asking a question tends to thwart rather than foster
the discussion , as is illustrated in Fig. 8.1 (Dillon, 1985). A teacher’ s questions
during a discussion tend to make students’ responses shorter and addressed toward
the teacher rather than other students.
On the other hand, a teacher’s “non-question” fosters the discussion, i.e., results
in student utterances that last longer and are directed to the classmates, fello w
participants in the discussion, and not solely to the teacher .
Dillon’s finding is counterintuitive in that teachers often ask questions with the
intent of fostering, rather than thw arting, discussion. They presumably reason that
their questions will influence students to respond and thus to participate in the
discussion. When that does not happen, teachers are discouraged from trying for a
discussion again. Dillon’ s f inding may e xplain why man y teachers, after a fe w
unsuccessful attempts, abandon the discussion method.
Covering law: The teacher’s asking a question during a discussion immediately
reinstates for the students the traditional teacher’s role in a recitation, in which she
typically asks questions to be follo wed by brief student responses addressed to the
teacher.
On the other hand, a teacher’ s non-question utterance during a discussion is
perceived by the students as making the teacher one-among-equals, that is, as
having the same status as the students participating in the discussion, so that the
students’ utterances can be longer and directed to ward other students. Non-
question utterances of teachers during a student discussion can tak e the forms
shown in Table 8.2.
Types of Questions. The teacher’s question tells the students which of se veral
kinds of learning they should have acquired as a result of the structuring. Blosser
et al. (1973) classified questions according to whether the y were instructional or
managerial. We shall be concerned with only the former of these.

Fig. 8.1 After teacher questions (Qs), students’ utterances become briefer, but after teacher non-
questions (Xs), students’ utterances are longer (Adapted from Dillon, 1985, p. 116) .
136 8 Integrating the Conceptions

Table 8.2 Types of non-questions usable by teachers seeking to foster discussion

1. Provide that participants formulate the question that no w appears at issue in the discussion.
2. Utter a brief phrase, quietly e xclaim feeling in reaction to what the speak er has just finished
saying.
3. Emit some word or sound, indicate attentive interest in what the speak er has said or is in the
process of saying.
4. By gesture or statement, pass the ne xt turn at talk to another speak er.
5. Say nothing at all b ut maintain a deliberate, appreciative silence for 3–5 seconds or so.
Source: Dillon (1990, pp. 196–199, passim.)

As noted in Chap. 4, instructional questions can be classif ied according to the

types of learning objecti ves formulated in the Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching,
and Assessing (Anderson et al., 2001). That Taxonomy identifies two dimensions of
educational objectives:
(a)the Knowledge Dimension (F actual Kno wledge, Conceptual Kno wledge,
Procedural Knowledge, and Metacognitive Knowledge), and
(b)the Cognitive-Process Dimension (Remember , Understand, Apply , Analyze,
Evaluate, and Create).
Questions asked by the teacher can be classif ied on the same tw o dimensions:
(a) the kind of knowledge asked for and (b) the kind of cognitive process asked for.
A cognitive objective of educational achie vement consists of the pairing of a kind
of Cognitive Process (remember, understand, apply, analyze, evaluate, and create)
with a kind of Knowledge (facts, concepts, procedures, and metacognitions, that is,
awareness of their own understandings of the subject matter). Thus, an educational
objective might consist of remembering (cognitive process) the multiplication table
(type of knowledge); or an ability to evaluate. And the teacher’s soliciting, or ques-
tioning, takes one of these forms.
Relationships of Question-Level to Outcomes. One sub-theory of soliciting con-
sists of explanations of relationships between (a) the type of question asked and (b)
the type of learning affected. Such relationships should – according to the assump-
tion that people learn what they have practiced – be positive. That is, students asked
one kind of Process D Content question should be expected to achieve more of the
intended Process D Content objective of the teaching than students not ask ed such
questions.
The issue becomes salient in view of the often-reported impression that teachers’
questions tend to be nearly al ways aimed at students’ remembering of facts about
what the students have read, heard, observed, or discussed. This means that teachers
seldom ask questions aimed at one of the other five cognitive-process objectives of
the Taxonomy (abilities to understand, apply , analyze, e valuate, or create). The
discrepancy may mean that students are not stimulated enough to acquire these“higher”
cognitive abilities, or ways of processing information in ways that are more complex
than remembering. The conjecture underlying these concerns is that teachers who
ask more of the higher cogniti ve-process questions will help students achie ve the
higher cognitive objectives to a greater degree.
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching 137

A descripti ve study by Giaconia (1987) led to her impression about ho w the

kinds of questions asked affect the kinds of responses students mak e:
Many of the findings reported for the relationship of student characteristics, question char-
acteristics, and wait-time [how long the teacher waits after asking a question before calling
on a student] characteristics with these response characteristics seemed to “mak e sense,”
and painted a picture of the recitation [italics added] as an acti vity that is reasonable and
generally effective. That is, the nature of students’ responses was highly related to the nature
of teachers’ questions. (p. 253)

Experiments Comparing Higher- and Lower-Order Questions. Winne (1979)

reported on a careful re view of 18 experiments and quasi-e xperiments intended to
test the validity of that conjecture. (An experiment is an investigation of the differ-
ence of results from tw o or more manipulated treatments, such as the teacher’ s
asking much more or much fewer higher-order questions, administered to two ran-
domly equivalent groups.)
Of these 18 experiments, nine were “training experiments” in which the teachers,
after being trained, “were free to use the skill(s) on which they were trained at their
discretion in teaching” (p. 15). The other nine were “skills e xperiments” in which
“the teachers’ frequency and use of a skill is prescribed by the experimenter” (p. 15).
Quasi-experiments are research in which the in vestigator cannot assign sub jects at
random to experimental or control groups and control or manipulate the independent
variable but can determine ho w the dependent v ariable is measured” (VandenBos,
2007, p. 763 ).
Winne’s re view antedated the era of meta-analysis; that is, he used careful
description and analysis of each of the experiments individually as the basis for his
subsequent interpretation of the results. He also used no w-obsolete (Kline, 2004)
estimates of the statistical signif icance (non-chanceness) of each e xperiment’s
results, rather than the present-day, more widely accepted-as-appropriate, estimates
of effect size, or the difference between the means of the e xperimental and control
groups divided by the standard deviation of the control group.
Winne found that only 3 of the 18 e xperiments yielded statistically signif icant
(that is, non-chance) results sho wing higher achievement for the classes recei ving
the higher-order questioning treatment, 11 yielded non-significant (that is, possibly
due to chance) results, and 4 yielded uninterpretable results. (This “v ote-counting”
of significant and non-signif icant results – as a method of summarizing research
results – has been superseded by meta-analysis.)
Winne concluded that:
As a set, the e xperiments re viewed here no doubt e xhibit moderately strong population
[generalizability to other kinds of students] and ecological [generalizability to other kinds
of settings] validity. . . . Contrastingly, the internal validity [“the extent to which extraneous
variables have been controlled by the researcher” (Bor g & Gall, 1983, p. 634)] and the
integrity of the treatments generally was found to be less adequate. . . . [T]here is no sturdy
conclusion which can be offered here about the relative effectiveness of teachers’ use of
higher cognitive questions for enhancing student achievement. [italics added] (pp. 45–46)

Redfield and Rousseau (1981) follo wed Winne’s review with “a meta-analysis
[quantitative synthesis] of experimental research on teacher questioning behavior.”
138 8 Integrating the Conceptions

Those authors added one e xperiment to the 18 re viewed by Winne and computed
measures of “ef fect size” (rather than the less informati ve measures of statistical
significance used by W inne; see Kline, 2004). Redf ield and Rousseau concluded
that their analysis “demonstrates that, re gardless of type of study or de gree of
experimental validity, teachers’ predominant use of higher cogniti ve questions has
a positive effect on student achievement” (p. 244).
A second quantitative synthesis of mostly the same literature w as performed by
Samson, Strykowski, Weinstein, and Walberg (1987). Their conclusion, stemming
from modifications in the selection and analysis of the data, was that “higher cogni-
tive questioning strategies have a small positive median effect on learning measures
but not as lar ge as has been suggested by the pre vious meta-analysis [by Redf ield
and Rousseau (1981)].”
The conclusion from these three re views of e xperiments on question-outcome
relationships is that the superiority of higher -order questions for promoting achie ve-
ment is hard to demonstrate. The effect sizes in their favor are unreliable, and teachers
who ask higher-order questions are not rewarded by higher student achievement.
Hirsch’s Defense of “Knowledge Questions.” Hirsch (1987) questioned the
value of higher -order questions. He reasoned that so- called lower-order ques-
tions that ask students (merely?) for their kno wledge (things remembered) ha ve
greater educational v alue than the supporters of higher -order objecti ves ha ve
granted them. He ar gued that the higher intellectual skills depend on specif ic
knowledge and are therefore specific to particular domains.
In Hirsch’s view, critical thinkers and problem solvers in one field, such as math-
ematics or history , usually f all short in other f ields because the think ers lack the
necessary knowledge. The chess champion may be a duffer in politics; the brilliant
logician may be simple-minded about ethics. The reason for this specificity of critical
thinking ability is that enormous amounts of time are necessary for one to acquire
the knowledge needed for expertise in any complex domain. So it becomes unrealistic
to hope for any great accomplishments as a result of general, or non-domain-specific,
training in critical thinking and problem solving. T raining that produces good
thinkers across many different domains is not yet validated.
Accordingly, the importance of kno wledge, def ined as ability to remember
(recall or recognize) something heard, read, or otherwise e xperienced, should not
be disparaged. Hirsch (1987), acting on his appreciation of kno wledge, formulated
the concept of “cultural literacy: specific knowledge needed by every member of a
society for participating fully in its af fairs.” The follo wing sample of items from
Hirsch’s 62-page list of about 2,600 items illustrates what, in Hirsch’ s conception
of cultural literacy, adult Americans should know about:
Archimedes, biofeedback, cabinet (government), composite materials, Death of
a Salesman, diffraction, Emancipation Proclamation, The grass is al ways greener
on the other side, Grimm Brothers, Joshua, memento mori [a reminder of death,
such as a skull], paragraph, relative humidity, Stalinism, V-E Day.
All this is not to de-emphasize the importance of the “higher” cogniti ve objec-
tives. Rather , it recognizes the inordinate dif ficulty of seeking to achie ve such
Sub-Theories of the Process of Teaching 139

objectives without insuring that the student has the prior or concurrent body of
knowledge on which those higher mental processes can operate.
Wait-Time in Asking Questions. Another aspect of soliciting is wait-time ,defined
by Rowe (1974) as being of tw o kinds:
Wait-time 1—the number of seconds a teacher waits after asking a question before calling
on a student to answer it, and W ait-time 2—the number of seconds after the student’ s
response before the teacher reacts in some w ay.

Rowe reported that the a verage teacher’s two wait-times tended to be e xceed-
ingly short, a veraging 1 second. She found that increasing w ait-times by a fe w
seconds tended to (a) increase students’ response length, (b) elicit more unsolicited
appropriate responses, (c) impro ve student conf idence, (d) raise the frequenc y of
speculative responses, (e) enhance the thoughtfulness of responses, and (f) increase
the frequenc y of student-to-student data comparisons, e vidence-inference state-
ments, student questions, and responses from relati vely slow students.
Giaconia (1988) found that, in her sample of nine f ifth- and sixth-grade teachers,
Rowe’s conclusions about the duration of w ait-time were not entirely accurate.
Giaconia’s technology for measuring w ait-time yielded, for the nine teachers she
recorded, averages from 1.45 to 3.45 second for w ait-time 1 and 0.63 to 2.15 second
for wait-time 2. “Most of these w ait-times were about twice as lar ge as the ‘typical’
wait-time 1 value of 1.0 second reported by Ro we (1974)” (Giaconia, 1988, p. 251).
But the important question is not whether these dif ferences in fractions of a second
between Rowe’s and Giaconia’ s findings make a dif ference in student performance
and achievement. Rather it is whether any extended wait-time 1 or 2 of the kind f irst
studied by Rowe (1974) makes a difference in student behavior or achievement as com-
pared with that of students whose teachers were una ware of the issue of wait-time.
Giaconia’s (1988) descripti ve, that is, non-interv entional, study, reported that
“The role of w ait-time appeared subordinate to that of question characteristics in
predicting these [desirable] response characteristics” (p. 253). The response charac-
teristics were syntactical comple xity, length, and cogniti ve le vel of students’
responses to questions. That is, questions that had higher cogniti ve le vels, were
divergent (i.e., had several correct answers) rather than convergent (had only one correct
answer), and open-ended rather than closed-ended, had a greater ef fect on the
students’ response characteristics than wait-time did.
Example of the phenomenon to be explained: Pond and Ne wman (1988) found
that a wait-time of five seconds increased the number of correct responses to textu-
ally implicit material on standardized reading tests b ut not for te xtually e xplicit
material. The authors surmised that the effect resulted from the students’ awareness
of and involvement in the strate gy. They also concluded that student a wareness of
the wait-time strategy, from hearing explanations of it and using it extensively, was
advantageous. Similarly, increasing the w ait-times 1 and 2 of teachers’ soliciting
increases the frequency, length, appropriateness, confidence, originality, thorough-
ness, and speculativeness of students’ responses.
The covering law: Cognitive processes, including responding to questions, may
be re garded as responses to more or less comple x eliciting stimuli, and reaction
140 8 Integrating the Conceptions

time – the time interv al between the onset of a stimulus and the onset of an o vert
response – is positively correlated with stimulus complexity.

Sub-Theories of Responding and Reacting

1.3. Responding (RES): “Responding moves bear a reciprocal relationship to soliciting

moves and occur only in relation to them. Their pedagogical function is to fulfill the expec-
tation of soliciting moves; thus students’ answers to teacher questions are classified as
responding moves. (Bellack et al., 1966, p. 4)
1.4. Reacting (REA) .“These moves are occasioned by a structuring, soliciting, responding
or a prior reacting move, but are not directly elicited by them. Pedagogically, these moves
serve to modify (by clarifying, synthesizing, or expanding) and/or to rate (positively or
negatively) what has been said previously. Reacting moves differ from responding moves:
while a responding move is always directly elicited by a solicitation ,preceding moves serve
only as the occasion for reactions. Rating by a teacher of a student’s response, for example,
is designated a reacting move. (Bellack et al., 1966, p. 4)

My treatments of responding and reacting are combined to recognize their close

relationship in the practice of teaching . That close relationship makes it awkward to
discuss one without turning immediately to the other . Sirotnik (1983) found that
[T]he most frequently occurring single interaction, is one of students responding to the
teacher …. This occurs roughly 15 percent and 10 percent of the time at the elementary and
secondary levels, respectively …. [L]ess than 5 percent of teachers’ time is spent respond-
ing to students, which, as will be seen shortly , is less than the percentage of time students
are observed initiating interaction with the teacher. (p. 20)

Since students do almost all of the responding, in what w ay does responding fit
into a theory of teaching? The answer is that student responses pro vide teachers
with feedback. Ho w teachers percei ve and respond to that feedback f alls into the
category of what a theory of teaching should embrace. And that feedback inevitably
shapes ho w the teacher reacts .The student’s response has se veral characteristics,
such as the student’ s (a) f actual correctness v ersus error, (b) conf idence v ersus
hesitancy of response, (c) economy v ersus superfluity of w ords and ideas, and (d)
originality versus triteness. Each of these provides the teacher with useful information.
Factual Correctness Versus Incorrectness. If the student’s response is correct, it
tells the teacher one or more of such things as: The student already kne w or could
do, prior to being taught, what the question ask ed for . Or the student has just
learned what the question ask ed for. Or the student made a luck y guess. Or the
teacher’s question was extremely low in difficulty. Or the teacher’s prior structuring
was comprehended. The teacher may react to the correctness with a positi ve
comment, such as “Good,” “Correct,” “That’s right.”
If the student’s response is incorrect, the response tells the teacher one or more
of such things as: The student had not read the assignment. Or the student w as not
paying attention. Or the teacher’s structuring was not comprehended by the student.
Or the student did not understand the te xtbook.
The covering law: The teacher’s reaction to the student’s response. How the
teacher reacts to the student’s response may be understood in terms of perceptual
Sub-Theories of the Content of Teaching 141

control theory (Powers, 1973; Runkel, 2003). In brief, perceptual control theory
holds that persons’ behavior is and should be aimed at their control of their per-
ceptions. When a person’s perceptions are close to a pre-defined reference point
set by the person’ s needs or desires, the percei ver acts so as to main tain the
existing situation. When those perceptions are distant from, or unlik e, the refer-
ence point, the percei ver operates so as to mo ve the perception closer to the
reference point, that is, to change the existing situation to something that will be
perceived as closer.
Accordingly, suppose a teacher’s reference point for what she wants to perceive
is a student’ s correct response. If the student mak es an incorrect response, the
teacher – trying to optimize her perception – should e xperience pressure to correct
the student’s response. She can do so by gi ving the student an e xplanation of why
the response w as incorrect and ho w the student’s subsequent responses to similar
questions can be correct. But Sirotnik (1983), reporting on the data from Goodlad’s
(1984) large-scale observational study, A Place Called School, held that
Providing corrective feedback in combination with additional information designed to help
students understand and correct their mistakes is almost nonexistent. [italics added] In fact,
reinforcement of any kind is rarely noticed [italics added] whether in the form of specif ic
task-related acknowledgement and praise or general support and encouragement (p. 20) ….
In summary, the typical classroom patterns consist of (1) the teacher’s explaining or lectur-
ing to the whole class or to a single student, asking direct, factual questions on the subject
matter, or monitoring students; and (2) the students ’ ostensibly listening to the teacher and
responding to teacher-initiated interaction. (pp. 20–21)

Thus it is possible to sort these quotations from Sirotnik according to the cate gories
of Bellack et al., (1966). Doing so indicates that the f indings of A Place Called School
(Goodlad, 1984) agree well with the Structuring-Soliciting-Responding-Reacting
analysis of classroom teaching constructed by Bellack et al., (1966), and conf irmed by
Hoetker and Ahlbrand (1969) and Mehan (1979).
We turn now to sub-theories of the content of teaching. This treatment will draw
upon the conception of content set forth in Chap. 5. In that chapter , a central con-
cept was instructional alignment – the similarity between the content taught and the
content assessed.

Sub-Theories of the Content of Teaching

We turn now to a comparable treatment of the content of teaching.

Instructional Alignment

The importance of instructional alignment is both practical and theoretical. The

“fairness,” or content validity, of an achievement assessment depends on its instruc-
tional alignment. The instructional alignment of the content of teaching should be
measured against the curriculum, defined as the statement of what should be taught
142 8 Integrating the Conceptions

(a) in a subject matter , (b) during a specif ic term of teaching, (c) to students of a
specified kind. It is the curriculum that should reign over, i.e., serve as the criterion
for, the content of both the teaching and the assessment of student achie vement.
That is, the curriculum should be the criterion by which the v alidity of the content
of teaching and the content of assessment should be judged.
As the criterion, the curriculum should be determined, in the f irst place, by the
nature of the subject matter, e.g., whether it is of the physical sciences (chemistry,
mathematics, physics), the biological sciences (botany, genetics, physiology, zool-
ogy), the humanities (reading, art, composition, literature, music), or the social
sciences (anthropology, civics, geography, history, psychology, sociology). These
categories determine the kind of kno wledge taught and the corresponding objec-
tives at which the teaching should be aimed.
The curriculum should also be af fected by the societal and personal v alues that
the teaching should serve. The societal values are those determined by the needs of
the society in which the education occurs. The personal v alues are those of the
students and their teacher.

The Teacher’s Choice of Content

Although the curriculum prescribes what is to be taught, teachers v ary in ho w

closely they follow that prescription. That is, as w as noted in Chap. 5, the y vary
in their instructional alignment: the degree to which what they teach is similar to
the content of the assessment of their students’ achie vement Teachers who bring
about higher instructional alignment are considered to provide their students with
more opportunity to learn the content on which their achie vement will be
evaluated.
Influences on the Teacher’s Instructional Alignment. What factors influence the
teachers’ instructional alignment? After all, the y teach from the same prescribed
curriculum and, often, in an y given school district, the same te xtbooks. These fac-
tors include (a) the teacher’s knowledge of the content and also, as noted in Chap.
5, (b) the teacher’s pedagogical content knowledge (Shulman, 1986b).
It is likely that the teacher’s knowledge and understanding of the content make
her steer the content – as e xpressed in her structurings and solicitations and in
the learning materials – in the directions in which she feels strong. W anting to
succeed, the teacher tends to a void or deemphasize the aspects of the content in
which she lacks confidence.
It is not only her kno wledge and understanding in the ordinary sense of, say ,
what is measured by an assessment of achie vement over the content. In that sense,
primary-grade teachers of arithmetic or reading are, of course, extraordinarily more
knowledgeable than their students. Rather it is the teacher’ s pedagogical content
knowledge that typically af fects a teacher’s decisions about what content to select
from the curriculum. As Shulman (1986b) put it,
Sub-Theories of the Content of Teaching 143

Mere content knowledge is likely to be as useless pedagogically as content-free skill. But

to blend properly the tw o aspects of the teacher’s capacities requires that we pay as much
attention to the content aspects of teaching as we ha ve recently devoted to the elements of
the teaching process (p. 8).

Pedagogical content knowledge comprises knowledge of such things as what of

the content students already know and understand; where to begin in the treatment
of a ne w topic; what are pedagogically ef fective outlines, sequences, and hierar -
chies of rele vant ideas; what are pedagogically ef fective explanations, analogies,
examples, diagrams, and mnemonic de vices; and how to anticipate and cope with
students’ typical questions, difficulties, and errors.
Teachers’ Values and Their Treatment of Content. The teacher’s personal v alues
also affect her choice and treatment of content. What is meant by values can be under-
stood in terms of a cate gorization of personal v alues developed by the German psy-
chologist Eduard Spranger (1928) in his Types of Men. Spranger’s cate gories were
described in English by Allport, Vernon, and Lindzey (1960) as follows:

(a)
Theoretical, the discovery of true knowledge and comprehension for their own
sake,
(b)Economic, usefulness, practicality, the accumulation of wealth,
(c)Aesthetic, the creation and appreciation of form, harmon y, and beauty,
(d)Social, helping other people,
(e)Political, acquiring power and leadership, not necessarily in politics, and
(f)Religous, achieving mystical or spiritual union with a deity .
The various subject-matter curricula may serve these values in varying degrees.
Among these are such affinities as
(a) science,mathematics, and history with theoretical values;
(b) economics,business administration, and accounting with economic values;
(c) literature,music, and art with aesthetic values;
(d)subjects leading to nursing, social work, and medical work with social values;
(e) vics,
ci political science, and leadership with political values;
(f) ethicsand theology with religious values.
But the signif icance of v alues for education lies not only in the curriculum.
Allport et al., (1960) used Spranger’ s categories to de velop a questionnaire for
ranking these values in an individual’s personality. Such a ranking of a teacher‘s
values, which constitute presage variables, affects the subtleties of her processes
in teaching the content. When that content is congruent with her values, it is likely
that she displays more enthusiasm than when teaching content less closely
associated with her values. These differences are not lost upon her students. The
teacher’s enthusiasm has a considerable history of importance in the research on
teaching of the last half-century.
Examples of a phenomenon requiring explanation: (a) Rosenshine (1971)
brought together five studies in which observers’ ratings of teacher enthusiasm cor-
related .37 to .56 with student achie vement. (b) Colle ge students who recei ved
144 8 Integrating the Conceptions

enthusiastically delivered lectures reported greater intrinsic moti vation and experi-
enced higher levels of vitality (Patrick, Hisley, & Kempler, 2000).
Covering Law 1:Role theory (e.g., Biddle, 1979; Johnson & Johnson, 1995;
Newcomb, 1961) focuses on the teacher’ s superior status in the classroom, so that
the teacher’s enthusiasm about what is being taught makes that content have greater
value in the perceptions of the students.
Covering Law 2: The teacher behaviors that betoken her enthusiasm – gesturing,
varying intonation, mo ving back and forth, e xciting analogies and e xamples, and
humor – arouse student interest by their contrast with the typically sober tenor
and subject matters of classroom events.

Sub-Theories of Students’ Cognitive

Capabilities and Motivation

In Chap. 6, we began by noting that cognitive capabilities are customarily classified

into two categories: “intelligence” and “prior knowledge.” This distinction is based
on the de gree to which cogniti ve capability de velops (a) as a result of essentially
unplanned genetic factors and unplanned experience in everyday living in a family
and neighborhood (as is true of cognitive capabilities) or (b) as a result of carefully
planned and e xecuted student learning in the formal setting of a classroom or
computer program (as is true of prior kno wledge).
Another aspect of the distinction between intelligence and prior achie vement is
their alterability. Intelligence (mental age /chronological age) is hard, well-nigh
impossible, to change in any easily applicable way; it is remarkably stable through-
out the life span (Bloom, 1964). Prior kno wledge, on the other hand, can be
changed through education in relatively controllable ways. Students who go to bet-
ter schools tend to ha ve greater prior kno wledge. Improving schools in terms of
curriculum, teacher ef fectiveness, and instructional resources generally increases
prior knowledge.
Both kinds of cogniti ve capability dif fer from one indi vidual to another . The
study of such individual differences began late in the nineteenth century, developed
into the still thri ving discipline called the “psychology of indi vidual and group
differences,” and pro ved to ha ve practical v alue in such areas as student and
employee selection and guidance. Positi ve correlations were soon found between
cognitive capability and both student achie vement and emplo yee competence in
many important kinds of w ork. Those correlations are applied in the selection of
students and employees.
Teachers quickly become aware of their students’ differences in cognitive capa-
bility. The dif ferences re veal themselv es in the speed and quality with which
students can recall, recognize, comprehend, apply , analyze, inte grate, and create
within the curriculum. T eachers also quickly become a ware of the dif ficulty of
teaching in ways that are appropriate for all of their students – students who usually
differ significantly in their cognitive capabilities.
A Sub-Theory of Classroom Management 145

A Sub-Theory of Classroom Management

Cronbach (1967) analyzed the problem of adapting instruction to individual differ-

ences in the ways shown in concerning Table 8.3, Cronbach wrote:
Two preliminary remarks are called for. First, these adaptations are by no means mutually
exclusive; they can combine in v arious patterns, and no doubt all of them ha ve a place in
the ideal educational system. Second, it is category 3b [“Teach different pupils by different
methods”] that is most interesting … since all the other de vices alter administrati ve
arrangements rather than instructional technique. (p. 23)

Psychologists and educators have made many attempts to to de velop models of

teaching that would cope with the problem of teaching in a classroom full of students
differing in cogniti ve capability . Among these models are computer -assisted
instruction, which be gan in the 1950s and is still being vigorously adv ocated and
promoted. But, as w as noted in Chap. 5, it is, according to the e vidence brought
together by Cuban (2001), “oversold and underused.”
Corno (2008) wrote as follo ws about teachers in our samples … especially
inclined to look out for student characteristics that might impede instruction
(including qualities such as inattenti veness and unwillingness to participate) –
things that could be noticed easily.
They had mentally documented a repertoire of academic problems presented by (often)
hundreds of previous students that had now become telltale signs for adjustment. For example,
one elementary teacher was a stickler for organization. She described a male student in her
class as “so disor ganized that his lack of attention to details actually interfered with
her attempts to teach the whole class. ” The teacher said that this student f ailed to benefit
from his homework reviews because he rarely completed his homework. Notably, she never
really “individualized” instruction—she worked with this student within the group context,
keeping in mind the need to better the student in order to better the group. (p. 21–22)

Table 8.3 Patterns of educational adaptation to individual differences

Possible modifications to meet
Educationalgoals Instructionaltreatment individual needs
Fixed Fixed 1a. Alter duration of schooling by
sequential selection.
1b. Train to criterion on any skill
or topic, hence alter duration
of instruction.
Options Fixed within an option 2a. Determine for each student
his perspective adult role and
provide a curriculum preparing
for that role.
Fixed within a course Alternatives provided 3a. Provide remedial adjuncts to
or program fixed “main track” instruction
3b. Teach different pupils by dif-
ferent methods
Source: Cronbach (1967, p. 24)
146 8 Integrating the Conceptions

As we noted in Chap. 4, the v olume entitled Models of Teaching (Joyce, Weil,

with Calhoun, 2000) described models for which there is no e vidence, based on
large-scale surveys, of wide adoption by U.S. teachers. Their Chap. 6, “Personality
and Learning Styles: Adapting to Indi vidual Differences,” formulates the problem
as one of coping with students’ differences in “integrative complexity.” But they do
not deal with the s pecifics of how teachers should act according to the dif ferences
among students in “integrative complexity.”
The conclusion to which the e vidence points is that Cronbach’ s description of
how one teacher handled the problem of individual differences among her students
is as good an answer as is no w available. This “clinical” approach, sk etched on
page 107 in Chap. 6, calls upon the teacher to make sometimes rapid judgments and
decisions based on her acquisition of experience with the process and content of her
teaching, and kno wledge of the cogniti ve capabilities of her students. “Clinical”
methods are sometimes contrasted with “statistical” methods, as in making predic-
tions about the achievement of students.

Integrating the Sub-Theories

Until now we have taken teaching apart. Now it is time to put it together. The parts
have been (a) the teaching’ s process: the teacher’ s structuring and soliciting, the
students’ responding, and the teacher’s reacting; (b) the content of the teaching: its
types of knowledge and the cognitive processes applied to that type of kno wledge;
and (c) the students’ cogniti ve capability and moti vation: above-average, average,
and below-average.
Putting it together consists of sho wing how the various elements of process are
related to those of content, and how both must be appropriate to the students’ cogni-
tive capability and motivation.
One way to put teaching together, that is, to show this integration, or interrelat-
edness, is to consider process, content, and cognitive capability as the three dimen-
sions of a rectangular solid, shown in Fig. 8.2 .
Rectangular solid sho wing three dimensions, each di vided into se gments (a)
Process (structuring, soliciting, and reacting), (b) Content (four types of content and
two types of cogniti ve process: kno wledge and understanding), and (c) Student
Cognitive Capability and Motivation (below average, average, and above average).
We consider the process dimension of the solid to be divided into three teacher-
performed segments: structuring, soliciting, and reacting. The content dimension
of the solid has eight se gments: one for each of the eight possible pairings of the
four types of kno wledge (factual, conceptual, procedural, metacogniti ve), and two
types of cognitive process (knowing and understanding). The cognitive capability
and motivation dimension is arbitrarily divided into three segments: above-average,
average, and below-average.
Within this 3 × 8 × 3 solid, we can visualize 72 cells, each of which represents
a particular combination of one se gment of the three dimensions. Some of these
Integrating the Sub-Theories 147

Content
Knowledge Understanding

Meta- Meta-
Factual Conceptual Procedural Factual Conceptual Procedural
cognitive cognitive

Process
Structuring

Soliciting

Below
Average
Reacting Average

Above
Average

Cognitive
Capability
and Motivation

Fig. 8.2 Cogniti

ve capability and motivation .

cells will, in actuality, have many more occurrences of teaching cycles than others.
But in theory , each of them is a possible conjunction of a type of process with a
type of content for a le vel of cognitive capability and motivation. Table 8.2 shows
examples of teaching c ycles consisting of dif ferent segments of the three dimen-
sions of teaching.
Example 1. Ms. Eugster may engage in structuring a kind of factual knowl-
edge that she w ants her students of average cognitive capability to remember .
Here the process se gment is structuring, the content se gment is factual knowl-
edge, and the cogniti ve processing se gment is remembering. The structuring
consists of informing all her students that the Declaration of Independence w as
signed on July 4, 1776, and that she w ants all her students to remember this
important date in U.S. history.
Example 2. Ms. Halfpenn y may engage in soliciting an answer to a question
about conceptual knowledge from a student of above-average cognitive capability.
Here the process se gment is soliciting, the content se gment is conceptual knowl-
edge, the cognitive process segment is understanding, and the cognitive capability
segment is above-average. The soliciting consists of asking an above-average stu-
dent to show his understanding by deriving the Pythagorean theorem.
Example 3. Ms. Bollenbacher reacts to the erroneous response of a below-average
student to a question about procedural knowledge. Here the process se gment is
reacting, the content segment is “how to punctuate a quotation,” and cognitive capa-
bility segment is below-average. The reacting consists of saying, “Come on, you can
do better. Think of how a quotation looks on the page of a book. T ake your time.”
Example 4. Ms. Ross structures by telling all her students to apply the concept
of metacognitive knowledge to their o wn studying for a quiz. Here the process
148 8 Integrating the Conceptions

segment is structuring, the content se gment is metacognitive knowledge, the cognitive

process segment question is apply, and the cognitive capability segment is average.

The Culmination: Using the Theory

I intend the theory presented in the fore going chapters to belong to the beha vioral
sciences. That is, it is intended to set forth relationships between v ariables – rela-
tionships that cohere as (a) phenomena in teaching that ha ve been or could be
observed empirically, and (b) e xplanations of those phenomena. In the beha vioral
sciences, such relationships are not as mathematically tight as the relationships in
the physical sciences. Rather, as was noted in Chap. 3, the y are probabilistic.
The theory should not be re garded as a formula or recipe for good teaching.
Rather, as I put it in 1978,
Teaching is an art — a useful, or practical, art rather than one dedicated to the creation of
beauty and the e vocation of aesthetic pleasure as ends in themselv es. As a practical art,
teaching must be recognized as a process that calls for intuition, creati vity, improvisation,
and expressiveness — a process that lea ves room for departures from what is implied by
rules, formulas, and algorithms. In teaching, by whate ver method it proceeds, there is a
need for artistry: in the choice and use of moti vational devices, clarifying definitions [and
explanations], pace, redundancy, and the like. (p. 15)

Artistic influences operate in man y other kinds of w ork that are go verned by
bodies of theory. In music, the scores of concertos and symphonies govern perform-
ances altogether tightly , b ut the performers and conductors are permitted, e ven
expected, to modify the performance with artistry —their own subtleties of volume,
rhythm, and tempo. The star violinist in a music school follows the notes faithfully,
but he does not come close to the artistry of a f amous virtuoso, a Jascha Heifetz.
In aeronautics, a graduate student in aeronautical engineering can obey the laws of
aerodynamics, just as all engineers must obey those laws. But an American group of
engineers designs a four-jet airliner, say, the Boeing 747, that differs in artistic detail
from a European group’ s four-jet Airbus. In poetry, the form of all sonnets must be
the same – 14 lines made up of an octave (a stanza of eight lines) and a sestet (the last
six lines) – all embodying the statement and resolution of a single theme. Ob viously,
the restrictions of that form allow abundant room for artistry.
A theory of teaching is analogous to the sonata composer’s score, the engineer’s laws
of aerodynamics, and the poet’ s rules of some forms of poetry . The teachers who
follow the implications of the covering laws used in the present theory of teaching will
not lack freedom to adjust their performance to their insights and intuitions. The y will
be free to depart from the co vering laws of our conceptions of the process of teaching,
the content of teaching, the cognitive capabilities and motivation of students, and class-
room management. As Schön (1983) put it, the y can use “reflection-in-action (the
‘thinking about what the y are doing while the y are doing it’) that practitioners some-
times bring to situations of uncertainty, uniqueness, and conflict” (p. xi). Scöhn (1987)
also wrote of “educating the reflecti ve practitioner .” The practitioner’ s reflections
The Culmination: Using the Theory 149

consist of his attempts to mer ge his kno wledge of the theory underlying his practice
with whatever artistry can enhance his practice.”
The teacher will learn from experience when she should stay close to the impli-
cations of the covering laws and when to depart from them. And she will learn from
experience whether the structure of the present theory helps her think constructively
about her teaching.
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Author Index

A Briggs, L. J., 3, 103

Adams, R. S., 21 Bromme, R., 60, 120
Ahlbrand, W. P., 7, 49, 69, 71–77, 79, 145 Brooks, H., 59, 60, 115
Airasian, P. W., 46, 50, 96, 98, 99, 131 Brophy, J. E., 4, 5, 26, 78, 87, 97, 115,
Alessi, S. M., 74 122, 123
Allport, G., 146, 147 Broudy, H., 61
Alton-Lee, A., 52, 60 Brown, A. L., 6
Anderson,L., 123 Brown, E. Y., 16
Anderson, L. W., 46, 50, 56, 60, 75, 89, 96, Bruner, J. S., 3
98, 99, 103, 110, 123, 131, 139 Burbules, N. C., 41
Andrews, M., 15, 16 Burns, R. B., 67, 68
Atkinson, R. C., 36, 104, 129 Butterf
ield, H., 37
Atkinson, R. L., 104
Audi,R., 86
Ausubel, D. P., 64, 65, 103, 132 C
Calhoun, E., 2, 62, 63, 67, 79, 149
Carroll, J. B., 9, 34, 35, 101, 102, 119, 120,
B 125, 128
Ball, S. J., 24 Case,R., 39
Banerji,M., 42 Chambers, J. H., 21, 22, 24, 27, 31, 32
Bar
-On, E., 90 Chinn, C. A., 66
Becker, B. J., 17 Clandinin, D. J., 26
Becker, H. J., 6 Clark, C. M., 45, 49
Bellack, A. A., 5, 7, 49, 69–77, 79, 121, 127, Clark, R. E., 64–66
131, 133, 137, 143–145 Clements, B. S., 122
Bem, D. J., 104 Cohen, B. P., 18
Ben-Peretz, M., 60, 120 Cohen, D. K., 82, 83
Ber
ger, J., 18 Cohen, S. A., 52, 88–90, 93
Berliner, D. C., 12, 50, 52, 81, 95, 115–118, Cook, T. D., 17
120, 121 Coombs, J., 70, 74, 75, 127
Biddle, B. J., 33, 34, 44, 81, 130, 147 Cooper, H., 17
Bloom, B. S., 6, 97, 98, 120, 148 Cordray, D. S., 17
Blosser, P., 139 Corno,L., 149
Borg, W. R., 141 Cremin, L. A., 81, 85
Boudoulas,H., 16 Cronbach, L. J., 8, 17, 94, 107, 148, 149
Bourk e, S., 76 Cruikshank, K. A., 46, 50, 96, 98, 99, 131
Bowers, N. D., 136 Cuban, L., 6, 21, 66, 67, 69, 76, 77,
Bracey, G. W., 95 79–82, 148
Brewer, D. J., 6 Cutchin,G. C., 48

165
166 Author Index

D Gess-Newsome, J., 54, 60

D’Onofrio,B., 116 Getzels, J. W., 6, 29
Dearing, E., 117, 118 Ge
wirth, A., 19
Denham,C., 120 Giaconia, R. M., 81, 140, 142
Detterman, D. K., 125 Glaser, B. G., 18
Dillon, J. T., 137–139 Glaser
, R., 20
Domas, S. J., 29 Gleser, G. C., 17
Dowd, J. E., 14, 15 Glymour , C., 32
Doyle, W., 46, 87 Goldstein, R. E., 15, 16
Dubin,R., 18 Good, T. L., 87, 115
Dubois, R. W., 59 Goodlad, J., 7, 49, 66, 67, 69, 73, 74, 76, 77,
Duncan, R. G., 66 79, 80, 137, 144, 145
Dunkin, M. J., 12, 33, 34, 44 Gore, J. M., 41
Gottesman, I. J., 116
Graber, K. C., 87
E Greer, M. A., 63, 64
Eggen, T. H. J. M., 92, 93 Grice, H. P., 133, 134
Ehrenberg, R. G., 6 Guttman,17, 90
Eierdam, D., 70, 74, 75
Einstein, A., 38, 41
Eisner, E. W., 80 H
Emmer, E. T., 122, 123 Haley, A., 116
Engelhart, M. D., 97, 98 Hall, J., 15, 16
Engelmann,S., 67 Hanson, N., 25, 26
English, A. C., 25, 89, 96, 102 Harish, L. D., 118
English, H. B., 25, 89, 96, 102 Harmon-Jones,E., 125
Ennis, R. H., 133 Harris, J. R., 111
Evers, W. M., 83, 84 Hartman,H., 17
Evertson, C. M., 115, 122, 123 Hativa, N., 132
Evertson, C. N., 122 Hedges, L. V., 14, 17, 81, 87, 100
Eysenck,H. J., 13 Hellman,H., 39
Hempel, C. G., 10, 23, 125, 127
Hiebert, J., 76, 80
F Hildyard,A., 76
Fabes, R. A., 118 Hill, W. H., 97, 98
F
aust, D., 31 Hirsch Jr, E. D, 141, 142
Festinger, L., 36, 125 Hirsch, E. D., Jr., 20, 63, 83, 84, 96, 141, 142
Feyerabend, P., 11, 19, 27, 32, 37, 38, 40 Hisley, 147
Finn, C. E., 20 Hmelo-Silver, C. E., 66
Fisch, S. M., 129 Hoetker, J., 7, 49, 69, 71–77, 79, 145
Fisher, C. W., 120 Horwitz, R. I., 16
Flanders, N., 25, 26 Hudson, L. M., 63, 64
Fosnot, C. T., 63 Huh, K. C., 133, 135
Furst, E. J., 97, 98 Hume,D., 78
Husén, T., 89, 92
Hyman, R. T., 7, 49, 69–77, 79, 121, 127
G
Gage, N. L., 5, 7, 12, 17, 20, 21, 24, 41–43,
45, 53, 71, 86, 87, 120, 122, 135 I
Gagne, E. D., 120 Inhelder
, B., 104
Gagné, R. M., 3, 5, 103
Gall, M. D., 141
Gardner, H., 101, 102, 125 J
Garrison, J. W., 24, 26, 86 Jackson, P. W., 6, 29, 49, 97
Ger
gen, K., 8 Johnson, D. W., 130, 147
Author Index 167

Johnson,M., 115 McCartne y, K., 117

Johnson, R. T., 130, 147 McConnell, J. W., 136
Joyce, B., 2, 62, 63, 67, 79, 149 McLaughlin, M. W., 44
McLaughlin, T. F., 112
Medawar, P. B., 27
K Medley, D. M., 25, 29
Kanterovich, A., 27, 28 Meehl,P.E., 31
Kaskowitz, D., 73 Mehan, H., 7, 49, 69, 72–77, 79, 145
K
eller, F., 6 Meister, C., 67
K
empler, 147 Merrow, J., 118
K
err, D., 20 Merton, R. K., 41
Kirschner, P. A., 64–66 Meux, M. O., 70, 74, 75, 127
Klahr, D., 65 Mevarech, Z. R., 130
Kliebard, H. M., 7, 49, 69–77, 79, 121, 127 Miller, B. L., 16
Kline, R. B., 140, 141 Mills,J., 125
K
och, S., 18 Mitchell, W. T., 38
Koczor, M. L., 93, 94 Mitzel, H. E., 25, 29, 43, 44
K
olata, G., 15 Monk, D. H., 6
Kramarski,B., 130 Morsh, J. E., 29
Krathwohl, D. R., 46, 50, 56, 96–99, 103, Moss, A. J., 15, 16
110, 131 Mosteller , F., 17
Kuhn, T., 19, 41, 66
K
ulik, J. A., 105
N
Nagel, E., 22, 27, 38
L Nanda,H., 17
Labaree, D. F., 83 Needels, M. C., 86, 87, 90, 133–135
Lamm,Z., 79 Néeman, Y., 27, 28
Lazear, E. P., 108, 113 Neisser
, U., 125
Lederman, N. G., 54, 60 Newby, T. J., 129
Lemke, M., 116, 117 Newcomb, T. M., 130, 147
Levine, M., 125 Ne
wman, I., 143
Lewin, K., 18, 24 Nichols, S. L., 95
Lieberman,A., 120 Nigam,M., 65
Light, R. J., 17 Nolen-Hoeksema,S., 104
Lilienthal, A. M., 14, 15 Nuthall, G., 52, 60, 71, 80, 127
Lindzey, G., 146
Lipsey, M. W., 12, 13, 16
Losee,J., 24 O
Louis, T. A., 17 Olkin, I., 17, 87
Loyens, S. M. M., 65 Oppenheim,P., 23
Lumsdaine,A. A., 20

P
M P
aas, F., 65
MacIntyre,A., 12 P
atrick, 147
Macmillan, C. J. B., 24, 86 Pedersen, E., 14, 15
Mandeville, G. K., 76, 77 Pelgrum, W. J., 92, 93
Marland, P. W., 25, 26 Perlber g, A., 90
Marrow, A. J., 18 Peterson, P. L., 45, 49
Martin, C. L., 118 Phillips, D. C., 26, 39, 41, 63
Martin,J., 24 Piaget, J., 39, 104
Marx, R. W., 46, 47, 53, 120, 121 Pintrich, P. R., 46, 50, 98, 99, 131
Masterman,M., 41 Pitt, J. C., 18, 23
Mayer, R. E., 46, 50, 96, 98, 99, 131 Plomp, T. J., 92, 93
168 Author Index

Pond, M. R., 143 Spranger, E., 146, 147

Popham, W., 9, 90, 94 Stallings, J. A., 26, 73
Popkewitz, 41 Stigler, J. W., 76, 80
Popper, K., 7, 19, 30, 39, 78, 79 Stipek,D., 112
Porter, A. C., 91 Strauss,A., 18
Powers, W. T., 144 Strauss, R. P., 6
Precians,127 Sugarman,J., 24
Suppes, P., 33, 82
Sweller, J., 36, 53, 64–66, 106, 107
R Szoke, R, 70, 74, 75
Rajagopalan,K., 39
Rajaratnam,N., 17
Raths, J., 46, 50, 98, 99, 131 T
Redfield, D. L., 141 Talbert, J. E., 44
Reigeluth, C. M., 3 Taylor, B. A., 117
Rice, J. M., 42, 62 Thayer, V. T., 79
Richardson, V., 63, 87 Thomas, G., 8, 11, 12, 18, 38, 39
Ridenour , L., 19 Tiedeman, D. V., 29
Rosenshine, B., 67, 147 Travers, R. M. W., 61, 80, 83, 86
Rosenshine, B. V., 66 Trollip, S. R., 74
Rosenthal,R., 14 Truglio, R. T., 129
Rousseau, E. W., 61, 141 T
ukey, J., 69
Rowe, M. B., 52, 142 T
urkheimer, E., 116
Runkel, P. J., 144 T
yler, R. W., 94
Ryan, D. W., 53, 75, 76

U
S Unruh,W., 21
Sanford, J. P., 122 Upde
graff, K. A., 118
Sawyer, E. A., 6
Schmidt, F. L., 17
Schmidt, H. G., 65 V
Schmidt, W. H., 93 Van Gog, T., 65
Schoenfeld, A. H., 57 VandenBos, G. R., 26, 89, 101, 112,
Schon, D. A., 152 136, 140
Scohn,152 Vernon, P. E., 146
Scri
ven, M., 19 Viscoli, C. M., 16
Shapiro, B. J., 75 Vygotsk y, L. S., 103
Shiffrin, R. M., 36, 129
Shulman, L. S., 34, 45, 48, 53, 54, 58, 60,
87, 146 W
Sirotnik, K. A., 5, 7, 73–75, 80, 110, 137, W
alberg, H., 13
143, 144 Walberg, H. J., 141
Skinner, B. F., 6, 20, 35, 36, 41, 61, 125 W
aldron, M., 116
Sla
vin, R., 6 Wallen, N. E., 61, 80, 83
Smith, B. O., 4, 61, 70, 74, 75, 87, 127 Weil, M., 2, 62, 63, 67,
Smith, E. E., 104 79, 149
Smith, F. L., 7, 49, 69–77, 79, 121, 127 W
einstein, 115, 141
Smith, R. B., 4 Weissler, A. M., 16
Snook, I. A., 71 Wennberg, J. E., 59
Snow, R. E., 25, 94 Wiersma, W., 63, 64
Sohn,D., 13 Wilder, E. W., 29
Spearman,C., 102 W
iller, D., 22
Author Index 169

W
iller, J., 22 Y
Williams, R. L., 112 Yekovich, C. W., 120
Wilson, D. B., 12, 13, 16 Y
ekovich, F. R., 120
Winne, P. H., 34, 46, 47, 53, 120, 121,
140, 141
Wittrock, M. C., 50, 86, 120, 121 Z
Wittrock, M. W., 46, 50, 98, 99, 131 Zelditch,M., 18
W
orsham, M. E., 122 Zuck
erman, M., 82
Subject Index

A Conventional-direct-recitation (CDR)
Anderson–Krathwohl taxonomy for learning, teaching, 108
teaching, and assessment, 98 across nations, 75–76
Aphorism, 18. See also Teaching theory apparent adequacy of, 80–81
Aptitude-treatment-interactions(ATIs) Bellack model for computer-assisted
approach, 105 instruction frames similarity, 74–75
components of, 66, 125, 127–128
computers in classrooms, effects, 81–83
B as conjecture, 79
Bloom’
s taxonomy, 97–98 demands of alternatives, 81
generalizability of, 75–77
inheritance of, 80
C reader’s memory and, 77
The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy, 86 and subject matters, 76–77
Carroll’s model of school learning, 34–35 variations of direct teaching, 67
Classroom management, 125, 126, 152 Criterion-of-teacher-effectiveness paradigm,
avoiding biases toward students, 123–124 42–43
in elementary schools, 122 Cronbach clinical processes, 107
instructional time, 119 Curricularknowledge, 45
categories of, 121–122
empty quantitative concept, 120
in secondary schools, 122 D
recommendations for inappropriate Descripti
ve theory, 3–4
behavior, 123 Direct instructional systems in arithmetic
students and reading (DISTAR), 67
poverty, 115–118 Disco
very learning statements, 65
thought processes, 120–121
sub-theory of, 148–149
Classroom teaching analysis, 145 E
Cognitive-ability factors, Carroll and Gardner Education
comparisons, 102 educational adaptation patterns, 149
Cognitive dissonance and learning theory, 125 generalizations and, 12
Community characteristics and context objectives, 139
category, 48 psychology, 103
Conjectures and Refutations, 30
Constructivist teaching inventory, 64
Context variables category, 43. See also G
Teaching study, paradigm Garrison-Macmillancritiques, 86–88
and characteristics, 44, 48 Gricecooperative principles, 133–134

171
172 Subject Index

H S
Handbook of Classroom Management, 115 School characteristics and context category, 48
Handbook of Research on Teaching, Serendipity in history of science,
86, 120 27bibliography on, 28
Ho
w Teachers Taught, 67–68 Studentperseverance, 128
Students. See also Teaching
processesachievement category
I cognitive objectives, achievement,
The IEA Classroom Environment Study, 75 50dimensions for, 51
Implicit theory and classroom-interaction- attention-focusing process, 129
analysis, 26 big five dimensions of personality, 48
Intelligence quotient (IQ), 101–102 cognitive capabilities, 101
Interactive thought processes, 49 adjusting teaching in, 103–104
International Association for Evaluation intelligence,101–102
of Educational Achievement and prior knowledge, 103
(IEA), 53 teaching processes and, 104–105
cognitive capabilities and motivation,
150–151sub-theories of, 147–148
K cognitive process dimension and
Kno
wledge achievement category, 51
dimension and student achievement intellectual processes, 130
category, 51 motivation approaches
factual and conceptual, 99 behaviorism, 111–112
procedural and metacognitive, 99–100 cognitive aspects of, 112–113
learning tasks, 113
poverty of, 115
N literacy scores, 117
Naturalsciences mathematics scores, 116
anti-theory arguments in, 37–38 and superintendency, 118
and desirability of theory, 18 sub-theories of cognitive capabilities
practicalvalue, 19 and motivation, 147–148
achievement and attitudes measures,
136–137
P personalities and rationality, 129
P
article-physics consistencies, 14 socioeconomic status and academic
Pedagogical content knowledge content side achievement, 127
of teaching, 53–54 thought processes category
Pedagogicalknowledge, 45 and achievement, 50
A Place Called School, 67–68 categories, 47
Post-interactive thought processes, 49 paradigm,46
Presage variables concept, 43. See also Subject matter knowledge, 45. See also
Teaching study, paradigm Teaching contents
stable characteristics in, 47–48 Suspendingjudgment reasons
Prescripti
ve theory, 3–4 inadequacy of evidence, 78
Problem-basedlearning, 66 inductive logic’s inadequacy, 78
Process-achie vement paradigm, 42
Process-productparadigm. See
Process-achievement paradigm T
Progressive–discovery–constructivist (PDC) Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching,
teaching, 63–66 and Assessing, 139
The Taxonomy for Learning, Teaching,
and Assessing, 50
R A Taxonomy for Teaching, Learning,
Researchprocess, 1 and Assessing, 103
Subject Index 173

T
eachers teachers’ ratings of opportunity-to-learn,
agenda setting, 130 92–93
behavioral variables, 135 knowledge types of, 99–100
characteristics and student process–productresearch
achievement, 6 Garrison-Macmillan critiques, 86–88
communicability and comprehensibility- omissions and mistreatments, 85
affecting actions teacher’s intentionality, 86
high and low inference variables, 136 sub-theoriesof
inference level and outcome prediction, choice of content, 145–147
136–137 cognitive capabilities and motivation,
comprehensibility-affecting actions 147–148
high-inference variables, 136 instructional alignment, 145
inference level and outcome prediction, variation in, 88
136–137 T
eaching processes, 61
low-inference variables, 136 and cognitive capabilities, 104–105
education,135 conditions of, 82
illogicality measures, 134 culmination theory, 151–152
instructional alignment, 146 cycle of, 131, 132, 151
pedagogical content knowledge, 146 historical study, 69
performed segments, 150 models
personal values, 46–147 categories for, 62–68
presage variables, personality and modelsfor
characteristics, 29 conventional–direct–recitation (CDR)
problem handling approaches, 149 teaching, 66–68
questions during discussions, 137–139 families of, 63
soliciting progressive–discovery–constructivist
type of question asked and learning (PDC) teaching, 63–66
affected, 138–139 with multiple intelligences, 108
T
eacher’s-thought-processes category, 44 awakening and amplifying, 108–109
cognitive process categories, 46 musical,109–110
knowledge types, 46 responding and reacting for, 109
momentary thought processes, 48 soliciting for, 110
paradigm,45 teaching and transferring, 109
stable and transitory thought processes, 49 objectives of, 103
Teaching contents, 111, 145 observational studies
Anderson–Krathwohl taxonomy, 98 Bellack study, 69–71
Bloom’s taxonomy, 97–98 Goodlad’s study, 73–74
categorizations of, 97 Hoetker and Ahlbrand, 71–72
cognitive load content side of, 53 Mehan study, 72
content side of, 52–54 practicefor
and curricular validity, 89 factual correctness versus incorrectness,
instructional alignment for, 88 144–145
approaches to, 89–91 A Place Called School, 144
content analysis, 93 responding and reacting, 143–144, 150
content and curricular validity, 89 progressive education, 83–84
experimental manipulation, 93–94 simplification levels, 105
facet similarity and instructional mnemonic devices, algorithms, 106
alignment, 90 reduce number and length, 106
high-stakes assessment for, 94–97 reducing cognitive load, 106–107
instruction measurement, 91 simpler and familiar word, usage of, 106
measurement-driven instruction (MDI), sub-theories of, 125–126
90, 94 classroom management and, 148–149
opportunity-to-learn,89–90 content of teaching, 145–147
studying methods of, 91 culmination and, 151–152
174 Subject Index

Teaching processes (cont.) classroom teaching, 6–7

functions of structuring, 128–131 conceptions of, 23
illustrative theory, 126 empiricist theory, 21
integrating, 150–151 explanation and, 23
presentation scheme, 127 and scientific knowledge, 22
responding and reacting, 143–145 Willer-Chambers conception of, 22–23
structuring,127–128 conventional-direct-recitation (CDR)
sub-theories, soliciting, of, 137 teaching, 7
higher-and lower-order questions, curriculum and materials, 3
experiments comparison, 140–141 definition of, 2
knowledge questions, 141–142 descriptive and prescriptive theory, 3–4
questions types, 139 educational research outcome
relationships of question-level and argument, 33–34
outcomes, 139–140 Carroll’s model of school learning,
and teacher questions during discussions, 34–35
137–139 neglect of theory in, 32–33
wait-time in asking questions, 142–143 experiments and
sub-theories, structuring as lecturing of effects on, 13–15
communicative logic and, 132–135 studies,13–14
comprehensibility, 132 generality-specificity for, 5
duration of, 131–132 human and non human teaching, 20–21
tutoring,108 implicit guiding theories, 25–26
Teaching study, paradigm, 54–55 and instruction, 2–3
categories of, 41 knowledge outcome and users, 39–40
two-way relationships between pairs non-experimental study, 15–16
of, 55–56 practical values of, 18
class characteristics and context priortheory
category, 48 indispensable and not-indispensable
as clinical information processing, 45 position, 24–25
cognitive objective of, 51 process,1
content outcome research on, 28–29
part,49–50 professional doctoral program and, 20
and process side of, 51–52 scientific method
and critical theory, 41 and controversies, 30–31
evolution of empirical consensus in defining science,
context variables, 43–44 31–32
criterion-of-teacher-effectiveness Faust-Meehl proposal, 31
paradigm, 42–43 Popper’s conception of, 30
process-achievement paradigm, 42 science philosophers on, 26–27
instructional alignment for, 59–60 serendipity in, 27–28
intra and inter-category relationships, 58 teacher’s actions and, 6
multivariate relationships of variables, Thomas’s snowball-like treatment of
58–59 education and, 11–12
process, ways of describing, 56–57 validity theory, 4–5
teachers value of theory questionings
behaviors, 44 B. F. Skinner’s position, 35–36
intervening variables and, 44–45 levels of, 36–37
transfer demand content side of, 53 positions against, 37–39
verbal process part, 49 Theories of Explanation, 18
T
eaching theory, 11–12 The Third international mathematics and
behavioral science and, 16–17 science study (TIMSS), 76