A Linguistic Description of Lockhart River Creole

Joanna Ewa Mittag

Master in Applied Linguistics – University of New England, Armidale NSW
Master of Arts in Applied Linguistics – University of New England, Armidale, NSW
Bachelor of Arts – Charter Oak State College, New Britain, CT, USA

A thesis submitted for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy
of the
University of New England

November 2016
 I
Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Professor Jeff Siegel and Dr Mark Post for their supervision of
the work outlined in the present study. I am very grateful for their very detailed
feedback which has been instrumental in the process of writing this thesis. I would
also like to thank Dr Margaret Sharpe, Professor Diana Eades, and Professor Nick
Reid of the Linguistics Department at the University of New England for their
advice on conducting research in Aboriginal communities in Australia.

My special thanks and words of gratitude are directed to the members of the
Lockhart River Aboriginal Shire Council, namely, Mayor Wayne Butcher, Deputy
Mayor Norman Bally, Veronica Piva, Paul Piva, and Dorothy Hobson, for granting
their permission for me to undertake my project in their community.

This study could not have been completed without the assistance of many people in
the Lockhart River Aboriginal Community, as well as the Lockhart River People
residing in Cairns, North Queensland. In particular I thank Patrick Butcher, Josiah
Omeenyo, Irene Namok, Dorothy Short, Elizabeth “Queenie” Giblet, Susan Pascoe,
Lucy Hobson, Greg Omeenyo, Beverley Butcher, Beverley Pascoe, Nullam Clark,
Christina Hobson, Margaret Hobson, Emily Pascoe, John Butcher, Priscilla
Mattisey, Marjorie Accoom, Leila Clarmont, Brain Claudie, and Beatrice Mary
Hobson who shared their knowledge of Lockhart River and their language with me.

I would also like to thank the Staff at the Lockhart River Art Centre, and particularly
Peter Neal, for introducing me to a number of the Lockhart River artists, for
allowing me to use the premises of the Art Centre to record people and conduct my
research, for offering advice and showing interest in my work, and for
accommodating me in any way possible.

Special thanks go to Clair Hill and David Thompson who not only provided me with
invaluable advice on Lockhart River and its People, but who also personally
introduced me to the Lockhart River Community, when they invited me to join them
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on their trip there in July 2013. I would also like to thank David Thompson and his
wife Margaret for allowing me to stay at their place in June 2014 and for introducing
me to the community of the Lockhart River People residing in Cairns.

Words of gratitude go to Professor Bruce Rigsby who not only got me in touch with
both Clair Hill and David Thompson, but also shared his own invaluable data with
me and invited me to visit him and his wife Barbara in Brisbane. Professor Athol
Chase, whom I met during my trip to Brisbane, also shared his time and knowledge
of Lockhart River and its People with me.

I would like to extend my thanks to Denise Angelo and Jennifer Munro who shared
their knowledge with me and offered many words of encouragement to pursue the
research project outlined in this thesis.

I wish to also thank the library staff at the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS) in Canberra for their assistance with
locating sources relevant to my research project. I thank the staff at Dixson Library
at the University of New England for promptly providing me with the requested
materials.
 iii

Abstract

Lockhart River Creole (LRC) is an English-based contact variety spoken in the

Lockhart River Aboriginal Community located on Cape York Peninsula
approximately 780km north of Cairns. Considering that LRC has not been
previously studied, analysed, and described, the focus of the present study is to
provide its linguistic description, design an orthographical system allowing for the
language to be used in the written form, ascertain if LRC is a creole or a variety of
Aboriginal English, establish similarities and differences between LRC and other
contact varieties spoken in the Pacific basin, and determine the scope of the
influence of the two substrate languages, namely, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila.

While Chapter 1 provides information on the Lockhart River area and its linguistic
configuration, theoretical background, language data and methodology, as well as
sources consulted for the purpose of the present project, Chapter 2 constitutes a
detailed description of historical factors that contributed to the emergence and
development of LRC. Chapter 3 examines segmental phonemes of LRC, namely,
consonants, vowels, and diphthongs, as well as variation and phonotactics, i.e.
syllable structure, in addition to such suprasegmental features as vowel length,
stress, and intonation. Furthermore, Chapter 3 also discusses the proposed
phonemically-based orthographical system. In addition to morphological processes,
Chapter 4 explores the LRC word classes, namely, nouns, pronouns, determiners,
quantifiers, adjectives, prepositions, verbs, adverbs, conjunctions, and interjections.
Chapter 5 discusses the noun phrase, including both simple and complex NPs, as
well as pronominal NPs, and prepositional phrases. This is followed by the
presentation of the word and phrase coordination. In addition to the coordination of
verbs and verb phrases, Chapter 6 investigates the verb phrase, including bare,
intransitive, transitive, ditransitive, and complex head verbs. This is then followed
by the examination of oblique complements, serial verb constructions, prepositional
phrases and adverbs within the verb phrase. Chapter 7, which is devoted to simple
sentences, provides an overview of the five types of predicates, the predicate
constituents, sentences with and without the subject, as well as declarative sentences,
including negative markers, and interrogative sentences, both ‘yes-no’ and
 iv

information questions. Chapter 8 presents complex sentences and discusses

complement and adverbial clauses, relative clauses, left dislocation, as well as the
coordination and subordination of complex sentences. Chapter 9 examines the LRC
vocabulary, as well as emphatic and discourse markers. Concluding remarks are
provided in Chapter 10.

Each chapter contains original and substantial information pertinent to the linguistic
description of LRC. Furthermore, numerous comparisons of many LRC features
with their equivalents in other contact varieties, namely, Australian Kriol, Torres
Strait Creole, Solomon Islands Pijin, Vanuatu Bislama, and Papua New Guinea Tok
Pisin, are provided throughout this thesis.
 v

I certify that the substance of this thesis has not already been submitted for any
degree and is
not currently being submitted for any other degree or qualification.

I certify that any help received in preparing this thesis and all sources used have
been acknowledged in this thesis.

Signature
 vi

Table of Contents
Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………...i
Abstract…………………………………………………………………………….. iii
Certification………………………………………………………………………….v
Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………...vi
List of Tables……………………………………………………………………...xvii
List of Figures……………………………………………………………………...xix
List of Abbreviations………………………………………………………………..xx

Chapter 1 Introduction……………………………………………………………….1
1.1 Lockhart River…………………………………………………………...2
1.2 Linguistic Configuration of Lockhart River……………………………..6
1.3 Theoretical Background………………………………………………….9
1.4 Language Data and Methodology………………………………………16
1.5 Sources………………………………………………………………….20
1.6 Organisation of the Thesis……………………………………………...20
1.7 Conclusion………………………………………………………………22

Chapter 2 Historical Background…………………………………………………...24

2.1 Pre-European Contact…………………………………………………..24
2.2 Increased Contact with Outsiders……………………………………….25
2.3 LR Anglican Mission During Pre-WWII Times………………………..29
2.4 World War II and the Post-War Times…………………………………33
2.5 Post-Mission Times at LR………………………………………………36
2.6 The Emergence and Development of LRC……………………………..37
2.7 Conclusion………………………………………………………………52

Chapter 3 Phonology………………………………………………………………..53
3.1 Segmental Phonemes…………………………………………………...53
3.1.1 Consonants……………………………………………………….53
3.1.1.1 Description and Distribution of Consonants…………….54
3.1.1.1.1 Voiceless Stops…………………………..........54
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3.1.1.1.2 Voiced Stops…………………………………..57

3.1.1.1.3 Nasals………………………………………….58
3.1.1.1.4 Voiceless Fricatives…………………………...60
3.1.1.1.5 Voiced Fricatives……………………………...62
3.1.1.1.6 Voiceless Palato-Alveolar Affricate /tʃ/……….64
3.1.1.1.7 Voiced Palato-Alveolar Affricate /dʒ/…….......64
3.1.1.1.8 Apico-Alveolar Lateral /l/……………………..65
3.1.1.1.9 Voiced Apico-Alveolar Rhotic /r/……………..65
3.1.1.1.10 Voiced Lamino-Palatal Semivowel (Glide) /j/.66
3.1.1.1.11 Voiced Labiovelar Semivowel (Glide) /w/…..66
3.1.1.1.12 Glottal Stop /ʔ/ (Marginal Phoneme)………...67
3.1.2 Vowels ……………………………………………………………67
3.1.2.1 Description and Distribution of Vowels…………………67
3.1.2.1.1 Short Front Vowels…………………………….68
3.1.2.1.2 Central Vowels…………………………………69
3.1.2.1.3 Back Vowels…………………………………...70
3.1.2.1.4 Long Vowels…………………………………...71
3.1.3 Diphthongs……………………………………………………….71
3.1.3.1 Description and Distribution of Diphthongs…………….72
3.2 Orthography…………………………………………………………….73
3.3 Variation………………………………………………………………...74
3.4 Phonotactics…………………………………………………………….80
3.4.1 Variation within Syllables………………………………………..81
3.4.2 Consonant Clusters within a Single Syllable…………………….82
3.4.2.1 Onsets……………………………………………………83
3.4.2.2 Codas…………………………………………………….83
3.4.2.3 Consonant Clusters………………………………………83
3.5 Suprasegmental Features...……………………………………………...85
3.5.1 Stress……………………………………………………………..85
3.5.2 Intonation………………………………………………………...87
3.6 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles…………………………………..90
3.7 Conclusion………………………………………………………………91
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Chapter 4 Word Classes and Morphological Processes…………………………….93

4.1 Nouns…………………………………………………………………...93
4.1.1 Noun Subclasses…………………………………………………..94
4.1.1.1 Proper Nouns……………………………………………...94
4.1.1.2 Common Nouns…………………………………………..95
4.1.2 Noun Word Formation……………………………………………96
4.1.2.1 Compounds……………………………………………….96
4.1.2.1.1 Formation of Compounds………………………97
4.1.2.2 Reduplication……………………………………………100
4.1.3 Noun Morphology.………………………………………………100
4.1.3.1 Inflection………………………………………………...100
4.1.3.1.1 English-Derived Plural Marker –s…………….100
4.1.3.2 Derivation………………………………………………..103
4.1.3.2.1 English-Derived Nominalising Suffix -wan…...103
4.1.3.2.2 English-Derived Gerundial Suffix -ing………..105
4.1.3.2.3 English-Derived Agentive Suffix -a…...……...106
4.2 Pronouns……………………………………………………………….106
4.2.1 Personal Pronouns……………………………………………….107
4.2.1.1 Personal Pronouns……………………………………….107
4.2.1.1.1 First Person Inclusive Singular Pronouns……..108
4.2.1.1.2 First Person Inclusive Dual Pronoun.…………109
4.2.1.1.3 First Person Inclusive Non-Singular Pronoun....110
4.2.1.1.4 First Person Exclusive Dual Pronoun.………...111
4.2.1.1.5 First Person Exclusive Plural Pronoun.……….111
4.2.1.1.6 First Person Nonsingular Pronoun…………….113
4.2.1.1.7 Second Person Singular Pronoun……………...114
4.2.1.1.8 Second Person Dual Pronoun………………….114
4.2.1.1.9 Second Person Plural Pronoun………………...114
4.2.1.1.10 Third Person Singular Pronouns……………..115
4.2.1.1.11 Third Person Dual Pronoun…………………..116
4.2.1.1.12 Third Person Plural Pronouns………………..117
4.2.1.1.13 Dual Subject Personal Pronoun………………119
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4.2.1.2 Reflexive Personal Pronouns…………………………...119

4.2.1.3 Possessive Pronouns…………………………………….121
4.2.1.4 Reciprocal Personal Pronoun…………………………...122
4.2.1.5 Distributive Personal Pronoun………………………….123
4.2.2 Non-Personal Pronouns…………………………………………123
4.2.2.1 Indefinite Pronouns……………………………………..123
4.2.2.2 Demonstrative Pronouns………………………………..125
4.2.2.3 Interrogative Pronouns………………………………….126
4.3 Determiners……………………………………………………………130
4.3.1 Articles…………………………………………………………..130
4.3.1.1 Definite Articles…………………………………………131
4.3.1.2 Indefinite Articles…..……………………………………134
4.3.2 Demonstrative Determiners……………………………………..136
4.3.3 Interrogative Determiners……………………………………….137
4.4 Quantifiers……………………………………………………………..137
4.4.1 Numerals………………………………………………………...138
4.4.1.1 Cardinal Numerals………………………………………139
4.4.1.2 Ordinal Numerals………………………………………..141
4.4.2 Quantifiers……………………………………………………….143
4.4.2.1 Quantifiers and Pronouns………………………………..144
4.4.3 Numeral-Determiner Constraints………………………………..145
4.5 Adjectives……………………………………………………………...147
4.5.1 Morphology of Adjectives………………………………………148
4.5.1.1 Compound Adjectives…………………………………...149
4.5.1.2 Nominalising Suffix -wan………………………………151
4.5.1.3 English-Lexified Adjectives……………………………..152
4.5.2 Reduplication……………………………………………………152
4.6 Prepositions……………………………………………………………153
4.6.1 Simple Prepositions……………………………………………...154
4.6.1.1 Blong/Blo………………………………………………...155
4.6.1.2 Fō………………………………………………………..157
4.6.1.3 Waya/Weya/We………………………………………….157
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4.7 Verbs…………………………………………………………………..159
4.7.1 Transitive Verbs…………………………………………………159
4.7.1.1 Transitive Verb Morphology…………………………….161
4.7.1.2 Unmarked Transitive Verbs……………………………..162
4.7.1.2.1 Unmarked Transitive Verbs Without Intransitive
Equivalents………………….............................162
4.7.1.2.2 Unmarked Transitive Verbs with Intransitive
Equivalents…………………………………….163
4.7.1.3 Transitive Verbs with Directional Sufixes……...………164
4.7.1.4 Double Suffixation……………………………………...165
4.7.1.5 Causative Verbs………………………………………...165
4.7.2 Intransitive Verbs……………………………………………….166
4.7.2.1 Complex Intransitive Verbs…………………………….167
4.7.3 Transitive and Intransitive Verb Morphology…………………..169
4.7.3.1 Progressive Aspect Suffix -a(bat)……………………...169
4.7.3.2 Verb Reduplication……………………………………..170
4.8 Adverbs……………………………………………………………….172
4.8.1 Morphology of Adverbs………………………………………...176
4.8.1.1 Reduplication……………………………………………178
4.8.2 Temporal Functions of Adverbs……... …………………………179
4.8.3 Aspectual Functions of Adverbs……….………………………..179
4.8.3.1 ōltaim/ōldetaim………………………………………….180
4.8.3.2 ōlweis…………………………………………………….180
4.8.3.3 ebritaim………………………………………………….181
4.8.3.4 egen/gen…………………………………………………181
4.8.3.5 jast……………………………………………………….182
4.9 Conjunctions…………………………………………………………..183
4.9.1 Coordinators……………………………………………………..183
4.9.2 Subordinators……………………………………………………184
4.9.2.1 Subordinating Conjunctions……………………………..185
4.9.2.2 Complementisers………………………………………...186
4.9.3 Relativisers………………………………………………………187
4.10 Interjections……………………………………………………………187
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4.11 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles…………………………………188

4.12 Conclusion……………………………………………………………..206

Chapter 5 The Noun Phrase (NP), and the Word and Phrase Coordination………209
5.1 Simple NPs…………………………………………………………….209
5.1.1 Bare Nouns as NPs………………………………………………210
5.1.2 NP Determiner…………………………………………………..211
5.1.2.1 Pronoun Appositions…………………………………….212
5.1.3 NP Quantifier………...….………………………………………215
5.1.3.1 Nouns of Quantity……………………………………….216
5.1.4 Adjectival Phrases (AdjPs)……………………………………...217
5.1.4.1 Adjective Modifiers……………………………………..218
5.1.4.2 Multiple Adjectives……………………………………...219
5.1.4.3 Multiple Adjective Order………………………………..221
5.1.4.4 Compound Adjectives Formed with the Noun kain……..221
5.1.4.5 Comparison of Adjectives…………..…………………...223
5.1.4.5.1 Comparative Degree of Adjectives………..…..223
5.1.4.5.2 Superlative Degree of Adjectives……………...223
5.1.5 Modifying Nouns………………………………………………..224
5.1.6 Additional Postnominal Markers………………………………..226
5.2 Complex NPs………………………………………………………….227
5.2.1 Post-Head Prepositional Phrase…………………………………229
5.2.2 Post-Head Prepositional Phrases Involving Quantification of Mass
Nouns…………………………………………………………...231
5.2.2.1 Quantification of Mass Nouns…………………………..231
5.2.3 Relative Clauses as NP Modifiers………………………………234
5.3 Pronominal NPs……………………………………………………….235
5.3.1 Bare Pronouns as NPs…………………………………………...235
5.3.2 Pronominal………………………………………………………237
5.4 Prepositional Phrases (PPs)…………………………………………….238
5.4.1 Simple Prepositional Phrases…………………………………….239
5.4.2 PPs with Adverbs Used as Prepositions………………………….240
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5.4.3 Complex Prepositional Phrases…………………………………..242

5.5 Word and Phrase Coordination………………………………………...247
5.5.1 Noun Coordination……………………………………………….248
5.5.2 Numeral Coordination……………………………………………248
5.5.3 Adjectival Coordination………………………………………….249
5.5.4 NP Coordination………………………………………………….249
5.5.5 Coordination of PPs……………………………………………...250
5.6 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles………………………………….250
5.7 Conclusion……………………………………………………………...258

Chapter 6 The Verb Phrase (VP), and the Coordination of Verbs and VPs………260
6.1 Verb Phrases…………………………………………………………….260
6.1.1 Head Verbs and Direct Objects…………………………………...261
6.1.1.1 Bare Head Verbs………………………………………….261
6.1.1.2 Intransitive Head Verbs…………………………………...261
6.1.1.3 Transitive Head Verbs…………………………………….262
6.1.1.4 Ditransitive Verbs………………………………………...265
6.1.1.5 Complex Head Verbs……………………………………..266
6.1.2 Head Verbs and Oblique Constituents……………………………269
6.1.3 Serial Verb Constructions………………………………………...271
6.1.3.1 SVCs with the Directional Motion Verbs………………...272
6.1.3.2 SVCs with Non-Directional Verbs………………………..275
6.1.3.3 SVCs and the Predicate Marker…………………………..278
6.1.3.4 SVCs and Verb Reduplication……………………………279
6.1.4 PPs within VPs……………………………………………………279
6.1.5 Adverbs within VPs………………………………………………280
6.1.5.1 Position of Adverbs within VPs…………………………..280
6.1.5.2 Multiple Adverbs within VPs……………………………..283
6.2 Word and Phrase Coordination…………………………………………285
6.3 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles…………………………………..288
6.4 Conclusion………………………………………………………………291
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Chapter 7 Simple Sentences……………………………………………………….292

7.1 Predicate………………………………………………………………..292
7.1.1 VP Predicates…………………………………………………….292
7.1.2 AdjP Predicates…………………………………………………..293
7.1.2.1 Comparative AdjP Predicates……………………………295
7.1.2.2 Superlative AdjP Predicates……………………………...298
7.1.3 NP Predicates…………………………………………………….299
7.1.4 PP Predicates……………………………………………………..299
7.1.5 AdvP Predicates………………………………………………….300
7.2 The Constituents of the Predicate……………………………………...301
7.2.1 Resumptive Pronouns (RPs)…………………………………….301
7.2.1.1 The Description of RPs………………………………….302
7.2.1.2 The Optionality of RPs…………………………………..304
7.2.1.3 Use Restrictions…………………………………………305
7.2.1.4 The RPs and Post-Modification…………………………306
7.2.2 The Predicate Marker (PM)……………………………………..306
7.2.2.1 The Predicate Marker and the RPs………………………307
7.2.2.2 The Predicate Marker and the Predicate Types………….308
7.2.2.3 The Optionality of the Predicate Marker………………..309
7.2.2.4 The Use Restrictions of the Predicate Marker..…………310
7.2.3 Tense, Modality, and Aspect Markers (TMA)…………………..311
7.2.3.1 Tense Markers…………………………………………...312
7.2.3.1.1 bin/bi………………………………………….312
7.2.3.1.2 go……………………………………………...313
7.2.3.2 Modality Markers……………………………………….313
7.2.3.2.1 ken/kin………………………………………...314
7.2.3.2.2 kan/kant/kent………………………………….314
7.2.3.2.3 mait……………………………………………315
7.2.3.2.4 āftū/heftū……………………………………...316
7.2.3.2.5 blo……………………………………………..316
7.2.3.2.6 gada/gadi……………………………………...317
7.2.3.2.7 mas……………………………………………318
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7.2.3.2.8 sepoustū……………………………………….320
7.2.3.2.9 sud/shud……………………………………….320
7.2.3.3 Aspect Markers…………………………………………321
7.2.3.3.1 finis/pinis……………………………………...321
7.2.3.3.2 go fō/go pō…………………………………….322
7.2.3.3.3 stāt…………………………………………….322
7.2.3.3.4 kīp/kīp on……………………………………...322
7.2.3.3.5 stil……………………………………………...323
7.2.3.3.6 nomō…………………………………………...323
7.2.3.3.7 yustū…………………………………………...324
7.2.3.3.8 no sabi…………………………………………324
7.3 Simple Sentences………………………………………………………325
7.3.1 Sentences with and Without a Subject…………………………...325
7.3.1.1 Subjectless Sentences……………………………….........325
7.3.1.1.1 Impersonal Sentences…………………………..326
7.3.1.1.2 Existential Sentences…………………………...327
7.3.1.2 Sentences with a Subject…………………………………329
7.3.1.2.1 Verbless Sentences……………………………..329
7.3.1.2.2 Verbal Sentences………………………………332
7.3.2 Declarative and Interrogative Sentences………..………………336
7.3.2.1 Declarative Sentences…………………………………..336
7.3.2.1.1 Negative Markers……………………………..336
7.3.2.2 Interrogative Sentences…………………………………341
7.3.2.2.1 ‘Yes-No’ Questions…………………………...341
7.3.2.2.2 Information Questions………………………...343
7.4 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles………………………………....347
7.5 Conclusion……………………………………………………………..351

Chapter 8 Complex Sentences…………………………………………………….353

8.1 Coordination of Simple Sentences……………………………………...353
8.1.1 Conjunctive Coordination………………………………………353
8.1.2 Adversative Coordination………………………………………354
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8.1.3 Alternative Coordination………………………………………..354

8.1.4 Subject in the Coordinated Clauses……………………………..354
8.2 Complex Sentences…………………………………………………...356
8.2.1 Complement Clauses within Complex Sentences………………356
8.2.1.1 laik and wandi/wani + Complement Clauses…………...357
8.2.1.2 lau + Complement Clauses……………………………..358
8.2.1.3 let/leti/letim + Complement Clauses……………………359
8.2.1.4 meik/meiki/meikim + Complement Clauses…………….360
8.2.1.5 stāt + Complement Clauses……………………………..361
8.2.1.6 trai + Complement Clauses……………………………..361
8.2.1.7 Other Verbs + Complement Clauses……………………362
8.2.1.8 Multiple Verb Predicates………………………………..362
8.2.1.9 WH- Complementisers………………………………….363
8.2.2 Complements of Communication and Thought………………...364
8.2.2.1 Perception Verbs………………………………………..364
8.2.2.2 Speech Act Verbs……………………………………….366
8.2.2.3 Verbs of Mental Processes……………………………...367
8.2.2.4 Direct Speech Complements……………………………369
8.3 Adverbial Clauses within Complex Sentences………………………370
8.3.1 Adverbial Clauses of Time…………………………………….371
8.3.2 Adverbial Clauses of Cause……………………………………373
8.3.3 Adverbial Clauses of Purpose………………………………….373
8.3.4 Adverbial Clauses of Result……………………………………374
8.3.5 Adverbial Clauses of Condition………………………………..374
8.3.6 Adverbial Clauses of Comparison and Manner………………..375
8.3.7 Adverbial Clauses Functioning as AdvPs……………………...376
8.3.8 Unmarked Adverbial Clauses………………………………….376
8.4 Relative Clauses (RCs)………………………………………………376
8.4.1 Relative Clauses with the Relative Marker we/waya/weya…….377
8.4.2 Relative Clauses without the Relative Marker…………………379
8.4.3 Verbless RCs…………………………………………………...381
8.4.4 Multiple RCs…………………………………………………...382
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8.4.5 Relativised Nouns Denoting Time……………………………..382

8.5 Left Dislocation………………………………………………………383
8.6 Coordination and Subordination……………………………………..384
8.6.1 Coordination of Subordinate Clauses…………………………..385
8.7 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles………………………………..387
8.8 Conclusion……………………………………………………………392

Chapter 9 Vocabulary, Emphasis and Discourse Markers………………………...393

9.1 Lexical Items of TSC, Japanese, Malay-Indonesian, Pacific Origin..393
9.1.1 Compounds……………………………………………………397
9.2 Lexical Items from Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila……………………….398
9.3 Semantic Shift in Words Derived from English…………………….399
9.3.1 New Words Derived from English………..…………………..400
9.4 Discourse…………………………………………………………….400
9.4.1 Emphasis Markers……………………………………………..401
9.4.1.1 nau/na………………………………………………….401
9.4.1.2 ya………………………………………………………402
9.4.2 Discourse Markers…………………………………………….405
9.4.2.1 Connective Adverbs…………………………………...405
9.4.2.2 laka…………………………………………………….407
9.5 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles……….………………………409
9.6 Conclusion…………………………………………………………...412

Chapter 10 Conclusion…………………………………………………………….414

References…………………………………………………………………………422
 xvii

List of Tables
Table 1.1 Recorded Participants…………………………………..………………..18
Table 3.1 Consonants……………………………………………………………….54
Table 3.2 Vowels…………………………………………………………………...67
Table 3.3 Diphthongs……………………………………………………………….71
Table 3.4 IPA Characters and Their LRC Graphemes……………………………...73
Table 3.5 Syllable Types……………………………………………………………80
Table 3.6 Consonant Clusters within a Single Syllable…………………………….82
Table 4.1 Nouns with Apparent Reduplication……………………………………100
Table 4.2 Personal Pronouns………………………………………………………107
Table 4.3 Reflexive Personal Pronouns…………………………………………...119
Table 4.4 Possessive Pronouns……………………………………………………121
Table 4.5 Indefinite Pronouns……………………………………………………..124
Table 4.6 Demonstrative Pronouns………………………………………………..126
Table 4.7 Interrogative Pronouns………………………………………………….127
Table 4.8 Articles………………………………………………………………….131
Table 4.9 Demonstrative Determiners…………………………………………….136
Table 4.10 Cardinal Numerals…………………………………………………….139
Table 4.11 Ordinal Numerals……………………………………………………...141
Table 4.12 Quantifiers……………………………………………………………..143
Table 4.13 Simple Prepositions……………………………………………………154
Table 4.14 Subordinators………………………………………………………….185
Table 4.15 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole Features of Various Word Classes
with Other Creoles…………………………………………………….188
Table 4.16 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Features with Other
Creoles………………………………………………………………...190
Table 5.1 Nouns of Quantity………………………………………………………216
Table 5.2 Compound Adjectives Formed with the Noun kain…………………….222
Table 5.3 Quantifying Nouns……………………………………………………...231
Table 5.4 Adverbs Functioning as Prepositions…………………………………...240
Table 5.5 Complex Prepositions…………………………………………………..243
 xviii

Table 5.6 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole NP Features with Other

Creoles......................................................................................................250
Table 5.7 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived NP Features with Other
Creoles………………………………………………………………….251
Table 6.1 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole VP Features with Other Creoles...288
Table 7.1 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole Predicate Features with Other
Creoles…………………………………………………………………..347
Table 7.2 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Predicate Features with
Other Creoles…………………………………………………………...348
Table 8.1 Verbs that Take Complement Clauses………………………………….357
Table 8.2. Adverbial Clauses……………………………………………………...371
Table 8.3 Comparison of LRC Creole Features Found in Complex Sentences
with Other Creoles……………………………….……………………..387
Table 8.4 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Features Found in
Complex Sentences with Other Creoles………………………………..388
Table 9.1 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole Lexical Items and Discourse
Markers with Other Creoles…………………………………………….409
Table 9.2 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Lexical Discourse
Markers with Other Creoles……………………………………….……410
Table 10.1 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole Features with Other Creoles…...415
Table 10.2 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Features with
Other Creoles………………………………………………………….420
 xix

List of Figures
Figure 1 Map of Cape York Peninsula……………………………………………….4
Figure 2 Map of Northeastern Cape York Peninsula………………………………...5
Figure 3 Map of Distribution of Languages along the East Coast and Hinterland of
Cape York Peninsula………………………………………………………..7
 xx

List of Abbreviations

1 first person
2 second person
3 third person
~ reduplication
ADJ adjective
AdjP adjectival phrase
ADV adverb
AdvP adverbial phrase
AUX auxiliary
CAUS causative
CESS cessative
COMP complementiser
COMPL completive
CONN connective
CONT continuative
DEM demonstrative
DET determiner
DIR direct
DISC discourse marker
DISTR distributive
DM deontic markers
DU dual
EMP emphatic
EXCL exclusive
FUT future
HAB habitual
IMD.PST immediate past
IMP imperative
INCL inclusive
INCP inceptive
 xxi

INDF indefinite
INDR indirect
INT intensifier
INTRG interrogative
INTRS intransitive
ITR iterative
LR Lockhart River
LRC Lockhart River Creole
MOD modifier
N noun
NCYP Northern Cape York Peninsula
NEG negation, negative
NMLZ nominaliser/nominalisation
NOM nominal
NUM numeral
NP noun phrase
NSG non-singular
O object
PL plural
PM predicate marker
PN postnominal modifier
PP prepositional phrase
PRED predicative
PREP preposition
PRN pronoun
PROG progressive
PRONOM pronominal
PROX proximal
PST past
Q quantifier/quantificational
QTAG question tag
RC relative clause
 xxii

RECP reciprocal
REFL reflexive
REL relative
RPT repetitive
RP resumptive pronoun
S subject
SFX suffix
SG singular
SMLFC semelfactive
SRP subject referencing pronoun
SV serial verb
TMA tense, mood, and aspect
TRS transitive
TSC Torres Strait Creole
V verb
VP verb phrase
 1

Chapter 1 Introduction

The present study was undertaken with a purpose to write a linguistic description of
Lockhart River Creole (LRC), an English-based contact variety spoken in the
Lockhart River (LR) area located on Cape York Peninsula approximately 780km
north of Cairns (13°S 149°E) (Lloyd, 2003, pp. 32-33). LRC is also spoken by a
considerable community of people from LR who moved to Cairns for a variety of
social and economic reasons and currently live there (D. Thompson, 2013, p. 129).
As LRC has not been previously studied, analysed, and described, very little was
known about its linguistic structure, and its relationship to other Indigenous creoles
and varieties of English. Although it is first mentioned in the unpublished paper by
Rigsby (1973) and then subsequently in D. Thompson (1988b, 2011, 2013), Lloyd
(2003), and Hill and McConvell (2010), its linguistic description was yet to be
provided. The other English-lexified creole languages spoken in Australia, namely,
Fitzroy Valley Kriol of Western Australia (Hudson, 1983) and Roper River Kriol
spoken in the Northern Territory (Sandefur, 1979, 1986), which constitute regional
varieties of Australian Kriol, and Torres Strait Creole (TSC) (Shnukal, 1988) have
been extensively and thoroughly researched, analysed, and described. Yarrie Lingo,
which is an autochthonous variety spoken in the Aboriginal community of Yarrabah
near Cairns in Far North Queensland, and which was researched by Alexander
(1965), has only been recognised as a local creole in the last decade and its detailed
description is yet to be provided (Angelo, 2013; Sellwood & Angelo, 2013; Disbray
and Loakes, 2013; Angelo and McIntosh, 2014; Mushin, Angelo & Munro, 2016).
However, it remains debatable if Yarrie Lingo is indeed a creole, in spite of the fact
that the recent trend is for Yarrie Lingo to be considered a creole. Sellwood and
Angelo (2013, pp. 256-257) note that very little recognition has been given to Yarrie
Lingo, in spite of the fact that a shift away from traditional languages at Yarrabah
Mission took place more than a century ago and that Alexander (1965) described the
speech of the Yarrabah children more than half a century ago. A lack of recognition
of Yarrie Lingo as a creole could most likely be explained by the fact that for a very
long time very little was known about this language. It was not until Angelo (2004)
proposed that Yarrie Lingo should be recognised as a creole language on the basis of
a number of criteria, including those of socio-historical nature, used for recognising
other creoles that awareness was raised as to the emergence, development, and
 2

linguistic structure of Yarrie Lingo. Although LRC has not yet been officially
recognised as a creole, it is hoped that the research results provided in this thesis will
not only raise awareness as to its existence, but also help recognise it as a creole
language in its own right. Both the linguage data and numerous comparisons with
creole languages spoken in Australia and the Pacific basin, which are outlined
throughout this thesis, indicate that a claim could be made for LRC to be recognised
as a creole. The socio-historical background provided in Chapter 2 also plays a vital
part in recognising LRC as a creole, as its emergence and development parallels
those of other already officially recognised creole languages.

1.1 Lockhart River

As shown in Figures 1 and 2, LR is the northernmost community situated on the east

coast of Australia (Lloyd, 2003, pp. 32-33) some two kilometres from the Quintell
Beach on Lloyd Bay, and near Mount Tozer and the Iron Range National Park
(Lockhart River Aboriginal Shire Council, 2005; D. Thompson, 1982; L. Thompson,
2011). The Lockhart River area stretches almost 300km from north to south and
inland to beyond the Great Dividing Ranges (Lloyd, 2003, p. 33). It consists of six
traditional lands, namely, the Wuthathi (Southern), the Kuuku Ya’u (Northern),
Kanthanumpun (Southern Kuuku Ya’u), the Uutaalnganu (Night Island), the
Umpila, and the Kaanju (Northern and Southern) (Lloyd, 2003, p. 33; Lockhart
River Aboriginal Shire Council, 2005; L. Thompson, 2011). The settlement, which
dates back to the establishment of the Anglican Mission in 1924 (D. Thompson,
1995, p. 17), is located on the Kanthanumpun (Southern Kuuku Ya’u) land (Lloyd,
2003; Lockhart River Aboriginal Shire Council, 2005; L. Thompson, 2011).

The community is primarily inhabited by both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
people who together make up 90.6% of the population (Australian Bureau of
Statistics, 2006, 2011). The so-called support staff comprises between thirty and
fifty non-Aboriginal and non-Torres Strait Islander persons who are employed as
teachers, nurses, police officers, local shop workers, council administration workers,
a carpenter, and a plumber (Lockhart River Aboriginal Shire Council, 2005;
Queensland Police Service, 2015). The census data show that there were 542
 3

residents in 2006; this number increased to 642 in 2011 (Australian Bureau of

Statistics, 2006, 2011). It is estimated that approximately 25% of the LR people
reside in Cairns (D. Thompson, 2013, pp. 160).
 4

Figure 1. Map of Cape York Peninsula (taken from

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cape_York_Peninsula).
 5

Figure 2. Northeastern Cape York Peninsula (taken from The Mojowire (2011),
https://rdontheroad.files.wordpress.com/2011/11/lhr-map.jpg)
 6

1.2 Linguistic Configuration of Lockhart River

In addition to LRC, which is, as noted above, the first language of the LR children
(D. Thompson, 1988b, p. 2), the LR area is linguistically diverse, as it comprises “at
least six closely related [traditional Aboriginal] languages, which were originally
spoken along the east coast and hinterland of Cape York Peninsula and inland to the
west of the Great Dividing Range” (D. Thompson, 1988b, p. 2). Those languages are
as follows:

1. Kaantju – an inland language specific to the area located west of the Great
Dividing Range from Coen north to the Old Moreton Post Office
2. Kuuku Iyu – a language spoken along the Olive River to Uu’ungun and
inland to Mitjingun
3. Kuuku Ya’u – a coastal language extended from Uu’ungun south to Claudie
River and hinterland
4. Uutaalnganu – a language inherent to the area of Claudie River south to Cape
Sidmouth and hinterland
5. Umpila – a coastal language spoken south of Cape Sidmouth to north of
Massy Creek and hinterland
6. Kuuku Yani – a language of the Massy Creek area (D. Thompson, 1988b, p.
2).

Figure 3 shows the distribution of languages along the east coast and hinterland of
Cape York Peninsula, as reported to D. Thompson (1988b, p. 3) by the old residents
at the Lockhart River Aboriginal Community near Iron Range (‘New Site’) in April
1975.
 7

Figure 3. Distribution of languages along the east coast and hinterland of Cape York
Peninsula (taken from D. Thompson, 1988b, p. 3)
 8

O’Grady, Voegelin, and Voegelin (1966, pp. 36, 51, 53-54) classify Kuuku Ya’u and
Umpila, together with the third language of the closely related Kaantju, as the
members of the Middle Pama Subgroup of the Pama-Maric Group of the
Pama-Nyungan Family. Sommer (1969) distinguishes the Middle Pama and
North-Eastern Pama Subgroups, thus narrowing down the classification proposed by
O’Grady, Voegelin, and Voegelin (1966) pertaining to the Middle Pama Subgroup.
In accordance with the classification of Sommer (1969), Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila
are regarded as belonging to the North-Eastern Pama Subgroup. Those two
languages are wholly suffixing and mutually intelligible, as their grammars are
almost entirely identical and “a list of 500 common words is 87% identical” (D.
Thompson, 1976, 1982, 1988b; Rigsby, 2005). While only a handful of elderly
residents of the LR community possess a full knowledge of the two coastal
languages, namely, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila (D. Thompson, 1972, 1988b), the
remaining inhabitants do know a considerable number of both the lexical items and
expressions, which they incorporate into LRC.

English has also been influencing the speech of the LR residents since the second
half of the nineteenth century, first during the Palmer River gold rush and the
expeditions to the northern regions of Cape York Peninsula, through the times of the
‘Sandalwood King’ and the Anglican Mission, which was operational from 1924 to
1967 (Pike, 1983; D. Thompson, 1995). Since English is a medium of education and
administration in LR, its influence on the speech of the LR residents is growing
swiftly and is additionally facilitated by an easy access to English music, films, TV
and radio programmes.

Finally, in view of the close-knit historical, geographical, and social relations LR

and the Torres Strait share, TSC has affected LRC in a considerable way. At present,
there reside in LR Torres Strait Islanders, descendants of former Torres Strait
Islanders, and those LR residents who used to work on luggers during the times of
the booming pearling and bêche-de-mer industries (Chase, 1981a; Loos, 1982) as
well as those who spent time in the Torres Strait after the LR Anglican Mission was
dissolved in 1967, resulting in the relocation of many community members to
Bamaga at the tip of Cape York Peninsula (D. Thompson, 1995, pp. 206, 212). The
 9

2011 Census data show that approximately 89.6% of the LR population identified as
being of Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander descent (Lockhart River Aboriginal
Shire Council, 2015, p. 25). Of the languages spoken at home other than English,
TSC was the most widely spoken with 5.6% of the population naming it as the
primary language used at home.

1.3 Theoretical Background

As mentioned above, LRC belongs to the category of languages known as contact
languages, which include pidgins, creoles, and contact varieties of English. In the
contact environment, the emergence of pidgins and creoles is necessitated by the
need to communicate by people who do not have a common language, e.g.
plantation labourers with different linguistic backgrounds (Siegel, 2008, p. 1).
Although there are several views, including some controversial ones, of pidgin and
creole emergence, which are outlined in the following paragraphs, the
developmental history of contact languages may be illustrated as follows:

JARGON/PRE-PIDGIN → PIDGIN → EXPANDED PIDGIN → CREOLE

Thus, a ‘jargon’ or ‘pre-pidgin’ comes into existence as a result of the first

communication attempts, where people develop individual ways of using newly
learned words and phrases from other languages (Siegel, 2008, p. 2). For that reason,
Mühlhäusler (1997, pp. 128-131) defines jargons as “individual solutions to
cross-linguistic communication”. A ‘pidgin’, which is marked by “certain
communicative conventions” (Siegel, 2008, p. 2), is born when a pre-pidgin begins
to be used as a lingua franca by people who continue to remain in contact. Those
conventions are represented by reduced and set grammatical rules that emerge in an
environment, where none of the languages of the people in contact function as a
target language (Mühlhäusler, 1997, pp. 138, 162). A pidgin may be either a
‘restricted pidgin’, which is used only as an additional language when a specific
need arises in view of its limited vocabulary and grammar, or an ‘expanded pidgin’
when it acts as a lingua franca because of its broad array of lexis and grammatical
rules (Siegel, 2008, p. 3). That broad spectrum is a direct result of elaboration by
 10

adults who use an expanded pidgin as a second language in their communications on

many different levels, thus increasing its referential and non-referential power
(Mühlhäusler, 1997, p. 163). A ‘creole’, which possesses “a full lexicon and
complex set of grammatical rules” (Siegel, 2008, p. 3), emerges when an expanded
pidgin assumes the role of a primary language of a multilingual community and, as a
result, becomes the first language of the children. This process is called
‘creolisation’ (Mühlhäusler, 1979, p. 43).

The ‘lexifier’, which is also known as the ‘superstrate’ and is the language of the
group in power, provides the majority of the lexicon for the newly developing
language (Siegel, 2008, p. 1). The ‘substrates’ or ‘substrate languages’, which are
the other languages spoken in the contact environment, influence not only the
phonology and syntax, but also the meanings and functions of the vocabulary of the
new language. When the lexifier, the substrate languages, the pre-existing pidgins,
and/or creoles come into contact, the mixing of a variety of linguistic features
commences (Siegel, 2011, p. 531). In some contexts, levelling takes place and some
of the features remain, while others do not. Which features are retained is governed
by a number of reinforcement principles, one of which is ‘substrate reinforcement’
(Siegel, 2011, p. 532). Siegel states that “[s]ubstrate reinforcement occurs when a
particular variant has a corresponding feature in a numerically or socially dominant
substrate language or languages”, where that corresponding feature “occurs in the
same surface syntactic position and (…) can be interpreted (or misinterpreted) as
having the same or a closely related function” (Siegel, 2011, p. 532).

There exist two separate and conflicting ideas regarding the creole genesis. Firstly,
Holm (1988, p. 6) notes that creoles are considered to have a jargon or a pidgin as an
ancestor and constitute native languages of an entire speech community. In light of
this, Mühlhäusler (1997, p. 10) posits that both the structural and functional
dissimilarities between a primary pidgin and its related creole may be miniscule,
noting further that

Pidgins are examples of partially targeted second language learning and

second language creation, developing from simpler to more complex systems
as communicative requirements become more demanding. Pidgin languages
 11

by definition have no native speakers – they are social rather than individual
solutions – and hence are characterized by norms of acceptability (p. 6).

A similar opinion is expressed by McWhorter (1996, 1998, 2001, 2002, 2003) who
asserts that the morphological simplicity characteristic for creoles stems from the
fact that creoles, which, in his opinion, are simpler than other languages “emerged as
radically reduced pidgins” (2000, p. 106). Thus, McWhorter’s view on the genesis of
creoles represents the traditional belief that morphologically simple pidgins expand
and constitute the predecessors of creoles.

Secondly, a different outlook is proposed by Chaudenson (2001), Mufwene (1996,

2000, 2001, 2004), and DeGraff (2001a, 2001b, 2005a, 2005b) who are of a belief
that creoles developed directly from their lexifiers without the involvement of any
pre-existing pidgin stage. Thus, Chaudenson (2001, p. 305) posits that a birth of a
creole was facilitated by a gradual change and restructuring undergone by a lexifier,
which took place when the slaves arriving in the colonies only learned
‘approximations’ of the colonial language from other slaves. Both Alleyne (2000)
and Mufwene (2001) share this opinion stating that gradual restructuring to become
more unlike the lexifier occurred in French-based creoles, which were subject to
restructure in the late stages of their historical development through cumulative
divergent changes. Three factors seem to support this approach, namely, (1) the
existence in some creoles of morphological features of their lexifier, (2) a lack of
evidence for the pre-existing pidgin stage in the development process of some
creoles, and (3) some creole features result from a normal language change.

Another controversy in relation to creole development, which is presented in the

next paragraph, involves the notion of ‘the post-creole continuum’ (DeCamp, 1971,
p. 29), which, according to Mühlhäusler (1997, pp. 11, 211-220), occurs when a
creole remains in a close contact with the lexifier. As a result, a creole begins to
undergo a process of decreolisation (Holm, 1988, p. 9), which involves a lexical,
phonological, and/or morphosyntactic changes in the direction of the superstrate. A
continuum is formed that encompasses varieties that are linguistically the most
distant from the lexifier (the ‘basilect’), intermediate varieties (the ‘mesolect’), and
 12

varieties the closest to the lexifier (the ‘acrolect’) (Siegel, 2008, p. 5). In view of
this, Rickford and McWhorter (1997, p. 253) claim that decreolisation is a societal
process that represents generational changes in a speech community, where
gradually fewer and fewer people speak the basilect. According to DeCamp (1971,
p. 29), for the post-creole continuum to occur, two conditions are necessary. Firstly,
both the dominant official language and the lexifier must be the same to exert
ongoing “corrective pressures (radio, television, internal migration, education, etc.)”
(DeCamp, 1971, p. 29) on the creole. Secondly, the previously inflexible and
rigorous social system must be partially broken down to facilitate sufficient social
mobility and sufficient external corrective pressures for the lexifier to exert
influence on creole speakers.

As noted above, Chaudenson (2001), Mufwene (1996, 2000, 2001, 2004), DeGraff
(2001a, 2001b, 2005a, 2005b), and Alleyne (2000) are in favour of ‘gradual
basilectalisation’, i.e. gradual restructuring to become more unlike the lexifier. For
that reason, the majority of creolists now opt for the use of the term ‘creole
continuum’ instead of the post-creole continuum (Siegel, 2008, p. 237). The concept
of creole continuum has its proponents and opponents. Thus, on one front there are
creolists like LePage and Tabouret-Keller (1985) who do not believe that the
variation in the continuum occurs along a single dimension. On the other hand, such
creolists as, for example, Edwards (1983), Lawton (1980), and Siegel (1997), oppose
the existence of the continuum in certain situations and choose the co-existence of
two separate systems, i.e. the creole and the lexifier. While both of the above
approaches indicate that code-switching between the systems is an integral part of
the contact environment, the third approach represented by Winford (1997) favours
the intermediate mesolectal model.

Before a stance is taken regarding the above approaches in relation to LR, it appears
necessary to clarify if the language spoken in LR is actually a creole or perhaps a
variety of Aboriginal English. In Australia there exists Aboriginal English, which
comprises a variety of dialects of English spoken by Aboriginal people. Kaldor and
Malcolm (1991, p. 69) state that the origins of Aboriginal English differ depending
on the area of its development. Thus, Aboriginal English emerged as a post-creole
 13

continuum in some parts in the north, where creolised pidgins used to previously
function. However, in the south and in some desert locations, where pidgins did not
undergo creolisation Aboriginal English developed simultaneously with one of the
existing pidgins. There also existed Aboriginal communities, where Aboriginal
English resulted from acquisition of English as a second language. The latter opinion
resonates in Eades (1992, p. 2) who notes that those dialects did not develop “from
pidgin English but from the Aboriginalisation of English as speakers learnt the
language” (Eades, 1993, p. 2). As a result, Aboriginal people who lived in those
parts of Australia, where pidgin was non-existent turned English into an Aboriginal
English “by bringing into it accents, grammar and ways of speaking from their
traditional languages” (Eades, 1993, p. 2). However, Allridge (1984) and Angelo
(2013, p. 75) note that varieties grouped under the label “Aboriginal English” share
many features with creoles. In fact, this term encompasses varieties that developed
in reserves, missions, metropolitan and regional urban communities, and, therefore,
involved different socio-historical conditions, regions of Australia, and many
combinations of languages in contact that contributed to their grammatical and
lexical features (Eades, 2014; Mushin & Watts, 2016). As a result, Munro and
Mushin (2016, p. 82) posit that the term “Aboriginal English” does not allow for a
precise categorisation of a given language, which can be achieved on the basis of a
very detailed socio-historical analysis of the language emergence and development.
They provide an example of a contact language spoken in Woorabinda, an
ex-government reserve in Queensland, Australia, where the socio-historical context
indicates that that language is most likely an intermediate creole rather than a variety
of Aboriginal English. Munro and Mushin (2016, p. 85) note that the previous
research undertaken by Alexander (1968) distinguished two varieties of Aboriginal
English on the basis of the criterion of mutual intelligibility with Standard Australian
English with one variety being close to Standard Australian English and the other
one being only partially intelligible. Thus, the above finding and opinion of Munro
and Mushin (2016) in relation to Woorabinda clearly show the importance the
socio-historical context plays in the task of labelling and recognising a given
language as a language of a specific type. The origins of varieties known as
Aboriginal English, and pidgin and creole languages do not, however, constitute the
only difference. Mutual intelligibility is yet another criterion, as the majority of
Aboriginal English varieties can be understood by Standard Australian English
 14

speakers, while the same cannot be said about creole languages (Kaldor & Malcolm,
1991, p. 70). Munro and Mushin (2016, p. 85) note, however, that mutual
intelligibility criterion is not very helpful in the process of classifying a given a
language, as many Aboriginal people are known to have learned Standard Australian
English as a second language/dialect. Some linguistic features found in LRC and
other creoles, but not in varieties labelled Aboriginal English include the following:

 the future tense marker go (see subsection 7.2.3.1.2) in both TSC (Shnukal,
1988, p. 135) and LRC
 the progressive aspect suffix -a(bat) (see subsection 4.7.3.1) in both Kriol
(Schultze-Berndt & Angelo, 2013) and LRC
 the prepositions long/lo and we in both TSC (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 157,223)
and LRC (see subsection 4.6.1.3)
 the presence of the first person inclusive dual pronoun yumi in TSC
(Shnukal, 1988, p. 30) and the first person inclusive non-singular pronoun
yūmī in LRC (see subsection 4.2.1.1.3)
 the first person inclusive and exclusive dual pronouns yumi and mitu,
respectively, in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 30) and yūmītū and mītū in LRC (see
subsections 4.2.1.1.2 and 4.2.1.1.4, respectively)
 the transitive suffix -e/-i in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 37) and -im/-i in LRC
(see subsection 4.7.1.1)
 the use of the preposition blong/blo ‘belonging to’ in possessive
constructions in both TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 117) and LRC (see subsection
4.6.1.1)

As the title of this thesis and the introductory remarks at the beginning of this
chapter indicate, the position taken in this thesis is that the first language of the LR
people is indeed a creole and not a variety of Aboriginal English. This opinion has
been prompted by and reached on the basis of the closeness and numerous
similarities with TSC, which become apparent and are emphasised throughout the
present study. Those similarities coupled with the socio-historical factors
contributing to the emergence and development of LRC (see Chapter 2) give reasons
to make a tentative claim that both LRC and TSC come from an earlier shared
 15

pidgin, i.e. Early Melanesian Pidgin. In fact, socio-historical context is of utmost

importance. Munro and Mushin (2016, p. 84) rightfully observe that socio-historical
analysis plays a vital part in establishing why different varieties of English spoken
by Aborigines are characterised by different degrees of superstrate and substrate
influence. They also note which of those varieties may be considered similar to
contact languages. The final section at the end of each chapter discusses many
similarities LRC shares not only with TSC, but also with Australian Kriol and the
three dialects of Melanesian Pidgin (MP), namely, Solomon Islands Pijin, Vanuatu
Bislama, and Papua New Guinea Tok Pisin. At the same time, some differences are
also presented. Those comparisons demonstrate that the linguistic structure of LRC
resembles those of Kriol and the MP dialects rather than Aboriginal English
(Malcolm, 2008).

Having made a decision that the language spoken in LR is indeed a creole, the
present study supports the model representing the co-existence of two separate
systems, i.e. the creole and the lexifier, which is the approach of Edwards (1983),
Lawton (1980), and Siegel (1997). It should be emphasised that contact varieties of
English form a continuum ranging from those close to standard varieties of English,
such as urban Aboriginal English, to those very different from English, e.g. heavy
creoles such as Kriol and Melanesian Pidgin. It is hard to draw a precise line
between Aboriginal Englishes and Aboriginal creoles. It appears that LRC is
somewhere near the middle of the continuum but closer to the creole end. This
conclusion is reached on the basis of the fact that in the LR environment, both the
contact variety, spoken by the Aboriginal people as their first language, and the
lexifier function side by side. This is due to English being the media of education,
administration, mass media, and the language of all the support staff employed and
residing in LR. As a result, on the creole continuum in LR, the basilectal variety is
intertwined with both the mesolectal and acrolectal varieties. This fusion is apparent
at all times, given that the basilect is only used by the Aboriginal residents when
they communicate with other Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, while
both the mesolect and acrolect are used when the Indigenous population has dealings
with non-Aboriginal inhabitants. The choice of either the mesolectal or acrolectal
varieties depends both on age and the level of exposure to English of each
 16

individual. As a result, children and young Aboriginal residents are prone to use the
acrolect in comparison with the middle-aged people who favour the mesolect, and
the old inhabitants who opt for the basilect. The future will show if DeCamp’s
(1971, p. 29) two conditions necessary for the post-creole continuum to occur are
going to be met in LR. Some diagnostic creole/non-English features that distinguish
the basilect variety from the mesolect and acrolect varieties include, for example, the
following:
 the preposition long/lo as opposed to in/intū (see subsection 4.6.1)
 the construction blo + verb (see subsection 7.2.3.2.5) as opposed to
āftū/heftū + verb (see subsection 7.2.3.2.4)
 the plural definite article dem (see subsection 4.3.1.1) as opposed to the
plural marker -s (see subsection 4.1.3.1.1)
 the third person singular pronouns im, i, em (see subsection 4.2.1.1.10) as
opposed to the pronoun his
 the future tense marker go (see subsection 7.2.3.1.2) as opposed to will
 the past tense marker bin/bi (see subsection 7.2.3.1.1) as opposed to
was/were

1.4 Language Data and Methodology

Following the completion of the Master’s thesis on the influence of the traditional
Torres Strait languages on dialect differentiation and retention of pan-Pacific pidgin
features in Torres Strait Creole, I discussed with Professor Jeff Siegel, who also
supervised my Master’s thesis, the possibility of undertaking a PhD project in the
area of pidgin and creole languages. Professor Siegel suggested a project involving a
linguistic description of LRC. I established contact with a number of linguists and
anthropologists who undertook research in the LR area, among them Claire Hill who
has been undertaking linguistic research on the two traditional languages of the LR
area for the past 16 years, and David Thompson, an anthropologist with training in
linguistics, who because of his work as an Anglican Reverend has had ties with the
LR area since 1969. Both of them invited me on their July 2013 trip to LR, during
which they completed a 3-year Lockhart River Language Learning Project involving
Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila i.e. the two traditional languages of LR. During that trip, I
 17

was introduced to LR community members, participated in a number of workshops

run by both Clair Hill and David Thompson, and established a rapport and gained
the support of many Lockhart River residents for my PhD project. As a result, I
received a letter of support from the LR Chief Executive Officer, on the basis of
which the Ethics Committee at the University of New England, Armidale, NSW,
Australia granted approval HE13-167 for this project. Funding for the project,
including two fieldwork periods, was provided by the School of Behavioural,
Cognitive, and Social Sciences at the University of New England, Armidale, NSW,
Australia. Consent forms were obtained from all recorded LR people who agreed to
be recorded, for the recorded data to be stored with Paradisec (see below), and for
the language data to be made available publically, and for the use of community
members and researchers. Upon the completion of this project, those recordings that
represent traditional stories and conversations will be stored at the Pacific and
Regional Archive for Digital Sources in Endangered Cultures (Paradisec)
(http://www.paradisec.org.au) (Wikipedia, 2016e).

As noted above, the project involved obtaining recordings of language data from LR
people. This was done in view of the fact that LRC functions solely as an oral
language and, as a result, all language data for the present study comes from the
collection of 219 recordings totalling 122 hours. All of the data were recorded by
me. Recordings comprise those of traditional stories, conversations between LR
residents, descriptions of hypothetical events and ‘how to’ narratives as well as
elicited data, involving the lexicon, tense, mood, and aspect markers, word classes,
noun and verb phrase constructions, and simple and complex sentences. The length
of recordings varies, where traditional stories and other narratives range from 15 to
60 minutes, while recordings representing elicited data range from 20 to 120
minutes. The majority of speakers were asked to tell traditional stories, however,
quite a few recordings represent elicited data, where I asked LR people to indicate
how they would say something in LRC. I also provided those LR residents whom I
recorded with a number of statements in TSC asking them to say those utterances in
LRC.
 18

Recordings were obtained during two field trips, where the first nine-week fieldwork
was undertaken in the LR area, while the second five-week trip involved data
collection not only in LR, but also in Cairns, among the community of LRC
speakers. Out of twenty-one adult recorded LRC speakers (sixteen females and five
males) aged between eighteen and seventy-five, one female who is of Torres Strait
Islander descent resided in the Torres Strait for a number of years during childhood
and adolescence. Additionally, one Torres Strait Islander female in her 50s provided
insight into the differences between TSC and LRC. On occasion, participants took
part in the analysis of the recorded stories and conversations, thus immediately
clarifying questions. However, the primary task of translation and language data
analysis was assigned to eight adult language consultants (members of the group of
twenty-one recorded speakers), six females and two males. Of those participants,
one female was a Torres Strait Islander and one male who was of Torres Strait
Islander descent resided in Bamaga and the Torres Strait for approximately one year
during childhood. It should be mentioned that language consultants not only helped
with translation and language data analysis, but they were also recorded while telling
traditional stories. All of the language consultants had previous experience with
translation and language data analysis, as they participated in a number of language
projects involving Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila and provided assistance to other
linguists who researched those two traditional languages spoken in the LR area. As a
result, those consultants were recommended to me by other linguists and
anthropologists undertaking their research in LR. Table 1.1 lists all of the recorded
participants/language consultants.

Table 1.1 Recorded Participants/Language Consultants

Name Gender Age Location Recorded
Marjorie Accoom Female 18 Lockhart River
*Beverley Butcher Female 30s Lockhart River
John Butcher Male 50s Lockhart River
*Patrick Butcher Male 50s Lockhart River
*Nullam Clark Female 20s Cairns
Leila Clarmont Female 50s Lockhart River
Brian Claudie Male 50s Lockhart River
Elizabeth Giblet Female 75 Lockhart River
 19

Beatrice Mary Hobson Female 70s Cairns

*Christina Hobson Female 50s Cairns
*Lucy Hobson Female 50s Cairns / Lockhart River
Margaret Hobson Female 30s Lockhart River
Priscilla Mattisey Female 50s Lockhart River
*Irene Namok Female 50s Lockhart River
(TSC descent)
Greg Omeenyo Male 40s Lockhart River
*Josiah Omeenyo Male 54 Lockhart River
(TSC descent)
*Beverley Pascoe Female 50s Lockhart River
Emily Pascoe Female 30s Lockhart River
Susan Pascoe Female 70s Lockhart River
Kate Pilot Female 60s Cairns
(Torres Strait Islander)
Dorothy Short Female 70s Lockhart River
* - language consultants

The primary resources utilised during the two field trips included both audio and
video recording equipment, a still camera, and a laptop. The FieldWorks Language
Explorer (FLEx) programme, developed by SIL International, assisted with the
morphosyntactic analysis and the creation of a wordlist/dictionary. The obtained
recordings were phonetically and phonologically analysed using both the EUDICO
Linguistic Annotator (ELAN), http://tla.mpi.nl/tools/tla-tools/elan/, developed at the
Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, The Language Archive, Nijmegen, The
Netherlands (Brugman & Russel, 2004), and the Praat software,
http://www.fon.hum.uva.nl/praat/, developed by Paul Boersma and David Weenink
(2017; Boersma, 2001) of the University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands. At the
time of each trip, the recordings were transcribed with the use of the ELAN
programme and translated with help of my language consultants, not only to ensure
correctness and acceptability, but also to take into consideration the social context
and specific situations necessary to properly understand the conveyed information
(Llisteri, 1996a). The Praat software was only used on a few occasions when
acoustic measurements were needed to establish the nature of some specific sounds.
Following discussions with language consultants, a phonemic orthography was
 20

designed to allow for the language to be used in a written form (Llisteri, 1996b).
Punctuation is modelled on semantic readings based on English, and not on any
phonological or morphosyntactic analysis.

1.5 Sources
As LRC has not been previously researched, analysed, and described, there are no
sources available to consult on the linguistic structure of this contact variety.
However, taking into account the close-knit historical, social, and geographical
relations the LR and the Torres Strait regions share, the works on TSC by Shnukal,
primarily the 1988 publication Broken: An introduction to the creole language of
Torres Strait, were consulted.

This thesis includes a number of brief comparisons of specific linguistic features

with other Pacific expanded pidgins or creoles, namely, Solomon Islands Pijin,
Vanuatu Bislama, and Papua New Guinea Tok Pisin as well as Australian Kriol.
Thus, the sources that provided the most insight on Pijin were those by Beimers
(2008), Keesing (1988), Jourdan (1985, 2002), and Simons and Young (1978). The
materials on Bislama primarily involve Crowley (2004) as well as (1990, 1995,
1998, 2002, 2003). The works by Mihalic (1971), Dutton and Thomas (1985), and
Verhaar (1995) provided information on Tok Pisin. As far as sources on Kriol are
concerned, the publications by Sandefur (1979, 1986), Hudson (1983),
Schultze-Berndt and Angelo (2013), and Schultze-Berndt, Meakins, and Angelo
(2013) were consulted.

The 1988b publication by D. Thompson as well as the ten books published by Hill
and D. Thompson (2011-2013) as part of the Lockhart River Language Learning
Project provided a wealth of information on Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila.

1.6 Organisation of the Thesis

Chapter 2 discusses historical background relevant to the development of LRC.
Thus, pre-European contact, followed by an increased contact with outsiders, the
 21

establishment of the Lockhart River Anglican Mission, the Second World War
years, post-Mission period, and contemporary times at LR are examined.

Chapter 3 concentrates on phonology. Firstly, the consonantal phonemes, their

distribution, orthographic representation, and variation are presented. This is
followed by the discussion of the vocalic phonemes, diphthongs, phonotactics, and
such suprasegmental features as stress and intonation.

Chapter 4 examines word classes as well as morphological processes. The discussion

on nouns is then followed by the presentation of pronouns, determiners, quantifiers,
prepositions, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, coordinators and subordinators, relative
clause markers, connective adverbs, and interjections.

Chapter 5 explores the noun phrase (NP) and its constituents. Namely, bare noun
NPs, NP determiners, NP quantifiers, the position of adjectives within NPs,
pre-modifiers, post-modifiers, complex NPs, relative clauses, pronominal NPs,
prepositional phrases, and adjectival phrases are discussed.

Chapter 6 is devoted to the verb phrase (VP). Bare VPs, intransitive VPs, transitive
VPs, complex VPs, serial directional verbs and adverb phrases are presented in that
chapter.

Chapter 7 concentrates on the predicate and simple sentences. The subject

referencing pronouns, resumptive pronouns, the predicate marker, negative markers,
TMA markers, and core predicate constituents are discussed. This is then followed
by the presentation of such simple sentences as equational sentences, impersonal
sentences, imperative sentences, negative sentences, interrogative sentences,
including both yes-no questions and wh- information questions.
 22

Chapter 8 explores complex sentences and their complements. Adverbial clauses,

relative clauses, and both coordination and subordination of complex sentences are
also presented in that chapter.

Chapter 9 discusses the lexicon, namely, borrowings from TSC, Japanese,

Malay-Indonesian, Pacific languages, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila as well as English.
This is followed by the presentation of such discourse strategies as left dislocation,
the use of emphatic markers nau/na and ya, and discourse markers, the function of
which is assumed by a variety of connective adverbs and the word laka.

The final chapter, Chapter 10, provides a summary of all the findings presented in
this study.

1.7 Conclusion
This chapter has provided information on both LR and its linguistic configuration,
theoretical background, language data and methodology, as well as sources
consulted for the purpose of this study. It has been proposed that LRC is indeed a
creole and not a variety of Aboriginal English basing that conclusion on the
closeness and numerous similarities with TSC, which are described in every chapter
of this thesis. Brief comparisons of numerous LRC features with their counterparts
found in Australian Kriol, Solomon Islands Pijin, Vanuatu Bislama, and Papua New
Guinea Tok Pisin indicate that the linguistic structure of LRC is much more similar
to Kriol and the three Melanesian Pidgin dialects than to Aboriginal English and/or
English. There also exist similarities between LRC and Yarrie Lingo, a creole
language spoken in the Yarrabah area near Cairns, North Queensland. The processes
that contributed to the development of Yarrie Lingo have provided an insight and
have served as a useful comparison of the processes involved in the emergence of
LRC. As both of those languages evolved in the Mission environment, their
socio-historical backgrounds resemble each other in many ways. Certain similarities
can also be seen between LRC and Woorie Talk spoken in Woorabinda (Munro &
Mushin, 2016; Mushin & Watts, 2016), a former Queensland Government Reserve,
 23

as many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people from all over Queensland and
from a variety of linguistic backgrounds were gathered both in Lockhart and
Woorabinda. As a result, similarly to Woorie Talk, LRC was most likely affected by
many varieties of non-standard English.
 24

Chapter 2 Historical Background

A number of specific historical events led to, influenced, and contributed to the
emergence of LRC. Those events, which are the focal points and milestones that
form the basis of the subsections of this chapter, mark very tumultuous times of
social, cultural, and linguistic changes that the LR People had to face, endure, and be
subjected to on numerous occasions throughout history. Those events date back to
the pre-European contact era that was followed by an increased contact with
outsiders, primarily those of both European and Asian origin, and culminated in the
establishment of the LR Anglican Mission in 1924. Those trying events continued
through the World War II years and the post-Mission period following until finally
reaching contemporary times. All those events were also of paramount importance in
the process of the birth and development of LRC.

2.1 Pre-European Contact

The LR people refer to the time prior to the arrival of Europeans and Asians as
bifotaim ‘before time’ (Anderson, 2009, p. 25). It is then that the Aborigines residing
along the east coast of Cape York Peninsula had contact with seafaring people of the
Torres Strait and New Guinea. Thomson (1933, p. 514) posits that the Melanesian
influence manifests itself in the social organisation of the east coast Aborigines in
view of its larger group tribal settlement character, enhanced by tribal ceremonies
and tribal totemism, that was not customary for Aboriginal Australia. The shared
features of the initiation ceremonies and the use of such common cultural items as
ceremonial drums, outrigger canoes, and harpoons by Aborigines who were
seafarers, and dugong and turtle hunters themselves, serve as a testimonial for those
contacts (Thomson, 1933, 1934a, 1934b, 1966a, 1972; Chase, 2005; Chase &
Sutton, 1981, 1998). That opinion resonates not only in Davidson (1935) who
assigns the origin of drums, harpoons, and canoes to Melanesia, but also in Haddon
(1935, pp. 69,273,403) who notes that the western Torres Strait Islanders and
Papuans were acquiring Cape York spears and woomeras1, and Aborigines were

1
A woomera is a notched stick used by Aborigines to propel spears or darts.
 25

using Papuan and Islander drums, stone club heads, and double-rigger dugout
canoes. Laade (1970) confirms the above stating that

the common, slender, hourglass-shaped drums which the Torres Strait

Islanders, in the absence of suitable native wood, obtain from coastal New
Guinea. At Lockhart they are manufactured from local wood but modelled
exactly in the shape of these so-called “Island-drums”. As in Torres Strait, they
are called warup at Lockhart. (p. 291)

Haddon (1935, pp. 269, 344) also stresses the existence of such technologies and
practices as fire-making weapons and mummification that infiltrated Aborigines of
the east coast of Cape York Peninsula from the north.

2.2 Increased Contact with Outsiders

The first mention of the contact of the LR people with Europeans pertains to the
encounter with William Bligh in 1789 at Restoration Island (Bowman, 1981; Chase,
1978; Wood & Chase, 1986). The Island is located within the boundaries of the
Ma’alpiku Island National Park off the east coast of Cape York Peninsula
(12.6167°S 143.4667°E), a few hundred metres from Cape Weymouth and the Iron
Range National Park (see section 1.1). On 29 May, 1789, following the mutiny on
the Bounty, Captain Bligh and a few of his loyal crewmen landed ashore on an island
in the ship’s boat, naming it Restoration to commemorate not only the abundance of
oysters, local fruit, and fresh water that restored their spirits, but also to celebrate the
anniversary of the restoration of King Charles II in 1660 (Bligh, 1792).

The next known and documented contact took place in 1791 when the

“Pandora” was wrecked at Orford Bay, to the north of Shelburne Bay, and the
survivors encountered “Indians” on the shore. Various surveying voyages
were made by the “Beagle” (1839-1841) and the “Rattlesnake” (1848) and the
reports were made of Aboriginal people living along the north-east Peninsula
shoreline. (The State of Queensland, Land Tribunal, 1998, p. 51)

Further encounter occurred with the explorer Edmund B. Kennedy and his
companions at the Pascoe River in 1848 (S. Anderson, 2009; Carron, 1849; Chase,
 26

1989; Meston, 1896, 1923). Carron (1849, pp. 66-79), together with eight other
members of the exploratory expedition, remained there for seven weeks awaiting a
delivery of fresh supplies, while refusing to accept the help of the local Aborigines
out of fear of attack and deception. As a result, seven men died of starvation before
the rescue team arrived. Another land-based contact took place during the
expeditions led by the Jardine brothers, Francis and Alexander, in 1864-1865, and
William Hann in 1872 who, while exploring the eastern coastal lands of Cape York
Peninsula, recorded information of both their encounters with the Aborigines and the
presence of the other Aborigines in that area (The State of Queensland (Department
of Natural Resources and Mines), 2001, pp. 83-84).

Further contact with outsiders, which commenced in the 1850s, involved the
so-called “lugger-time” (Chase, 1981a, p. 10) that marks the establishment of both
the pearling and bêche-de-mer industries in the Torres Strait area in the 1840s
(Sharp, 1990, 1992; Sutton & Rigsby, 1986; D. Thompson, 1995). It is then that
luggers used to sail down the east coast of Cape York Peninsula (Chase, 1981a;
Loos, 1982; Meston, 1896; D. Thompson, 2013), seeking among others the LR
Aborigines as crewmen, taking into account not only their skills involving the
operation of the sea-going dugout canoes, but also their reputation as outstanding
seamen (Chase, 1981a, 1981c, 1989; Laade, 1970; Meston, 1896). This is not
surprising, as the Aboriginal people residing in the area north of Port Stewart called
themselves pama malngkana ‘people of the sandbeach’ or pama kaawaychi ‘eastside
people’ (Chase, 1994; Thomson, 1956, 1966b, 1972, 1983), as “their camps on the
immediate beachfront right through the seasonal cycle allowed them to exploit both
terrestrial and marine environments in the most efficient manner” (Chase, 1978, p.
163). As a result,

[o]n the eastern coast, the contact area extended down as far as Princess
Charlotte Bay, and particular attention was paid to known Aboriginal camping
sites at Cape Grenville, Weymouth Bay, Lloyd Bay and the Night Island area.
(Chase, 1980b, p. 98)

Chase (1980b, p. 96) states that by the 1880s, lightships served as guides when the
inner reef shipping channel was being developed. The Fisheries Commissioner,
Saville-Kent, reported that in 1890 luggers were commanded by the Japanese lugger
 27

masters and manned by representatives of a number of nationalities, including

Javanese and Timorese (Loos, 1982, p. 123-124), thus outlining their multinational
character:

With few exceptions, the entire crews consist of coloured men of various
nationalities. Mainland Aboriginals, Southsea Islanders and natives of the
Torres Strait furnish the greatest number, while some of the best divers are
represented by Manillamen, Chinese, Japanese and Malays. (Saville-Kent,
1893, p. 206)

A similar observation is made by Meston (1896) who reports that

[a]t present the pearl-shell boats are nearly all controlled and manned by
coloured men; a heterogeneous mixture of Javanese, Malays, and
Polynesians. I saw at least 100 luggers with not a white man on one of them.
(p. 3)

An interesting story involves Narcisse Pelletier, a fourteen-year old French cabin

boy aboard the Saint-Paul, which was shipwrecked in 1858 on Rossel Island, a part
of the Louisiade Archipelago in New Guinea. Pelletier who survived together with
the captain and other crewmen a twelve-day crossing of Coral Sea in an open boat to
finally arrive just south of Cape Direction (Anderson, S., 2009, p. 16). There he was
left behind by the members of the crew and rescued by the Aboriginal Sandbeach
Uutaalnganu ‘Night Island’ people of the northern Princess Charlotte Bay area with
whom he lived for seventeen years till 1875 when he boarded the Torres Strait-based
pearling lugger John Bell (Anderson, S., 2009, pp. 16,21).

The contact between the Aborigines and the Asians, particularly those of Japanese
origin, was strengthened as of the 1890s when they continued to work side by side in
the pearling, bêche-de-mer, and later sandalwood, industries (Chase, 1981a, p. 8-11).
This is how Chase (1981) describes the situation of the Asians and their cooperation
with the Aborigines:

Asians, like Aborigines, were classed as 'coloured people' whom Europeans

despised. Moreover, they suffered political and economic handicaps as
foreign nationals. Although their association was not without friction,
Aborigines and Asians cooperated in economic enterprises on this seaboard
for more than half a century, in a climate of mutual dependence. (p. 8)
 28

In addition to the maritime contact, further inland contact with the outsiders follows
the Palmer River gold rush of 1873 that resulted in ventures to the north (Chase &
Sutton, 1981, 1998; D. Thompson, 1995), and the expedition of 1877 led by Robert
Sefton, during which small deposits of gold were found in the Lockhart River basin
and Claudie River (Pike, 1983, p. 81). His party included Billy Lakeland and Hughie
Lockhart (D. Thompson, 1995, p. 73). Both Loos (1982, p. 64) and D. Thompson
(1995, pp. 75, 107) mention that apart from miners, Chinese merchants and miners
were a common sight in the goldfields at the time. The geologist-explorer Robert
Logan Jack (1915, 1921) who ventured into the area in 1880 reported that on 12
January of that year he and his companions arrived on hill above Lloyd Bay and
named the river flowing into it the Lockhart. William Lakeland discovered gold at
the Rocky River, south of Lockhart River in 1893, and proclaimed it a gold field in
1897 (Jack, 1915, p. 223). Tin and wolfram mining in the Upper Annan River region
near Cooktown in southeast Cape York Peninsula between 1885 and 1940 attracted
not only Europeans, but also Asians, primarily, Chinese who made trips to the north
as well (Anderson, C., 1983; Anderson, S., 2009; Chase, 1984; D. Thompson, 1995).
Inland contact also involved pastoral holdings, which took over the lands by the
1890s (Chase, 1980a, p. 84). Smith (2000, p. 231) provides an explanation stating
that the gold rushes facilitated the expansion of pastoralism, as

[f]ollowing the discovery of gold at several locations in the wider region,

miners flooded into the central Peninsula, followed by pastoralists who took
up large cattle runs to supply the miners and the townships that they
established. (Smith, 2008, p. 159)

Further European contact was facilitated by the arrival in the LR area of a prominent
settler, Hugh Giblet, known as the “Sandalwood King” who in 1909 founded a base
camp at Lloyd Bay for collecting sandalwood in the same location, where the
Anglican Mission was established fifteen years later and remained operational till
1967 (D. Thompson, 1995, 1996). This time exists in the minds of the LR people as
the so-called “Giblet-time” (Anderson, 2009, p. 25). Giblet was awarded his title of
the “Sandalwood King” by the LR Aborigines not only because he managed to
establish and maintain a successful working relationship with them based on mutual
respect, but also because he ensured profitability of his sandalwood business
(Idriess, 1959, p. 24). In addition to employing as many as one hundred Aborigines
 29

in 1910 (Howard, 1911, pp. 5-6), Giblet also provided them with food, clothing, and
liquor as well as acted as their protector when they were subjected to abusive and
unjust treatment by lugger captains (Howard, 1911, pp. 27-29). Chase (1980b, pp.
108-112) reports that the Aborigines held Giblet in high regard, because he accepted
their ways, knew their language, was a man of great personal integrity and loyalty,
and entrusted them with such responsibilities as, for example, the operation of his
boats in his absence. A certain degree of mystery surrounds the death of Giblet in
1923. While Idriess (1959, p. 32) states that Giblet died because of a nulla-nulla2
blow to his head, the Aboriginal stories gathered by Chase (1980b, p. 109) indicate
that the woomera blow broke Giblet’s jaw during a fight after a drinking party. The
refusal to seek medical treatment resulted in infection and ultimately in Giblet’s
death in Port Stewart.

2.3 LR Anglican Mission During Pre-WWII Times

The death of Giblet marks the commencement of establishing the Anglican Mission
in the LR area by the Anglican Church (Diocese of Carpentaria), first at the Giblet’s
old campsite at Orchid Point in Lloyd Bay, and then a year later on 13 July 1924 at
Bare Hill to the south of Cape Direction (D. Thompson, 1995, 2013; Chase, 2005).
The Aborigines from five tribes, namely, Kuuku Ya’u (Pascoe), Umpila (Cape
Melville), Wuthathi (Cape Grenville), Northern and Southern Kaanju (Coen,
Wenlock), and Uutaalnganu (Night Island), were gathered in the Mission after
previously living around mining and cattle camps as well as fishing depots (Tennant,
1956b, p. 4). They came from the coastal area stretching for about 200km from Port
Stewart in the south to Margaret Bay in the north (D. Thompson, 1982, p. 3). Some
of those Aborigines who were native to a parallel inland region across the Great
Dividing Range also became the residents of the LR Mission. Many Aborigines
were in favour of the Mission during its incipient stages of operation and voluntarily
arrived at the Mission, not only looking for a place that would constitute a good food
source, but also because of the need to reorganise themselves into new viable social
groups (Bleakley 1925; Harper, 2001). Haviland and Haviland (1980, p. 147) who

2
A nulla-nulla is an Aboriginal club or cudgel used for hunting and war.
 30

discuss the history of the Hope Vale Mission in the southern Cape York Peninsula
posit that while food drove the Aborigines to the missions, it was the possibility and
opportunity to enter into marital relationships that made them stay there.

In his later reports, Bleakley (1937, p. 12) indicates that Government patrols
transported quite a few Aborigines from other parts of Cape York to the LR Mission.
This is in agreement with both Chase (1990, p. 16) and Sharp (1992, p. 148) who
note that in the 1920s, many Wuthathi (Cape Grenville) people were forced to
relocate to the LR Mission. Harper (2001, p. 93) states that, in addition to the
Wuthathi (Cape Grenville) people, Kaanju (Coen, Wenlock), and Kuuku Ya’u
(Pascoe) people also arrived at the LR Mission. Rigsby (1981, 1992) as well
Bassani, Lakefield and Popp (2006, p. viii) indicate that in the 1930s, the State
Government relocated quite a few Aborigines from the Princess Charlotte Bay and
northward along the east coast of Cape York Peninsula to the LR Mission. Some of
the Aborigines of the Port Stewart community faced the same fate, however, they
left and returned home (Bassani, Lakefield & Popp, 2006; Rigsby, 1981, 1992).
Smith (2000, 2008) draws attention to the fact that many Ayapathu people from
Coen in central Cape York Peninsula as well as many Kaanju (Coen, Wenlock)
people

were forced to live in fringe camps close to the major centres of white
settlement, or to move to the mission stations on the land of their coastal
neighbours at Lockhart River, Weipa and Mapoon. (Smith, 2008, p. 159)

The intention of the Anglican Church was to transform the LR Aborigines from
hunter-gatherers who did not cultivate land in accordance with the western standards
into villagers who would lead a sedentary lifestyle and support themselves by
adhering to the western norms expressed by the agricultural and industrial
occupations (Davies, 1935, p. 31). Thus, as the presence of Europeans was limited
and scarce, the Torres Strait carpenters and clergymen who were trained by South
Sea Islanders were brought to the LR Mission in view of the success the Anglican
Church had in the Torres Strait, where Islanders followed the example of living in
Melanesian type villages and cultivating gardens the Melanesian way (Bleakley,
1922; Bayton, 1965; Howard, 1911; D. Thompson, 1988a, 1995). In addition to
 31

Torres Strait Islanders, people from the Yarrabah Anglican Mission also held posts
in the LR Mission in its early days (D. Thompson, 1996, p. 145). The Anglican
Church assigned yet another task to Torres Strait Islanders who were to minister to
Aboriginal people to help implement the Christian beliefs, values, and faith in LR, as
they accepted and practised them on a daily basis (D. Thompson, 2013, p. 29). The
presence of Torres Strait people in LR not only strengthened the use of ceremonial
drums, which both Aborigines and Islanders shared (see subsection 2.1), but also the
practice of such missionary-approved activities as singing in a traditional language
and dancing the Torres Strait style secular dances during various festivities and
celebrations (D. Thompson, 1988a, 2013). D. Thompson (1995) notes that

With the Islander influence, Lockhart River Church grew to have many of
the characteristics of the Torres Strait Church – Anglo-Catholic monastic
tradition with daily services, use of drums in worship, language hymns,
associated secular dances in Islander style (lavalavas) and craft activities. (p.
124)

Apart from Torres Strait Islanders, some Pacific Islanders also made their way to
LR, for example, the Pacific Islander, Tom Savage who was born on the island of
Niue was appointed by Bishop Davies on 23 March 1925 to assume a post at the LR
Mission (Shnukal, 2008; D. Thompson, 1995, 1996). Kitty Savage whose mother
was educated in Brisbane and whose father was a Polynesian medicine man was
appointed teacher at LR on 14 December 1929 (D. Thompson, 1995, 1996). Undai
(or Andai) Ware who is said to have Loyalty Island connections was yet another
Pacific Islander who was an assistant teacher when he first arrived in LR in July
1938 from Mua Island in the Torres Strait (Shnukal, 2008; D. Thompson, 1995).
There was also a man of a mixed Aboriginal or Pacific Islander descent from
Yarrabah, Mick Conrad (Conrad Madigan) who was the first teacher and also helped
in cooking for the children (D. Thompson, 1988a, 1996).

Aborigines continued to be employed on luggers during the Mission times (Rigsby,

1980; Rigsby & Chase, 1998), as the Mission was not self-sufficient and was under
pressure to depend on outside employment of Aborigines as well as their
participation in some subsistence living (D. Thompson, 2013, p. 30). Unfortunately,
the employment of young LR men in the marine industries who, as a result, spent
 32

prolonged periods away from the Mission had adversely affected both the bush
living and the use of traditional languages and ceremonial rituals (Chase, 1980b, p.
117). The LR Mission became a lugger owner when

Bishop Davies purchased a lugger for the new mission and renamed it
Kapuia, which means ‘good word’ (i.e. gospel) in western Torres Strait
language. A Yam Islander, Kebisu, was placed in charge, with crew of two
Torres Strait Islanders and a couple of others from the east coast. (D.
Thompson, 1995, p. 116)

The building of an airstrip, which is located close to Iron Range and approximately
5km away from the current site of the LR community, was an important event that
took place in 1936 (D. Thompson, 1995, p. 140). During World War II, the area
surrounding the airstrip became an air base (D. Thompson, 1995, pp. 152-153). The
location of the airstrip had repercussions for moving the community from Bare Hill
on Cape Direction to its present-day site after the Mission was dissolved in 1967, as
the original location was not only at a distance of about 60km from the airstrip, but
also was extremely difficult to access either by road or sea (D. Thompson, 1995, p.
182).

Although Meston (1896, p. 4) who during his trip visited the Otattie (the Wuthathi)
in Cape Grenville and the Gowanattie (most likely Kuuku Ya’u) in the Pascoe River
reports the existence of four cattle stations in the Cape from the Archer River
northwards in 1896, the cattle work in the Mission did not begin until September
1937 when 250 cattle were brought from Mitchell River Mission (D. Thompson,
1995, p. 140). An Aboriginal man of mixed origin, William Hudson, arrived at LR
from Mitchell River in 1938 to assume a post of a cattleman (D. Thompson, 1995, p.
141). Thus, cattle became another source of employment and food for the LR
Mission, which is not surprising, as a vast part of Queensland subsequently became
an extensive beef production region (May, 1994, p. 169). Smith (2003, 2007, 2008)
states that the Aborigines from the central Cape York Peninsula, and especially from
Coen, have lived next to the non-Aboriginal pastoralists since the end of the
nineteenth century onwards and that many cattle stations were built on Kaanju
homelands, resulting in the majority of Kaanju country being used by the pastoral
industry. Claudie (2007) who comes from the Kaanju country indicates that many
 33

Aborigines belonging to the Kaanju people used to work as cattlemen, although

Aboriginal people do not “belong to cattle” (p. 101), as the cattle industry was
forced upon them. Harper (2001, p. 138) asserts that both the marine and cattle
industries provided Aborigines with the possibilities to travel not only on their own
land, but also far beyond the boundaries of their traditional country. While providing
an example of an Atambaya man whose cattle work enabled him to travel to
Mareeba, Kowanyama, and Julia Creek in western Queensland following WWII,
Harper rightfully observes that similar possibilities could have existed in earlier
times.

2.4 War World II and the Post-War Times

In 1942, the Mission was closed for six months, because of several factors. Firstly,
there was an increased aerial activity at low altitudes, as the air base was located at
nearby Iron Range. Secondly, the community was not sheltered and, as a result,
exposed to attacks. Thirdly, there were bombings in the north. Fourthly, the presence
of many naval ships along the coast adversely affected the Mission’s daily life, food
supplies, and security. (D. Thompson, 1995, p. 152). It was feared that Aborigines
would collaborate with the Japanese in view of their mutual long-standing and
respectful working relationships on luggers. Therefore, they were ordered to
surrender all weapons that were in their possession and dispose of them by throwing
them into the sea (D. Thompson, 1995, p. 152). As a result, Aborigines left the
Mission and found refuge at a number of costal locations (Davies, 1942, p. 103).
Some went north of the Mission, some to the Pascoe River, and some stayed close to
the Iron Range air base, where both the Australian and American troops were
stationed (Chase, 1988; D. Thompson, 1995; Wood & Chase, 1986). The US Army
Engineering Battalions, which built the Iron Range airfield, consisted primarily of
African American soldiers (Wilson, 1988, p. 32). This resonates in Chase (1980b, p.
117) who reports that African American soldiers provided Aborigines with food,
clothing, and alcohol. At the outbreak of a dengue fever and benign tertian malaria
epidemic in north Queensland in 1941 (Pearce, 2009, p. 82), the Americans also
opened a soup kitchen and arranged for medical personnel, namely, two doctors, to
 34

provide assistance to Aborigines who were not only malnourished but were also
dying of numerous diseases (Tennant, 1956b, p. 4).

When the Mission was reopened in August 1942, the number of its residents was
considerably diminished by the epidemic and outside employment that was yet again
encouraged and expected (Pascoe, Moses, Hobson, & Hobson, 1978; D. Thompson,
1995). During World War II, 28 LR men served in the Small Ships Section around
New Guinea, while others found work in the agricultural and dairy industries in the
vicinity of Cairns and Atherton (D. Thompson, 1995, p. 155).

Although there have been numerous superintendents at the LR Mission since its
establishment in 1924, it was not until the 1950s under the leadership of John
Warby, a former pearling business owner in the Torres Strait, that Aborigines
witnessed the Mission grow, prosper, and flourish (D. Thompson, 1995, p. 167).
Firstly, the post-war times saw the Mission further its involvement in the cattle
work, as a result of which paddocks were created and three Cattle Councillors
chosen in 1954 were responsible not only for cattle breeding, but also for the
maintenance and increase of both the livestock and the pasturelands (D. Thompson,
1995, pp. 165,176). Secondly, while the LR men continued to work on luggers, the
Mission acquired its second ship in 1953 and additional ships later on (D.
Thompson, 1995, pp. 176,206). Thirdly, the most important undertaking was
achieved, i.e. the LR Aboriginal Christian Co-operative was founded on 25 August
1954 and remained operational till 1963 (D. Thompson, 1995, pp. 176,194). The
Co-operative, which was the very first Aboriginal Co-operative in Australia, owned
three boats used for pearling and for fishing for trochus and bêche-de-mer, and it
also managed the cattle work (Chase, 1972; Lockhart River Aboriginal Shire
Council, 2005; Tennant, 1956a, 1956b). It began to experience financial difficulties
in 1956 when the need for trochus shell greatly diminished in view of the booming
plastic industry and when the engine of one of the two ships that sank needed major
repairs (D. Thompson, 1995, pp. 181-182).
 35

Similarly to the Co-operative, the Anglican Church also experienced dire financial
difficulties, as a result of which it pondered a number of proposals regarding the
relocation of the LR Aborigines, as the Bare Hill site on Cape Direction, where the
Mission was located was poorly developed in view of its remoteness and absence of
viable local industries as well as funds that would facilitate their development (D.
Thompson, 1995, p. 196). Those proposals were discussed with Aboriginal
representatives, and the Queensland Cabinet that ultimately approved the relocation
of the Mission and its residents on 25 June 1963 (D. Thompson, 1995, p. 203) to
take place to a location

somewhere in the Northern Peninsula area whereby the general

administration could be controlled from the existing organisation at Bamaga
and the Bamaga area meets adequately desirable requirements (O’Leary,
1963).

While some of the LR people opposed the move, some were in favour of it and
managed to convince approximately fourteen young people of the idea (D.
Thompson, 1995, p. 204; Chase, 1988; Pascoe et al., 1978). The first group to
relocate in 1964 to the new site near Bamaga at the tip of Cape York named it
Umagico, a place name from the LR valley originating from the Kuuku
Ya’u/Umpila yumachiku ‘black-headed python place’ (Greer & Fuary, 2008; Laade,
1970; Rigsby & Chase, 1998; D. Thompson, 1995). Four people returned to LR in
November 1964 and objected to ever going back to Umagico (D. Thompson, 1995,
p. 205). As a result, more and more LR people were opposed to the idea of
relocation from the Church Mission, where they were born (Thornton, 1965). They
were also not in favour of transferring the Mission to the Government (D.
Thompson, 1995, p. 204).

As the financial problems the Anglican Church was experiencing at the time were
growing rapidly, it was finally decided that the three Cape York Aboriginal
Missions, namely, LR, Mitchell River, and Edward River, were to be transferred to
the Government, which finally took effect on 22 May 1967 (D. Thompson, 1995, pp.
196,208). After the handover and upon the completion in 1969 of the new settlement
near the Iron Range site some 5km away from the airstrip, the Government finalised
the relocation of the LR people from the Old Site in April 1969 (D. Thompson,
 36

1982, 1995, 1996). The move to the new Iron Range location near the airstrip was
justified by the Government in terms of a need for a potential emergency medical
transport (Pascoe et al., 1978, p. 4). The majority of those Aborigines who had left
the Old Mission site at the end of the 1960s returned to the new and current LR
settlement in the 1970s (Pascoe et al., 1978; Harper, 2001; D. Thompson, 1995).

2.5 Post-Mission Times at LR

Following the transfer of the Mission to the Queensland Government, the Church
had to stop assuming a role of a “boss” but had to actively pursue a pastoral and
service role (D. Thompson, 1988a, 1996, 2013). In spite of the fact that the LR
community is governed by its own LR Aboriginal Shire Council, it is the
non-Aboriginal support staff totalling between thirty and fifty people out of a total
population of 642 (see subsection 1.1) who are considered a “boss” by the
Aboriginal people. However, as D. Thompson (2013, p. 85) points out, the presence
of non-Aboriginal support staff constitutes a norm in Aboriginal communities
similar to LR, where non-Aboriginal people occupy posts in Council, school, clinic,
police station, store, and trade. As a result, Aborigines are incorporated into and
enveloped firmly by the mainstream society’s market economy, as far as local and
state government policies, services, employment, and welfare are concerned (D.
Thompson, 2016, p. 378). However, the retention of customary values and practices
helps Aboriginal communities function in the surrounding non-Aboriginal world.

LR has a Deed of Grant in Trust legislative status (DOGIT), which is a system of

community-level land trust established in 1984 to administer former reserves and
missions (S. Anderson, 2009; D. Thompson, 2013). The land on the upper Wenlock
River within the DOGIT lands of the LR community used to be a pastoral lease that
was the subject of the compulsory purchase by the Queensland Government (Smith,
2008, p. 161). The quotation below from D. Thompson (2013) summarises
Government policies undertaken during the post-Mission times:

There have been significant shifts in Government policy in the post-Mission

period, from the assimilationist policies of the 1970s to the land rights
 37

legislation and self-management approach in the 1990s to the partnership

approach of the Queensland Labour Governments in the 2000s. (p. 53)

Although LR remains a very remote community, its residents have gained

considerable mobility during the post-Mission times, as many LR people own
dinghies, outboard motors, and 4WD vehicles (D. Thompson, 2013, p. 53). Road
conditions and air services have undergone vast improvement throughout Cape
York, thus facilitating the movement of people (D. Thompson, 2013, pp. 53-54). In
spite of its remoteness, LR has electricity and running water, and access to new
technologies, such as radios, TVs, DVD players, internet, and mobile phones
(Chase, 1981b; D. Thompson, 2013).

The culture of the LR Aborigines is maintained through the artwork of the local
artists who are able to attend the LR Art Centre to paint, sculpt, and weave baskets.
With the help of the management of the Art Centre, the LR artists exhibit their work
not only nationally, but also internationally. Schoolchildren visit the Art Centre,
where they can participate in a variety of art activities to develop and master their
creative sides. The LR Youth Centre organises numerous cultural activities for the
young LR residents. Every two years the LR community actively participates in the
Laura Aboriginal Dance Festival, where the Aboriginal people from all over
Australia come to highlight their languages, songs, dances, and stories. The LR Bora
initiation ceremonies, in which a number of non-Aboriginal Australians have been
invited to participate help maintain Aboriginal cultural values (D. Thompson, 2013,
2016). A number of scientists visit LR, anthropologists and linguists among them,
where the latter undertake efforts to revitalise the knowledge of the local traditional
Aboriginal languages, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila. Scientists also assist the LR people
in land claim matters.

2.6 The Emergence and Development of LRC

The first mention of LRC is the unpublished paper by Rigsby (1973, p. 17), where
he states that both New Guinea Pidgin and the variety, to which he refers by the term
Cape York Pidgin, spoken in both Bamaga and LR take their origin from the early
 38

South Pacific contact language. Dutton (1970, p. 140-141) posits that this South
Pacific contact variety was brought to the Torres Strait in the mid nineteenth century
by South Pacific missionaries as well as shell and bêche-de-mer marine industry
workers. This thought certainly resonates in Shnukal (2000a, p. 85) who notes that
the discovery of vast quantities of bêche-de-mer, trochus, and pearlshell, and the
resulting arrival of Europeans and the Pacific Islanders in the Strait from the 1840s
significantly changed the linguistic map of the region transforming it into a diverse
quadrilingual system. The arriving ships under the command of European captains
carried primarily South Sea Island crewmen who came from all corners of the
Pacific, including Polynesia and Melanesia (Shnukal, 1992b, 1992c). Due to their
associations with Europeans, the Pacific Islanders were held in high regard by
Torres Strait Islanders (Shnukal, 1983a, 1988). In fact, the Pacific Islanders who
were considered to be “numerically, economically and politically powerful, (…)
were ranked just below Europeans on the social status hierarchy in the Strait”
(Shnukal, 1992a, p. 25). It was the Pacific Islanders who were mainly in contact with
the local population of the Strait serving as “cultural mediators” (Shnukal, 1991a, p.
183) between them and the Europeans. The position of the Pacific Islanders was
strengthened by the arrival on the eastern island of Erub in 1871 of the London
Missionary Society, which primarily and purposely employed the services of Pacific
Islander teachers to conduct basic education and to spread Christianity (Lominga,
1986; Salam, 1987; Shnukal, 1995a). By 1900, the majority of the inhabitants on
Erub and Ugar were Pacific Islanders whose choice to marry into the Torres Strait
Islander families facilitated not only land acquisition, but also integration into the
island communities (Shnukal, 1992c). By the 1920s, the Pacific Islanders were in
charge of the majority of the Erub and Ugar households and all on St Paul’s Mission
on Moa; by the 1930s, they headed also almost all families in the central islands
(Shnukal, 1992b, p. 25).

The Pacific Islanders spoke a variety of languages, and communicated using Earlier
Melanesian Pidgin (EMP), a language that became the lingua franca of the marine
industry in the Torres Strait (Shnukal, 1983b, p. 176). By 1860, EMP underwent
stabilisation in the Queensland canefields and South Pacific islands (Crowley &
Rigsby, 1979; Sandefur, 1986; Shnukal, 1991b). It was believed to be English by
 39

both Torres Strait Islanders and Europeans, and its privileged status increased when
the Pacific Islanders assumed teaching posts and entered into marital relationships
with Torres Strait Islanders (Shnukal, 1985c, pp. 222). The children of Erub and
Ugar islands who had Pacific Islander fathers and Eastern Islander mothers “adopted
their fathers’ lingua franca, Pacific Pidgin English, as their own primary language,
largely because it served to mark them as different from, and superior to, their ‘full
native’ kin” (Shnukal, 1992b, pp. 24-25). The choice of the children of the Pacific
Islander fathers to use EMP as the preferred language has not only adversely
affected the conveyance of the traditional languages of their mothers, but it has also
resulted in the subsequent creolisation of the pidgin at the turn of the twentieth
century (Shnukal, 1988, 1995b, 1996). EMP underwent a second separate
creolisation process approximately ten to twenty years later on the western island of
Moa at St Paul’s Mission for South Sea Islanders (Shnukal, 1988, 1996).
Consequently, an English-based creole, Torres Strait Creole (TSC), emerged
(Shnukal, 1988, 1996; Crowley & Rigsby, 1979). Because of its origin in early
forms of MP, TSC is related to the three modern Melanesian Pidgin dialects i.e.
Papua New Guinea Tok Pisin, Vanuatu Bislama, and Solomon Islands Pijin
(Shnukal, 1990, 1991a). TSC, which consists of two dialects, eastern, and western
and central, was quickly propelled to the status of the main Torres Strait language
due to two factors; firstly, it served as a lingua franca for Eastern, Central, and
Western Islanders who did not share a common language, and secondly, there
existed a belief, as mentioned above, that TSC was in fact English (Shnukal, 1988,
pp. 3-10).

While it is very clear how the pidgin found its way to the Torres Strait, how it got to
the east coast of Cape York Peninsula is not so clear. Rigsby (1973, p. 18) concluded
that it was transported from the Torres Strait by pearling and trochus luggers to the
Aboriginal communities situated on the east coast of Cape York Peninsula
northward of Princess Charlotte Bay. That reasoning resonates in Loos (1982, pp.
118-125) who states that the luggers sailed from the Torres Strait down the east
coast of the Cape, seeking Aboriginal workforce. As the following chapters of this
study demonstrate, the close linguistic relationship between TSC and LRC indicates
that the pidgin from the Torres Strait had a significant influence on the development
 40

of LRC. However, although Sandefur (1990, p. 10) and some other scholars consider
LRC to be a dialect of TSC, this does not appear to be the case. This thesis provides
evidence that, in fact, LRC constitutes a separate language in its own right that was
influenced by TSC through the ongoing social relations, for example, intermarriage,
with Islanders both from the Torres Strait and the Pacific. D. Thompson (2013, p.
xiv) is of a similar opinion when he states that LRC is distinct from TSC, in spite of
many similarities that the two languages share. LRC was influenced not only by
TSC, but it was also shaped by a number of languages spoken by Europeans, Asians,
and other Aborigines with whom the LR people had increasing contact prior to and
during the Mission times (see subsections 2.2, 2.3, and 2.4). Adopting Siegel’s
(1997) “pool of features”, and its expansion by Mufwene (2001), it becomes
apparent that in the LR environment, there were speakers using features of the
pidgins that formed the basis of TSC and Melanesian Pidgin as well as varieties of
Queensland Aboriginal pidgins (e.g. Coen Pidgin – see below), Chinese Pidgin
English, the predecessor of Yarrie Lingo (Alexander, 1965; Angelo, 2013; Sellwood
& Angelo, 2013; Disbray and Loakes, 2013; Angelo and McIntosh, 2014; Mushin,
Angelo & Munro, 2016) spoken in the Yarrabah Aboriginal Settlement, and most
likely Northern Territory pidgins, along with varieties of English and local
traditional languages. The processes involved in the development of Yarrie Lingo
provide an insight and serve as a useful comparison of the processes that contributed
to the emergence of LRC, taking into account the fact that the socio-historical
background in case of those two languages shows similarities as both of them
evolved in the Mission environment. Certain similarities can also be seen between
LRC and Woorie Talk spoken in Woorabinda (Munro & Mushin, 2016; Mushin &
Watts, 2016), a former Queensland Government Reserve, as many Aboriginal and
Torres Strait Islander people from all over Queensland and from a variety of
linguistic backgrounds were gathered both in Lockhart and Woorabinda. As a result,
similarly to Woorie Talk, LRC was most likely affected by many varieties of
non-standard English. This linguistic conglomerate in LRC resulted in a unique
mixing and levelling of features that represent LRC. Hence, the similarities between
TSC and LRC could most likely be explained by the early input from the Torres
Strait pidgin, while the differences by inputs from all those other varieties listed
above that did not find their way to the Torres Strait. As a result, when both TSC
and LRC were gaining native speakers, there were differences in their pools of
 41

features that were available to children as input. It should, however, be borne in

mind that in the incipient stages of the development of LRC, English “could not act
as a corrective mechanism” (Siegel, 1999, p. 9), as the LR Aborigines primarily
communicated with non-native speakers of English and had very limited contact
with the English native speakers.

The first documented mention of examples of the pidgin used in the LR area comes
from the work of Jack (1921, p. 589), where he reports that on 9 March 1880 their
party encountered a group of Aboriginal men south of Cape Grenville, which is
located between Shelburne Bay to the north and Temple Bay to the south. Jack
(1921) states that two of those Aboriginal men, “one especially – spoke very fair
English” (p. 589) and used the following expressions: “plenty fish”, “plenty
bechel’m”, “big fellow money”, and “no gammon – gammon no good” (pp.
589-590). In their list of the first historical attestations in Australian pidgins of 106
selected Melanesian Pidgin English features, Baker and Mühlhäusler (1996, pp.
585-588,590) include the following features quoted above:
 plenty (prenominal quantifier) – first occurrences in New South Wales
Pidgin English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1865,
respectively
 bechel’m (noun bêche-de-mer) – first occurrence in Queensland Pidgin
English attested in 1885
 fellow (adjectival marker) – first occurrences in Queensland Pidgin English
and New South Wales Pidgin English attested in 1842 and 1863,
respectively
 no (a preposed negator) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin
English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1795 and 1845,
respectively
 gammon (noun and verb ‘lie’) – first occurrences New South Wales Pidgin
English, and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1825 and 1847,
respectively
 no good (adjective ‘bad’) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin
English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1795 and 1855,
respectively
 42

 zero copula – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English and
Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1795 and 1843, respectively

Of those features, plenti ‘a lot of, lots’, no used as a preposed negator, gyeman ‘lie’,
nogud ‘bad’, and zero copula can still be encountered in LR, while bechel’m
‘bêche-de-mer’ and fellow functioning as an adjectival marker are no longer in use.

Another example of the pidgin used by the LR Aborigines comes from Done (1987)
who, while reminiscing on the events of 13 July 1924 when he arrived at the Orchid
Point together with Harry Rowan to establish the Mission, recalls the following
words of two Aboriginal men who introduced themselves as King Fred of Lloyd Bay
and King Charlie of Ash River and Night Island: “I king belong this place, I got
business3, I learn them young fellow dance” (‘I’m king of this place. I got business. I
teach those youngsters to dance.’) (pp. 73-74). The current LRC utterance of this
example would be as follows:
(2-1) Ai king blo dis pleis, ai gad biznes,
1SG king POSS DEM place 1SG have business
ai tīch-i dem smōl boi dāns.
1SG teach-TRS DET small boy dance
‘I am the king of this place, I got business, I teach traditional dance to the
young men.’

The historical attestations of the following Melanesian Pidgin English features in

Australian pidgins are provided by Baker and Mühlhäusler (1996, pp. 585,587-589).
 belong (possessive marker) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin
English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1842,
respectively
 got (‘to have’) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English and
Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1848, respectively
 dem (article, demonstrative) – first occurrence in Melanesian Pidgin English
attested in 1836 (Baker & Huber, 2001, p. 198).

3
The expression ‘I got business’ indicates that the speaker is a knowledgeable elder regarding
ceremonial traditions.
 43

All of those features, i.e. blong/blo ‘belonging to’, gad ‘to have’, and dem
functioning as the plural article ‘the’ remain in use in LR. As far as the other
features are concerned,
 while lēni continues to be used for both learning and teaching in LRC, the
distinction between the two actions can now be achieved with the use of tīchi
‘to teach’ and lēni ‘to learn’
 yang felou ‘youngster’ does not appear to be used and smōl boi ‘young man’
can be encountered instead.

Thomson (1932, 1933) notes the use of such expressions as big kai-kai ‘a ceremonial
presentation of food’, all the same bird ‘the very same bird’, no got ‘she has not got
any’, he shut mesel ‘she has shut herself’, keni belong woman ‘woman’s medicine’,
and piccaninny no more come out ‘child does not come out/is not born’. Baker and
Mühlhäusler (1996, pp. 585,586,588) provide information on the historical
attestations of the following Melanesian Pidgin English features in Australian
pidgins:
 kaikai (‘to eat, food’) – first occurrence in Queensland Pidgin English
attested in 1882
 all same (‘as, like’) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English
and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1824 and 1842, respectively

Both olsem ‘like, as, similar to’ and kaikai ‘to eat, food’ continue to be used by LRC
speakers, however, kaikai is not just reserved for a ceremonial presentation of food,
but it denotes any food/meal. In addition to kaikai, the two traditional words mayi
‘food, vegetable food’ and minya ‘animal meat’, can be encountered in the speech of
the LR residents. Nomo ‘no longer, not any more’ continues to be used in LRC. The
word keni is not used for medicine, but medisin can be encountered instead. ‘She has
shut herself’ would be nowadays represented as im bi shati imself.

Laade (1970, p. 273) who visited the LR Mission in 1963 to record the Bora songs
also provides countless examples of the LR speech:
He feel hot. I think he walkin’ in the sun. Then he take him stone and put him
on fire and make him hot. He get that stone into the water. (…) “You come.
Then you come and dig up a small yam (wanta).” Then he boy humbug that
 44

woman very bad. (…) Bushfire burnin’. Plenty tea-tree country. Tea-tree
swampy country, oh, very thick. When they burn that tea-tree big smoke catch
him (Alligator). Then other fellow he see people comin’. (…) “Look, people
come from other place. He (= these people) talk different language.” (…)
Somebody go over mountain and see that track there. (…) Palm tree (olko)
where he stop in (Pascoe) River. He got that bark come down and women make
bucket out of it, bucket for water. He dance with that bucket and sing. He carry
them (bucket) along head. (…) But kaikai (= the food that Alligator had in his
basket) no good but sticky, slimy. (p. 284)

Piwo (wallaby), him swim ‘long ‘cross river. He been drink water. Alligator
catch him tail. He (the wallaby) feel that tail and he been look back. He said,
“You no catch me. You (only) catch that mangrove root.” And then Alligator
been shame and let him, and wallaby run away. (p. 285).

The following Australian pidgin features can be found in the list of the historically
attested Melanesian Pidgin English features provided by Baker and Mühlhäusler
(1996, pp. 586-589,591):
 catch (‘to get’) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English and
Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1842, respectively
 ((a)n)other fellow (noun) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin
English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1862 and 1871,
respectively
 resumptive he – first occurrence in Queensland Pidgin English attested in
1876
 (a)long(a) (multipurpose preposition) – first occurrences in New South
Wales Pidgin English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and
1843, respectively
 been (TMA) marker – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English
and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1842, respectively
 we (relativiser) – first occurrence in Melanesian Pidgin English attested in
1913 (Baker & Huber, 2001, p. 202).

All of the above features are still used in LRC, i.e. kechim/kechi ‘to get’, the noun
((a)n)ada fela, resumptive he, the TMA marker bin/bi denoting past tense, we
functioning as a relativiser (see section 8.4), and the multipurpose preposition
long/lo expressing a variety of locative and instrumental meanings, in spite of the
 45

fact that nowadays the use of we/waya/weya prevails in the speech of LRC speakers.
In addition, the following features remain present in the speech of the LR residents:
 verbs in the third person singular in the present tense are devoid of the
English marking -s
 LRC utterances are frequently marked by the presence of the subject
referencing pronouns (see subsection 4.2.2.4 and Chapter 7).

The following features are no longer used in LRC:

 him as a transitive marker

 -in’ as a progressive tense marker
 of the three traditional words provided in the above examples, wanta ‘small
yam’ is no longer used, while piiwu ‘wallaby’ and ulku ‘palm tree’ remain in
use (Hill & Thompson, 2013, Book 10, pp. 14,20).

D. Thompson (2013) emphasises the contacts between the LR and Torres Strait
people when he indicates that the use of “Pidgin and Creole forms used in the lugger
industry and in interaction with Torres Strait Islanders” (p. 42) had adversely
affected the conveyance of the traditional languages. In spite of the decline in the
use of Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila, the pidgin used by the LR people was enriched by
numerous loan words and expressions as well as certain sounds pertinent to those
two traditional languages. As a result, it acquired a form and sound that make it
distinct from its Torres Strait cousin. The following examples, which contain various
Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila words, Chase (1980b) recorded during his two fieldtrips
undertaken in LR in the 1970s:
What’s a matter no one bin look after you? Where old people now? Look that
maangkal (“river mouth”), proper wild! No matter, puula (“father’s father”). I
come back now, I don’t forget. You hear my voice? (p. 136)

That’s my country, boy, there, Sister River. You can’t beat my place! Too
much minya (“edible meat”), too much mayi (“edible vegetable food”). Can’t
short there! Pungana (“fish”), paalki (“stingray”), thampu (“yam”), too much,
proper shut (“over-flowing”). Ngaatyi miinthama (“good place”), nobody
touch him. You look, we go belly up (“replete with food”) by and by. (p. 136)

No more umpila. He just talk that way, proper kuuku (“talk”) for that one
kaanytyu (“dialect name”); father country there. (p. 142)
 46

Lockhart River south we one mob. We all got that one sandbeach right
through. Ya’u go nother way, Restoration [Island], Pascoe, Temple Bay, right
up Olive River. Too much country them people. (p. 144)

Them muta himself, just like that. Very big place. Mightbe that minya
(“animal”) do something before, well, that place belong him there. Where he
come from, we don’t know. Business for himself, no more wefeller.
Sometimes we know all them things, sometimes just that place. Like my story
[at] my home inside [is] apan (“stinging tree”). He got big tree inside scrub.
Another man go there, them leaves kill that man. Me alright, go anywhere, that
tree can’t hurt me. Main story for me and my father, he just like that. I don’t
know where he come from. He always there from beginning, he just place
himself. (p. 151)

Sandbeach people big mob before, mightbe thousand, two thousand people.
Just like parra [Europeans], they got their towns, they box-up, make big mob
for camp. Mightbe kayaman [dry season] just family go walkabout, look for
that yam, look at them story places, but he can’t stay away. He come back and
join up mob at main camp. (p. 157)

Keep-im lo truck. No matter he littlebit katha [“rotten”], let them people

chuck-im. Mightbe he alright. Them families can see we thinking for them. (p.
265)

My word, proper strong talk that one! Number one man for kuuku [“speech”].
You listen which way he bin yarn? Really big talk, can’t beat that feller.
Mightbe that thaathimulu [“Islander”], that piipi [“father, priest”] more better.
Them fellers best for that one, must be learn him from parra [“European”], I
think. (p. 299)

All of the traditional words in the above examples are still in use in LR (Hill &
Thompson, 2013, Book 10). In addition to the features listed in the previous
paragraphs, Baker and Mühlhäusler (1996, pp. 586,587,588,589,590,592) provide
the historical attestations of the following Melanesian Pidgin English features in
Australian pidgins:
 little bit (‘slightly, a bit’) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin
English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and in 1870,
respectively
 number one (adjective ‘best/chief) – first occurrence in Chinese Pidgin
English attested in 1828
 me (‘I’) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English and
Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1795 and 1842, respectively
 47

 too much (adverb) – first occurrence in Queensland Pidgin English attested in

1863
 by and by (clause initial/final) – first occurrence in New South Wales Pidgin
English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1855,
respectively
 walkabout (‘to wander’) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin
English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1828 and 1863,
respectively
 might (‘perhaps’) – first occurrence in Queensland Pidgin English attested in
1906
 all (plural marker) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English
and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1885, respectively
 more better (‘better’) – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English
and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1866, respectively
 whitefellow (noun ‘European’) – first occurrences in New South Wales
Pidgin English and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1823 and 1843,
respectively
 kill (‘hit, strike’) – first occurrence in Queensland Pidgin English attested in
1907
 -m transitive suffix – first occurrences in New South Wales Pidgin English
and Queensland Pidgin English attested in 1826 and 1842, respectively

All of the above features continue to be used by the LR people. In addition, the
following features are characteristic for LRC:
 prapa is used as an intensifying adverb (see subsection 4.8.1)
 nomata continues to denote the meaning ‘it doesn’t matter, it isn’t important,
I don’t care’.
 i gad ‘there is, there are’ appears in existential sentences (see subsection
7.2.4)
 wasmada ‘what’s the matter/why/what caused’ is an interrogative pronoun
(see subsection 4.2.2.3) appearing in questions asking about a cause
 plural marking -s (see subsection 4.1.3.1.1)
 48

 wichwei/wichei ‘how/what/which/which way’ is an interrogative pronoun

(see subsection 4.2.2.3) appearing in question asking about a route

Apart from the marine industry, the pastoral industry also played an important role
in shaping LRC. Harper (2001) points out the differences between the speech of
people from the northern parts of Cape York Peninsula (NCYP) who were not
subjected to such extensive pastoral activities in comparison with the remainder of
the Cape:
some of the features of the speech of some elderly NCYP people today have
more in common with the speech of Aborigines to the south who have worked
in the pastoral industry than with the speech of Torres Strait Islanders. This is
particularly the case with those people who have had strong links with the
cattle industry; some have journeyed extensively throughout the Peninsula,
droving, before returning to their homelands. (p. 123)

To substantiate the above claim, Harper (2001, p. 141) asserts that the creole spoken
in the Coen area in the central Cape York Peninsula may be a hybrid of features
characteristic for the speech of the workers of both the marine and pastoral
industries. Apparently, some elderly Coen residents recall an older pidgin variety,
which resembles Roper River Kriol of the Northern Territory that was spoken by
those “who travelled the stock routes through Western Queensland and the Gulf
Country to the Northern Territory” (Harper, 2001, p. 142). This is not surprising, as
Sharpe (1975, 1985) recalls encounters with speakers of a pidgin that greatly
resembled Roper Kriol, in central Australia, central and north Queensland. Similar
observations are made by Sandefur (1990) who in 1980 embarked on a trip to
various locations in Queensland in search of the presence of Kriol. He states that
at Coen it appears that the deceased generation spoke Kriol, the older
generation can speak it, middle-aged people can understand it, and children
can understand some of it. (…) When several of the adults first heard us read
some of the Kriol, they immediately became animated, saying that that was
exactly like their parents had spoken, and then proceeded to speak it to us. (…)
Most surprising of all, however, they claimed that Kriol originated in the Coen
district and was taken to the Territory by an Aboriginal drover named Jim
Drumdap – and when they said his name, Ishmael and Dan [Sandefur’s
companions from the Northern Territory] simultaneously said the old people
at Roper used to tell them about him! (pp. 8-9)
 49

Sandefur (1990, pp. 8,10) indicates that he encountered some people in the Cape
York communities at Laura and Pormpuraaw who were able to understand Kriol. As
far as LR is concerned, Sandefur (1990) states that
[t]here also appears to be a fairly high level of intelligibility of Kriol at
Lockhart River. This may stem in part from the Lockhart dialect of TSC being
more closely related to Kriol than other dialects of TSC, but more significant
may be the mobility of people and the resultant high amount of interaction of
Lockhart people with people from the Kriol area. (p. 10) 4

The ability of some of the Cape York Aborigines to either speak or comprehend
Kriol is understandable, as many of them who came across settlers and/or
pastoralists from other regions and most likely learnt some New South Wales Pidgin
English and/or Queensland (Moreton Bay) Pidgin English (Harper, 2001, p. 142).
This occurred as a result of New South Wales Pidgin English, which originated from
the Sydney Jargon in the late 1700s and early 1800s being transported in the 1820s
to the Northern Territory via Queensland by pastoralists (Harris, 1986, 2007;
Sandefur, 1986; Siegel, 2008). Queensland Pidgin English emerged when sea
captains, also known as “blackbirders”, brought many indentured labourers (known
as “Kanakas”) from Melanesia, including New Hebrides, the Solomon Islands, New
Ireland, and New Britain, to work on the sugar plantations of coastal Queensland
(Crowley & Rigsby, 1979: Sandefur, 1986). Clark (1979, p. 49) postulates that
pidgin from the Queensland sugar plantations was brought by stockmen to the
Northern Territory, where it combined with the Aboriginal pidgin to form Roper
River Kriol. Conversely, Dutton and Mühlhäusler (1983) posit that it was the
labourers on the inland cattle stations who acquired the Aboriginal pidgin. Dutton
(1983, p. 109) states that Queensland Pidgin English, which directly originated from
New South Wales Pidgin English, developed into two separate strands, the coastal
and the inland, where the latter one was most likely the predecessor of Cape York
Creole, Palm Island Aboriginal English, Northern Territory Kriol, and Fitzroy
Valley Kriol. While the coastal strand differed from New South Wales Pidgin
English in its lexis, the inland one appeared to be similar to New South Wales Pidgin
English, although the migration of Aboriginal vocabulary did take place (Dutton,

4
As noted in the second paragraph of the present section, it is proposed that LRC is not a dialect of
TSC, as Sandefur (1990, p. 10) and some other scholars claim but a separate language in its own
right that was influenced by TSC but developed in a different manner.
 50

1983, p. 109). The convergence of both New South Wales Pidgin English and
Queensland Pidgin English in the Northern Territory in the 1880s and early 1900s
resulted in the emergence of the Northern Territory Pidgin English (Harris, 1986, p.
114).

To return now to the above-mentioned example of Coen, it is necessary to reiterate

that Coen was the backbone of the pastoral industry in the central Cape York
Peninsula (Smith, 2003, p. 27). As a result, the Aboriginal population of Coen most
likely had contact not only with the pastoralists from other parts of Queensland, but
also with those Aborigines who could have worked on cattle stations in southern and
western Queensland as well as in the Northern Territory. The Aboriginal residents of
Coen could have sought employment in other parts of Queensland and the Northern
Territory as well. As Smith (2002) notes:
The mobility of the Aboriginal people of the Coen region of Cape York
Peninsula has been inseparable from their history from pre-colonial
semi-nomadism, through the impacts of white settlement and incorporation
into the pastoral industry to the present emergence of a post-colonial era. (p.
1)

Harris (2007, p. 142) confirms the above, noting that the mobility of the people
facilitated the movement of the pidgin, as both Aboriginal and European stockmen
moved from one cattle station to another and it was quite frequent to see Aboriginal
people follow Europeans to distant and remote places. It should be noted that Coen
is located on the border of two linguistic regions, namely, Kaanju and Ayapathu
(Smith, 2000, p. 238), and that the Coen people, together with four other tribes, were
gathered in the LR Mission when it was established in 1924 (Tennant, 1956b, p. 4).
This provides evidence that the pidgin spoken in the LR Mission could have been
influenced at a later time by the people who were brought to LR from Coen rather
than by the earlier contact with the New South Wales Pidgin English or Queensland
Pidgin English. The eastern coastal Aboriginal people maintained both ceremonial
and intermarital relationships with other Aboriginal people, for instance, the Kaanju
people (Chase, 1980; Smith, 2000). In fact, there continue to exist very strong family
ties between the Coen and LR people, as many LR Aborigines and/or their relatives
live in Coen. Thus, it is entirely possible that, for example, Kriol progressive aspect
suffix -(a)bat (Schultze-Berndt & Angelo, 2013), which takes its origin from the
 51

New South Wales Pidgin baut ‘to be doing’ (Troy, 1994, p. 713) and could have
possessed the phonological variant bat or changed to this form in the pidgin on its
northward migration (Eva Schultze-Berndt, personal communication, 2017), was
transported via Coen to LRC, where it has exactly the same form -(a)bat (see
subsection 4.7.3.1). Similarly, Kriol transitive verb abum ‘to have’ (see subsection
7.3.1.2) could have been transported to LRC, where it has the form abim/abi using
the very same route. However, there also exists a possibility that both the suffix
-(a)bat and the verb abum could have been brought to the LR Mission by people
from the Yarrabah Anglican Mission, taking into account the presence of Kriol
speakers there, some of whom could have been relocated to LR (Sandefur, 1982; D.
Thompson, 1988a, 1996). As stated in subsection 2.3, some of the Yarrabah Mission
residents were moved to the LR Mission (D. Thompson, 1996, p. 145).5 However, it
could very well be that the suffix -a(bat) could have been part of the pidgin that was
the predecessor of both Queensland and Northern Territory pidgins (Eva
Schultze-Berndt, personal communication, 2017).

It is worthwhile to refer to Rigsby (1973) who points out that the

Cape York Pidgin variety, spoken by both Islanders and Aboriginals,

represents a convergence of separate historical developments that are now
converging with the Standard Australian English variety. (p. 18)

This claim, however, appears to be questionable and is not supported by the current
linguistic situation in LR, as LRC remains the first language of the children and is
the primary medium of communication of all the Aboriginal LR residents, in spite of
the fact that English constitutes the medium of education and administration in LR
(D. Thompson, 1972, 2013). Thus, it appears that the two separate systems, i.e. the
creole and the lexifier, exist and function side by side in LR (see section 1.3). The
influence of English is real and undeniable, and the present study provides a wide
array of examples of such influence, thus justifying the claim that it is indeed taking
place. The LR residents are nowadays surrounded by English television
programmes, English movies, and English music. The influence of English is also

5
Although the available and rather limited research on Yarrie Lingo and its forerunner does not
provide any information on the existence of the suffix -(a)bat in that contact variety, the possibility
of its presence should not be excluded pending further studies.
 52

apparent when the Aboriginal LR inhabitants deal with the non-Aboriginal support
staff and visitors to LR, as they then switch to the mesolect and acrolect varieties
that are more like English than the basilect variety they use when they converse with
the other Aboriginal LR people (see section 1.3). This was observed at the beginning
of the first fieldwork when the LR residents were not familiar with me and were
under the impression that I could not understand them. For that reason, the very first
recordings involve data in the mesolect and acrolect varieties. However, as the LR
inhabitants became familiar with me and certain that I could understand them, they
began to only use the basilect variety when they talked to me and were recorded.

2.7 Conclusion

This chapter has outlined a detailed historical background of the LR area, including
pre-European contact, increased contact with outsiders prior to the establishment of
the Anglican Mission in 1924, and the Mission times before, during, and after the
WWII. The emergence and development of LRC have also been thoroughly
examined utilising many examples from historical texts of first the pidgin and then
the creole spoken in the LR area. The analysis of those examples helped establish
which historically attested features are no longer in use and which continue to be
used by the LRC speakers. It has also been concluded that, in spite of the close
linguistic relationship LRC shares with TSC and the fact that the pidgin from Torres
Strait had an undeniably significant influence on the development of LRC, LRC is
not a dialect of TSC, but a separate language in its own right, and that those two
languages developed in a very different manner. The outline of the historical
development of TSC, New South Wales Pidgin, Queenland Aboriginal pidgins, and
Northern Territory Pidgins has shown that in the LR environment, there were
speakers using features of the pidgins that formed the basis of TSC and Melanesian
Pidgin as well as varieties of Queensland Aboriginal pidgins, Chinese Pidgin
English, the predecessor of Yarrie Lingo spoken in the Yarrabah Aboriginal
Settlement, and most likely Northern Territory pidgins, along with varieties of
English and local traditional languages. The two traditional languages of the LR
area, namely, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila, have enriched LRC with a number of lexical
items and grammatical structures, thus contributing to its current unique shape.
 53

Chapter 3 Phonology

This chapter outlines current segmental phonemes of LRC, i.e. consonants, vowels,
and diphthongs, based on the speech of twenty speakers whose age ranges from
eighteen to seventy-five years and who have spent most of their lives in the LR
community (see section 1.4). The speech of one Torres Strait Islander female in her
50s, who was recorded in Cairns and provided insight into the differences between
TSC and LRC, was not included in the phonological analysis. There were no
intermediate realisations that were difficult to categorise. This is followed by the
description of phonotactics, i.e. syllable structure, in addition to such suprasegmental
features as stress and intonation. Considerable phonological variation in the way the
LR residents speak their language and articulate its sounds is then presented. That
variation stems from the influence of such languages as TSC, Kuuku Ya’u/Umpila,
and English, which have contributed not only to the formation of LRC, but have also
helped it reach its current shape. Age is also an important factor that impacts the way
different age groups articulate LRC sounds.

3.1 Segmental Phonemes

LRC exhibits thirty-seven segmental phonemes, twenty-five of which are
consonantal and eleven are vocalic. Within the consonant group, it is possible to also
distinguish two semivowels /j/ and /w/.

3.1.1 Consonants

Table 3.1 lists all of LRC consonantal sounds.

 54

Table 3.1 Consonants

PLACE→ bilabial labio- dental apico- palato- lamino- dorso- labiovelar glottal
_________ dental alveolar alveolar palatal velar
MANNER
↓
voiceless /p/ /t/ /k/
stop
voiced /b/ /d/ /g/
stop
nasal /m/ /n/ /ŋ/

voiceless /f/ /θ/ /s/ /ʃ/ /h/

fricative
voiced /v/ /ð/ /z/ /ʒ/
fricative
voiceless /tʃ/
affricate
voiced /dʒ/
affricate
lateral /l/

rhotic /r/

semivowel /j/ /w/

(glide)

3.1.1.1 Description and Distribution of Consonants

Of the twenty-four consonantal phonemes, eighteen consonants appear in all

environments, i.e. word-initially, word-medially, and word-finally. The occurrence
of the remaining four phonemes, namely, /ŋ/, /h/, /ʒ/, /r/, and the two semivowels /j/
and /w/ is governed by restrictions. The description of all LRC consonants, together
with their distribution, is outlined below.

3.1.1.1.1 Voiceless Stops

All voiceless stops, which occur in all environments, are aspirated when they occur
word-and syllable-initially before vowels. /p/, /t/, and /k/ may be unreleased
word-finally and when they precede other stops, however, they are released
preceding other consonants.
 55

 Voiceless Bilabial Stop /p/

/p/ possesses two allophones, namely, [pʰ] and [p]. Their distribution is provided
below.

/p/ → [pʰ] word-initial and word-medial before vowels, with the exception after [s]

word-initial and word-medial

/pi:pul/ [pʰi:pʰul] ‘people’

/p/ → [p] word-medial after [s]

word-medial
/spaɪde/ [spaɪdɛ] ‘spider’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/p/ - /f/ /pas/ ‘past’ /fas/ ‘fast’
/p/ - /b/ /mɔp/ ‘mop’ /mɔb/ ‘mob, group
/p/ - /d/ /pa:k/ ‘park’ /da:k/ ‘dark’
/p/ - /m/ /pan/ ‘pan’ /man/ ‘man’

 Voiceless Apico-Alveolar /t/

/t/ has two allophones, i.e. [tʰ] and [t], which are presented below.

/t/ → [tʰ] word-initial and word-medial before vowels, with the exception after [s]

word-initial word-medial
/taɪm/ [tʰaɪm] ‘time’ /putita/ [pʰutʰitʰa] ‘potato’
 56

/t/ → [t] word-medial after [s]

word-medial
/stɔ:ɾi/ [stɔ:ɾi] ‘story’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/t/ - /θ/ /tɛŋks/ ‘tanks’ /θɛŋks/ ‘thanks’
/t/ - /d/ /tu:/ ‘two’ /du:/ ‘to do’
/t/ - /k/ /ti:/ ‘tea’ /ki:/ ‘key’
/t/ - /ð/ /tɛn/ ‘ten’ /ðɛn/ ‘then’

 Voiceless Dorso-Velar /k/

/k/ possesses two allophones, namely, [kʰ] and [k], which are described below.

/k/ → [kʰ] word-initial and word-medial before vowels, with the exception after [s]

word-initial word-medial
/kam/ [kʰam] ‘to come’ /nadakan/ [nadakʰan] ‘unusual’

/k/ → [k] word-medial after [s]

word-medial
/skaɪ/ [skaɪ] ‘sky’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/k/ - /g/ /kats/ ‘cuts’ /gats/ ‘guts’
/k/ - /ŋ/ /sik/ ‘sick’ /siŋ/ ‘sing’
/k/ - /t/ /ki:/ ‘key’ /ti:/ ‘tea’
 57

3.1.1.1.2 Voiced Stops

The three voiced stops, namely, /b/, /d/, and /g/ occur in all environments and do not

exhibit allophonic variation.

 Voiced Bilabial Stop /b/

/b/ → [b]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/big/ [big] ‘big’ /ɛbɹi/ [ɛbɹi] ‘every, each’ /kɹab/ [kɹab] ‘crab’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/b/ - /p/ /mɔb/ ‘mob, group’ /mɔp/ ‘mop’
/b/ - /v/ /bɛɾi/ ‘berry’ /vɛɾi/ ‘very’
/b/ - /d/ /bak/ ‘back’ /dak/ ‘duck’

 Voiced Apico-Alveolar Stop /d/

/d/ → [d]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/dampa/ [dampʰa]‘damper’ /ada/ [ada] ‘other’ /gad/ [gad] ‘to have’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/d/ - /ð/ /dɛɪ/ ‘day’ /ðɛɪ/ ‘they’
/d/ - /t/ /du:/ ‘to do’ /tu:/ ‘two’
/d/ - /b/ /dak/ ‘duck’ /bak/ ‘back’
/d/ - /p/ /da:k/ ‘dark’ /pa:k/ ‘park’
 58

 Voiced Dorso-Velar /g/

/g/ → [g]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/gi:s/ [gi:s] ‘goose’ /tu:gɛdɛ:/ [tʰu:gɛdɛ:] ‘together’ /ɛg/ [ɛg] ‘egg’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/g/ - /k/ /gats/ ‘guts’ /kats/ ‘cats’
/g/ - /ŋ/ /lɔg/ ‘log’ /lɔŋ/ ‘long’
/g/ - /b/ /gas/ ‘gas’ /bas/ ‘bus’

3.1.1.1.3 Nasals

There are three nasal phonemes in LRC, i.e. /m/, /n/, and /ŋ/, which occur in all
environments and do not exhibit allophonic variation.

 Bilabial Nasal /m/

/m/ → [m]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/man/ [man] ‘man’ /smel/ [smɛl] ‘smell’ /jam/ [jam] ‘yam’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/m/ - /p/ /man/ ‘man’ /pan/ ‘pan’
/m/ - /n/ /kam/ ‘to come’ /kan/ ‘cannot’
 59

 Apico-Alveolar Nasal /n/

/n/ → [n]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/nɛk/ [nɛk] ‘neck’ /snɛɪk/ [snɛɪk] ‘snake’ /ɹan/ [ɹan] ‘to run’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/n/ - /ŋ/ /kin/ ‘can’ /kiŋ/ ‘king’
/n/ - /m/ /kan/ ‘cannot’ /kam/ ‘to come’

 Dorso-Velar Nasal /ŋ/

A dorso-velar nasal /ŋ/occurs in all environments, where the word-initial position is

reserved for the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila lexical items only when they are used
within a LRC utterance.

/ŋ/ → [ŋ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ŋa:tʃi/ [ŋa:tʃi] /siŋat/ [siŋat] ‘to sing out, /blɔŋ/ [blɔŋ]
‘country, camp’ to call out’ ‘belong’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/ŋ/ - /n/ /kiŋ/ ‘king’ /kin/ ‘can’
/ŋ/ - /g/ /lɔŋ/ ‘long’ /lɔg/ ‘log’
/ŋ/ - /k/ /siŋ/ ‘sing’ /sik/ ‘sick’
 60

3.1.1.1.4 Voiceless Fricatives

Apart from /h/, the remaining four voiceless fricatives occur in all environments and
do not exhibit allophonic variation. It should be noted that /θ/ and /h/ are now a part
of LRC consonantal inventory, however, speakers over sixty do not have these
phonemes in their repertoire. Thus, in their speech, /θ/ is realised as /t/ and /h/ is
simply omitted.

 Voiceless Labiodental Fricative /f/

/f/ → [f]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/fɹɛʃ/ [fɹɛʃ] ‘fresh’ /a:ftɛ:/ [a:ftʰɛ:] ‘after’ /a:f/ [a:f] ‘half’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/f/ - /p/ /fan/ ‘fan’ /pan/ ‘pan
/f/ - /t/ /fɹi:/ ‘free’ /tɹi:/ ‘tree’
/f/ - /v/ /faɪn/ ‘fine’ /vaɪn/ ‘vine’

 Voiceless Dental Fricative /θ/

/θ/ → [θ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/θiŋk/ [θiŋk] ‘to think’ /paɪθən/[paɪθən] ‘python’ /saʊθ/[saʊθ] ‘south’

minimal pair phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/θ/ - /t/ /θɛŋks/ ‘thanks’ /tɛŋks/ ‘tanks’
 61

 Voiceless Apico-Alveolar Fricative /s/

/s/ → [s]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/san/ [san] ‘sun’ /aʊtsaɪd/ [aʊtsaɪd]‘outside’ /bikɔs/ [bikʰɔs] ‘because’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/s/ - /t/ /tɛli/ ‘to tell’ /sɛli/ ‘to sell’
/s/ - /ʃ/ /sɔwi/ ‘to sew’ /ʃɔwi/ ‘to show’
/s/ - /tʃ/ /saki/ ‘to suck’ /tʃaki/ ‘to throw’
/s/ - /ʒ/ /bɛɪs/ ‘bays’ /bɛɪʒ/ ‘beige’

 Voiceless Palato-Alveolar Fricative /ʃ/

/ʃ/ → [ʃ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ʃa:k/ [ʃa:k] ‘shark’ /fiʃiŋ/[fiʃiŋ] ‘fishing’ /kɹɛɪfiʃ/ [kɹɛɪfiʃ] ‘crayfish’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/ʃ/ - /s/ /ʃɔwi/ ‘to show’ /sɔwi/ ‘to sew’
/ʃ/ - /tʃ/ /ʃi:p/ ‘sheep’ /tʃi:p/ ‘cheap’
 62

 Voiceless Glottal Fricative /h/

A voiceless glottal fricative /h/ occurs word-initially and word-medially but not
word-finally.

/h/ → [h]

word-initial word-medial
/hɔʊm/ [hɔʊm] ‘home’ /fiʃhuk/ [fiʃhuk] ‘fishhook’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/h/ - /ʃ/ /haɪ/ ‘high’ /ʃaɪ/ ‘shy’

3.1.1.1.5 Voiced Fricatives

Apart from /ʒ/, the remaining three voiced fricatives, namely, /v/, /ð/, and /z/, occur
in all environments. /ð/ is now a part of LRC consonantal inventory, however,
speakers over sixty do not have these phonemes in their repertoire and, as a result,
/ð/ in their speech is realised as /d/. Voiced fricatives do not exhibit allophonic
variation.

 Voiced Labiodental Fricative /v/

/v/ → [v]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/vɛɾi/ [vɛɾi] ‘very’ /klɛvɛ:/ [klɛvɛ:] ‘clever’ /bili:v/ [bili:v] ‘to believe’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/v/ - /b/ /vɛɾi/ ‘very’ /bɛɾi/ ‘berry’
/v/ - /f/ /vaɪn/ ‘vine’ /faɪn/ ‘fine’
 63

 Voiced Dental Fricative /ð/

/ð/ → [ð]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ðis/ [ðis] ‘this’ /maðə/ [maðə] ‘mother’ /bɹi:ð/ [bɹi:ð] – to breathe

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/ð/ - /t/ /ðɛn/ ‘then’ /tɛn/ ‘ten’
/ð/ - /d/ /ðɛɪ/ ‘they’ /dɛɪ/ ‘day’

 Voiced Apico-Alveolar Fricative /z/

/z/ → [z]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/zu:/ [zu:] ‘zoo’ /pɛzɛnt/ [pʰɛzɛnt] ‘pheasant’ /sni:z/ [sni:z] ‘to sneeze’

minimal pair phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/z/ - /dʒ/ /zak/ ‘Zach’ /dʒak/ ‘Jack’

 Voiced Palato-Alveolar Fricative /ʒ/

A voiced palato-alveolar fricative /ʒ/ occurs word-medially and word-finally but not
word-initially.

/ʒ/ → [ʒ]

word-medial word-final
/tɛlɛviʒin/ [tʰɛlɛviʒin] ‘television’ /bɛɪʒ/ [bɛɪʒ] ‘beige’
 64

minimal pair phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/ʒ/ - /s/ /bɛɪʒ/ ‘beige’ /bɛɪs/ ‘bays’

3.1.1.1.6 Voiceless Palato-Alveolar Affricate /tʃ/

A voiceless palato-alveolar affricate /tʃ/ occurs in all environments and does not
exhibit allophonic variation.

/tʃ/ → [tʃ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/tʃaki/ [tʃakʰi] ‘to throw’ /kɛtʃi/ [kʰɛtʃi]‘to catch’ /tu:matʃ/ [tʰu:matʃ] ‘plenty’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/tʃ/ - /dʒ/ /tʃɛɪn/ ‘chain’ /dʒɛɪn/ ‘Jane’
/tʃ/ - /s/ /tʃaki/ ‘to throw’ /saki/ ‘to suck’
/tʃ/ - /ʃ/ /tʃi:p/ ‘cheap’ /ʃi:p/ ‘sheep’

3.1.1.1.7 Voiced Palato-Alveolar Affricate /dʒ/

A voiced palato-alveolar affricate /dʒ/ occurs in all environments and does not
exhibit allophonic variation.

/dʒ/ → [dʒ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/dʒam/ [dʒam] ‘jam’ /madʒik/ [madʒik] ‘magic’ /ɔɾindʒ/ [ɔɾindʒ] ‘orange’
 65

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/dʒ/ - /z/ /dʒak/ ‘Jack’ /zak/ ‘Zack’
/dʒ/ - /j/ /dʒam/ ‘jam’ /jam/ ‘yam’
/dʒ/ - /tʃ/ /dʒɛɪn/ ‘Jane’ /tʃɛɪn/ ‘chain’

3.1.1.1.8 Apico-Alveolar Lateral /l/

An apico-alveolar lateral /l/ occurs in all environments and does not exhibit
allophonic variation.

/l/ → [l]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/lɔŋ/ [lɔŋ] ‘long’ /mi:pla/ [mi:pla] ‘1PL.EXCL’ /aŋkɛl/ [aŋkʰɛl] ‘uncle’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/l/ - /r/ /lɔʊ/ ‘low’ /ɹɔʊ/ ‘raw’
/l/ - /w/ /laɪt/ ‘light’ /waɪt/ ‘white’
/l/ - /j/ /lɛt/ ‘let’ /jɛt/ ’yet’

3.1.1.1.9 Voiced Apico-Alveolar Rhotic /r/

A voiced apico-alveolar rhotic /r/ occurs word-initially and word-medially, however,

not word-finally. It possesses two allophones, namely, the approximant [ɹ] and the
flap [ɾ]. The approximant [ɹ] does not occur syllable- and word-finally, and
immediately before a consonant. The flap [ɾ] occurs between vowels.

/ɹ/ → [ɹ] word-initial, and word-medial after consonants and before vowels

word-initial word-medial
/ɹɔʊsti/ [ɹɔʊsti] ‘to roast’ /pɹɛɪ/ [pɹɛɪ] ‘prey’
 66

/ɹ/ → [ɾ] between vowels

word-medial
/vɛɾi/ [vɛɾi] ‘very’

minimal pair phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/ɹ/ - l/ /ɹɔʊ/ ‘raw’ /lɔʊ/ ‘low’

3.1.1.1.10 Voiced Lamino-Palatal Semivowel (Glide) /j/

A voiced lamino-palatal semivowel (glide) /j/ occurs word-initially and

word-medially but not word-finally. It does not exhibit allophonic variation.

/j/ → [j]

word-initial word-medial
/jɛt/ [jɛt] ‘yet’ /waja/ [waja] ‘where’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/j/ - /w/ /jɛt/ ‘yet’ /wɛt/ ‘wet’
/j/ - /l/ /jɛt/ ‘yet’ /lɛt/ ’let’
/j/ - /dʒ/ /jam/ ‘yam’ /dʒam/ ‘jam’

3.1.1.1.11 Voiced Labiovelar Semivowel (Glide) /w/

A voiced labiovelar semivowel (glide) /w/ occurs word-initially and word-medially,

however, not word-finally. It does not exhibit allophonic variation.

/w/ → [w]

word-initial word-medial
/wɛɪt/ [wɛɪt] ‘to wait’ /flawa/ [flawa] ‘flower’
 67

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
consonantal
contrast
/w/ - /l/ /waɪt/ ‘white’ /laɪt/ ‘light’
/w/ - /j/ /wɛt/ ‘wet’ /jɛt/ ‘yet’

3.1.1.1.12 Glottal Stop /ʔ/ (Marginal Phoneme)

The glottal stop /ʔ/, which is not a part of LRC consonantal inventory, is
characteristic for Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila. LRC speakers do articulate it in such
English-based words as, for example, [waʔtʰa] ‘water’. There also exists an alternate
articulation devoid of the glottal stop, namely, [watʰa], however, the articulation
with the glottal stop present is more frequent.

3.1.2 Vowels

There are eleven vocalic phonemes in LRC, where six are short and five are long
vowels. Their summary is provided in Table 3.2.

Table 3.2 Vowels

front central back
short long short long short long
close /i/ /i:/ /u/ /u:/
mid /ə/
open-mid /ɛ/ /ɛ:/ /ɔ/ /ɔ:/
open /a/ /a:/

3.1.2.1 Description and Distribution of Vowels

The description of all LRC vowels, together with their distribution, is outlined
below.
 68

3.1.2.1.1 Short Front Vowels

The two short front vowels occur in all environments.

 Short Close Front Unrounded /i/

/i/ → [i]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/im/ [im] ‘3SG’ /bin/ [bin] ‘past tense marker’ /gɛdi/ [gɛdi] ‘to get’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
vocalic
contrast
/i/ - /i:/ /slipi/ ‘slippery’’ /sli:pi/ ‘sleepy’
/i/ - /ɛ/ /tin/ ‘tin’ /tɛn/ ‘ten’
/i/ - /ə/ /ti:tʃi/ ‘to teach’ /ti:tʃə/ ‘teacher’

 Short Open-Mid Front Unrounded /ɛ/

/ɛ/ → [ɛ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ɛl/ [ɛl] ‘hell’ /ʃɛl/ [ʃɛl] ‘shell’ /dɛ/ [dɛ] ‘the’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
vocalic
contrast
/ɛ/ - /ə/ /wɛ:kmɛn/ ‘workmen’ /wɛ:kmən/ ‘workman’
/ɛ/ - /a/ /kɛn/ ‘can’ /kan/ ‘cannot’
/ɛ/ - /u/ /ʃɛd/ ‘shed’ /ʃud/ ‘should’
/ɛ/ - /ɔ:/ /smɛl/ ‘smell’ /smɔ:l/ ‘small’
/ɛ/ - /i/ /tɛn/ ‘ten’ /tin/ ‘tin’
 69

3.1.2.1.2 Central Vowels

The two central vowels occur in all environments. Schwa /ə/ is primarily produced

by children and young LR people.

 Mid Central Unrounded /ə/

/ə/ → [ə]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/əlɔŋ/ [əlɔŋ] ‘along’ /pɛnsəl/ [pɛnsəl] ‘pencil’ /siŋə/ [siŋə] ‘singer’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
vocalic
contrast
/ə/ - /i/ /ti:tʃə/ ‘teacher’ /ti:tʃi/ ‘to teach’
/ə/ - /ɛ/ /wɛ:kmən/ ‘workman’ /wɛ:kmɛn/ ‘workmen’

 Short Open Central Unrounded /a/

/a/ → [a]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ankɛl/ [ankʰɛl]‘uncle’ /wagabat/ [wagabat] ‘to walk’ /dʒuɾa/ [dʒuɾa] ‘fish soup’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
vocalic
contrast
/a/ - /a:/ /dak/ ‘duck’ /da:k/ ‘dark’
/a/ - /i:/ /pas/ ‘past’ /pi:s/ ‘piece’
/a/ - /ɛ/ /kan/ ‘cannot’ /kɛn/ ‘can’
/a/ - /u/ /fat/ ‘fat’ /fut/ ‘foot’
/a/ - /ɔ/ /bas/ ‘bus’ /bɔs/ ‘boss, leader’
 70

3.1.2.1.3 Back Vowels

The two back vowels occur in all environments.

 Short Open-Mid Back Rounded /ɔ/

/ɔ/ → [ɔ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ɔlɔ/ [ɔlɔ] ‘hollow’ /bɔmfaɪa/ [bɔmfaɪa] ‘bonfire’ /gɔ/ [gɔ] ‘to go’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
vocalic
contrast
/ɔ/ - /ɔ:/ /fɔks/ ‘fox’ /fɔ:ks/ ‘forks’
/ɔ/ - /u/ /bɔs/ ‘boss, leader’ /bus/ ‘bush’
/ɔ/ - /a/ /bɔs/ ‘boss, leader’ /bas/ ‘bus’

 Short Close Back Rounded /u/

/u/ → [u]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/uda/ [uda] ‘who’ /puti/ [pʰutʰi] ‘to put’ /awu/ [awu] ‘evil spirit’

minimal pairs phonemic gloss phonemic gloss

showing realisation realisation
vocalic
contrast
/u/ - /ɔ/ /bus/ ‘bush’ /bɔs/ ‘boss, leader’
/u/ - /u:/ /pula/ ‘3PL’ /pu:la/ ‘father’s father’
/u/ - /ɛ/ /ʃud/ ‘should’ /ʃɛd/ ‘shed’
/u/ - a/ /fut/ ‘foot’ /fat/ ‘fat’
 71

3.1.2.1.4 Long Vowels

There exist five long vowels in LRC, namely, /i:/, /ɛ:/, /a:/, /ɔ:/, and /u:/. All of them
occur in English-derived lexical items. Apart from the length, all of the long vowels,
which occur in English-derived vocabulary, not only exhibit the very same
properties as their short equivalents, but also appear in all environments.

word-initial word-medial word-final

/i:zi/ [i:zi] ‘easy’ /ɹi:f/ [ɹi:f] ‘reef’ /bi:/ [bi:] ‘bee’
/ɛ:ɾɔ:/ [ɛ:ɾɔ:] ‘error’ /sɛ:kɛl/ [sɛ:kʰɛl] /flawɛ:/ [flawɛ:] ‘flower’
‘circle’
/a:k/ [a:k] ‘arc’ /da:k/ [da:k] ‘dark’ /fa:/ [fa:] ‘far’
/ɔ:/ [ɔ:] ‘or’ /bɔ:l/ [bɔ:l] ‘ball’ /mɔ:/ [mɔ:] ‘more’
/u:ki/ [u:kʰi] ‘to put on a hook’ /ɹu:d/ [ɹu:d] ‘rude’ /blu:/ [blu:] ‘blue’

The long vowels in the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila words possess the ability to only
occur word-initially and word-medially. Some examples include:

word-initial word-medial
/i:kula/ [i:kʰula] ‘snail’ /ki:ni/ [kʰi:ni] ‘tobacco’
/a:mpa/ [a:mpʰa] āmpa ‘lap’ /ka:lu/ [kʰa:lu] ‘mother’s younger
brother’
/u:pi:ri/ [u:pʰi:ri] ‘poison’ /wu:la/ [wu:la] ‘kidney’

3.1.3 Diphthongs

There exist five diphthongs in LRC, the summary of which is provided in Table 3.3.

Table 3.3 Diphthongs

front → front central → central → back → back
front back
open-mid /ɛɪ/ /ɔɪ/, /ɔʊ/
→ close
open → /aɪ/ /aʊ/
close
 72

3.1.3.1 Description and Distribution of Diphthongs

All of the diphthongs occur in all environments. Four of them, namely, [ɔʊ], [aʊ],
[ɛɪ], and [aɪ] are subject to variation, where the vowels [ɔ], [a], [ɛ], and [a],
respectively, may be realised instead of those diphthongs. The collected data do not
provide any examples that would suggest [ɔɪ] undergoes the same process. The
description and distribution of all five diphthongs is provided below.

 Open-Mid → Close Front → Front /ɛɪ/

/ɛɪ/ → [ɛɪ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ɛɪ/ [ɛɪ] ‘hey’ /mɛɪki/ [mɛɪkʰi] ‘to make’ /wɛɪ/ [wɛɪ] ‘way’

 Open → Close Central → Front /aɪ/

/aɪ/ → [aɪ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/aɪ/ [aɪ] ‘eye’ /vaɪn/ [vaɪn] ‘vine’ /kɹaɪ/ [kɹaɪ] ‘to cry’

 Open → Close Central → Back /aʊ/

/aʊ/ → [aʊ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/aʊtsaɪd/ [aʊtsaɪd] ‘outside’ /daʊn/ [daʊn] ‘down’ /naʊ/ [naʊ] ‘now’

 Open-Mid → Close Back → Back /ɔʊ/

/ɔʊ/ → [ɔʊ]
 73

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ɔʊvɛ/ [ɔʊvɛ] ‘over’ /nɔʊgud/ [nɔʊgud] ‘bad’ /fɔlɔʊ/ [fɔlɔʊ] ‘to follow’

 Open-Mid → Close Back → Back /ɔɪ/

/ɔɪ/ → [ɔɪ]

word-initial word-medial word-final

/ɔɪstɛ/ [ɔɪstʰɛ] ‘oyster’ /bɔɪli/ [bɔɪli] ‘to boil /bɔɪ/ [bɔɪ] ‘boy’

3.2 Orthography

Table 3.4 lists all of LRC consonantal and vocalic phonemes written in the IPA
script, together with the corresponding graphemes. The orthographic representation
of schwa /ə/ is either e, for example, /wɛðə/ is written as wedhe ‘weather’ or as i, for
example, /faʃən/ is written as fashin ‘fashion’.

Table 3.4 IPA characters and their LRC graphemes

IPA character grapheme IPA character grapheme
/a/ a /ŋ/ ng
/a:/ ā /ɔ/ o
/b/ b /ɔ:/ ō
/tʃ/ ch /p/ p
/d/ d /r/ r
/ɛ/ e /s/ s
/ɛ:/ ē /ʃ/ sh
/ə/ e, i /t/ t
/f/ f /θ/ th
/g/ g /ð/ dh
/h/ h /u/ u
/i/ i /u:/ ū
/i:/ ī /v/ v
 74

/dʒ/ j /w/ w
/k/ k /j/ y
/l/ l /z/ z
/m/ m /ʒ/ zh
/n/ n

Following discussions with eight language consultants who assisted with data
analysis and clarified arising questions, a phonemically-based orthographical
system, inclusive of macrons for the long vowels, was designed to allow for the
language to be used in a written form (Llisteri, 1996b) (see section 1.4).

3.3 Variation
In addition to a handful of the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila speakers, everybody in the
community possesses knowledge of many words and expressions from those two
traditional languages and is also taught from a very young age how to pronounce
them. Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila possess consonants that are specific only to those
two languages, namely, /t̪/, /n̪/, /ɲ/, and /ʔ/. It should, however, be clarified that they
are not phonemes in LRC and are only contrastive with the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila
loan words. The voiceless dental stop /t̪ / and the dental nasal /n̪/ are realised as the
voiceless apico-alveolar stop /t/ and the apico-alveolar nasal /n/, respectively when
loan words are incorporated into LRC speech and do not occur in isolation. If,
however, they appear in isolation, then the pronunciation specific to the Kuuku Ya’u
and Umpila pattern is typically maintained. In the speech of Torres Strait Islanders,
/t̪ / and /n̪/ are also realised as /t/ and /n/. The lamino-palatal nasal /ɲ/ is primarily
realised in the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila vocabulary, however, it is present in some
English-derived words as, for example, [ɔɲɔn] ‘onion’. As noted in subsection
3.1.1.1.12, the glottal stop /ʔ/ is the phoneme characteristic for Kuuku Ya’u and
Umpila. LRC speakers do articulate it in such English-based words as, for example,
[waʔtʰa] ‘water’. There also exists an alternate articulation devoid of the glottal stop,
namely, [watʰa], however, the articulation with the glottal stop present is more
frequent. The details of the phonological variation involving /t̪ / and /n̪/ are provided
below.
 75

 Voiceless Dental Stop /t̪ /

/t̪ / → [t] ~ [t̪ ]

Torres Strait Islanders Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila speakers

/tampu/ [tʰampʰu] ‘long yam’ /t̪ ampu/ [t̪ ʰampʰu] ‘long yam’

 Dental Nasal /n̪/

/n̪/ → [n] ~ [n̪]

Torres Strait Islanders Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila speakers

/nampi/ [nampʰi] ‘emu’ /n̪ampi/ [n̪ampʰi] ‘emu’

The English fricatives /f/, /v/, /s/, /z/, /ʃ/ and /ʒ/ as well as the affricates /tʃ/ and /dʒ/
are produced by all of the LR residents, which suggests that they have been a part of
LRC consonantal inventory for a long time and could date back to the establishment
of the LR Anglican Mission in 1924 (see subsection 2.3) or possibly to even earlier
times. In the speech of the middle-aged and elderly LR inhabitants, the English
fricative /θ/ is realised as either /t/ or /f/ and its voiced counterpart /ð/ as /d/. Both /θ/
and /ð/ are found only in the speech of children and young LR inhabitants, which
most likely stems from the fact that English constitutes a medium of education in
LR. For the same reason, the voiceless glottal fricative /h/ is primarily found in the
speech of children and young LR residents, although some middle-aged and older
LRC speakers do also occasionally produce it. The details of the phonological
variation involving the middle-aged and elderly LR inhabitants are provided below.

 Voiceless Dental Fricative /θ/

/θ/ → [f] ~ [θ]

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Middle-aged and elderly LRC speakers Children and young LRC speakers
/hɛlfi/ [hɛlfi] ‘healthy’ /hɛlθi/ [hɛlθi] ‘healthy’
/ɛnifiŋ/ [ɛnifiŋ] ‘anything’ /ɛniθiŋ/ [ɛniθiŋ] ‘anything’

/θ/ → [tʰ] ~ [θ] before vowels

Middle-aged and elderly LRC speakers Children and young LRC speakers
/tiŋ/ [tʰiŋ] ‘thing’ /θiŋ/ [θiŋ] ‘thing’
/ɛbɹitiŋ/ [ɛbɹitʰiŋ] ‘everything’ /ɛvɹiθiŋ/ [ɛvɹiθiŋ] ‘everything’

/θ/ → [t] ~ [θ] before consonants and word-finally

Middle-aged and elderly LRC speakers Children and young LRC speakers
/tɹi:/ [tɹi:] ‘three’ /θɹi:/ [θɹi:] ‘tree’
/pa:twɛɪ/ [pʰa:twɛɪ] ‘pathway’ /pa:θwɛɪ/ [pʰa:θwɛɪ] ‘pathway’
/mant/ [mant] ‘month’ /manθ/ [manθ] ‘month’

 Voiced Dental Fricative /ð/

/ð/ → [d] ~ /ð/

Middle-aged and elderly LRC speakers Children and young LRC speakers
/dat/ [dat] ‘that’ /ðat/ [ðat] ‘that’
/bɹadɛ/ [bɹadɛ] ‘brother’ /bɹaðɛ:/ [bɹaðɛ:] ‘brother’

Torres Strait Islanders residing in LR do not articulate the English fricatives /f/, /θ/,
/ʃ/, /h/, /v/, /ʒ/, /ð/ as well as the affricates /tʃ/ and /dʒ/. As far as those LR residents
who spent time in the Strait are concerned, they do generally articulate those
consonants, but sometimes they revert to the Torres Strait mode. The details of the
phonological variation involving Torres Strait Islander and those LR residents who
spent some time in the Strait are provided below.
 77

 Voiceless Labiodental Fricative /f/

/f/ → [pʰ] ~ [f] word-initial and word-medial before vowels, with the exception

after [s]

Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/pan/ [pʰan] ‘fan’ /fan/ [fan] ‘fan’

/f/ → [p] ~ [f] word-medial after /s/

Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/pi:spul/ [pʰi:spul] ‘peaceful’ /pis:ful/ [pʰis:ful] ‘peaceful’

/f/ → [p] ~ [f] elsewhere

Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/pɹom/ [pɹɔm] ‘from’ /fɹom/ [fɹɔm] ‘from’
/selp/ [sɛlp] ‘self’ /self/ [sɛlf] ‘self’

 Voiceless Dental Fricative /θ/

/θ/ → [tʰ] ~ [θ] before vowels

Torres Strait Islanders Children and young LRC speakers

/tiŋ/ [tʰiŋ] ‘thing’ /θiŋ/ [θiŋ] ‘thing’
/ɛbɹitiŋ/ [ɛbɹitʰiŋ] ‘everything’ /ɛvɹiθiŋ/ [ɛvɹiθiŋ] ‘everything’

/θ/ → [t] ~ [θ] before consonants and word-finally

Torres Strait Islanders Children and young LRC speakers

/tɹi:/ [tɹi:] ‘three’ /θɹi:/ [θɹi:] ‘three’
[pʰa:twɛɪ] pātwei ‘pathway’ /pa:θwɛɪ/ [pʰa:θwɛɪ] ‘pathway’
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[mant] mant ‘month’ /manθ/ [manθ] ‘month’

 Voiceless Palato-Alveolar Fricative /ʃ/

/ʃ/ → [s] ~ [ʃ]

Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/sɔldɛ/ [sɔldɛ] ‘shoulder’ /ʃɔʊldɛ:/ [ʃɔʊldɛ:] ‘shoulder’
/fisnɛt/ [fisnɛt] ‘fishing net’ /fiʃnɛt/ [fiʃnɛt] ‘fishing net
/bus/ [bus] ‘bush’ /buʃ/ [buʃ] ‘bush’

 Voiceless Glottal Fricative /h/

/h/ → no [h] ~ [h]

Torres Strait Islanders Children and young LRC speakers

/aʊs/ [aʊs] ‘house’ /haʊs/ [haʊs] ‘house’
/asbɛnd/ [asbɛnd] ‘husband’ /hasbɛnd/ [hasbɛnd] ‘husband’
/fɔ:ɾɛd/ [fɔ:ɾɛd] ‘forehead’ /fɔ:hɛd/ [fɔ:hɛd] ‘forehead’

 Voiced Labiodental Fricative /v/

/v/ → [b] ~ [v]

Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/baɪn/ [baɪn] ‘vine’ /vaɪn/ [vaɪn] ‘vine’
/lɛbɛn/ [lɛbɛn] ‘eleven’ /lɛvɛn/ [lɛvɛn] ‘eleven’
/twɛlb/ [twɛlb] ‘twelve’ /twɛlv/ [twɛlv] ‘twelve’

 Voiced Dental Fricative /ð/

/ð/ → [d] ~ /ð/

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Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/dat/ [dat] ‘that’ /ðat/ [ðat] ‘that’
/bɹadɛ/ [bɹadɛ] ‘brother’ /bɹaðɛ:/ [bɹaðɛ:] ‘brother’

 Voiced Palato-Alveolar Fricative /ʒ/

/ʒ/ → [z] ~ [ʒ]

Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/disizin/ [disizin] ‘decision’ /disiʒin/ [disiʒin] ‘decision’

 Voiceless Palato-Alveolar Affricate /tʃ/

/tʃ/ → [s] ~ [tʃ]

Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/sili/ [sili] ‘chili’ /tʃili/ [tʃili] ‘chili’
/tisa/ [tʰisa] ‘teacher’ /ti:tʃɛ:/ [ti:tʃɛ:] ‘teacher’
/wis/ [wis] ‘which’ /witʃ/ [witʃ] ‘which’

 Voiced Palato-Alveolar Affricate /dʒ/

/dʒ/ → [z] ~ [dʒ]

Torres Strait Islanders LRC speakers

/zuɾa/ [zuɾa] ‘fish soup’ /dʒuɾa/ [dʒuɾa] ‘fish soup’
/inzin/ [inzin] ‘engine’ /indʒin/ [indʒin] ‘engine’
/sɛinz/ [sɛinz] ‘change’ /tʃɛɪndʒ/ [tʃɛɪndʒ] ‘change’

Phonological variation also involves vowels. For example, middle-aged and elderly
LR residents as well as Torres Strait Islanders do not produce schwa /ə/ and replace
 80

it with /ɛ/, in spite of the fact that it is a part of the vocalic inventory of LRC, as
children and young LRC speakers do articulate it. Thus,

 Mid Central Unrounded /ə/

/ə/ → [ɛ] ~ [ə]

Torres Strait Islanders and Children and young LRC speakers

middle-aged and elderly LRC
speakers
/ɛbaʊt/ [ɛbaʊt] ‘about’ /əbaʊt/ [əbaʊt] ‘about’
/satɛdɛɪ/ [satʰɛdɛɪ] ‘Saturday’ /satədɛɪ/ [satʰədɛɪ] ‘Saturday’
/plamɛ/ [plamɛ] ‘plumber’ /plamə/ [plamə] ‘plumber’

3.4 Phonotactics

This section presents fifteen single-syllable types that can be distinguished in LRC,
together with all the combinatorial possibilities pertaining to them. These are
outlined in Table 3.5. While four of them are open ending in a vowel, eleven are
closed ending in a consonant. As the examples below demonstrate, consonant
clusters occur both in the onset and the coda.

Table 3.5 Syllable Types

syllable type example gloss
V ō ‘or’
ei ‘hey’
ai ‘I’
VC eg ‘egg’
en ‘and’
an ‘hand’
il ‘hill’
ōl ‘old’
VCC ink ‘ink’
aks ‘to ask’
VCCC ants ‘ant’
CV mō ‘more’
de ‘the’
mai ‘my’
dei ‘day’
CCV blo ‘belonging to’
 81

trī ‘tree’
drai ‘dry’
plei ‘play’
CCCV sprei ‘spray
CVC bas ‘bus’
bos ‘boss/leader/owner’’
rait ‘right
said ‘side’
CVCC neks ‘next’
nest ‘nest’
CVCCC sents ‘cents’
CCVC smōl ‘small’
trak ‘truck’
traib ‘tribe’
smouk ‘smoke’
CCVCC swamp ‘swamp’
frend ‘friend’
CCVCCC graunds ‘grounds’
CCCVC skrap ‘scrap’
strīt ‘street’
straip ‘stripe’
streit ‘straight’
CCCVCC strong ‘strong’
skrach ‘scratch’
streinj ‘strange’

3.4.1 Variation within Syllables

It should be noted that since LRC exhibits considerable phonetic variation in that
many words may be articulated in more than one way, there also occurs variation in
terms of syllable types. In the majority of cases, it may stem from either the presence
or the absence of the voiceless glottal fricative [h] or some other consonant, as
examples (3-1a) and (3-1b), respectively, show.

(3-1) (a) VC /aʊs/ aus ‘house’

CVC /haʊs/ haus ‘house’

(3-1) (b) CCVCC /fɹɛnd/ frend ‘friend’

CCVC /fɹɛn/ fren ‘friend’
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The addition of an epenthetic vowel in order to break up the consonant clusters

within and between syllables is not characteristic for LRC. It is also not customary
to delete the syllable-final consonant of the coda to break up or reduce the consonant
cluster, as example (3-1b) above might suggest. There exist two lexical variants,
namely, frend and fren ‘friend’, that are used interchangeably. While the articulation
of fren resembles that of TSC pren (Shnukal, 1988, p. 186), the pronunciation of
frend has most likely been influenced by the English ‘friend’.

3.4.2 Consonant Clusters within a Single Syllable

Table 3.6 outlines possible syllable positions in consonant clusters that occur within
a single syllable.

Table 3.6 Consonant Clusters within a Single Syllable

p t k b d g m n ŋ f θ s ʃ h v ð z ʒ tʃ dʒ r l j w
p + +
t + + + +
k + + + + +
b + +
d + +
g + + + +
m +
n + + + + +
ŋ + +
f + + + +
θ +
s + + + + + + +
ʃ
h
v
ð
z
ʒ
tʃ
dʒ
 83

r
l + + + + +
j
w

Taking into consideration the sonority hierarchy, in accordance with which “speech
sounds can be arranged on a scale of relative sonority” (Davenport & Hannahs,
2013, p. 75), the analysis of the results outlined in Table 3.6 is provided in
subsections 3.4.2.1, 3.4.2.2, and 3.4.2.3 below.

3.4.2.1 Onsets

With the exception of /ʒ/, all the remaining consonants possess the ability to occur in
the syllable onsets.

3.4.2.2 Codas

/z/, /h/, /j/, and /w/ do not appear in the syllable codas.

3.4.2.3 Consonant Clusters

Stops rarely form clusters with other stops, with the exception of the /kt/ cluster, e.g.
/insɛkt/ ‘insect’. The clusters /ts/, /ks/, /ds/, and /gs/, where stops /t/, /k/, /d/, and /g/
precede the fricative /s/ are possible to occur in the codas and in this case raising
sonority is exhibited, e.g. /fɔks/ ‘foks’, /insɛkts/ ‘insects’, /ɛds/ ‘heads’, /twigs/
‘twigs’. In the onsets, raising sonority is exhibited when stops /p/, /t/, /k/, /b/, /d/, and
/g/ form clusters /pl/, /pɹ/, /tɹ/, /kl/, /kɹ/, /bl/, /bɹ/, /dɹ/, /gl/, and /gɹ/ with the lateral /l/
and the rhotic /r/, e.g. /plɛɪ/ ‘play’, /pɹɛɪ/ ‘prey’, /tɹi/ ‘tree’, /klaɪm/ ‘climb’, /kɹab/
‘crab’, /bɹantʃ/ ‘branch’, /blɔʊ/ ‘blow’, /dɹiŋk/ ‘drink’, /glɔʊ/ ‘glow’, and /gɹi:n/
‘green’. Those clusters never occur in the codas. The cluster /tl/ possessing raising
sonority can only occur in the codas, e.g. /litl/ ‘little’. The cluster /dl/ has not been
observed to occur either in the onset or in the coda. Raising sonority is exhibited by
the following /tw/, /kw/, and /gw/, where the stops /t/, /k/, and /g/ are followed by the
glide /w/ appear only in the codas, e.g. /twig/ ‘twig’, /kwik/ ‘quick’, and /gwana/
‘goanna’.
 84

In general, nasals do not combine with other nasals. The cluster /mp/ is formed when
the nasal /m/ precedes the stop /p/ in the codas, e.g. /kɛmp/ ‘camp’, and this case
falling sonority is exhibited. It is also possible to encounter the cluster /ŋk/ when the
nasal /ŋ/ occurs in front of the stop /k/ in the codas, e.g. /dɹiŋk/ ‘drink’ and /siŋk/
‘sink’, and those clusters are also marked by falling sonority.

In the codas falling sonority can be observed when the clusters /nt/ and /nd/ are
formed when the nasal /n/ occurs in front of the stops /t/ and /d/, e.g. /tɛnt/ ‘tent’ and
/lɛnd/ ‘land’. Another example of falling sonority occurs when the clusters /ns/ and
/ŋs/ are formed when the nasals /n/ and /ŋ/ precede the fricative /s/ in the codas, e.g.
/daːns/ ‘dance’ and /θiŋs/ ‘things’. The clusters /ntʃ/ and /ndʒ/ formed when the nasal
/n/ precedes the affricates /tʃ/ and /dʒ/ in the codas, e.g. /bɹantʃ/ ‘branch’ and
/strɛɪndʒ/ ‘strange’, and this is also an example of falling sonority.

As far as fricatives are concerned, the cluster /ft/ occurs when the fricative /f/
precedes the stop /t/ in the codas, e.g. /sɔft/ ‘soft’, and this is an example of falling
sonority. In the onsets, falling sonority is exhibited when the clusters /sp/, /st/, and
/sk/ are formed when the fricative /s/ occurs in front of the stops /p/, /t/, and /k/, e.g.
/spi:k/ ‘speak’, /stap/ ‘live’, and /skin/ ‘skin’. In the coda, the cluster /fs/ is able to be
encountered when the fricative f/ precedes the fricative /s/, e.g. /li:fs/ ‘leaves’. In the
onsets, the clusters /fl/ and /fɹ/ are formed when /f/ precedes the rhotic /ɹ/, e.g. /fɹɔg/
‘frog’ and the lateral /l/, e.g. /flaɪ/ ‘fly’ and these are also examples of falling
sonority. In the onsets raising sonority is exhibited when the clusters /sm/ and /sn/
are formed when the fricative /s/ precedes the nasals /m/ and /n/, e.g. /smɔ:l/ ‘small’
and /snɛɪk/ ‘snake’, respectively. In the onsets, raising sonority can also be observed
when the clusters /sl/ and /sw/ are formed when the fricative /s/ precedes the lateral
/l/, e.g. /sli:p/ ‘sleep’, and the glide /w/, e.g. /swi:t/ ‘sweet’. Both the remaining
fricatives and affricates do not participate in the formation of syllable clusters.

The rhotic /ɹ/ has not been encountered to precede any consonants. Falling sonority
is exhibited when the clusters /lp/, /lb/, and /ld/ are formed when the lateral /l/
appears in front of the stops /p/, /b/, and /d/ in the codas, e.g. /ɛlp/ ‘help’, /twɛlb/
 85

‘twelve’, and /bild/ ‘build’, as well as when the clusters /lf/ and /ls/ are formed when
the lateral /l/ precedes the fricatives /f/ and /s/, e.g. /sɛlf/ ‘self’ and /gɛ:ls/ ‘girls’.

Similarly to affricates, glides do not precede other consonants in syllable clusters.

3.5 Suprasegmental Features

Stress and intonation are suprasegmental features discussed in the following two
subsections.

3.5.1 Stress

Stress is lexically determined in LRC and depends on the stress of the original
language, from which a given lexical item has migrated into LRC. Thus, the stress
pattern of the English-derived vocabulary follows the rules pertinent to the stress
placement in the English language. As a result, both primary and secondary stress
are maintained if both are present, e.g.:

[ˈlɛta] leta ‘letter’ [ˈfiʃiŋ] fishing ‘fishing’

[adˌminiˈstɹɛɪʃin] administreishin ‘administration [ˈɛvɹiˌwɛɪ] evriwei ‘everywhere’

[ˌɛdjuˈkɛɪʃin] edyukeishin ‘education’ [ˌjuːniˈvɛːsiti] yunivesiti ‘university’

In the same way, the stress pattern of the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila lexical items is
retained when approximately 1,300 words from those two traditional languages are
used in LRC (Hill & Thompson, 2013, Book 10). They are borrowings that retain
the source language stress patterns. As Thompson (1988b, p. 6) indicates, stress is
predictable and depends not only on emphasis, mood, and fast speech, but also on
the presence/absence of long vowels. As a result, primary stress falls on the first
vowel, while secondary stress occurs on the second vowel in the case of words
devoid of long vowels. Conversely, the last long vowel is subject to primary stress,
while secondary stress falls on the preceding long vowel, if any, otherwise on the
first vowel of the word in words with long vowels. In the following examples taken
from Thompson (1988b, p. 6), vowels under primary stress are marked ʹ and vowels
 86

under secondary stress - ˋ. In accordance with the orthography designed for Kuuku
Ya’u and Umpila (Hill & Thompson, 2011, Book 1, p. 2), long vowels are written as
digraphs and not as macrons.

pámà Aboriginal person páala behind

káyìna ‘to hang up’ wàacháaya ‘permit’

káchìnpinta ‘female’ mùumáanya ‘to rub’

The influence of TSC, the presence of Torres Strait Islanders in the LR area, their
place of origin, and dialect spoken also contribute to the stress variation in LRC.
Although Shnukal (1988, p. 13) claims that stress is for the most part predictable, it
should be noted that there is a considerable stress variation in TSC, which is
lexically-, regionally-, and age-based. Firstly, the English-derived TSC lexical items
follow the stress pattern typical for English words. Secondly, TSC comprises two
dialects, namely, the eastern dialect is influenced by a Papuan language, Meriam
Mir, while the western and central dialect by a Pama-Nyungan Aboriginal language,
Kala Lagaw Ya (Shnukal, 2000b; 2004). As a result, the stress patterns differ in both
those dialects, as the words borrowed from the two traditional Torres Strait
languages tend to keep their original stress (Shnukal, 1988, p. 13).

Although stress in Bislama is highly unpredictable, i.e. phonemically contrastive, it

is difficult to find a pair of words that possess a different meaning because of the
stress placement (Crowley, 2004, p. 21). Similarly to LRC and TSC, those Bislama
words, which come from local vernaculars, have generally their penultimate
syllables stressed, although exceptions to that rule do exist (Crowley, 2004, p. 22).
The word-final syllables are usually stressed in the French-derived vocabulary;
however, it is not unusual to find other syllables stressed as well. Stress in the
English-based lexical items is in line with that observed in the English vocabulary.

As far as Pijin is concerned, stress is unpredictable and lexically determined,

however, it does not create contrast between words (Beimers, 2008, p. 55). The
 87

stressed syllable is subject to stress irrespective of the addition of an epenthetic

vowel or the occurrence of the word-final paragoge.

3.5.2 Intonation

LRC intonation pattern of the ‘yes-no’ and information questions as well as

affirmative sentences, including those expressing the meaning ‘or’, coincides with
that of Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila (Hill & Thompson, 2011, Book 1+3; 2013, Book
8+9). Thus, affirmative sentences are characterised by a falling intonation on the last
syllable of the utterance, e.g.:

__________________

↘
(3-2) Ōl ˈmeik-i big ˈfaya.
3PL make-TRS big fire
‘They made a big fire.’

A rising intonation on the final syllable of the utterance is typical for both ‘yes-no’
and information questions, as examples (3-3) and (3-4), respectively, demonstrate.
Information questions do not have to be marked by a rising intonation, as they
contain question words.

______________ ↗
(3-3) Im gud ˈstōri?
3SG good story
‘Is it a good story?

______________________

↘
(3-4) ˈWanim rong we ˈmīpla?
what wrong PREP 3PL.EXCL
‘What is wrong with us?’
 88

When the ‘or’ meaning needs to be expressed, there is a rising intonation on the last
syllable of the first coordinated phrase/sentence and a subsequent falling intonation
of the last syllable of the first element of the second coordinated phrase/sentence
(Hill & Thompson, 2013, Book 8, p. 31). Thus, in example (3-5), a rising intonation
is on the last syllable of krofis ‘crayfish’, i.e. the first of the coordinated elements,
and a falling intonation on the last syllable of lobste ‘lobster’, i.e. the second of the
coordinated elements.

___ ↗ ↘__________

↘
(3-5) ˈMīpla ˈprapa ˈloud-im ˈkrōfish ō ˈlobste.
1PL.EXCL properly load-TRS crayfish CONN lobster
‘We properly loaded crayfish and lobsters.’

An analogous situation occurs in example (3-6), where a rising intonation is on naif

‘knife’, i.e. the first of the coordinated elements, and a falling intonation on the final
syllable of spīye ‘spear’, i.e. the second of the coordinated elements.

___ ↗ ↘_______

↘
(3-6) Det ōl man bin ˈged-i naif ō ˈspīye blong im.
DEM old man PST get-TRS knife CONN spear POSS 3SG
‘That old man got his knife or spear.’

If the emphatic markers nau/na or ya are present in a sentence, then they are a
subject to a rising intonation. For example, in example (3-7) a rising intonation is on
the emphatic marker na, which follows the first of the coordinated elements laite
‘lighter’, while a falling intonation is on the final syllable of machis ‘match’, i.e. the
second of the coordinated elements.
 89

___________ ↗ ↘_________

↘
(3-7) Im ˈchak-i de ˈlaite na ō ˈmachis
3SG throw-TRS DET lighter EMP CONN match
go fō ˈgib-im det smōl boi.
SV.GO COMP give-TRS DEM small boy
‘He threw the lighter or matches to give them to a little boy.’

Similarly to the stress patterns (see subsection 3.5.1), LRC intonation pattern is also
influenced by the presence of Torres Strait Islanders in LR and their place of origin,
as intonation provides indication as to where a given Islander is from (Shnukal,
1985a, p. 156). As a result, while speech of Eastern Islanders has a tune almost as if
the speakers “put music into it” (Shnukal, 1985b, p. 161), the intonation of Western
and Central Islanders is “flatter” (Shnukal, 1988, p. 3). When making statements,
asking questions, and issuing commands, in comparison with Western and Central
Islanders, Easterners use a higher pitch at the beginning and a lower pitch at the end
(Shnukal, 1985b, p. 161). Their speech has a rising and falling intonation, while
pitch variation within a sentence is greater than that observed in the speech of
Western and Central Islanders. Further research would be able to shed more light on
variation in the intonation between Torres Strait Islanders and non-Islanders as well
as within the Torres Strait Islander group residing in LR, which is also observable in
LRC. Further research would also help establish the scope of variation in the
intonation of those LRC speakers who are not from the Torres Strait.

The observation involving a rising intonation on LRC emphatic markers nau/na or

ya resonates in Pijin, where the focus markers nao and ya are pronounced with a
higher pitch (Beimers, 2008, p. 56). Similarly to LRC, Pijin interrogative sentences
are characterised by a rising intonation on the final word in comparison with the
declarative sentences, where a falling intonation marks the last word. Conversely, in
Bislama, there appears

to be a substantially greater rise toward the end of a statement, followed by a

much more noticeable drop immediately afterwards at the end of the
statement than we find in any of the other varieties of Melanesian Pidgin, as
 90

well as English. This gives the impression that Bislama has something of a
“sing-song” intonation (Crowley, 2004, p. 23).

3.6 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles

In comparison with LRC, which possesses 25 consonantal phonemes, there are
eighteen such phonemes in both Pijin and Bislama, and fifteen in TSC (Beimers,
2008; Crowley, 2004; Shnukal, 1988). TSC possesses only two fricatives, namely,
[s] and [z]. There are four fricatives in Pijin, i.e. [f], [s], [v], and [h], however, there
is no [z], which is not a part of Bislama consonantal inventory either. In Pijin, there
is only one affricate, namely, a voiced palatal [dʒ]. In Bislama, [j] is usually
articulated as a voiceless post-alveolar grooved affricate, i.e. [tʃ] and there is often a
slightly fronted pronunciation, i.e. [ts]. The English fricatives [θ] and [ð] are
articulated as [t] and [d], respectively, in Bislama, Pijin, and TSC. While a fricative
[ʒ] is realised as [z] in TSC, it takes the form of [s] in Bislama. Nicholls (2009, pp.
21-22) lists twenty-one consonants in Kriol, noting that stops are not subject to
voicing distinction. While it has no affricates, Kriol possesses five fricatives,
namely, [f], [θ], [s], [ʃ], and [h]. There is a palatal nasal [ɲ̟], which exists as a
lamino-palatal nasal in the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila traditional languages of the LR
area.

As far as vowels are concerned, there are five vowels in Pijin, Bislama, and TSC,
namely, all those languages possess close front [i], close front back [u], and open
central [a], however, while Crowley (2004, p. 16) and Shnukal (1988, p. 11)
categorise Bislama and TSC [e] and [o] as mid front and mid back vowels,
respectively, Beimers (2008, p. 50) classifies them as a close-mid front and
close-mid back vowels, respectively. Although there are no long vowels in either of
those three creoles, there is a tendency for some speakers to phonetically distinguish
long from short vowels (Crowley, 2004; Jourdan & Selbach, 2004; Shnukal, 1991a).
Bundgaard-Nielsen and Baker (2015, p. 2) note that Kriol has five long vowels,
namely, /i:/, /a:/, /o:/, /u:/, and /e:/.
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TSC possesses four diphthongs, i.e. /ei/, /oi/, /ai/, and /au/ (Shnukal, 1988, p. 11).
The very same five LRC diphthongs can also be found in Pijin (Beimers, 2008, p.
52). Crowley (2004, p. 16) states that in Bislama, the word-medial diphthongs,
which begin with mid vowels and end with close vowels, tend to be simply reduced
to mid vowels with no off-glide. The word-final Bislama /oʊ/ diphthong is
sometimes realised as [o] or [oʊ] and the word-final /eɪ/ sometimes appears as [e] or
[ei]. Nicholls (2009, p. 22) notes the presence of five diphthongs in Kriol, namely,
/ei/, /ai/, /ou/, /oi/, and /au/.

Beimers (2008, p. 54) lists ten syllable types in Pijin, where such LRC types as
VCCC, CVCCC, CCCV, CCVCCC, and CCCVCC are apparently not present. It
does occur that some Pijin speakers insert an epenthetic vowel into the consonant
clusters and between syllables (Jourdan & Selbach, 2004, p. 699). Consonant
clusters in the coda may also be subject to the deletion of the final consonant
(Beimers, 2008, p. 54). It is not unusual for some speakers to add a final vowel to
the word-final consonant to avoid closed syllables.

The accretion of an epenthetic vowel to break up consonant clusters constitutes a

characteristic feature of both Bislama (Crowley, 2004, p. 23) and TSC, however, in
TSC, it is customary for the older speakers only (Shnukal, 1988, p. 15). This process
primarily pertains to TSC word-initial clusters, but it may be encountered in the
word-final clusters as well. The choice of an epenthetic vowel is not random, but it
is subject to the progressive vowel harmony rule, according to which the value of the
stressed vowel spreads rightward (Rose & Walker, 2011; Heinz & Lai, 2013), e.g., if
the preceding vowel is an a, then the excrescent vowel must also be an a.

3.7 Conclusion

This chapter has presented the basic phonology of LRC, inclusive of consonantal,
vocalic, and diphthongal phonemes. The description of the phonemically-based
orthographical system, which was designed with the participation of language
consultants, is followed by the outline of LRC syllable structure and suprasegmental
features, namely, stress and intonation. It has been established that stress is lexically
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determined in LRC ad depends on the stress of the original language from which a
given lexical item has migrated into LRC. Thus, while the stress pattern of the
English-derived vocabulary mirrors the stress placement in the English language, the
stress pattern of the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila lexical items is retained, when words
from those two traditional languages are used in LRC. As far as intonation pattern of
the ‘yes-no’ and information questions, as well as affirmative sentences, including
those expressing the meaning ‘or’, is concerned, it coincides with that of Kuuku
Ya’u and Umpila. Additionally, LRC stress pattern is also influenced by the
presence of Torres Strait Islanders in LR and their place of origin, taking into
account the fact that intonation provides information as to where a given Islander is
from.
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Chapter 4 Word Classes and Morphological

Processes
Chapter 4 provides an overview of LRC word classes, namely, nouns, pronouns,
determiners, quantifiers, prepositions, adjectives, verbs, verbal modifiers,
conjunctions, and interjections, including the description of the morphological
processes involved in the formation of LRC words.

4.1 Nouns

This section describes LRC nouns, including proper and common nouns, and is
followed by the noun word formation processes, including compounds and
reduplication. Noun morphology, both inflectional and derivational, centres around
English-derived suffixes such as the plural marker -s, the nominalising suffix -wan
as well as the derivational suffixes -ing and -a..

LRC nouns function as heads of noun phrases (NPs) (see Chapter 5), which assume
the roles of subject and object within verb phrases (VPs) (see Chapter 6). Nouns
may follow members of other word classes when they occur in the NPs, i.e.
determiners (see section 4.3), quantifiers (see section 4.4), and adjectives (see
section 4.6). Examples (4-1) – (4-3) illustrate the use of LRC nouns as NP heads,
which are written in bold and accompanied by a variety of pre-modifiers
(underlined).

(4-1) Ebri mōning ōl fīd-i det frog.

every morning 3PL feed-TRS DEM frog
‘Every morning they fed that frog.’

(4-2) Im tōk we dem trī.

3SG talk to DET tree
‘He talked to the trees.’
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(4-3) Dem tū priti gēl ōl prapa smāt.

DET two pretty girl 3PL very smart
‘The two pretty daughters are very smart.’

4.1.1 Noun Subclasses

LRC nouns can be divided into two subclasses:

1. proper nouns
2. common nouns.

4.1.1.1 Proper Nouns

Proper nouns typically refer to the names of people, places, and organisations. As in
English and other languages, their proposed LRC spelling has them beginning with a
capital letter, e.g.:

(4-4)
(a) Kyēns ‘Cairns’
(b) Klōdī Riva ‘Claudie River’
(c) Deivid ‘David’

Proper nouns may be followed by the emphatic marker nau/na (see subsection
9.4.1.1), as example (4-5) demonstrates. When following the NP, nau/na fronts it
(see subsection 9.4.1.1).

(4-5) Deivid nau im stap we Kyēns.

David EMP 3SG live in Cairns
‘It’s David who lives in Cairns.’

Normally, proper nouns cannot be preceded by a determiner, quantifier or adjective.

This can only occur when they behave as common nouns and, for example, denote a
set. Thus, in example (4-6), the proper noun Deivid ‘David’ is pre-modified by the
plural determiner dem ‘the’ and the numeral tū ‘two’.
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(4-6) dem tū Deivid

DET two David
‘the two Davids’

4.1.1.2 Common Nouns

LRC common nouns, which involve the most typical nouns, can all be counted. This
includes nouns derived from English that are classified as non-count nouns. Thus,
they are able to be paired up with a determiner. Therefore, such nouns as, for
example, wud ‘wood’ and flawa ‘flour’, are count nouns and, as a result, can
combine with the plural determiner dem ‘the’ (see subsection 4.3.1.1). The
third-person plural personal pronoun ōl ‘they’ functions in example (4-7) as an
anaphora, as it refers to wud ‘wood’, therefore, providing further evidence to the fact
that wud is indeed a count noun in LRC.

(4-7) Yūpla woch-i dem wud de,

2PL watch-TRS DET wood there
ōl go stik-i yūpla fut.
3PL FUT puncture-TRS POSS.PRN foot
‘Watch out for those pieces of wood there, they will puncture your feet.’

(4-8) Amach dem flawa de yūpla gad-im?

how.much DET flour there 2PL have-TRS
‘How many bags of flour do you have there?’

Asis ‘ash, ashes’ is also a count noun, as it may be preceded by determiners and
demonstratives, e.g. de asis and dem asis, where asis follows the singular determiner
de ‘the’, which is also used as the plural determiner’, and the plural determiner dem
‘the’ (see subsection 4.3.1.1), as well as det asis, where asis appears after the
singular distal demonstrative det ‘that’ (see subsection 4.3.2), as example (4-35)
demonstrates. Similarly, liquids, e.g. wata ‘water’ and blad ‘blood’ may also be
accompanied by determiners and demonstratives.
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4.1.2 Noun Word Formation

There exist two noun word formation processes in LRC, namely, compounding and
reduplication.

4.1.2.1 Compounds

LRC compounds, which are combinations of free morphemes, are derivational in

nature. They constitute single lexical items, as only one syllable, the initial one, is
stressed and the meaning of the compound frequently differs from the meaning of
the individual words that participate in its formation. In the majority of cases, the
first element of the compound, which functions as the modifier, precedes the more
general element, i.e. the head. The modifier not only provides a very precise
information about the nature of the compound, but it also narrows down the meaning
of the head.

As there do not appear to be any LRC compounds that involve words from Kuuku
Ya’u and Umpila, all of the existing compounds derive from English. Some of them
possess exact English equivalents, thus, they most likely represent wholesale loans
from English, where they also function as compounds marked by stress placed on
the initial syllable.

(4-9) faya-wud
fire-wood
‘firewood’

(4-10) boi-fren
boy-friend
‘boyfriend’

(4-11) klas-rūm
class-room
‘classroom’

Some of the compounds have migrated into LRC as single morphemes, although
their direct sources in English consist of separate morphemes. Compounds in
examples (4-12) and (4-13) are single lexical items, as only one syllable, the initial
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one, is stressed. Further evidence is provided by the fact that chuk ‘chicken’ does not
function in LRC as a noun and chiken ‘chicken’ is used instead. Pen ‘pen’ refers
only to an instrument used for writing and not to a small enclosure for domestic
animals. While bush ‘bush’ is used as a noun, taka ‘tucker, food’ is not used as a
noun, as this meaning is expressed by kaikai ‘food’, mayi ‘food, vegetable food’,
and minya ‘food made with meat of animals’.

(4-12) chuk-pen
chook-pen
‘chicken pen’

(4-13) bush-taka
bush-tucker
‘bush tucker’

The compound bunarou ‘bow and arrows’ in (4-14), which is also attested in Kriol
(Eva Schultze-Berndt, personal communication, 2017), is historically an example of
a coordinative compound characterised by the presence of the reduced form n of the
coordinator en ‘and’ that separates the two compound elements of an equal value. As
a result, none of the elements function as modifiers. In addition to historically being
a coordinative compound, bunarou can be considered a monomorphemic
multisyllable word.

(4-14) bu-n-arou
bow-‘n.CONN-arrow
‘bow and arrows’

4.1.2.1.1 Formation of Compounds

Some noun compounds may be formed by combining an adjective (section 4.6) with
a noun. The initial syllable in such compounds is always stressed, which
distinguishes compounds from syntactic adjective – noun combinations. While in
examples (4-15) and (4-16) the adjectives appear pre-nominally, in (4-17) the
position of the adjective is post-nominal, which represents an isolated occurrence.
Unlike in Kriol, where bakitful ‘bucketful’ is attested (Eva Schultze-Berndt, personal
communication, 2017), this compound does not exist in LRC. Ful ‘full’ functions as
an adjective and an adverb (see section 4.8) in LRC but never as a derivational affix.
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In examples (4-15) – (4-17), the adjectives modify the nouns, with which they form
the compounds. Thus, the nouns are the head elements of those compounds.

(4-15) shōtwin
shōt-win
short-wind
‘shortness of breath’

(4-16) bigmaut
big-maut
big-mouth
‘blabbermouth’

(4-17) beliful
beli-ful
belly-full
‘full stomach/to be satiated’

As examples (4-9) – (4-13) above demonstrate, compounding may involve a

combination of two nouns, where stress is placed on the initial syllable of a
compound. However, in comparison with those examples, the following examples
(4-18) – (4-20) do not represent direct replicas of their English counterparts. It
should be noted that the initial elements of those compounds, i.e. baik ‘back’, ed
‘head’, and suga ‘sugar’, function in LRC as nouns and not as adjectives. Similarly,
sō ‘sore’ and baig ‘bag’, i.e. the final compound elements, are also nouns. The
compound sugabaig ‘honeycomb, bee’s nest’ is also widely found in varieties of
Aboriginal English.

(4-18) baiksō
baik-sō
back-sore
‘backache’
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(4-19) edsō
ed-sō
head-sore
‘headache’

(4-20) sugabaig
suga-baig
sugar-bag
‘honeycomb/bee’s nest’

Some of the compounds consist of a noun and a verb (see section 4.7), which
appears post-nominally, as in examples (4-21) and (4-22). Stress in this type of
compounds is placed on their initial syllable.

(4-21) beliran
beli-ran
belly-run
‘diarrhoea’

(4-22) nousran
nous-ran
nose-run
‘runny nose’

There also exist compounds that represent combinations of nouns and numerals,
where the latter may either follow (example 4-23) or precede (example (4-24) nouns.
Stress is placed on the initial syllable of a compound.

(4-23) nambawan
namba-wan
number-one
‘excellent’

(4-24) wandei
wan-dei
one-day
‘one day’
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4.1.2.2 Reduplication

Although there do not appear to be any fully reduplicated nouns, there is a handful
of examples involving apparent noun reduplication at an earlier stage of LRC
development. Apparent reduplication differs from full reduplication in that there are
no matching non-reduplicated forms. The majority of them involve the noun pigipigi
‘piggy’, as pigi is not used in LRC. Other examples are provided in Table 4.1.

Table 4.1 Nouns with Apparent Reduplication

Noun Gloss Probable Source
kaikai ‘food/to eat’ Polynesian (Shnukal,
1988, p. 140) →
Melanesian Pidgin
labalaba/lavalava ‘Torres Strait dance skirt’ Polynesian (Shnukal,
1988, p. 153) (more
precisely Samoan)
puripuri ‘sorcery/black magic/evil possibly Tok Pisin →
spell’ Kala Lagaw Ya (Shnukal,
1988, p. 187)
susu ‘breast’ Samoan (Shnukal, 1988,
p. 210) → Melanesian
Pidgin

4.1.3 Noun Morphology

The only inflectional noun affix in LRC is the English-derived plural suffix -s,
which is discussed in subsection 4.1.3.1.1. Derivational morphology is common in
LRC. The nominalising suffix -wan, which is used to derive nouns from adjectives,
is described in subsection 4.1.3.2.1. The suffix -ing and the agentive suffix are
involved in the formation of nouns from verbs and are presented in subsections
4.1.3.2.2 and 4.1.3.2.3, respectively.

4.1.3.1 Inflection

4.1.3.1.1 English-Derived Plural Marker -s

The use of the suffix -s is fully optional. Its presence may most likely be explained
by the increasing exposure to English. In examples (4-25) and (4-26), the nouns
affixed with the plural suffix -s, bīs ‘bees’ and twigs ‘twigs’, function in their
singular forms, bī and twig, respectively. The plural in those examples could be
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formed by means of the determiner dem, which denotes plurality (see subsection
4.3.1.1), i.e. dem bī ‘bees’ and dem twig ‘twigs’.

(4-25) Ōl luk ebriwe fō bī-s.

3PL look everywhere PREP bee-PL
‘They looked everywhere for the bees.’

(4-26) Dem pikinini bras-im-aut soft twig-s.

DET child brush-TRS-out soft twig-PL
‘The children brushed the soft twigs out.’

In examples (4-27) – (4-29), the nouns with the English-derived plural suffix -s are
preceded by the determiners de/dem ‘the (plural)’ and ōl ‘the (plural, general)’ (see
subsection 4.3.1.1) as well as numerals (see subsection 4.4.1). Thus, the use of the
plural suffix -s appears to be redundant. Example (4-28) illustrates that one utterance
may contain nouns with the plural marking expressed by both the suffix -s (bois
‘boys’) and the determiner dem (dem dog ‘dogs’).

(4-27) Em bin kat-im ōl de branch-is from de trī.

3SG PST cut-TRS all DET branch-PL PREP DET tree
‘He cut all the branches from the tree.’

(4-28) Dem dog kīp go andenīt fut blo dem boi-s.

DET dog ITR go underneath foot POSS DET boy-PL
‘The dogs kept on going under the boys’ feet.’

(4-29) Ōl bi kech-i trī pikinini piglet-s.

3PL PST catch-TRS three child piglet-PL
‘They caught three baby piglets.’

As example (4-27) above demonstrates, the plural suffix -s possesses a variant

-is, which, in fact, is an allomorph /is/. There exist other allomorphs of the plural
suffix, namely, /z/, /iz/, /əz/, and /əs/ that are realised when uttered by children and
young residents, however, /s/ and /is/ prevail in the speech of the middle-aged and
older people.
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The English-derived plural suffix -s appears to be highly unlikely to be attached to

those words that are not English-based. In fact, no examples of the Kuuku Ya’u and
Umpila nouns affixed with the plural suffix -s have been attested. It seems that
certain English-derived nouns are more prone than others to be used with the plural
suffix -s, e.g. tings ‘things’, kids ‘kids’, and bois ‘boys’. The singular forms of those
nouns, i.e. ting, kid, and boi, are frequently used by LRC speakers. Thus, in
examples (4-30) – (4-32), the omission of the suffix -s is possible and is not going to
affect the meaning, i.e. ōl ting ‘the things’, dem kid ‘the kids’, dem tū boi ‘the two
boys’.

(4-30) Yūpla go kam en pik-im-ap ōl ting-s.

2PL FUT come CONN pick-TRS-up DET thing-PL
‘You will come and pick the things up.’

(4-31) Dem kid-s bi fīl sēd.

DET kid-PL PST feel sad
‘The kids felt sad.’

(4-32) Ōl folo traik blo dem tū boi-s.

3PL follow tracks POSS DET two boy-PL
‘They followed the tracks of the two boys.’

The latter observation is consistent with the conclusion by Siegel (1997, pp.
191-192) that there exists a considerable variability as to the transference of the
English-based plural forms into Tok Pisin. Romaine (1992, p. 238) established that,
in the case of some Tok Pisin nouns affixed with the English plural suffix -s, it is not
just the suffix that migrated but whole plural forms. This is certainly evident in LRC,
where some of those English whole plural forms function as nouns in singular
number as well. Machis ‘match/matches’ and asis ‘ash/ashes’ in examples (4-33)
and (4-35), respectively, do not possess singular forms without the suffix -s. The
noun gis ‘goose/geese’ denotes both the singular and plural meanings, as there is no
equivalent of the English ‘goose’.

(4-33) Yū straik-i machis.

2SG strike-TRS match
‘You strike a match.’
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(4-34) Ōl laik kaikai eg blo gīs en dak.

INDF.PRN like eat.TRS egg POSS goose CONN duck
‘Everybody likes to eat goose and duck eggs.’

(4-35) Mīpla roust-i ōl fish tū we det asis.

1PL.EXCL roast-TRS DET fish also in DEM ash
‘We also roasted all the fish in the ashes.’

4.1.3.2 Derivation

There exist three suffixes that are used to derive nouns from members of other word
classes, namely, -wan, -ing, and -a.

4.1.3.2.1 English-Derived Nominalising Suffix -wan

The English-based nominalising suffix -wan is used to derive nouns from adjectives.
Examples (4-36) – (4-39) show that the suffix -wan forms a single grammatical
word with the adjective to which it is affixed.

(4-36) Stōri i prapa trū-wan.

story PM very true-NMLZ
‘The story is a very true one.’

(4-37) Ōl dem wīd ōl kam-ap tū, long-wan, fresh-wan.

all DET weed 3PL come-up too long-NMLZ fresh-NMLZ
‘All the weeds come up too, long ones, fresh ones.’

(4-38) If det eg i sinkdaun, im gud-wan.

if DEM egg PM sink 3SG good-NMLZ
‘If that egg sinks, it is a good one.’

(4-39) De ōl man bi teik-im-at det fingeneil

DET old man PST take-TRS-out DEM fingernail
blo det awu, long-wan tū.
POSS DEM evil spirit long-NMLZ too
‘The old man took the evil spirit’s fingernail out, it was a long one too.’

The newly derived words are indeed nouns and not two separate words, as stress
always falls on the initial component and never on -wan, which cannot also function
as a bare NP. As examples (4-36) – (4-39) above demonstrate, nouns derived by
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means of -wan are attributive, as they describe the attributes of their antecedents, i.e.
nouns mentioned previously in the same utterance or in earlier utterances. Thus, the
function of nouns suffixed with -wan is anaphoric, as the presence of -wan indicates
that the identity of nouns derived in that manner is identical and coreferential with
that of nouns to which they refer and the attributes of which they denote. This is in
agreement with Crowley (2004) who postulates that

[t]he suffix -wan is added to an adjective to create a noun that expresses a thing
that is characterised by the quality expressed in the original adjective. A noun
derived by means of the suffix -wan must also refer back to something that has
already been mentioned, or which the person you are speaking to already
knows about. (p. 42)

This is analogous with the English one that acts as an “identity-of-sense anaphora”
(Hudson, 2000, p. 27). In LRC, wan never denotes a person or a thing when appearing
as a single morpheme; that meaning can only be expressed when wan assumes a role
of a suffix in the deadjectival nouns. For that reason, nouns derived with that suffix
are translated into English by means of an indefinite pronoun ‘one’.

Examples (4-40) and (4-41) provide further evidence that words derived from
adjectives with the use of the suffix -wan are indeed nouns, as they may be
pre-modified by determiners, numerals, and adjectives, and may be heads of NPs
functioning as subjects (example (4-40)) and objects (examples (4-41) and (4-42)).
In example (4-42), nadewan ‘another one’ functions as the head of an NP (see
Chapter 5) and it refers to one of the two goannas dem tū gwana that were knocked
out. Nadewan and dem tū gwana are simply juxtaposed and not separated by a
preposition (see section 4.6), such as, for example, of that is used in case of
quantification of nouns (see subsection 5.2.2.1).

(4-40) De tū smōl-wan spīk.

DET two small-NMLZ speak
‘The two little ones speak.’

(4-41) Ōl bi luk big blak-wan.

3PL PST see.TRS big black-NMLZ
‘They saw a big black one (crocodile).’
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(4-42) Im nok-i nade-wan dem tū gwana.

3SG. knock out-TRS another-NMLZ DET two goanna
‘He knocked out another one of the two goannas.’

Examples (4-43), (4-44), and (4-45) show that the suffix -wan may also be affixed to
nouns. In (4-43), it is attached to the noun woman ‘female’ and womanwan ‘female
one’ forms a separate NP (see Chapter 5) from big tētul ‘a big turtle’. In (4-44), -wan
is affixed to the noun beibi ‘baby’ and beibiwan ‘the baby one’ functions as the head
of an NP. In (4-45), -wan is suffixed to the noun taip ‘type’ and taipwan ‘type one’,
which is pre-modified by the adjective winj ‘whinging’, is the NP of an equational
predicate.

(4-43) Big tētul, woman-wan.

big turtle woman-NMLZ
‘A big turtle, a female one.’

(4-44) ‘Ōrait’, ōl man spīk tū de beibi-wan.

alright old man speak PREP DET baby-NMLZ
‘‘Alright’, the old man said to the baby one (flying fox).’

(4-45) Ai tink im winj taip-wan, ai?

1SG think 3SG whinging type-NMLZ huh
‘I think he is a whinging type one, huh?’

4.1.3.2.2 English-Derived Gerundial Suffix -ing

Nouns may be derived from verbs with the English-based gerundial suffix -ing, the
use of which is widespread and not limited to any particular age or ethnic group. In
examples (4-46) and (4-47), the suffix -ing functions as a nominaliser, as it derives
nouns that denote events and actions.

(4-46) Dei gad gud smel-ing.

3PL have.TRS good smell-NMLZ
‘They have a good sense of smell.’
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(4-47) Gud swim-ing, gud fish-ing en gud ant-ing.

good swim-NMLZ, good fish-NMLZ CONN good hunt-NMLZ
‘Good swimming, good fishing and good hunting.’

4.1.3.2.3 English-Derived Agentive Suffix -a

The agentive suffix -a, which is approximately equivalent to the English-derived

suffix -er, is used to form agent nouns from verbs. It therefore functions as a
nominaliser. It is marked by variable pronounciation, i.e. allomorphs. Thus, there
exist allomorphs [a], [ɛ], and [ə]. Although [a] is the preferred choice of Torres Strait
Islanders, both [a] and [ɛ] occur in the speech of the middle-aged and older LR
people. On the other hand, [ə] is uttered by children and young residents. Thus, the
choice of allomorph is unpredictable only in the case of the middle-aged and older
inhabitants. Examples (4-48) – (4-51) demonstrate that the variation occurs in the
case of the same nouns.

(4-48) I bi abi mī en wan tīch-e from de skūl.

PM PST have 1SG CONN DET teach-NMLZ PREP DET school
‘There was I and a teacher from the school.’
(4-49) Det nyu gēl im prapa gud tīch-a.
DET new girl 3SG very good teach-NMLZ
‘That uncle of his is a very good teacher.’

(4-50) Im prapa dedli dāns-a.

3SG very deadly dance-NMLZ
‘She is a wonderful dancer.’

(4-51) Gēl blong im im prapa gud dāns-e.

daughter POSS 3SG 3SG very good dance-NMLZ
‘Her daughter is a very good dancer.’

4.2 Pronouns
LRC pronouns constitute a closed word class. They can stand in place of nouns and
noun phrases (NPs) (see Chapter 5). LRC pronominal system consists of personal
and non-personal pronouns, which function as the heads of NPs.
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4.2.1 Personal Pronouns

The following pronouns could be distinguished within the personal pronoun type:

1. personal pronouns
2. reflexive personal pronouns
3. possessive pronouns
4. reciprocal personal pronouns
5. distributive personal pronouns.

4.2.1.1 Personal Pronouns

Personal pronouns appear in singular, dual, and plural numbers and there exists an
inclusive-exclusive distinction pertaining to the first person pronouns only. In
addition, personal pronouns appear in first, second, and third person, do not
reference gender, and customarily remain unstressed. Personal pronouns are outlined
in Table 4.2.

Table 4.2 Personal Pronouns

Person Number Subject Case Object Case
First Singular ai (mī) mī
Person ‘I’ ‘me’
Inclusive
Dual yūmītū
‘two of us’
Non- yūmī yūmī
Singular ‘we’ ‘us’
First Singular -----------
Person
Exclusive
Dual mītū
‘two of us’
Plural mīpla
‘we/us’
First Dual
Person wī
Non- Plural ‘we/us’
Singular

Second Singular yū
Person ‘you
Dual yūtū
‘you two/two of you’
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Plural yūpla
‘you’
Third Singular im ~ i (em) im
Person ‘he/she/it’ ‘him/her/it’

Dual demtū
‘two of them/them’

Plural dempla ~ demlot ~ demblat dempla ~ demlot ~ demblat

Unmarked
‘they all’ ‘them all’
Plural dei ~ ōl dem ~ im
Marked ‘they all’ ‘them all’

4.2.1.1.1 First Person Inclusive Singular Pronouns

As it is shown in Table 4.2, both the first person singular pronoun ai ‘I’ and its
object form mī ‘me’ may function as a subject. Of the two of them, ai is the primary
first person singular pronoun used when the pronoun alone constitutes the subject of
the utterance.

(4-52) Ai tayed.
1SG tired
‘I am tired.’

(4-53) Ai spīk fō mai brade en misis blong im.

1SG speak PREP POSS.PRN brother CONN wife POSS 3SG
‘I spoke to my brother and his wife.’

Mī, and not ai, always assumes a role of a subject when more than one subject is
listed. Thus, mī is contrastive. The subjects may or may not be connected by means
of coordinators, as examples (4-54) and (4-55) show.

(4-54) Mī, mai mama en ōl mai femli mīpla siden.

1SG POSS.PRN mum CONN all POSS.PRN family 1PL.EXCL sit
‘I, my mom, and all my family were sitting.’

(4-55) Mī en mai brade luk en spīk.

1SG CONN POSS.PRN brother look CONN speak
‘I and my brother looked and spoke.’
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However, mī can also sporadically function as the only subject of a sentence,

although the context could imply or provide evidence regarding the presence of
other potential subjects. While the choice of mī in example (4-57) could most likely
be attributed to the influence of the English expression ‘me too’, in other situations it
appears not to be governed by any rules but depends solely on a given speaker.
Thus, there is no change in meaning if in example (4-56) mī is substituted by ai, i.e.
Ai padl wansaid ‘I paddled on one side’. In this example, paddling on one side
implies that another potential subject was involved, as someone else most likely
paddled on the other side.

(4-56) Mī padl wan-said.

1SG paddle one-side
‘I paddled on one side.’

(4-57) Mī, laka, tū.

1SG DISC too
‘Me too.’

As far as the object role is concerned, mī is the only pronominal form used for the
first person inclusive singular.

(4-58) Tīch-i mī!

teach-TRS 1SG
‘Teach me!’

(4-59) Yū tel-i mī fō kil-i mai fō pikinini.

2SG tell-TRS 1SG COMP kill-TRS POSS.PRN four child
‘You told me to kill my four children.’

4.2.1.1.2 First Person Inclusive Dual Pronoun

There exists one first person inclusive dual pronoun, namely, yūmītū ‘two of us’ that
functions both as a subject (example (4-60)) and an object (example (4-61)). The
combination yūmītū comprises the second person singular pronoun yū (see
subsection 4.2.1.1.6), the first person singular mī (see subsection 4.2.1.1.1), and a
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bound numeral tū ‘two’ (see subsection 4.4.1). Yūmītū also functions in its reduced
form yūmtū ‘the two of us (inclusive)’.

(4-60) Yūmītū mas kuk-i dem crab.

1DU.INCL must cook-TRS DET crab
‘The two of us must cook the crabs.’
(4-61) Ōl kan it-i yūmītū.
3PL cannot hit-TRS 1DU.INCL
‘They cannot hit the two of us.’

Shnukal (1988, p. 228) notes the existence of yumitu in TSC and Crowley and
Rigsby (1979, pp. 157-159) observe the use of yumtu in Cape York Creole.

The remaining cardinal numerals appear to follow personal pronouns, with the
exception of fō ‘four’, which is found to also precede the first person exclusive
plural pronoun mīpla without any change to the meaning occurring.

(4-62)

(a) yūmī trī - ‘the three of us (inclusive)’

(b) yūmī fō - ‘the four of us (inclusive)’
(c) mīpla fō or fō mīpla - ‘the four of us (exclusive)’
(d) yupla faiv - ‘the five of you’
(e) dembla seven - ‘the seven of them’

4.2.1.1.3 First Person Inclusive Non-Singular

Pronoun

Yūmī is the first person inclusive non-singular pronoun that can function both in the
subject and the object role. It is described in subsection 4.2.1.1.2. LRC speakers
frequently post-modify yūmī either with the indefinite pronoun ebriwan ‘everyone’
or its reduced form ebran (see subsection 4.2.2.1). The indefinite pronoun, however,
is added only when everyone is included. If not, then just yūmī is used. In example
(4-63), yūmī expresses plurality without specifying that everyone is included. By
comparison, in (4-64) the presence of the indefinite pronoun ebriwan signals that
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everyone is included. It should, however, be noted that the indefinite pronoun never
modifies yūmī when it functions as an object.

(4-63) Ei, yūmī no gad mayi.

hey 1NSG.INCL NEG have food
‘Hey, the two of us do not have food.’

(4-64) Yūmī ebriwan go kaikai.

1NSG.INCL INDF.PRN FUT eat
‘All of us will eat.’

It should be mentioned that yumpla constitutes the first-person plural inclusive

personal pronoun in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 30), which can be encountered in the
speech of those LR residents who come from the Torres Strait or spent some time
there.

4.2.1.1.4 First Person Exclusive Dual Pronoun

Mītū ‘two of us’ is able to function as a subject and an object. Mītū consists of the
first person inclusive singular pronoun in the object form mī ‘me’ and a numeral tū
‘two’. In example (4-65), mītū is a subject and in (4-66), it occurs in the object role.

(4-65) Mītū bi go stō.

1DU.EXCL PST go store
‘The two of us went to the store.’

(4-66) Big geing blo demblat bi kam fō it-i mītū.

big group POSS 3PL PST come COMP beat-TRS 1DU.EXCL
‘Big group of them came to beat the two of us up.’

4.2.1.1.5 First Person Exclusive Plural Pronoun

Mīpla ‘all of us’ is the first person exclusive plural pronoun used in LRC. It may
assume the roles of either a subject or an object. Mīpla comprises the first person
inclusive singular pronoun in its object form mī ‘me’ and the suffix -pla. This suffix,
which is related not only to Tok Pisin suffix -pela, but also to Bislama and Pijin
suffix -fala and, as a result, to Pijin contracted form -fla, originates from English
‘fellow’ (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Verhaar, 1995). Crowley and Rigsby
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(1979, p. 179) note the use of its variant -pela in Cape York Creole. Shnukal (1988,
p. 182), however, specifies that only -pla is present in TSC. The suffix -bala is
present in Kriol (Sandefur, 1979, p. 86). In example (4-67), mīpla functions as a
subject. In (4-68), it functions as an object.

(4-67) Mīpla chak-im gen ainka.

1PL.EXCL throw.in-TRS again anchor
‘We threw the anchor in again.’

(4-68) Mai ankel drop-i mīpla nade said.

POSS.PRN uncle drop-TRS 1PL.EXCL another side
‘My uncle dropped us on the other side.’

The inclusion of everyone is achieved when mīpla is post-modified by the indefinite

pronouns ebribodi/evribodi ‘everybody’, ebriwan/evriwan ‘everyone’,
ebribodiwan/evribodiwan ‘everybody’ (see subsection 4.2.2.1), and ōl ‘all’, as
examples (4-70) and (4-71) show. If not everyone is included, then just mīpla is
used. Mīpla can also be pre-modified by ebribodi/evribodi, as example (4-69)
demonstrates. The meaning is not dependent on and is not affected by the choice of a
particular indefinite pronoun. It should, however, be noted that mīpla can only be
modified by the indefinite pronouns when it functions as a subject.

(4-69) Ebribodi mīpla ūk-i ōl fish.

INDF.PRN 1PL.EXCL unhook-TRS DET fish
‘All of us unhooked the fishes.’

(4-70) Mīpla ebriwan slīp na.

1PL.EXCL INDF.PRN sleep EMP

‘All of us then slept.’

(4-71) Mīpla ōl bi draib go dis-wei lūwid.

1PL.EXCL INDF.PRN PST drive SV.COME this-way leeward
‘We all drove this way leeward.’
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4.2.1.1.6 First Person Non-Singular Pronoun

Wī ‘we’, the presence of which could most likely be attributed to the influence of
English, is the first person non-singular pronoun that is most commonly used by
LRC speakers. It is a generic personal pronoun, as it does not mark the
inclusive-exclusive distinction. It also refers to and is used interchangeably with the
first person inclusive and exclusive dual and plural pronouns. As a result, if wī
co-occurs with one of those pronouns in the same sentence, it always follows them,
as examples (4-72) and (4-73) demonstrate. It then functions as an anaphora, as it
refers to the first personal pronoun in a sentence. If, however, it were to precede the
other personal pronouns, then without any contextual clues it could very well refer
not to a specific personal pronoun but to any of them. Thus, in example (4-75),
which is example (4-74) with the reversed order, wī is the first person non-singular
pronoun and not the first person inclusive dual pronoun.

(4-72) Yūmītū kaikai na en wī leden na.

1DU.INCL eat EMP CONN 1NSG lie.down then
‘The two of us ate and then we laid down.’

(4-73) Mīpla teik-i nest eg wī kaikai.

1PL.EXCL take-TRS nest egg 1NSG eat
‘We took eggs that we ate.’

(4-74) Wī kaikai na en yūmītū leden na.

1NSG eat EMP CONN 1DU.INCL lie.down then
‘We ate and then the two of us laid down.’

Wī ‘we’ is also used when no other pronouns occur. As examples (4-75a) and
(4-75b) demonstrate, the inclusive-exclusive distinction is not specified.

(4-75)
(a) Wī luk det sheip blo det krab.
1NSG see DEM shape POSS DEM crab
‘We saw that shape of that crab.’
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(b) Wī stap kwait.

1NSG remain quiet
‘We remain quiet.’

4.2.1.1.7 Second Person Singular Pronoun

Yū ‘you’ functions both as a subject (example (4-76)) and an object (example 4-77)).

(4-76) Yū mas lisin fō mī.

2SG must listen PREP 1SG
‘You must listen to me.’

(4-77) Wen im grab yū, im teik yū go long-wei na.

COMP 3SG grab 2SG 3SG take 2SG SV.GO long-way EMP
‘When it grabs you, it takes you far.’

4.2.1.1.8 Second Person Dual Pronoun

Yūtū ‘two of you’ assumes a role of both a subject (example (4-78)) and an object
(example (4-79)). It consists of the second person singular pronoun yū ‘you’ and the
numeral tū ‘two’.

(4-78) Yūtū go en loud-im faya-wud.

2DU go CONN load-TRS fire-wood
‘The two of you, go and load the firewood.’

(4-79) I mait bait yūtū!

3SG might bite 2DU
‘It (snake) might bite the two of you!’

4.2.1.1.9 Second Person Plural Pronoun

Yūpla ‘you all/all of you’ functions both as a subject (example (4-80)) and an object
(example (4-81)). It consists of the second person singular pronoun yū and the suffix
-pla, which is discussed in subsection 4.2.1.1.5.
(4-80) Yūpla ken flai eniwe.
2PL can fly INDF.PRN

‘You can fly anywhere.’

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(4-81) Ai go tel yūpla stōri.

1SG FUT tell 2PL story
‘I will tell you a story.’

Yūpla may be both pre- and post-modified by the indefinite pronouns

evriwan/ebriwan and evribodi/ebribodi (see subsection 4.2.2.1) when it appears in
the subject role. The addition of indefinite pronouns indicates that everyone is
included. If not, then just yūpla is used. When in the company of indefinite
pronouns, it appears best to translate yūpla as ‘you all/all of you’. Indefinite
pronouns are never used when yūpla functions as an object.
(4-82) Yūpla ebriwan ged-i punya blo yūpla.
2PL INDF.PRN get-TRS bag POSS 2PL
‘You all, get your dillybags.’

(4-83) Ebribodi yūpla kar-i dem ting-s kam insaid bout

INDF.PRN 2PL carry-TRS DET thing-PL SV.COME into boat
‘All of you, carry the things into the boat.’

4.2.1.1.10 Third Person Singular Pronouns

In the function of the third person singular pronoun, the following forms can be
encountered: im, em, and i. All of them reference masculine, feminine, and neuter
genders, and can assume the subject role. Although im appears to be the most widely
and commonly used of them all, as it was used 939 times in the recordings for this
project, i can also be heard quite frequently, as it was encountered 578 times. Em,
which was uttered 233 times, is quite noticeable in the speech of Torres Strait
Islanders and those LR residents who have a connection with the Torres Strait
Islands, either because they were born there or lived there for some time in the past.
This could be substantiated by the fact that Shnukal’s (1988, p. 30) inventory of TSC
pronominal system lists em as the sole third person singular pronoun used in the
Torres Strait.

(4-84) Im snīz gen.

3SG sneeze again
‘He sneezed again.’
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(4-85) I rinkl-i nous blong im.

3SG wrinkle-TRS nose POSS 3SG
‘He wrinkled his nose.’

(4-86) Em spīk fō dem fō pikinini blong im.

3SG speak PREP DET four child POSS 3SG
‘He spoke to his four children.’

Im is the only third person singular pronoun that can be used in the object function.
Im can be used only to refer to animate objects and subjects, while only full
nouns/NPs can be used with inanimate objects and subjects. Thus, in example
(4-87), im is used, as it refers to an animate referent. By comparison, in example
(4-88), the NP de injin ‘the engine’ is used since it represents an inanimate referent.

(4-87) Kam, yūmītū go go join-i im.

come.IMP 1DU.INCL FUT go join-TRS 3SG
‘Come, the two of us will go and join him.’

(4-88) Mai brade i put-i roup raun de injin

POSS.PRN brother PM put-TRS rope PREP DET engine
fō pul-i de injin.
COMP pull-TRS DET engine
‘My brother put rope around the engine to pull the engine.’

4.2.1.1.11 Third Person Dual Pronoun

Demtū ‘two of them’ functions both as a subject (example (4-89)) and as an object
(example (4-90)). It consists of the plural determiner dem ‘the’ and a numeral tū
‘two’.

(4-89) Demtū spīye mō tingri.

3DU spear more stingray
‘The two of them speared more stingrays.’
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(4-90) Em woch-i demtū kam na.

3SG watch-TRS 3DU come EMP

‘He watched the two of them come.’

4.2.1.1.12 Third Person Plural Pronouns

The subject function of the third person plural pronoun can be expressed by dempla
and its variants, as well as by dei and ōl. Dempla consists of the plural determiner
dem and the suffix -pla or its alternative forms -bla/-blat, which are discussed in
subsections 4.3.1.1 and 4.2.1.1.5, respectively. The function of the third person
plural pronoun may also be expressed by demlot and its variants, which are the result
of compounding the determiner dem ‘them’ and a noun lot ‘lot’. It is entirely
possible that the variants demblat/damblat could be a blend of -pla and -lot/-lat
forms. Dembla and demlot, together with their variants, prevail in the speech of LRC
speakers and while they refer to animate subjects and objects, they are not used in
relation to inanimate ones. By comparison, it is possible for dei and ōl to refer not
only to animate, but also to inanimate subjects and objects.

(4-91) Demblat ab-im tū ōl stōri we dei kantri.

3PL have-TRS too DET story PREP POSS.PRN country
‘They also have stories in their country.’

(4-92) Dei krōl ebriwe luk-ran fō kaikai.

3PL crawl everywhere look-around PREP food
‘They crawl everywhere looking around for food.’

(4-93) Ōl wag-abat stedi~stedi wit dem yam prapa hot.

3PL walk-PROG steadily~ PREP DET yam very hot
‘They were walking really steadily with the very hot yams.’

Shnukal (1988) posits that there is a distinction in TSC between the use of dempla
and ol, where dempla pertains only to people “and usually means those people who
are distant from the speaker, either physically in space or time, or psychologically, in
that they are contrasted with the speaker, felt as different in some way: ‘they rather
than us’” (p. 31). In comparison, LRC pronoun ōl does not appear to possess the
same distancing meaning as dempla does. When referring to people ōl, which is also
 118

used for non-human animate objects and subjects, denotes people in general, while
dempla and dei involve people who are known to all the interlocutors. Although this
distinction is present in LRC, it is not always maintained, as dembla and demlot,
together with their variants, as well as dei and ōl may be used interchangeably when
referring to the same subjects in one sentence, as examples (4-94) and (4-95)
demonstrate. In (4-94), dei serves as an anaphora, as it refers back to its antecedent,
i.e. ōl. An analogous situation occurs in (4-95), where the function of ōl is
anaphoric, as it is coreferential with demblat.

(4-94) Ōl go klaimap dem il antil dei kam tū

3PL FUT climb.TRS DET hill COMP 3PL come PREP
det thampu pleis.
DEM yam place
‘They will climb up the hills until they come to that yam place.’

(4-95) Demblat ab-i oun baig, ōl put-i de mayi insaid.

3PL have-TRS own bag 3PL put-TRS DET food inside
‘They had their own bags into which they put the food.’

Dembla and all its variants may express the associative meaning ‘and associates,
mates, close friends, the people one hangs out with’.

(4-96) Ankel dembla ōl no teik-i plenti eg.

uncle 3PL 3PL NEG take-TRS many egg
‘Uncle and his friends did not take many eggs.’

(4-97) Josiah dembla de standap.

Josiah 3PL there stand.up
‘Josiah and his friends stand there.’

In addition to using dempla and demlot, together with their variants, the object
function of the third person plural pronoun can also be expressed by dem and im but
not by dei and ōl. The use of dem, which seems to result from the growing exposure
to English, may be used for animate objects, as example (4-99) demonstrates.
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(4-98) Ai bi kil-i dembla.

1SG PST kill-TRS 3PL
‘I killed them.’

(4-99) De awu sī dem kaikai krab en fish na.

DET evil.spirit see 3PL eat crab CONN fish EMP

‘The evil spirit saw them eating crabs and fish.’

4.2.1.1.13 Dual Subject Personal Pronoun

There exists an emphatic expression tū of dem ‘two of them’, which accentuates the
notion of duality and constitutes an equivalent of TSC dual personal pronoun
tuwabem ‘both of, the two of’ (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 34-35).

(4-100) Tū of dem demtū ōl stap we aus.

EMP 3DU 3PL live PREP house
‘The two of them live in the house.’

4.2.1.2 Reflexive Personal Pronouns

LRC reflexive personal pronouns indicate that both the subject and the object
represent the same entity that performs a given action upon themselves. They appear
in singular, dual, and plural numbers, and the inclusive-exclusive distinction is
maintained. They can also be used as emphatic, stressed, pronouns meaning ‘on
my/your/her etc. own’, as example (4-103) below demonstrates. They consist of the
possessive pronouns (see subsection 4.2.1.3) and the reflexive suffix, the two
variants of which are -selp and -self. Reflexive personal pronouns are listed in Table
4.3.

Table 4.3 Reflexive Personal Pronouns

Person Singular Dual Non- Plural
Singular
First maiself yūmītūself yūmīself
Person ‘myself’ ‘ourselves’ ‘ourselves’
Inclusive
First mītūself mīplaself
Person ‘ourselves’ ‘ourselves’
Exclusive
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Second yūself yūtūself yūplaself

Person ‘yourself’ ‘yourselves’ ‘yourselves’

Third imself demtūself demplaself

Person ‘himself/herself/itself’ ‘themselves’ ~
demblatself
~
demself
‘themselves’

The following are a few examples that illustrate the use of the reflexive personal
pronouns.

(4-101) Bambai ai go elp-i maiself āfte ai redi.

later 1SG FUT help-TRS REFL COMP 1SG ready
‘I will help myself later after I am ready.’

(4-102) Damblat swim-i damblatself we de riba.

3PL wash-TRS REFL PREP DET river
‘They washed themselves in the river.’

(4-103) Det smōl gēl put-im klous imself.

DET small girl put-TRS clothes REFL

‘That little girl dressed herself / on her own.’

As -selp is the reflexive suffix used in the Strait (Shnukal, 1988, p. 33), it is not
surprising that it is favoured by Torres Strait Islanders residing in LR and
occasionally by those LR people who spent some time in the Strait. By comparison,
-self occurs in the speech of the remaining LR inhabitants. In LRC, it is not
customary to use TSC reflexive personal pronoun wiselp ‘ourselves’ (Shnukal, 1988,
p. 226), but all other reflexive pronouns referring to ‘ourselves’ constitute the
preferred choice instead. Conversely, TSC-based reflexive pronouns
yūmplaself/yūmplaselp are in use by Torres Strait Islanders and those LR people
who were in the Strait.
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4.2.1.3 Possessive Pronouns

LRC possessive pronouns primarily encode information regarding the ownership of

a given thing or close association with a given person. They do not function
independently as NPs but instead constitute parts of NPs, where they precede the
head nouns. They appear in first, second, and third person as well as in singular,
dual, and plural number. The inclusive-exclusive distinction also pertains to them.
With the exception of the English-derived pronominal forms is and his ‘his’, the use
of which is marginal and clearly restricted to acrolectal speech, possessive pronouns
do not reference gender and are usually unstressed unless special emphasis is placed
on them. Thus, when unstressed, they function as clitics. As it is shown in Table 4.4,
which provides a summary of LRC possessive pronouns, only the first person
singular has a special possessive form, while the other forms just use the objective
personal forms.

Table 4.4 Possessive Pronouns

Person Singular Dual Non-Singular Plural

First Person mai yūmītū yūmī

Inclusive ‘my’ ‘our/of the ‘our’
two of us’
First Person mītū mīpla
Exclusive ‘our’ ‘our’
Second yū yūtū yūpla
Person ‘your’ ‘your’ ‘your’

Third Person im demtū dempla ~ demlot ~

‘his/her/its’ ‘their’ demblat
‘their’

Examples (4-104) – (4-107) demonstrate the use of the possessive pronouns.

(4-104) Mai brade bi meik-i kemp de.

POSS.PRN brother PST make-TRS campsite there
‘My brother made a campsite there.’

(4-105) Yū gada yūs yū glasis.

2SG have.to use POSS.PRN glasses
‘You have to use your glasses.’
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(4-106) Mīpla faind-i sneik, mīpla tīche law-i det.

1PL.EXCL find-TRS snake POSS.PRN teacher allow-TRS DEM

‘We found a snake, our teacher allowed that.’

(4-107) Dem bēd dū dembla oun ting-s.

DET bird do POSS.PRN own thing-PL
‘The birds do their own things.’

4.2.1.4 Reciprocal Personal Pronoun

Reciprocal personal pronouns indicate that the subject and the object either share a
mutual relationship or their behaviour is the same. They fulfil the role of the direct
and indirect objects. Two LRC pronouns wananada/wananade ‘one another, each
other’, and its variants wanada/wanade as well as īchada ‘each other’ denote
reciprocity. While the use of the former is congruous with that of TSC pronoun
wananada in that it may refer not only to two people, but also to more than two
people, the use of īchada is reserved for just two people. It should also be mentioned
that wananada/wananade and wanada/wanade, which were encountered 47 and 38
times, respectively, in the data, are much more frequently used in comparison with
īchada, which was used 16 times. Īchada seems to be a more recent addition to
LRC, most likely in view of the growing exposure to English. In example (4-110),
wananade follows īchada as if to reiterate the reciprocity meaning by means of a
more established and fully stabilised LRC reciprocal pronoun. As a result, it could
be deduced that the position of īchada in LRC has not yet stabilised.

(4-108) Dem tū gwana folo wanada.

DET two goanna follow RECP

‘The two goannas followed each other.’

(4-109) Mīpla luk fō wananade.

1PL.EXCL look PREP RECP

‘We looked for one another.’

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(4-110) Demtū tēn-i fō īchada, wananade en ōl spīk.

3DU turn-TRS PREP RECP RECP CONN 3PL speak
‘The two of them turned to each other, to each other and they said.’

4.2.1.5 Distributive Personal Pronoun

In LRC, the distribution of people, animals or things may be expressed by wan bai
wan ‘one by one’, as examples (4-111) and (4-112) demonstrate.

(4-111) Kar-i dembla wan bai wan!

carry.IMP-TRS 3PL DISTR

‘Carry them one by one!’

(4-112) Teik-i dem go wan bai wan!

take.IMP-TRS 3PL SV.GO DISTR

‘Take them one at a time!’

It should be noted that LRC distributive personal pronoun constitutes an equivalent

of TSC wanwan ‘one by one, one at a time, one after another, in single file’
(Shnukal, 1988, p. 35).

4.2.2 Non-Personal Pronouns

The following pronouns may be classified as non-personal pronouns:

1. indefinite pronouns
2. demonstrative pronouns
3. interrogative pronouns

4.2.2.1 Indefinite Pronouns

Indefinite pronouns, which are listed in Table 4.5, make a consistent distinction
between animate and inaminate referents. The meaning of such indefinite pronouns
as, for example, ebriwan and nowan is synonymous with that of ebribadi(-wan) and
noubadi, respectively, and, as a result, they are used interchangeably. Only ebriwan
and its reduced form ebran may be added to the first person inclusive non-singular
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pronoun yūmī to accentuate that everybody is included (see subsection 4.2.1.1.3).

There also exist two other indefinite pronouns, namely, ōl and ōlgeda, which denote
the meaning ‘everyone/everybody/all’.

Table 4.5 Indefinite Pronouns

Indefinite Pronoun Gloss
ebriwan/ebran ‘everyone, everybody’
ebribadi(-wan) ‘everybody, everyone’
ebriting ‘everything’
enibadi ‘anybody, anyone’
eniting ‘anything’
nowan ‘no-one, nobody’
noubadi ‘nobody, no-one’
nating ‘nothing’
ōl ‘everyone/everybody/all’
ōlgeda ‘everyone/everybody/all of them’
sambadi ‘somebody, someone’
samting ‘something’

Examples (4-113) – (4-116) demonstrate the use of LRC indefinite pronouns.

(4-113) Ebri-wan siden kloustū waya de faya.

every-one sit next.to PREP DET fire
‘Everyone sat next to the fire.’

(4-114) Ai ken lisin sam-ting meik-i nois waya de trap.

1SG can hear some-thing make-TRS noise PREP DET trap
‘I can hear something making noise in the trap.’

(4-115) Yūpla faind-i eni-ting?

2PL find-TRS any-thing
‘Did you find anything?’
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(4-116) Dem dog bin kech-i de smel na blo ōlgeda.

DET dog PST catch-TRS DET smell EMP POSS everyone
‘The dogs caught everyone’s smell.’

Beimers (2008, p. 96) attempts to analyse the internal composition of Pijin indefinite
pronouns and, for that reason, he quotes the view of Schachter (1985, p. 30) that in
many languages indefinite pronouns consist of two morphemes, where the first one
denotes indefiniteness and the second - refers to a ‘person’ or ‘thing’. Thus, the
analysis of the internal structure of LRC indefinite pronouns listed in Table 4.5
shows that with the exception of ōl and ōlgeda they are built in that way. However,
following further the reasoning of Beimers (2008, p. 96), one may ponder two
possibilities regarding LRC indefinite pronouns. Firstly, that the numeral ‘one’
participates in their formation (Haspelmath, 1997, p. 29) and secondly, that those
LRC indefinite pronouns containing morpheme -wan, namely, ebriwan and nowan
are indeed exact transfers from English. It could very well be that Haspelmath’s
(1997) postulate that “combinations of a generic ontological-category noun plus an
indefiniteness marker have been grammaticalized sufficiently to qualify as real
pronouns” (p. 28) holds true for LRC indefinite pronouns.

4.2.2.2 Demonstrative Pronouns

All of the demonstrative pronouns are formed by means of the suffix -wan attached
to the demonstrative determiners dis, dat/det, and dem, which are discussed in
subsection 4.3.2. They denote two distance dimensions, in accordance with which a
person or a thing can be described as either spatially near or far from the speaker.
The singular proximal demonstrative pronoun diswan has four other variants,
namely, disen/dasan/disan/dasen, all of which can be frequently encountered in the
speech of LR residents. Similarly, the singular distal demonstrative pronoun may
appear either as datwan or detwan, where the shape of datwan mirrors TSC
demonstrative pronoun datwan. As demwan is used both for the proximal plural and
distal demonstrative pronouns, the distinction is facilitated by the addition of the
adverbs (see section 4.8) ya ‘here’ and de ‘there’, which indicate proximity and
distance, respectively. Ya and de serve as NP-internal modifiers and are restricted to
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plural NPs, as they help distinguish dem used as the plural definite article from dem
used as the plural demonstrative determiner (see subsection 4.3.2).

Table 4.6 Demonstrative Pronouns

Singular Plural
Proximal diswan ‘this’ demwan … ya ‘these’
Distal datwan/detwan ‘that’ demwan … de ‘those’

Examples (4-117) – (4-120) show the use of demonstrative pronouns:

(4-117) Diswan i kloustū waya mī.

DEM.PRN PM close.to PREP me
‘This is close to me.’

(4-118) Datwan i long-wei from yū.

DEM.PRN PM long-way PREP you
‘That is far from you.’

(4-119) Demwan ōl ya.

DEM.PRN 3PL here
‘These are here.’

(4-120) Demwan ōl de.

DEM.PRN 3PL there
‘Those are there.’

4.2.2.3 Interrogative Pronouns

Interrogative pronouns are used to gather information about an unknown referent.

They may function as subjects, subject complements, direct and indirect objects,
object complements, and prepositional complements. Some of them occur in place
of nouns (see section 4.1), NPs (see chapter 5), and clauses that are the focus of
questions. Some, however, do not possess that ability, i.e. au ‘how’. Uda ‘who’ and
uda blo ‘whose’ are used in relation to animate antecedents, while wanim ‘what,
which’ is used for inanimate referents. Similarly to other pronouns, in addition to
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being constituents of a given clause, they are able to form freestanding and
independent short utterances. As Table 4.7 demonstrates, some of the interrogative
pronouns possess more than one variant. As noted in the introductory remarks to
Chapter 3, a considerable phonological variation in LRC stems from the age of its
speakers, and their ethnic and linguistic background.

Table 4.7 Interrogative Pronouns

Interrogative Pronoun Gloss Questions about
amach ‘how much/how many’ quantity
au ‘how’ manner
haukam ‘how come/why’ reason
uda ‘who’ person
uda blo ‘whose’ possession
wanim ‘what/which’ animal/thing
wanim fō ‘what for/why’ purpose
wasmada ‘what’s the matter/why/what cause
caused’
wataim ‘when’ time
we/weya/waya ‘where’ location
wen ‘when’ time
wich ‘which’ choice
wichkain ‘how/which kind of/what kind manner/choice
of’
wichwan ‘which/which one’ choice
wichkainwan ‘which kind/what kind’ choice
wichwei ‘how/what/which/which way’ route
worebat ‘what about/how about’ inclusion/response/
suggestion

Haukam appears at the beginning of interrogative sentences asking about a reason,

e.g.:

(4-121) Hau-kam yū onli gad tū pikinini blo yū ya?

how-come 2SG only have two child POSS 2SG EMP

‘How come you only have two of your children?’

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Uda is used in information questions asking about people, e.g.:

(4-122) Ūda smel stink nau?

who smell badly now
‘Who smells badly now?’

Wanim and its reduced variant wani appear at the beginning of those questions that
seek information about animals and things, e.g.:

(4-123) Wanim rong we mīpla?

what wrong PREP 1PL.EXCL
‘What is wrong with us?’

Questions about a cause, which refer to the past, necessitate the use of wasmada or
its variant wasmara, e.g.:

(4-124) Wī stil kam bek ya we de seim pleis. Wasmada?

1NSG CONT come back here PREP DET same place why
‘We are constantly coming back here to the same place. Why?’

We and its variants weya and waya, all of which are used interchangeably, occur in
questions about location and direction, e.g.:

(4-125) We yūpla?
where 2PL
‘Where are you?’

Wen, wani taim, and wataim, together with its variant wotaim, are used
interchangeably and appear at the beginning of interrogative sentences seeking
information about the time something took place or will happen, e.g.:

(4-126) Wen wī go kaikai?

when 1NSG FUT eat
‘When will we eat?’
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(4-127) Wa-taim gēl blo yū go kam?

What-time daughter POSS 2SG FUT come
‘When will your daughter come?’

Wichwei and its variant wichei appear in questions asking about the route to be
taken, e.g.:

(4-128) Wich-wei yū go go?

which-way 2SG FUT go
‘How (by what route) will you go?’

Wich and wichwan, together with its reduced form wichan, appear in questions
asking for a choice to be made. Wich is used in those questions that list things or
animals to be chosen from, as example (4-129) demonstrates. Wichwan occurs in
questions, where things or animals are not specifically listed, as they are implied by
the suffix -wan, as example (4-130) shows.

(4-129) Wich dres i mō priti?

which dress PM more pretty
‘Which dress is prettier?’

(4-130) Wich-wan i mō priti?

which-NMLZ PM more pretty
‘Which one is prettier?’

Au, together with its variant hau, and wichkain, which are used interchangeably,
occur in interrogative sentences that ask about a manner of doing something, e.g.:

(4-131) Au yū kuk-i dampa?

how 2SG cook-TRS damper
‘How (in what manner) do you cook damper?’

(4-132) Wich-kain yū kuk-i dampa?

which-kind 2SG cook-TRS damper
‘How (in what manner) do you cook damper?’
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In addition, wichkain, together with wichkainwan, can also be used in questions

asking for a choice to be made. Wichkain is used in those questions that list the kinds
of things or animals to be chosen from, as example (4-133) demonstrates.
Wichkainwan occurs in questions, where the kinds of things or animals are not
specifically listed, as they are implied by the suffix -wan, as example (4-134) shows.

(4-133) Wich-kain dāns ōl dū we Lokāt?

which-kind dance 3PL do PREP Lockhart
‘Which kind of dance people dance in Lockhart?’

(4-134) Wich-kain-wan ōl dāns we Lokāt?

which-kind-NMLZ 3PL dance PREP Lockhart
‘Which kind [of dance] people dance in Lockhart?’

4.3 Determiners
This section describes LRC determiners, which can be further divided into the
following three groups:

1. articles
2. demonstrative determiners
3. interrogative determiners.

LRC determiners, which constitute a small closed class of function words, modify
the referential value of an NP (see Chapter 5). They contain information on the
position of the head noun in relation to time or space and on whether the head noun
is of a particular or non-particular character. There can only be one determiner
within a given NP, where it occupies an initial position.

4.3.1 Articles

Table 4.8, which provides a summary of LRC articles, shows that they only
reference singular and plural numbers.
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Table 4.8 Articles

Singular Plural
Definite de ~ da ‘the’ dem (de ~ da) ‘the’
Indefinite wan ‘a/an’ ōl ‘the (general)’
Generic ø ø

The use of articles in LRC is optional, i.e. they may or may not appear within NPs. If
present, they usually signal the desire of the speaker to ensure that the listener is
fully aware to whom or what the speaker refers. As a result, in example (4-135), the
definite singular article de ‘the’ is present, thus drawing attention to the fact that it
was a particular man who performed the act of speaking. In example (4-136), the
omission of the definite singular article occurs, as the old man has already been
introduced in the earlier part of the story and is, therefore, known to the hearer.

(4-135) De ōl man spīk.

DET old man speak
‘The old man spoke.’

(4-136) Ōl man im kam-at from det wata andenīt.

old man 3SG come-out PREP DET water underneath
‘The old man came out from that water underneath.’

4.3.1.1 Definite Articles

Definite articles mark a noun as a known or previously mentioned referent. Their

omission implies a non-particular character of a given referent as well as a lack of its
previous mention. Thus, in example (4-137), the definite singular article de ‘the’
makes reference to a particular little boy who was sick and who was mentioned
earlier by the storyteller.

(4-137) De smōl boi im sik.

DET little boy 3SG sick
‘The little boy is sick.’

As examples (4-138) and (4-139) demonstrate, the definite plural article dem not
only encodes information regarding the plural number of particular referents, i.e.
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friends and oysters, respectively, but also their identifiability, i.e. the friends of a
particular person mentioned previously in the story and the oysters that were
harvested during a particular fishing trip referred to in the story.

(4-138) Im no laik join-i dem fren blong im.

3SG NEG like join-TRS DET friend POSS 3SG
‘He does not like to join his friends.’

(4-139) Mīpla roust-i dem oiste.

1PL.EXCL roast-TRS DET oyster
‘We roasted the oysters.’

In addition to functioning as definite singular articles, the article de, which was
uttered 997 times, and its much less frequently used variant da, which was
encountered 49 times, may also occur in the role of definite plural article, most
likely due to the influence of English. In that case, the context provides information
as to the singularity or plurality of the head noun. Thus, in example (4-140), de,
which precedes tū flaying foks ‘two flying foxes’, is not only functioning as the
definite plural article, but it also stresses the fact that the referent, i.e. the two flying
foxes, was previously mentioned in the story. De in front of smok ‘smoke’ and bus
‘bush’ functions as the definite singular article that draws attention to the fact that a
particular smoke came out from a particular bush.

(4-140) De tū flaying foks luk-im de smok kam-at from de bus.

DET two flying fox see-TRS DET smok come-out PREP DET bush
‘The two flying foxes saw the smoke come out from the bush.’

It should, however, be noted that the use of the plural article dem, which was uttered
1,195 times, prevails in comparison with de/da, which were used 455 times, in this
function.

A plural noun does not need to be accompanied by an article, if there is no

requirement to define it in any special manner. Thus, in example (4-141), the noun
stōri ‘stories’ is not preceded by an article, as the speaker does not need to stress the
nature of the stories told to the children.
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(4-141) Ai yān-i stōri fō dem pikinini.

1SG yarn-TRS story PREP DET child
‘I yarned stories for the children.’

It is possible to exclude articles when a noun denotes a unique referent. Thus, the
article does not occur in examples (4-142) and (4-143) taking into account the fact
that there is only one sun and, therefore, there is no need for the article to identify it
in any unique fashion.

(4-142) San i go-dan na leit.

sun PM go-down EMP late
‘The sun set late.’

(4-143) Put-i dem klous de autsaid we san!

put-TRS.IMP DET clothes there outside PREP sun
‘Put the clothes outside in the sun!’

However, in the sentences similar to example (4-144), the presence of the article is
not uncommon and could be caused by the growing exposure to English.

(4-144) Da san im bi go-dan.

DET sun 3SG PST go-down
‘The sun was setting down.’

In example (4-145) the article seems to be necessary, as it not only emphasises

definiteness, but it also draws attention to the act of looking at the sun at the time of
uttering that sentence. The object role of a noun usually necessitates the presence of
the article.

(4-145) Luk de san de go-dan na!

look.TRS.IMP DET sun there go-down EMP

‘Look at the sun setting down there!’

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4.3.1.2 Indefinite Articles

The indefinite singular article wan ‘a/an’ is used when there is no need to identify a
referent in any particular way and when the first mention of a referent occurs, as
example (4-146) demonstrates.

(4-146) Insaid waya de trap i bi ab-i wan bandikūt, laka.

in PREP DET trap PM PST have-TRS DET bandicoot DISC
‘There was a bandicoot in the trap.’

It could also be argued that wan in that example functions not as the indefinite
article but as the numeral ‘one’ instead. It is the contextual information that provides
clarification in doubtful situations. Dryer (2013) notes that the use of the numeral
‘one’ as an indefite article is a feature characteristic of many languages, e.g.
German, Givón (1981, p. 35) narrows down this statement noting that the numeral
‘one’ in the role of a marker for singular-indefinite nouns constitutes a characteristic
feature of creole languages. To substantiate his claim, Givón (1981, pp. 35-36) uses
as an example the dialect, to which he refers by means of a term ‘Street Hebrew’,
that he classifies as a creole, as the numeral ‘one’ introduces referential-indefinite
nouns into discourse. The function of ‘one’ as an indefinite and, therefore,
existential marker results from the fact that quantifiers possess the ability to denote
referentiality/existence of referents (Givón, 1981, p. 38). However, in opposition to
other quantifiers ‘one’ can also identify referents by their generic properties
labelling them as ‘one out of many’, ‘one out of the group’ or ‘one out of the type’
(Givón, 1981, p. 52). As a result, ‘one’ fulfils those two requirements for introducing
referential-indefinite referents into discourse. Thus, in example (4-146), above it is
reasonable to assume that the role of wan is that of the indefinite article, and not of
the numeral, as it is the first mention of a referent, i.e. a bandicoot, in the story. Wan
also classifies a bandicoot as one out of many bandicoots.

In example (4-147), wan also functions as the indefinite article, as it not only
introduces the time of the story, i.e. a Saturday afternoon, but it also identifies it as
one of many Saturday afternoons.
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(4-147) Wan Satedei āftenūn ai spīk fō mai femili.

DET Saturday afternoon 1SG speak PREP POSS.PRN family
‘On a Saturday afternoon I talked to my family.’

Another indefinite article ōl is able to express that non-particular meaning both in

relation to people and things, as examples (4-148) – (4-151) demonstrate.

(4-148) Ōl pikinini laik cheis-i dog.

DET child like chase-TRS dog
‘Children (in general) like chasing dogs.’

(4-149) De anti miks-im-ap waya wata laik ōl ōl pīpul

DET auntie mix-TRS-up PREP water like DET old people
yūstū dū.
HAB do
‘Auntie mixed it (cordial) with water like old people (in general) used to
do.’

(4-150) Ōl yam en wail ka’ata.

DET yam CONN wild karo (yam type)
‘Yams and wild karos (in general).’

(4-151) Mīpla luk ōl fish de swim andenīt ebriwei.

1PL.EXCL see DET fish there swim underneath everywhere
‘We saw fish (in general) there swimming everywhere.’

When the article ōl is removed from example (4-151), a definite meaning is

obtained, as a definite set of fish of unspecified quantity was observed.

(4-152) Mīpla luk fish de swim andenīt ebriwei.

1PL.EXCL see fish there swim underneath everywhere
‘We saw fish there swimming everywhere.’
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4.3.2 Demonstrative Determiners

The task of LRC demonstrative determiners is to convey referential deixis indicating

whether the spatial location of a person or thing is either near or far in relation to the
speaker. As Table 4.9 shows, there are four demonstratives in LRC, where the form
of the distal singular demonstrative determiner may be either dat or det. As dem is
used both for the proximal plural and distal plural nouns, the distinction is facilitated
by the addition of the adverbs (see section 4.8) ya ‘here’ and de ‘there’, which
indicate proximity and distance, respectively. Ya and de help distinguish dem used as
the plural definite article from dem used as the plural demonstrative determiner.

Table 4.9 Demonstrative Determiners

Singular Plural
Proximal dis ‘this’ dem … ya ‘these’
Distal dat/det ‘that’ dem … de ‘those’

In example (4-153), the proximal singular demonstrative determiner dis ‘this’

precedes the noun dei ‘day’.

(4-153) Ai kan weit fō dis dei i kam.

1SG cannot wait for DEM day PM come
‘I cannot wait for this day to come.’

The distal singular demonstrative det ‘that’, which precedes the possessive
prepositional phrase ankel blong im ‘his uncle’, is used in example (4-154).

(4-154) Det ankel blong im im prapa gud anta.

DEM uncle POSS 3SG 3PL very good hunter
‘That uncle of his is a very good hunter.’

In example (4-155), the presence of the adverb ya ‘here’ following the noun thampu
‘yam’ signals the use of the proximal plural demonstrative dem N ya. Thus, ya is not
used in the singular number.
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(4-155) Put-i dem thampu ya long-said waya faya!

put-TRS.IMP DEM yam here next.to PREP fire
‘Put these yams next to the fire!’

In (4-156) it is the adverb de ‘there’ after tū boi ‘two boys’ that provides information
as to the presence of the distal plural demonstrative dem N de. De does not occur in
the singular number.

(4-156) Ai woch-i dem tū boi de plei.

1SG watch-TRS DEM two boy there play
‘I am watching those two boys play.’

4.3.3 Interrogative Determiners

Interrogative pronouns, which are discussed in section 4.2.2.3, may also function as
interrogative determiners, also known as wh- determiners. Both interrogative
pronouns and interrogative determiners signal that the focus of a question centres on
an NP. However, while interrogative pronouns appear in place of nouns,
interrogative determiners occur before the head nouns, with which they form
constituents.

(4-157) Im no sabi wich dres im laik.

3SG NEG know INTRG.DET dress 3SG like
‘She does not know which kind of dress she likes.’

(4-158) Mīpla sabi wich kā i mō gud.

1PL.EXCL know INTRG.DET flower PST more good
‘We know which car is better.’

4.4 Quantifiers
The following subsections present the class of quantifiers, within which it is possible
to distinguish numerals, both cardinal and ordinal, which express the numerical
value of the head noun, and those quantifiers that indicate a non-numerical quantity
of what is expressed by the head noun.
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4.4.1 Numerals

LRC numerals, which exhibit some adjectival properties, act as pre-modifiers within
NPs, i.e. they modify a head noun. The following three constraints are valid for
numerals. Firstly, not all determiners (see section 4.3) and quantifiers may appear in
the company of numerals (example (4-159b)). Secondly, whereas numerals precede
adjectives (see section 4.6) within NPs, they are not able to follow adjectives
(example (4-160b)). Thirdly, unlike adjectives, numerals do not co-occur with other
quantifiers (see subsection 4.4.2) (example (4-161b)).

(4-159)
(a) Dem tū boi ya ōl bin go fishing fō malet.
DEM two boy EMP 3PL PST go fishing PREP mallet
‘These two boys went fishing for mallet.’

(b) * litilbit tū boi ōl bin go fishing fō malet.

a few two boy 3PL PST go fishing PREP mallet

(4-160)
(a) Tū strong boi.
two strong boy
‘two strong boys’

(b) *strong tū boi

strong two boy

(4-161)
(a) Fifti eg im ley-im.
fifty egg 3SG lay-TRS
‘It (turtle) laid fifty eggs.’

(b) *Plenti fifti eg im ley-im.

plenty fifty egg 3SG lay-TRS
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4.4.1.1 Cardinal Numerals

LRC cardinal numerals are used for counting people and things. Their summary is
provided in Table 4.10.

Table 4.10 Cardinal Numerals

Cardinal Numeral Gloss
Ziro ‘zero’
Wan ‘one’
Tū ‘two’
Trī ‘three’
Fō ‘four’
Faib ‘five’
siks ‘six’
Seben ‘seven’
Eit ‘eight’
Nain ‘nine’
Ten ‘ten’
Leben ‘eleven’
Twelb ‘twelve’
Tētin ‘thirteen’
Fōtin ‘fourteen’
Fiftin ‘fifteen’
Sikstin ‘sixteen’
Sebentin ‘seventeen’
Eitin ‘eighteen’
Naintin ‘nineteen’
Twenti ‘twenti’
Tēti ‘thirty’
Fōti ‘forty’
Fifti ‘fifty’
Siksti ‘sixty’
Sebenti ‘seventy’
Eiti ‘eighty’
Nainti ‘ninety’
Andred ‘hundred’
Tauzen ‘thousand’
Milien ‘million’

It is possible for LRC cardinal numerals to either follow (example (4-162)) or

precede (example (4-163)) pronouns. It should be noted that the most common
scenario involves cardinal numerals appearing after pronouns, as is the case in
example (4-162). This rule, however, does not pertain to common nouns, as cardinal
numerals always precede common nouns (see subsection 4.4.1.3).
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(4-162) Lās Satedei mīpla fō bi go wif bout blong im.

last Saturday 1PL.EXCL four PST go PREP boat POSS 3SG
‘Last Saturday, we four went (fishing) in his boat.’

(4-163) Fō mīpla bi go.

four 1PL.EXCL PST go
‘The four of us went.’

Structurally, the numerals consist of either a single numeral or they function as

compounds that comprise more than one numeral. Thus, in examples (4-164) and
(4-165), there are single numerals, namely, faib ‘five’, trī ‘three’, and twelb ‘twelve’.
In example (4-165), a compound numeral tētifaib ‘thirty-five’ consists of two single
numerals, tēti ‘thirty’ and faib ‘five’. LRC uses the English number system.

(4-164) Mīpla ker-i-bat faib kreifish en trī lobsta.

1PL.EXCL carry-TRS-PROG five crayfish CONN three lobster
‘We were carrying five crayfish and three lobsters.’

(4-165) De taim i bin go pas twelb oklok.

DET time PM PST go past twelve o’clock
‘It was past twelve o’clock.’

(4-166) Mīpla siden weit fō tēti-faib minit.

1PL.EXCL sit wait PREP thirty-five minute
‘We sat waiting for twenty, thirty-five minutes.’

(4-167) tū andred siksti-nain

two hundred sixty-nine
‘two hundred sixty nine’

(4-168) seben tauzen twenti-trī

seven thousand twenty-three
‘seven thousand twenty-three’
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It is also possible for two numerals, where the lower one precedes the higher one to
form a complex numeral that denotes a non-particular meaning. Two consecutive
numerals very often form such compounds, e.g.: tūtrī ‘two or three’, as example
(4-169) shows. Tutri ‘two or three’ also exists in Bislama and TSC (Crowley, 2004;
Shnukal, 1988).

(4-169) tūtrī taim we wīk

two.three time PREP week
‘two or three times per week.’

Only one numeral, namely, wan ‘one’ has been noted to undergo the reduplication
process to indicate distribution. In its reduplicated form wanwan is always
accompanied by the quantifier īch ‘each’ (see subsection 4.4.2), e.g.:

(4-170) Gib-i demblat wan~wan īch!

give.IMP-TRS 3PL one~ each
‘Give them one each!’

4.4.1.2 Ordinal Numerals

The function of LRC ordinal numerals, which precede head nouns, is to specify the
numerical order, in which people and things appear. Table 4.11 summarises ordinal
numerals.

Table 4.11 Ordinal Numerals

Ordinal Numeral Gloss
fas ‘first’
seken / nambatū ‘second’
tēd / nambatrī ‘third’
fōt / nambafō ‘fourth’
fift / nambafaib ‘fifth’
sikst / nambasiks ‘sixth’
sebent / nambaseben ‘seventh’
eit / nambaeit ‘eight’
naint / nambanain ‘ninth’
tent / nambaten ‘tenth’
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lebent / nambaleben ‘eleventh’

twelb / nambatwelb ‘twelfth’
tētīnt / nambatētīn ‘thirteenth’
fōtīnt / nambafōtīn ‘fourteenth’
fiftīnt / nambafiftīn ‘fifteenth’
sikstint / nambasikstin ‘sixteenth’
sebentīnt / nambasebentīn ‘seventeenth’
eitīnt / nambaeitīn ‘eighteenth’
naintīnt / nambanaintīn ‘nineteenth’
twentiet / nambatwenti ‘twentieth’
tētiet / nambatēti ‘thirtieth’
fōtiet / nambafōti ‘fortieth’
fiftiet / nambafifti ‘fiftieth’
sikstiet / nambasiksti ‘sixtieth’
sebentiet / nambasebenti ‘seventieth’
eitiet / nambaeiti ‘eightieth’
naintiet / nambanainti ‘ninetieth’
andredt / nambaandred ‘hundredth’
tauzendt / nambatauzen ‘thousandth’
milient / nambamilien ‘millionth’

Ordinal numerals assume either of the two following forms. Firstly, as example
(4-171) shows, all of them may mirror their English equivalents, where the
word-final /t/ substitutes for /θ/ in ordinal numerals from ‘fourth’ onwards, with the
exception of ‘twelfth’, where /θ/ is deleted. Secondly, as example (4-172) indicates,
apart from ‘first’ all of LRC ordinal numerals may be in the form of compounds
created by conjoining the noun namba ‘number’ with an appropriate cardinal
numeral. This is because in LRC, nambawan is not an ordinal numeral ‘first’ but an
adjective meaning ‘best, excellent’, instead, as example (4-173) demonstrates. ‘First’
is expressed in LRC as fas or by any of its variants pas, fēst, and fes, as example
(4-174) demonstrates.
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(4-171) Tūmora i gad eitīnt bēdei pāti blo det gēl.

tomorrow PM have eighteenth birthday party POSS DEM girl
‘Tomorrow there is going to be that girl’s eighteenth birthday party.’

(4-172) Det ōl man im namba-tū ōld-est man waya Lokāt.

DEM old man 3PL number-two old-est man PREP Lockhart
‘That old man is the second oldest man in Lockhart.’

(4-173) Prapa gud minya, prapa gud mit, namba-wan taka.

very good meat really good meat number-one tucker
‘Very good meat, really good meat, the best tucker.’

(4-174) Boi blo mi bi abi fās bēdei pāti lās Sandei.

son POSS 1SG PST have first birthday party last Sunday
‘My son had his first birthday party last Sunday.’

4.4.2 Quantifiers

This subclass indicates the amount of a referent expressed by a head noun.

Quantifiers form a full NP when paired with head nouns, which they precede, and
they cannot appear in the company of determiners. Quantifiers can also be followed
by adjectives. Table 4.12 provides a summary of quantifiers.

Table 4.12 Quantifiers

Quantifiers Gloss
āf ‘half’
ebri ‘every/each’
eni ‘any’
īch ‘each/every’
inaf ‘enough’
litilbit ‘a little bit/a few/a couple’
ōl ‘all’
ōlgeda ‘all of’
plenti ‘plenty/many/much/a lot/lots’
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sam ‘some/a few’

tūmach/tūmani ‘too much/too many/much/many/a lot/lots’

In examples (4-175) – (4-177), all of the quantifiers precede the nouns.

(4-175) Ebri wīkend mīpla stap de autsaid.

every weekend 1PL.EXCL stay there out
‘Every weekend we stay out there.’

(4-176) Demtū prapa gud anting dog fō kech-i eni bush-taka.

3DU very good hunting dog COMP catch-TRS any bush-tucker
‘The two of them are good hunting dogs for catching any bush tucker.’

(4-177) Ai bi breik-i litilbit dampa.

1SG PST break-TRS little.bit damper
‘I broke a little bit of damper off.’

4.4.2.1 Quantifiers and Pronouns

It should be noted that plenti, tumach/tumas/tumani, and litilbit possess the ability to
function as post-pronominal modifiers, as examples (4-178) – (4-181) demonstrate.

(4-178) yūpla plenti

2PL a.lot
‘a lot of you’

(4-179) dempla plenti

3PL plenty
‘plenty of them’

(4-180) dempla tūmach

3PL too.many
‘too many of them’

(4-181) mīpla litilbit ya

1PL.EXCL some here
‘some of us here’
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In example (4-181) above, litilbit is used instead of sam ‘some’, as in LRC, it is

incorrect to say *sam mipla, which constitutes a correct expression in TSC (Shnukal,
1988, p. 29).

In LRC, ōlgeda may act both as a pre- and post-pronominal modifier, as examples
(4-182) and (4-183), respectively, show, while in TSC, ōlgeda is a pre-pronominal
modifier.

(4-182) ōlgeda yūmī

all.of 1NSG.INCL
‘all of us’

(4-183) yūmī ōlgeda

1NSG.INCL all of
‘all of us’

4.4.3 Numeral-Determiner Constraints

As noted in subsection 4.4.1, not all of LRC determiners can occur before numerals,
in spite of the fact that a wide range of determiners are able to precede numerals.
Apart from both the singular articles de/da ‘the’ and wan ‘a, an’, all the plural
articles are able to precede numerals. Thus, in examples (4-184), (4-185), and
(4-186), the articles de, dem, and ōl precede the numerals tū ‘two’, fō ‘four’, and
twelb twelve’, respectively.

(4-184) Ōl folo de tū dog waya skrab.

3PL follow DET two dog PREP shrub
‘They followed the two dogs to the shrub.’

(4-185) Kutini bin spīk fō dem fō kā’i blong im.

cassowary PST talk PREP DET four baby POSS 3SG
‘A cassowary talked to the four babies of his.’
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(4-186) Ōl twelb boi ōl go kam waya big geing blo

DET twelve boy 3PL FUT come PREP big gang POSS

demblat fō it-i yūmītū.

3PL COMP beat-TRS 1DU.INCL
‘The twelve boys will come with their big gangs to beat the two of us.’

All demonstrative and some interrogative determiners as well as all possessive

pronouns may precede numerals. Thus, in example (4-187), the demonstrative det
‘that’ appears in front of the numeral wan ‘one’ and the definite plural article dem
‘the’ precedes the numeral tū ‘two’. In example (4-188), the possessive pronoun mai
‘my’ is in front of the numeral tū ‘two’.

(4-187) Ōl faind-i traik blo det wan pōkyupain en

3PL find-TRS tracks POSS DEM one porcupine CONN
dem tū gwana.
DET two goanna
‘They found the tracks of that one porcupine and the two goannas.’

(4-188) Mai tū kazin demtū bi kam tū.

POSS.PRN two cousin 3DU PST come too
‘My two cousins also came.’

As examples (4-189) – (4-191), demonstrate, the quantifiers ebri ‘every/each’, ōl

‘all’, and ōlgeda ‘all of’ are able to accompany numerals, while the remaining
quantifiers do not possess that ability.

(4-189) Dembla kar-i ebri fō baig.

3PL carry-TRS every four bag
‘They carried every four of the bags.’

(4-190) Demtū spīye ōl faib krab en ōl seben tingri.

3DU spear all five crab CONN all seven stingray
‘The two of them speared all five crabs and all two stingrays.’
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(4-191) Ōl bi kech-i ōlgeda trī pikinini piglet.

3PL PST catch-TRS all.of three baby piglet
‘They caught all of the three piglets.’

4.5 Adjectives
This section discusses adjectives, their morphology, including compound adjectives
and the nominalising suffix -wan used to derive nouns from adjectives that is
followed by the description of the adjectival reduplication.

LRC adjectives, which occur pre-nominally, provide information on the nominal

qualities and states such as shape, taste, size, colour or judgements. Their form
remains unchanged irrespective of the number expressed by nouns modified by
them. When more than one nominal quality needs to be expressed, adjectives may
appear in a string and then they may or may not be separated by coordinators, as
examples (4-195) and (4-196), respectively, demonstrate. When used attributively,
they follow determiners and numerals if those are present and precede nouns, to
which they assign given qualities and characteristics (examples (4-192), (4-193), and
(4-194)).

(4-192) Kutini bin meik-i big faya fō kuk-i mayi.

cassowary PST make-TRS big fire COMP cook-TRS food
‘A cassowary made a big fire to cook food.’

(4-193) Mīpla bi ab-i gud dine de autsaid.

1PL.EXCL PST have-TRS good dinner there out
‘We had a good dinner out there.’

(4-194) Dem ōl pīpul ōl bi dū dem-kain ting.

DET old people 3PL PST do DET-kind thing
‘The old people did those kinds of things.’
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(4-195) Prapa nais, klīn, kristl klie wata.

very nice clean crystal clear water
‘Very nice, clean, crystal clear water.’

(4-196) Nais en jūsi en fat oiste.

nice CONN juicy CONN fat oyster
‘Nice and juicy and fat oysters.’

In addition, adjectives may be used predicatively. In that case, they follow the
resumptive pronouns (see Chapter 7). The following sentences show the predicative
use of adjectives.

(4-197) De smōl boi im sik.

DET little boy 3PL sick
‘The little boy is sick.’

(4-198) Da san im bin prapa swīt en wōm.

DET sun 3SG PST very sweet CONN warm
‘The sun was very sweet and warm.’

(4-199) De wata im prapa spring, crisp, nais en klīn.

DET water 3SG very springlike crispy nice CONN clean
‘The water is very springlike, crispy, nice, and clean.’

However, adjectives from Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila can also be encountered in LRC,
for example, katha ‘rotten’ (Hill & Thompson, 2013, Book 10, p. 6) appears in
(4-200).

(4-200) Yūpla smel stink, katha smel.

2PL smell badly rotten smell
‘You smell badly, rotten smell.’

4.5.1 Morphology of Adjectives

The adjectival morphological processes involve compounding and the nominalising

suffix -wan used to derive nouns from adjectives.
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4.5.1.1 Compound Adjectives

Some adjectives underwent the historical process of compounding, as a result of

which adjectives are conjoined with other word classes. In example (4-201), nogud
‘bad, lousy, terrible’ constitutes a compound of the negative particle no and the
adjective gud ‘good’.

(4-201) Dei bi teik-i ōl de nogud staf aut.

3PL PST take-TRS all DET bad stuff out
‘They took all the bad stuff out.’

Similarly, stronged ‘headstrong, stubborn, pig-headed, strong-willed’ and

strongmaut ‘loud-mouthed, big-mouthed’ are a result of compounding the adjective
strong with the nouns ed ‘head’ and maut ‘mouth’, respectively, while beliful ‘full
stomach’ consists of the noun beli ‘belly, stomach’ and the adjective ful ‘full’ (see
also subsection 4.5.1.2 example (4-214), which indicates that stronged and
strongmaut are in fact adjectives and not nouns).

(4-202) Em strong-ed, prapa strong-ed.

3SG strong-head, very strong-head
‘He is stubborn, very stubborn.’

(4-203) Im bin prapa strong-maut.

3SG PST very strong-mouth
‘He was very loud-mouthed.’

(4-204) Ōl bin kaikai til ebriwan bin beli-ful, laka.

INDF.PRN PST eat COMP INDF.PRN PST belly-full DISC
‘Everyone ate till everyone was full.’

In examples (4-205) and (4-206), the compounding of the adjective long ‘long, tall’
with the noun wei ‘way’ resulted in the formation of the adjective longwei ‘distant,
far, remote’.

(4-205) Mīpla wag-abat~wagabat~wagabat~wagabat prapa long-wei pleis.

1PL.EXCL walk-PROG~ very long-way place
‘We were walking to a very distant place.’
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(4-206) Ōlgeda wag-abat long-wei, laka, pleis.

all.of.them walk-PROG long-way DISC place
‘All of them walked to a distant place.’

A number of adjectives stem from compounding of the noun kain ‘kind, sort’ with
other word classes, e.g. the adjectives (seim ‘same’) and determiners (ōl ‘all’ and
dem ‘the’), as examples (4-207) - (4-209), respectively, demonstrate.

(4-207) Mīpla gad-im de seim-kain ting.

1PL.EXCL have-TRS DET same-kind thing
‘We have the same kinds of things.’

(4-208) Ebribodi roust-i fish, kaikai ōl-kain krab.

INDF.PRN roast-TRS fish eat all-kind crab
‘Everybody roasted fish, ate all kinds of crabs.’

(4-209) Ibin tūdei tū mīpla stil go anting fō

even today too 1PL.EXCL CONT go hunting for
dem-kain ting.
DET-kind thing
‘Even also today we still go hunting for those kinds of things.’

Compounds may also be formed with the noun taim ‘time’, which in examples
(4-210) and (4-211) combines with adjectives and other nouns.

(4-210) Ankel bi tel-i dembla long-taim stōri.

uncle PST tell-TRS 3PL long-time story
‘Uncle told them an old story.’

(4-211) Ai gedap fō toilet, nai-taim toilet.

1SG get.up PREP toilet, night-time toilet
‘I got up to go to the toilet, night visit to the toilet.’
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4.5.1.2 Nominalising Suffix -wan

LRC adjectives, including the reduplicated ones (see subsection 4.6.2), undergo
nominalisation when they are suffixed with -wan. As noted in subsection 4.1.3.2.1,
nouns formed that way are usually translated into English by means of ‘one’.

(4-212) De tū smōl-wan spīk.

DET two small-NMLZ speak
‘The two little ones speak.’

(4-213) Im bin gud-wan en big-wan tū.

3SG PST good-NMLZ CONN big-NMLZ too
‘He was a good one and a big one too.’

Both polysyllabic (including reduplicated) adjectives (see subsection 4.6.2), and

compound adjectives may be suffixed with -wan, as examples (4-214) - (4-217)
demonstrate.

(4-214) De litil flaying foks prapa strong-ed-wan.

DET little flying fox very strong-head-NMLZ
‘The little flying fox was a very headstrong one.’

(4-215) If de eg i flout, i no-gud-wan.

COMP DET egg PM float 3SG NEG-good-NMLZ

‘If the egg floats, it is a bad one.’

(4-216) Nomō tach-im, i poizones-wan, i mait bait-i yū!

CESS touch-TRS 3SG poisonous-NMLZ 3SG might bite-TRS 2SG
‘Stop touching it (snake), it is a poisonous one, it might bite you!’

(4-217) Mīpla loud-i tūmach en i big~big-wan tū.

1PL.EXCL load-TRS lots CONN PM big~INT-NMLZ too
‘We loaded lots (oysters) and big ones too.’
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4.5.1.3 English-Lexified Adjectives

The majority of adjectives come from English and more and more English adjectives
are constantly being adopted and used by the LR inhabitants, e.g.:

(4-218) Yūpla mas go en stap de autsaid we

2PL must go CONN live there out PREP

tradishinal pleis.
traditional place
‘You must go and live out there in the traditional place.’

(4-219) Fūd i veri ekspensiv.

food PM very expensive
‘Food is very expensive.’

(4-220) Mīpla wani pikinini blo mīpla strong

1PL.EXCL want child POSS 1PL.EXCL strong
en helfi autsaid we bush.
CONN healthy out PREP bush
‘We want our children to be strong and healthy out there in the bush.’

(4-221) Meibī mīpla ab-i solā sistem autsaid de tū.

maybe 1PL.EXC have-TRS solar system out there too
‘Maybe we will have a solar system out there too.’

4.5.2 Reduplication

The adjectival reduplication process involves full adjectival forms. The meaning of
the reduplicated adjectives may be twofold, where reduplication may signal both
meanings simultaneously. Firstly, they denote the intensification of the quality,
property or state expressed by the adjective in its basic unreduplicated form.

(4-222) Ōl gad-i ōl fresh~fresh chambangi.

3PL have-TRS DET fresh~INT cumbangi
‘They have really fresh cumbangi.’
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Secondly, adjectives may undergo reduplication when they modify plural nouns, as
unreduplicated ones are associated with singular nouns. The reduplicated adjectives
possess the meaning ‘many’ in this case.

(4-223) Dis stōri bat smōl~smōl flaying foks.

DEM story about small~PL.INT flying fox
‘This story is about many very small flying foxes.’

(4-224) Yūmītū go loud-i ōl big~big oiste.

1DU.INCL FUT load-TRS DET big~PL.INT oyster
‘The two of us will load many very big oysters.’

Adjectival reduplication also expresses intensification with clearly singular

referents, as examples (4-225) and (4-226) demonstrate.

(4-225) Mipla bi chak-i lain

1PL.EXCL PST throw-TRS fishing.line
kloustū det big~big stoun.
close.to DEM big~SG.INT stone
‘We threw a fishing line close to that very big stone.’

(4-226) Ai bi brei-ki det big~big stik.

1SG PST break-TRS DEM big~SG.INT stick
‘I broke that really big stick.’

4.6 Prepositions
LRC prepositions constitute a small closed class of function words, the task of which
is to describe relationships between people, things, and events, i.e. between the
primary elements of the sentence. In a sentence prepositions precede NPs within
prepositional phrases (PPs) (see Chapter 5), where they function as heads. The
following three types of prepositions may be distinguished in LRC:

1. simple prepositions
2. adverbs in the role of prepositions
3. complex prepositions.
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However, as the latter two types employ adverbs to perform the function of heads of
PPs they are described in section 5.4.

4.6.1 Simple Prepositions

Eighteen simple prepositions have been observed to be used in LRC. Such an

impressive and wide array of prepositions can most likely be attributed to the
increasing and ongoing influence of English, as many of those prepositions not only
constitute duplicates of their English equivalents, but also do not exist in other creole
languages of the Pacific basin. Although the outline of the simple prepositions is
provided in Table 4.13, three of them are characterised by greater frequency,
namely, blo/blong, fō, and waya/weya/we; these are discussed in the following
subsections.

Table 4.13 Simple Prepositions

Preposition Gloss
bai ‘by’
bat ‘about’
blong/blo ‘of/belonging to’
et ‘at’
fō ‘for/to/in/because of’
from ‘from/because of’
frū ‘through’
in ‘in’
intū ‘into’
kros ‘across’
laik ‘like’
long/lo ‘along/on/in/at/with/through’
of ‘of’
ōlsem ‘like/as/similar to/kind of/reminiscent of’
past ‘past’
tū ‘to’
waya/weya/we ‘with/in/on/at’
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wif ‘with’

In examples (4-227) – (4-229), prepositions precede noun phrases (NPs) (see

Chapter 5).

(4-227) Ōl bin kold, laka, en shive from det nait.

3PL PST cold DISC CONN shiver PREP DEM night
‘They were cold, poor things, and shivered because of that night.’

(4-228) Em bin kolekt-i ani in flawa dram.

3SG PST collect-TRS honey PREP flower drum
‘He collected honey in the flower drum.’

(4-229) Im swīt ōlsem ani.

3SG sweet PREP honey
‘It is sweet like honey.’

4.6.1.1 Blong/Blo

As noted in subsection 4.2.1.3, possession may be expressed by possessive pronouns

and with the use of the preposition blo/blong followed by an obligatory overt object
NP. Both blong and blo are used in formal and informal speech, where blong always
precedes words beginning with vowels, while blo appears when the next word is
consonant-initial.

Possession, ownership, and close association are the primary meanings expressed by
blong/blo, which provide an answer to the question ‘whose?’. The following main
pattern can be observed to occur in LRC possessive constructions involving the use
of blong/blo, where the possessor PP (formed with the preposition blong/blo)
follows the possessed NP:

POSSESSED NP + BLONG/BLO + POSSESSOR NP

(4-230) Mīpla chak-i swaig blo mīpla insaid bout.

1PL.EXCL throw-TRS swag POSS 1PL.EXCL into boat
‘We threw our swags into the boat.’
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(4-231) Ōl ran fās kech-i de smel blo de smōl boi.

3PL run fast catch-TRS DET smell POSS DET little boy
‘They ran fast catching the smell of the little boy.’

However, an alternate pattern does occur when the possessive pronouns functioning
as possessors follow blong/blo and precede the possessed NPs:

BLONG/BLO + POSSESSOR POSSESSIVE PRONOUN + POSSESSED NP

(4-232) Dasan blo yū buk.

DEM POSS POSS.PRN book
‘This is your book.’

(4-233) blong im ai
POSS POSS.PRN eye
‘her eyes’

In spite of the fact that blong/blo is also used to denote the four concepts listed
below, the abbreviation POSS is used for all of them, as the primary function of this
preposition is to indicate the possessive relationship.

a. membership:

(4-234) mipla blo dis mob ya

1PL.EXCL POSS DEM group here
‘we in this group here’

b. purpose:

(4-235) kī blo kā
key POSS car
‘car key’

c. origin:

(4-236) Man blo ya im bi go Cairns.

man POSS here 3SG PST go Cairns
‘A man from here went to Cairns.’
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d. part of a larger whole:

(4-237) Det riba i kam-at de waya maut blo Klōdi Riba.

DEM river PM come-out there where mouth POSS Claudie River
‘That river flows out there, where the mouth of the Claudie River is.’

4.6.1.2 Fō

Fō, which may be translated into English by means of ‘for, to, about, because of, as,
on behalf of’, is yet another preposition that denotes more than one meaning. Firstly,
fō expresses goal, namely, the objective of a given action or event. Here it answers
the question ‘for what?’, e.g.:

(4-238) Yūpla go lukran fō thampu en ka'ata.

2PL FUT look PREP yam CONN karo
‘You will look for yams and karos.’

(4-239) Em bin boil-i sam fish fō sūp.

3SG PST boil-TRS some fish PREP soup
‘She boiled some fish for a soup.’

Secondly, fō indicates a beneficiary of a given action or event. It answers the

question ‘for whom?’ in this case. Thus, dem pikinini ‘the children’ and yūmītū ‘the
two of us’ in the respective examples (4-240) and (4-241) are beneficiaries of the
actions of yarning a story and getting food, respectively.

(4-240) Ai yān-i stōri fō dem pikinini.

1SG yarn-TRS story PREP DET child
‘I yarned a story for the children.’

(4-241) Yūpla go ged-i kaikai fō yūmītū.

2PL FUT get-TRS food PREP 1DU.INCL
‘You will get food for the two of us.’

4.6.1.3 Waya/Weya/We

In LRC, we and its variants waya/weya indicate location and can be translated into
English by means of a number of prepositions such as ‘along, on, in, at, with,
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through, per’. Similarly to blong/blo and fō, they also express a wide range of
meanings that place people or things in relation to one another in space or time, e.g.:

a. location (‘in, on, at’):

(4-242) Ōl leyi eg we det nest.

3PL lay-TRS egg PREP DEM nest
‘They lay eggs in that nest.’

(4-243) Mīpla weit we de sanbīs na.

1PL.EXCL wait PREP DET beach EMP
‘We then waited on the beach.’

(4-244) Im de standap waya dō.

3SG there stand PREP door
‘She stands there at the door.’

b. addressee (‘to’):

(4-245) Ōl tōk we mī.

3PL talk PREP me
‘They talked to me.’

c. instrument (‘with’):

(4-246) Im kat-i de said blo tētil na we naif.

3SG cut-TRS DET side POSS turtle EMP PREP knife
‘He cut the side of the turtle with the knife.’

d. accompaniment (‘with’):

(4-247) Im stap waya plein kantri waya dem tū pikinini blong im.
3SG live PREP plain country PREP DET two child POSS 3SG
‘He lives in the plains with his two children.’
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e. goal (‘to’):

(4-248) Mīpla draib go we sanbīs.

1PL.EXCL drive SV.GO PREP beach
‘We drove to the beach.’

f. source (‘of, out of, because of’):

(4-249) Im krai, laka, waya wūnd.

3SG cry DISC PREP wound
‘He cried because of the wound.’

g. time or duration (‘on, for, per’):

(4-250) Ōl wag-abat de we trī dei.

3PL walk-PROG there PREP three day
‘They walked there for three days.’

4.7 Verbs
LRC verbs, which function as heads of verb phrases (VPs) (see Chapter 6) and the
main elements of predicates (see Chapter 7), express actions, states, processes,
occurrences, and relations between things/people.

The following two types of verbs may be distinguished in LRC:

1. transitive verbs
2. intransitive verbs.

4.7.1 Transitive Verbs

LRC transitive verbs are characterised by the fact that they require an overt or
non-overt object NP to follow them. In examples (4-251) – (4-254), overt object NPs
follow transitive verbs.
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(4-251) Yū bin trik-i mīpla.

2SG PST trick-TRS 1PL.EXCL
‘You tricked us.’

(4-252) Ōl man sheik-i ed blong im.

old man shake-TRS head POSS 3SG
‘The old man shook his head.’

(4-253) Ōl dem flaying foks lik-im lip blo demblat.

all DET flying fox lick-TRS lip POSS 3PL
‘All the flying foxes lick their lips.’

(4-254) Mīpla sher-im ōl dem fish we de famli blo mīpla.

1PL.EXCL share-TRS all DET fish PREP DET family POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘We shared all the fish with our family.’

In examples (4-255) – (4-257), non-overt object NPs, which are known from the
context or an earlier mention, are involved. In examples (4-255) and (4-257), the
non-overt object NPs are known from the context. In (4-256), the overt object NP de
injin ‘the engine’ is mentioned in the first part of the sentence.

(4-255) Ol man kat-im ebri dei.

old man cut-TRS every day
‘The old man cut them (flowers) every day.’

(4-256) Mai brade i stāt-i de injin,

POSS.PRN brother PM start-TRS DET engine
trai tū meik-im go stāt bat i no bi wēk.
try COMP make-TRS SV.GO start CONN 3SG NEG PST work
‘My brother started the engine, tried to make it start, but it did not
work.’
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(4-257) Im kar-im go, put-im de

3SG carry-TRS SV.GO put-TRS there
andenīt, laka, we det sheidi trī de.
underneath DISC PREP DET shady tree there
‘He carried him (bat) there, put him (bat) there, poor thing, underneath
that shady tree there.’

4.7.1.1 Transitive Verb Morphology

In examples (4-255) – (4-257) above, verbs are affixed with the transitive suffix
-im/-i, which signals that the verb is transitive. Originally, the 3SG object pronoun
em or im used to be a free morpheme, which followed transitive roots (Lynch, 2010,
p. 229). However, as its frequent use resulted in the proportionally frequent
occurrence of the structure verb + em/im, it consequently became a bound
morpheme denoting transitivity. In LRC, there exist unmarked transitive verbs, i.e.
verbs that require an overt or non-overt object but are not affixed with the transitive
suffix (see subsection 4.7.1.2).

As noted above, LRC transitive suffix has a form -im/-i, where -im constitutes the
base form and -i is the reduced form. Both forms are used interchangeably in the
case of the same verb.

(4-258) Mīpla mait stāt meik-im traik.

1PL.EXCL might INCP make-TRS tracks
‘We might start making tracks.

(4-259) Kutini bin meik-i plan.

cassowary PST make-TRS plan
‘The cassowary made plans.’

(4-260) De tū flaying foks luk-im de smok kam-at from de bus.

DET two flying fox see-TRS DET smoke come-out PREP DET bush
‘The two flying foxes saw the smoke coming out from the bush.’
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(4-261) Mīpla luk-i de sneik.

1PL.EXCL see-TRS DET snake
‘We saw the snake.’

As the above examples (4-258) through (4-261) demonstrate, both the base and the
reduced forms appear in free variation, i.e. irrespective whether the next word is
vowel- or consonant-initial.

4.7.1.2 Unmarked Transitive Verbs

Within the group of unmarked transitive verbs, it is possible to distinguish unmarked

transitive verbs without and with intransitive equivalents.

4.7.1.2.1 Unmarked Transitive Verbs Without

Intransitive Equivalents

The transitive suffix is optional with some verbs, as transitive verbs in examples
(4-262), (4-264), and (4-266) are affixed with the transitive suffix, while those in
(4-263), (4-265), and (4-267) are not, even though the ones not affixed with the
transitive suffix also express transitivity. Thus, both suffixed and unsuffixed
transitive forms are used by all of the speakers.

(4-262) Yū tel-i mī fō kil-i mai fō pikinini.

2SG tell-TRS 1SG COMP kill-TRS POSS.PRN four child
‘You tell me to kill my four children.’

(4-263) Mai mama en anti kin tel dem stōri.

POSS.PRN mum CONN auntie can tell.TRS DET story
‘My mum and auntie can tell stories.’

(4-264) Mīpla no kech-i nating yet.

1PL.EXCL NEG catch-TRS INDF.PRN yet
‘We have not caught anything yet.’

(4-265) Mīpla kech bush tēki en krab.

1PL.EXCL catch.TRS bush turkey CONN crab
‘We catch bush turkeys and crabs.’
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(4-266) Mai brade bin teik-i mīpla en de bout.

POSS.PRN brother PST take-TRS 1PL.EXCL CONN DET boat
‘My brother took us and the boat.’

(4-267) Dei teik big-pīpul, enibodi.

3PL take.TRS big-people INDF.PRN

‘They (evil spirits) take adults, anybody.’

4.7.1.2.2 Unmarked Transitive Verbs with Intransitive

Equivalents

The second group of unmarked transitive verbs involves verbs that are never
suffixed with the transitive suffix. They may function both as transitive and
intransitive verbs, and as their shape remains unchanged and the
transitivity-intransitivity distinction is enabled by the presence either of an overt or
non-overt object NP. In examples (4-268) – (4-273), the verbs kaikai ‘eat’, sabi
‘know’, singat ‘call’, tinkbat ‘think of, think about’, and klaimap ‘climb’ operate
transitively, taking into account the fact that they are followed by overt object NPs.

(4-268) Yūpla ken kaikai dem flawa ebri dei.

2PL can eat.TRS DET flower every day
‘You can eat flowers every day.’

(4-269) Im sabi ebriting.

3SG know.TRS everything
‘He knows everything.’

(4-270) Yūtū sing-at ōl dem ade flaying foks kam!

2DU call-out.TRS all DET other flying fox come
‘The two of you call all the other flying foxes to come!’

(4-271) Yupla sing-at mama kam tū!

2PL call-out.TRS mum come too
‘Call mum to come too!’
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(4-272) Ai ting-bat im.

1SG think-PROG.TRS 3SG
‘I think about him.’

(4-273) Ōl go klaimap dem il.

3PL FUT climb.TRS DET hill
‘They will climb the hills.’

All those verbs function as both intransitive and transitive verbs in Bislama
(Crowley, 2003, 2004), however, in TSC, singaute ‘call out’ and klaimape ‘climb’
are transitive, and singaut and klaimap are intransitive (Shnukal, 1988, p. 147, 199).
Of those five verbs only kaikai ‘eat’ and save ‘know’ are listed by Beimers (2008, p.
117) as both transitive and intransitive.

4.7.1.3 Transitive Verbs with Directional Suffixes

There exist transitive verbs that consist of transitive verbs and directional suffixes.
As examples (4-274) – (4-276) show, those verbs are indeed transitive, as not only
the transitive suffix is involved, but also they are followed by direct objects.
Directional suffixes always follow the transitive suffix. It should also be mentioned
that in compound transitive verbs the transitive suffix always appears in its base -im,
and not the reduced -i, form.

(4-274) Ankel loud-im-ap det gan blong im.

uncle load-TRS-up DEM gun POSS 3SG
‘Uncle loaded his gun.’

(4-275) Im, anti en ōl man kat-im-dan det trī.

3SG auntie CONN old man cut-TRS-down DEM tree
‘He, auntie and the old man cut that tree down.’

(4-276) Im pul-im-at da spiya en kar-i bat

3SG pull-TRS-out DET spear CONN carry-TRS bat
waya solde blong im.
PREP shoulder POSS 3SG
‘He pulled the spear out and carried the bat on his shoulder.’
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4.7.1.4 Double Suffixation

Double suffixation involves double occurrence of the transitive suffix within one
verb, where both of them are separated by a directional suffix. In LRC, double
suffixation appears to be rather uncommon and infrequent in comparison with
compound transitive verbs comprising a single occurrence of the transitive suffix
followed by the directional suffix. Similar to compound transitive verbs, the form of
the transitive suffix in double suffixation utterance is always -im and not the -i form.
Lee (1998, pp. 77-78) suggests that this phenomenon of double suffixation is rather
old, as it can be observed across all Melanesian Pidgin dialects. It occurs when only
two of directional suffixes, namely, -ap ‘up’ as well as -aut/-at ‘out’ are involved.

(4-277) Ai gada pik-im-ap-im ebriting from flō.

1SG have.to pick-TRS-up-TRS INDF.PRN PREP floor
‘I have to pick everything up from the floor.’

(4-278) Ai aftū go teik-im-at-im orinj from teibul.

1SG have to go take-TRS-out-TRS orange PREP table
‘I have to remove the oranges from the table.’

(4-279) Bambai i go bī tū leit fō streit-im-ap-im det gēl.

later PM FUT be too late COMP straight-TRS-up-TRS DEM girl
‘Later it will be too late to straighten that girl out.’

A question, however, arises whether the first suffix -im could have become
lexicalised as part of a new stem, e.g. pikimap, which then is suffixed with the
productive transitive marker -im. If this were to be the case, this would not count as
double suffication. Further research that is beyond the scope of this thesis is needed
in this area.

4.7.1.5 Causative Transitives

The formation of LRC causative constructions primarily involves two causative

verbs meiki/meikim ‘make’ and leti/letim ‘let’, although it is possible to encounter
causative transitives formed by means of the transitive suffix, which always appears
as -im and not -i.
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(4-280) Yū kin pas-im det map we de wōl.

2SG can stick-TRS DEM map PREP DET wall
‘You can attach the map to the wall.’

(4-281) Im bi stanap-im dem che rait.

3SG PST stand-TRS DET chair upright
‘She stood the chairs upright.’

There exist some causative transitives formed from adjectives, which is not
surprising, as the relations governing the derivation of verbs from adjectives
resemble those pertaining to the derivation of verbs, primarily stative verbs, from
other verbs (Comrie, 1985, p. 345).

(4-282) Ai āftū slaik-i det roup de, i tū tait.

1SG have.to loose-TRS DEM rope there 3SG too tight
‘I have to loosen that rope there, it is too tight.’

(4-283) Ai āftū streit-im tōk blong im.

1SG have.to straight-TRS speech POSS 3SG
‘I have to straighten his speech.’

4.7.2 Intransitive Verbs

LRC intransitive verbs are characterised by the fact that they are never affixed with
the transitive suffix -im/-i. They concentrate on denoting states and actions that are
not directed towards objects but only involve subjects.

(4-284) Det nait det smōl boi im bin drīm.

DEM night DEM little boy 3SG PST dream
‘That night the little boy was dreaming.’

(4-285) Mai pikinini bin dai.

POSS.PRN child PST die
‘My children died.’
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(4-286) Ōl bi stāt shive, laka.

3PL PST INCP shiver DISC
‘They started to shiver.’

4.7.2.1 Complex Intransitive Verbs

Some intransitive verbs are able to be affixed with locational and directional suffixes
-ap ‘up’, -at/-aut ‘out’, -(a)bat ‘about’, -dan/-daun ‘down’, -ewei ‘away’, -of ‘off’,
and -ran/-raun/-eraun ‘around’, e.g.:

(4-287) De san i bi kam-ap.

DET sun PM PST come-up
‘It was sunrise.’

(4-288) Ōl man im sing-at.

old man 3SG sing-out
‘The old man called out.’

(4-289) Bat im sidan en ting-bat.

bat 3SG sit CONN think-PROG
‘The bat was sitting and thinking.’

Intransitive verbs may be followed by adverbs, with which they form productive
combinations and not lexicalised items as is the case in Pijin. Beimers (2008, p. 108)
states that in Pijin, such intransitive verbs, which he considers to be lexicalised
items, are formed from intransitive verbs and adjectives. However, it is proposed
that adverbs, and not adjectives, follow those intransitive verbs, as it is the adverbs
whose shape generally matches that of LRC adjectives that modify the verbs.

(4-290) Spīk laud!

speak loudly
‘Speak loudly!’

(4-291) Ai āftū tōk lou sou mai mama no lisin.

1SG have.to talk low COMP POSS.PRN mum NEG listen
‘I have to whisper so my mum does not hear.’
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Meik-shū ‘make sure/ensure’, however, is an example of a synchronically lexicalised

complex intransitive verb, where the verb meik ‘to make’ constitutes the initial
element and shū ‘sure’ forms the second part of this verb. When paired up with the
object complement, as in examples (4-292) – (4-294), it is then transitive taking a
clausal object.

(4-292) Demtū ran go meik-shū dem tū gwana bi ded.

3DU run SV.GO make-sure DET two goanna PST dead
‘The two of them ran (there) making sure that the two goannas were
dead.’

(4-293) Yū meik-shū yūpla ōlweis wag-abat tūgede.

2SG make-sure 2PL always walk-PROG together
‘(You) make sure that you always walk together.’

(4-294) Dei meik-shū i no gad no ōl

3PL make-sure PM NEG have NEG hole
insaid we dem bak.
in PREP DET bark
‘They make sure there is no hole in the bark.’

To conclude, LRC complex intransitive verbs fulfil the criteria to be regarded as

single lexical items. Firstly, only one syllable is stressed. Secondly, the majority of
the directional suffixes such as, for example, -ap ‘up’ are not independent
morphemes; they may be attached to intransitive verbs (see subsection 4.7.2)
denoting motion and may be preceded, and followed, by the transitive suffix in case
of transitive verbs (see next paragraph). Thirdly, object NPs never separate
intransitive verbs from directional indicators. Fourthly, such complex intransitive
verbs as, for example, gobaik ‘to go back’, kambek ‘to come back’, and godaun’
possess the ability to function as serial verbs (see subsection 6.1.3).

As far as the second criterion is concerned, although -ap ‘up’ does only appear after
motion verbs and does not constitute a freestanding morpheme, it may or may not be
affixed with the transitive suffix. The first scenario, where the transitive suffix
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precedes -ap (example (4-295)) appears to be much more common than the second
one, where the transitive suffix occurs twice, as it both precedes and follows -ap
(example (4-296)):

(4-295) Mai brade lift-im-ap de net.

POSS.PRN brother lift-TRS-up DET net
‘My brother lifted the net up.’

(4-296) Ai gada pik-im-ap-im ebriting from flō.

1SG have.to pick-TRS-up-TRS INDF.PRN PREP floor
‘I have to pick everything up from the floor.’

4.7.3 Transitive and Intransitive Verb Morphology

In addition to being able to be affixed with directional suffixes, both transitive and
intransitive verbs can be suffixed with the progressive aspect suffix -(a)bat and can
also undergo reduplication.

4.7.3.1 Progressive Aspect Suffix -(a)bat

When the suffix -(a)bat ‘about’ is affixed to the verb, it denotes the progressive
aspect that indicates temporary uncompleted ongoing actions, events and states. The
suffix -(a)bat can be attached to both transitive verbs, as examples (4-297) and
(4-298) demonstrate.

(4-297) Mīpla ker-i-bat faib kreifish en faib lobsta.

1PL.EXCL carry-TRS-PROG five crayfish CONN five lobster
‘We were carrying five crayfish and five lobsters.

(4-298) Dem krab en oiste bi sizil-bat ebriwe.

DET crab CONN oyster PST sizzle-PROG everywhere
‘The crabs and oysters were sizzling everywhere.’

The progressive aspect suffix -(a)bat is not used in case of natural phenomena. The
simple present, past, and future tense constructions are utilised instead, as examples
(4-299) – (4-301) demonstrate.
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(4-299) De win i bi blou prapa nais andenīt we de sheidi trī.

DET win PM PST blow very nice under PREP DET shady tree
‘The wind was blowing very nicely under the shady tree.’

(4-300) Weni de san bi go-dan, ebribodi filim angri, laka, na.

COMP DET sun PST go-down INDF.PRN feel hungry DISC EMP

‘It was hungry that everybody felt when the sun was setting down.’

(4-301) I bi rein det kapul of wīk-s.

PM PST rain DET couple PREP week-PL
‘It was raining that couple of weeks.’

As noted in section 2.6, which outlines the probable migration route of -(a)bat to the
LR area, this suffix takes its origin from the New South Wales Pidgin English baut
‘to be doing’ (Troy, 1994, p. 713). Troy (1994, p. 249) states that there exists
evidence, which is suggestive of baut functioning as the present continuous suffix
equivalent to English ‘-ing’. She provides two examples, where baut is suffixed to
krai to cry’, thus forming the present continuous verb kraiabaut ‘to be crying’ (Troy,
1994, pp. 249-250). Sharpe (1975, p. 51) and Sharpe and Sandefur (1976, p. 68)
confirm the existence of the suffix -bad in the creole language of the Katherine and
Roper River areas in the 1960s and the 1970s, indicating that the continuous aspect
is expressed by the suffix -bad attached to verbs, as in example Im bin megim-bad
ginu ‘He was making a canoe’ (Sharpe & Sandefur, 1976, p. 69). Futhermore, they
note that for intransitive verbs reduplication may be used instead of the suffix -bad
(Sharpe & Sandefur, 1976, p. 68). In her later publication, Sharpe (1985, p. 187)
postulates that -bat, and not -bad, is the continuative suffix. Nicholls (2009, p. 27)
confirms the existence in Kriol of the progressive aspect suffix -bat. Hudson (1983,
p. 33) postulates that in Fitzroy Valley Kriol -(a)bat is the iterative aspect suffix and
-in is the progressive aspect suffix.

4.7.3.2 Verb Reduplication

In LRC, full reduplication is a morphological feature of both transitive and

intransitive verbs. LRC reduplicated verbs display one intonation pattern, and are
never separated by pauses. This is consistent with the findings of Huttar and Huttar
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(1997, pp. 395-396) in relation to the reduplicated words in Ndyuka, a creole

language spoken in Suriname. Thus, the reduplicated LRC verbs represent single
intonation units, where the last syllable is stressed and characterised by higher pitch,
greater intensity and duriation. This is in accordance with the research findings of
Gil (2005, pp. 35-36) pertaining to Riau Indonesian, a language spoken in Indonesia.
The meaning of the reduplicated verb is distributive/intensive, where the number of
repetitions denotes the length of the action. Thus, verbal reduplication expresses
repetition, continuity, and duration, but it also emphasises the intensity of the
performed action. As a result, verbal reduplication serves to mark aspect. It should,
however, be noted that verbal reduplication does not indicate distributivity, i.e. the
plurality of participants, without necessarily conveying extended and/or repeated
activity. In examples (4-302) – (4-303), verbal reduplication marks continuative
aspect, which refers to an action that is still taking place at a particular time; usually,
but not always, at the time of speaking or writing.

(4-302) De ōl man im tink~tink na.

DET old man 3SG think~.ITR EMP

‘Then the old man was thinking.’

(4-303) Ōl bi weit~weit~weit~weit, laka, de nade said.

3PL PST wait~.ITR DISC DET other side
‘They were waiting and waiting, poor things, on the other side.’

As noted above, verb reduplication also marks repetitive or iterative aspect, as

examples (4-304) - (4-307) demonstrate.

(4-304) Dem dog ōl bi bāk~bāk~bāk.

DET dog 3PL PST bark~.RPT
‘The dogs were barking and barking.’

(4-305) I it-im~itim~itim til im bi kili de sneik.

3SG hit-TRS~.RPT COMP 3SG PST kill-TRS DET snake
‘He was hitting and hitting it until he killed the snake.’
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(4-306) Ōl bin wag-abat~wagabat.

3PL PST walk-PROG~.ITR
‘They kept on walking.’

(4-307) Ōl sing~sing~sing~sing~sing.
3PL sing~.ITR
‘They kept on singing.’

Thomson (1933) notes that in the traditional languages spoken in the Lockhart River
area repetition has an emphatic function and it signifies “a great deal or a long way”,
e.g.: Yạlki̠ na yạlki̠ na yạlki̠ na ‘They walk and walk and walk’ (p. 485).

4.8 Adverbs
This section describes adverbs, which belong to a group of verb modifiers, together
with their morphology and reduplication. Pre-verbal markers, i.e. negative markers
as well as tense, modality, and aspect (TMA) markers are presented in Chapter 7.

LRC adverbs denote time, manner, place, frequency, circumstance, degree, and
cause. In sentences, they occur in verb phrases (VPs) (Chapter 6) and adjectival
phrases (AdjPs) (Chapter 5) wherein they modify head verbs and adjectives. They
may also modify other adverbs and entire clauses. In the majority of instances, they
have the same shape as adjectives, from which they differ in the role they fulfil in a
sentence. Thus, adjectives can modify verbs as well as nouns, i.e. they have an
adverbial function and adverbs possess the ability to modify all types of constituents,
with the exception of nouns, whether that constituent is a single lexical item or a
phrase/clause (Beimers, 2008, p. 124). As a result, in examples (4-308) and (4-310),
longwei ‘far’ and nais ‘nicely’ function as adverbs, while in (4-309) and (4-311),
longwei ‘distant’ and nais ‘nice’ fulfil the role of adjectives.
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(4-308) Bat en fren blong im bin go na,

bat CONN friend POSS 3SG PST go EMP
ōl bi go long-wei.
3PL PST go long-way
‘Then the bat and its friend went, they went far.’

(4-309) Mīpla go long-wei pleis.

1PL.EXCL go long-way place
‘We went to a distant place.’

(4-310) Det win i blou prapa nais.

DEM wind PM blow really nicely
‘That wind blew very nicely.’

(4-311) Mīpla leden de we de nais san.

1PL.EXCL lay there PREP DET nice sun
‘We lay there in the nice sun.’

Adverbs may be preceded by intensifiers such as litilbit ‘rather’, nadakain

‘extremely’, prapa ‘very/really’, rili ‘really/very’, so/sou ‘so’, tū ‘too’, and veri
‘very’, e.g.:

(4-312) Im tōk nada-kain rūd fō yūpla.

3SG talk another-kind rudely PREP 2PL
‘He talks extremely rudely to you.’

(4-313) Wī prapa strong bilib.

1NSG very strongly believe
‘We very strongly believe.’

(4-314) Dei swim kam rili kwik.

3PL swim SV.COME really quickly
‘They swim really quickly.’
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Some adverbs may appear both pre- and post-verbally and, as a result, act both as
pre- and post-verbal markers. For example, wantaim in example (4-315) appears
post-verbally, while in example (4-316), it precedes the verb. Bambai ‘later/later
on/eventually/afterwards’ occurs pre- and post verbally in examples (4-317) and
(4-318), respectively.

(4-315) Demtū hit-im wan-taim de tū gwana.

3DU hit-TRS one-time DET two goanna
‘The two of them hit at the same time the two goannas.’

(4-316) Nhampi wan-taim spīk fō ōlgeda pikinini.

emu one-time speak PREP all.of child
‘The emu talked at the same time to all of his children.’

(4-317) Ai go bambai luk-i demblat.

1SG FUT later see-TRS 3PL
‘I will see them later.’

(4-318) Im go faind-im bambai.

3SG FUT find-TRS later
‘She will find it later.’

A wide array of the temporal and locational adverbs as well as PPs (see Chapter 5)
expressing time and location occur within the predicate (see Chapter 7). The
sentence-final position is one of the most common positions occupied by those PPs
and adverbs, as examples (4-319) – (4-322) demonstrate.

(4-319) De sneik i glou nai-taim.

DET snake PM glow night-time
‘The snake glows at night.’

(4-320) Anti im bin kat-i bāk dish fō old-i de ani insaid.

auntie 3SG PST cut-TRS bark dish COMP hold-TRS DET honey inside
‘Auntie cut the bark dish to hold the honey inside.’
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(4-321) Yūpla kam stap lo wīkend!

2PL come stay PREP weekend
‘Come and stay on the weekends!’

(4-322) I meiki faye de antap waya sanbīs.

3SG make-TRS fire there on.top PREP beach
‘He made a fire there on the beach.’

As the position of the temporal and locational adverbs as well as PPs denoting time
and location is not fixed, it is possible for them to also precede and follow the
predicate as well as occur sentence-initially.

(4-323) Ai ken sī nai-taim waya mai ai.

1SG can see night-time PREP POSS.PRN eye
‘I can see at night with my eyes.’

(4-324) Mīpla luk det krokodail i kam autsaid

1PL.EXCL see DET crocodile PM come outside
folou det smel blo de tētil.
follow DEM smell POSS DET turtle
‘We saw that crocodile come outside and follow that smell of the turtle.’

(4-325) Lo wīkend mīpla bi go fishing.

PREP weekend 1PL.EXCL PST go fishing
‘On the weekend, we went fishing.’

(4-326) Antap waya trī im bin siden.

on.top PREP tree 3SG PST sit
‘On top of the tree, he was sitting.’

(4-327) Put-i bulet insaid!’

put-TRS bullet inside
‘Put the bullet inside!’
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4.8.1 Morphology of Adverbs

Similarly to adjectives (see section 4.5), adverbs may form compounds with the use
of the nouns kain ‘kind’, taim ‘time’, and wei ‘way (see subsection 4.5.1.1). The
noun said ‘side’ when combined with adjectives gives rise to a number of adverbs.

(4-328) Ai siden byain-said blo mai aus.

1SG sit behind-side POSS POSS.PRN house
‘I sit at the back of my house.’

(4-329) Kam siden long-said!

come.IMP sit.IMP long-side
‘Come and sit close!’

The equivalent of the English-based adverbial suffix -ly is present in some of LRC
adverbs. With the exception of slouli, which also functions as slou, the adverbs in
examples (4-330) – (4-332) are only used in that form.

(4-330) kēfu-li
careful-ly
‘carefully’

(4-331) nī-li
near-ly
‘nearly’

(4-332) saden-li
sudden-ly
‘suddenly’

(4-333) slou-li
slow-ly
‘slowly’

The suffix -we ‘where’ is frequently used interchangeably with the suffix -wei
‘where, way’ in such adverbs as, for example, ebriwe – ebriwei ‘everywhere’, eniwe
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– eniwei ‘anywhere’, and samwe – samwei ‘somewhere’. This variation could most
likely be accounted for by the fact that such adverbs as, for example, ebriwei,
eniwei, and samwei are present in TSC and that -wei is TSC adverbial suffix, which
comes from English ‘-where, -way, -ways’ (Shnukal, 1988, p. 224). We, which
comes from English ‘where’, is not a suffix in TSC, but a preposition and a
conjunction. Historically, the forms suffixed with -wei most likely migrated to LRC
from TSC, while those with the suffix -we probably result from the influence of
English. Some examples include:

(4-334) Dem wīd ōl kam-at ebri-wei.

DET weed 3PL come-out every-where
‘The weeds came out everywhere.’

(4-335) Dei krōl ebri-we lukran fō kaikai.

3PL crawl every-where look PREP food
‘They crawled everywhere looking for food.’

(4-336) Sun mipla tōch-im eni-wei.

soon 1PL.EXCL torch-TRS any-where
‘Soon we shone the flashlight anywhere.’

(4-337) Yupla ken flai eni-we.

2PL.EXCL can fly any-where
‘You can fly anywhere.’

Some of LRC adverbs are affixed with the suffix -wan ‘one’, which also participates
in the formation of nouns from adjectives (see subsection 4.5.1.2), although they
may also be encountered without that suffix, e.g.: ād – ādwan ‘hard’ and laud
– laudwan ‘loudly’. It appears that the suffix -wan functions both as a nominaliser
when deriving nouns from adjectives and as an adverbial suffix, where it has a
strengthening effect, for example, accentuating a very hard fall and a very loud
voice, fall and voice being nouns, as examples (4-338) and (4-339) demonstrate.
However, although the suffix -wan is primarily a nominalising suffix, the
abbreviation EMP is used in view of its emphasising function in this case.
 178

(4-338) Im bin fōl prapa ād-wan, laka, daun we graun.

3SG PST fall very hard-EMP DISC down PREP ground
‘It fell very hard, poor thing, onto the ground.’

(4-339) Ai go sing-at prapa laud-wan.

1SG FUT call-out very loud-EMP
‘I will call out very loudly.’

4.8.1.1 Reduplication

Adverbial reduplication appears to be extremely rare in LRC, as only three adverbs,

namely, stedi, kwik, and slou are able to undergo full reduplication in order to denote
intensity.

(4-340) Ōl wag-abat stedi~stedi wit dem yam prapa hot.

3PL walk-PROG steadily~.INT PREP DET yam very hot
‘They were walking really steadily with the very hot yams.’

(4-341) Āt blo demblat bin pamp rili kwik~kwik.

heart POSS 3PL PST pump really quickly~.INT
‘Their hearts were pumping really, really quickly.’

(4-342) Mīpla drift slou~slou.

1PL.EXCL drift slow~.INT
‘We drifted very slowly.’

Only one example of partial reduplication has been encountered. In that example
reduplication involves the adjective long ‘long’ but not the suffix -wei ‘way’:

(4-343) Yūpla nomō go long~long-wei!

2PL CESS go long~INT-way
‘Don’t go very far!’
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4.8.2 Temporal Functions of Adverbs

Some adverbs, e.g. bambai ‘later’ (future), bifō ‘before’ (past), bifōdeis ‘in the past’
(distant past), bifōtaim ‘before, in the past, in the old days’ (distant past), distaim ‘at
present, currently’ (present), klusap or kloustū ‘nearly, almost’ (very near future),
longtaim ‘a long time ago, long ago’ (distant past), nau/na ‘now, then’ (present), nīli
‘nearly, almost’ (very near future), fās/fēs/fēst ‘immediately, first’ (before doing
something else), pāstaim ‘in the past, a long time ago (distant past), sūn ‘soon’ (very
near future), wantaim ‘once upon a time’ (distant past) are often used in place of
tense markers in LRC. Apart from fās/fēs/fēst, klusap/kloustū, nau/na, and nīli, all of
the other adverbs have been observed to occur sentence-initially. Nau/na and sūn
frequently follows the core predicate constituent and it can appear sentence-finally
as well. Sentence-final position can be occupied by bifō, distaim, fās/fēs/fēst,
longtaim, and wantaim. Bambai, bifō, bifōdeis, fās/fēs/fēst, klusap/kloustū, nīli, and
wantaim are known to also precede the core predicate constituent.

(4-344) Bifō ōl yūstū sūt-i dem, ibin we Ōl Sait tū.

before 3PL HAB shoot-TRS 3PL even PREP old site also
‘Before they used to shoot them, even at the Old Site too.’

(4-345) Dis-taim no gad krokodail.

DEM-time NEG have crocodile
‘At present, there are no crocodiles.’

(4-346) Pās-taim wan mōning mai mama en anti spīk.

past-time one morning POSS.PRN mum CONN auntie speak
‘One morning a long time ago my mum and auntie talked.’

4.8.3 Aspectual Functions of Adverbs

It is not unusual for some adverbs to be used in place of aspect markers. Thus,
ōltaim/ōldetaim and ōlweis are frequently used for habitual aspect, ebritaim for
iterative aspect, and egen/gen for repetitive aspect recency of completion. Only
egen/gen has been observed to co-occur with the past tense marker; further research
could clarify if there are any co-occurrence constraints involving the other
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aspectually used adverbs and the past marker. All of the adverbs used in place of
aspect markers in the following examples are written in bold.

4.8.3.1 ōltaim/ōldetaim

Ōltaim/ōldetaim ‘all the time’, which are used interchangeably, fulfil a role of the
habitual aspect marker that pertains to the actions, events, and states that are or used
to be a habit. In the gathered data, ōltaim/ōldetaim usually appears either
sentence-initially or precedes the core predicate constituent.

(4-347) Ōl dem gīs eig ōltaim feibrit taka blo mīpla na.
all DET goose egg HAB favourite tucker POSS 1PL.EXCL then
‘All the geese eggs were generally our favourite tucker then.’

(4-348) Ōldetaim demtū wani go fishing fō malet

HAB 3DU want go fishing PREP mullet
en kech-im krab, stingrei.
CONN catch-TRS crab stingray
‘They usually wanted to go fishing for mullet and to catch crabs and
stingreys.’

4.8.3.2 ōlweis

Ōlweis ‘always’ is yet another adverb that possesses the ability to function as the
habitual aspect marker. Ōlweis either precedes the core predicate constituent or
occurs sentence-finally. It has not been observed to occupy the sentence-initial
position.

(4-349) Mīpla ōlweis go de na ant-ing fō gīs.

1PL.EXCL HAB go there EMP hunt-ing for goose
‘It was there that we always went to hunt geese.’

(4-350) Mai grendfade en mai ankel dei ōlweis

POSS.PRN grandfather CONN POSS.PRN uncle 3PL HAB

kar-i dem skin kam bifō.

carry-TRS DET skin SV.COME before
‘My grandfather and my uncle always carried the skins before.’
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4.8.3.3 ebritaim

Ebritaim ‘every time, continually’ is frequently acting as the iterative aspect marker.
Ebritaim may appear either sentence-initially or sentence-finally. It has not been
observed to occur in front of the core predicate constituent.

(4-351) Mīpla chak-im krab pot ebritaim.

1PL.EXCL throw.in crab pot ITR

‘We continually threw the krab pots in.’

(4-352) Ebritaim mai brade lift-im-ap de net,

ITR POSS.PRN brother lift-TRS-up DET net
mai brade luk de smōl boi.
POSS.PRN brother see DET small boy
‘Every time my brother lifted the net up, my brother saw the little boy.’

4.8.3.4 egen/gen

Egen/gen ‘again’ is able to function as the repetitive aspect marker that refers to the
actions and events that were repeated once or more than once. Egen/gen may occur
both sentence-initially and sentence-finally. It may also follow the core predicate
constituent, however, it has not been observed to precede it. There exist two variants
egen and gen, which are used interchangeably. As mentioned in the introductory
remarks (see subsection 4.8.3), egen/gen is the only aspectually used adverb that has
been observed to co-occur with the past tense marker, as example (4-356)
demonstrates.

(4-353) Mīpla chak-im gen ainka.

1PL.EXCL throw.in-TRS RPT anchor
‘We threw the anchor in again.’

(4-354) Im snīz gen.

3SG sneeze RPT

‘He sneezed again.’

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(4-355) Gen nade brade go im noki nade-wan dem tū gwana.

RPT another brother go 3SG knock.out another-one DET two goanna
‘Another brother went again and he knocked out the other one of the two
goannas.’

(4-356) Dadi bin ala gen.

dad PST call.out RPT

‘Dad called out again.’

4.8.3.5 jast

Jast ‘just’, which precedes the core constituent of the predicate in a sentence, is yet
another adverb that is characterised by multifunctionality. Firstly, it expresses
recency of completion, as it assumes a role of a time adverbial that is used to denote
recent actions, events, and states (Quirk et al., 1985, p. 194), as examples (4-357)
and (4-358) demonstrate.

(4-357) I jast ley-im.

3SG IMD.PST lay-TRS
‘It (turtle) has just laid them (eggs).’

(4-358) I jast put-im byain bak blong im

3SG IMD.PST put-TRS at.the.back.of back POSS 3SG
kar-im bikos i gad big taata de.
carry-TRS.SV COMP 3SG have big throat there
‘It (crocodile) has just put it (turtle shell) at the back of its back carrying
it because it has a big throat there.’

Secondly, jast also serves as the restrictive emphatic marker ‘only’ when it precedes
the focused predicate (Quirk et al., 1985, pp. 607-608), as examples (4-359) and
(4-360) show.

(4-359) Dei jast get inaf fō demself tū īt fō det wīk.

3PL PROX get enough PREP 3PL.REFL COMP eat PREP DEM week
‘They only get enough for themselves to eat for that week.’
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(4-360) Wani demtū jast wani fōl-dan, dadi bin ala gen
COMP 3DU PROX want fall-down dad PST call.out again
kōl-i neim blo dem tū boi.
call-TRS.SV name POSS DET two boy
‘When the two of them wanted nothing other than to fall down, daddy
called out again calling the names of the two boys.’

4.9 Conjunctions
This section describes LRC conjunctions, the function of which is to combine words,
phrases, and clauses, and which can be divided into:

1. coordinators
2. subordinators.

4.9.1 Coordinators

LRC coordinators connect not only two lexical items from the same category, but
also participate in linking two phrases and clauses. Thus, two coordinated words
result in a new phrase and two coordinated clauses give rise to a new clause. LRC
possesses three main coordinators, namely, en ‘and’, bat ‘but’, and ō ‘or’, which
denote addition, contrast, and alternation, respectively. En/end and ō are encountered
in word and phrase coordination (see Chapter 7), and bat participates in sentential
coordination (see Chapter 8). The following are a few examples demonstrating their
use:

(4-361) De ōl man put-i tang blong im autsaid

DET old man put-TRS tongue POSS 3SG out
na en smail.
EMP CONN smile
‘The old man then put his tongue out and smiled.’
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(4-362) Im chak-i de laite na ō mach-is.

3SG throw-TRS DET lighter EMP CONN match-es
‘He then threw the lighter or matches.’

(4-363) Mīpla luk-raun bat det pōkyupain

1PL.EXCL look-around CONN DEM porcupine
en dem tū gwana ōl stil de.
CONN DET two goanna 3PL CONT there
‘We looked around but that porcupine and the two goannas were still
there.’

Ōrels ‘or, or else’ functions as a conditional coordination conjunction, as example

(4-364) shows.

(4-364) Stap waya aus ōrels ai go mis-i yū!

stay PREP house COMP 1SG FUT miss-TRS 2SG
‘Stay at the house or else I will miss you!’

4.9.2 Subordinators

Within the group of subordinators, which are discussed in detail in Chapter 8, it is

possible to distinguish subordinating conjunctions that introduce adverbial clauses
(see subsection 4.9.2.1), complementisers that introduce complements (see
subsection 4.9.2.2), and relativisers (see subsection 4.9.3). The function of
subordinators is to connect a clause to another element. Thus, clauses introduced by
subordinators constitute integral parts of other phrases.

There exist eighteen subordinators in LRC and they are summarised in Table 4.14.
They can be further divided into subordinating conjunctions that introduce adverbial
clauses (see subsection 4.9.2.1) and complementisers that introduce complements
(see subsection 4.9.2.2).
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Table 4.14 Subordinators

Subordinator Introduces Gloss
āfta/āfte adverbial clauses ‘after’
antil/til adverbial clauses ‘until/till’
bīfō adverbial clauses ‘before’
bīkos/kos adverbial clauses ‘because’
dat/det complements ‘that’
es long es adverbial clauses ‘as long as’
es sūn es adverbial clauses ‘as soon as’
fō adverbial clauses/ ‘for/to/in order to/so as to/so
verbal complements that/until’
from adverbial clauses ‘because/because of/as a result
of/
as a consequence of’
if adverbial clauses/ ‘if’
complements
ōlsem adverbial clauses ‘like/as’
so adverbial clauses ‘so/therefore/hence/thus’
wail adverbial clauses ‘while’
we/weya/waya complements ‘that’
wen adverbial clauses ‘when’

4.9.2.1 Subordinating Conjunctions

As Table 4.14 demonstrates, there are sixteen subordinating conjunctions that

introduce adverbial clauses. The function of fō ‘for/to/in order to/so as to/so
that/until’ and if ‘if’ are twofold, as they possess the ability to introduce not only
adverbial clauses, but also complements (see subsection 4.9.2.2). In example
(4-367), fō introduces a complement; it introduces adverbial clauses in (4-365) and
(4-366).

(4-365) Ōl luk pās

3PL look first
bīfō ōl go kloustū fō kech-im dem tū gwana.
COMP 3PL go close COMP catch-TRS DET two goanna
‘They looked first before they went close to catch the two goannas.’
 186

(4-366) Ai go weit pās fō i dāk en

1SG FUT wait first COMP PM dark CONN
ai go go oum.
1SG FUT go home
‘I will wait first until it gets dark and I will go home.’

(4-367) Im luk ōlsem im redi fō go fō pāti.

3SG look COMP 3SG ready COMP go PREP party
‘She looks as if she is ready to go to a party.’

4.9.2.2 Complementisers

Certain complementisers are used to mark certain complements. Thus, dat/det ‘that’,
if ‘if’, and we/weya/waya mark complements of the verbs of speech, thought,
hearing, communication, and perception, e.g.:

(4-368) Ōl man im luk-ran en sī we ōl dem flawe

old man 3SG look-around CONN see COMP all DET flower
ōl dem trī-s ōl gadi blosom ō flawe-s.
all DET tree-PL 3PL have blossom CONN flower-PL
‘The old man looked around and saw that all the flowers, all the trees
there had blossoms or flowers.’

(4-369) Dei tink det det heri men bi teik-im long-wei.

3PL think COMP DEM hairy man PST take-TRS long-way
‘They think that that hairy man took him far.’

(4-370) Im trai luk-i if det ting i cheis-i demblat kam.

3SG try look-TRS COMP DEM thing PM chase-TRS 3PL SV.COME
‘He tried to see if that thing was chasing them.’

As noted in subsection 4.9.2.1, fō ‘for’ introduces verbal complements, e.g.:

(4-371) De smōl boi im redi fō go skūl na.

DET little boy 3SG ready COMP go school EMP

‘It’s to school that the little boy was ready to go.’

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4.9.3 Relativisers

LRC relative clauses (RCs) are introduced by the relativiser we/weya/waya, the three
forms of which are used interchangeably for nouns that refer both to human beings
and non-human beings. Although RCs are discussed in Chapter 8, the following are
a few examples demonstrating the use of LRC relativisers.

(4-372) Haumach fish, krab, lobste en kreifish

how.many fish crab lobster CONN crayfish
mīpla kech-im insaid waya dem net
1PL.EXCL catch-TRS into PREP DET net
waya mai mama en mai anti bi meik-im?
REL POSS.PRN mum CONN POSS.PRN auntie PST make-TRS
‘How many fish, crabs, lobsters and crayfish did we catch into the nets,
which my mum and auntie had made?’

(4-373) Ai go kuk-i dampa en dem brīm

1SG FUT cook-TRS damper CONN DET bream
we ai bi kech-im.
REL 1SG PST catch-TRS
‘I will cook damper and the bream, which I caught.’

4.10 Interjections
LRC interjections appear independently and frequently in isolation, and, for that
reason, they do not form an integrated syntactic constituent. They constitute
monomorphemic utterances on their own in response to particular situations
(Wilkins, 1992, p. 124) and, for that reason, they express a wide array of sudden
emotions of varying strength ranging from harmless and insignificant to forceful,
offensive, and vulgar. They are characterised by the rising-falling intonation pattern.
For example, ei ‘hey’ appears sentence-initially, while yā/ye ‘yeah’ may occur both
sentence-initially and sentence-finally. However, some interjections, for example,
ōrait ‘alright’ and yā/ye ‘yeah’ are able to occur sentence-medially as well. The
following are a few examples demonstrating the use of the interjections.
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(4-374) Ei, dem tū boi, dem smōl boi blo yūmītū

hey DET two boy DET small boy POSS 1DU.INCL
no bi kam yet.
NEG PST come yet
‘Hey, the two boys, our little boys have not come yet.’

(4-375) Satēdei las wīk, ye, prapa gud weda.

Saturday last week yeah very good weather
‘Saturday last week, yeah, it was a very good weather.’

(4-376) Ōl laik smōl boi en smōl gēl, ōrait.

3PL like small boy CONN small girl alright
‘They like small boys and small girls, alright.’

4.11 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles

Table 4.15 below provides a summary of a number of creole features outlined in

Chapter 4, and indicates if a given feature is present in LRC and the remaining five
creole languages. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic of the creole, a blank
indicates it is not; +/- indicates the feature occurs optionally or irregularly in the
creole. As it is demonstrated, the majority of features present in TSC, Kriol, Pijin,
Bislama, and Tok Pisin are also attested in LRC, thus substantiating a claim that
LRC is indeed a creole.

Table 4.15 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole Features of Various Word

Classes with Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Countability of All Nouns + +
Fully Reduplicated + + + +
Nouns
Apparent Noun + + + + + +
Reduplication
Nominalising Suffix -wan + + + + +
Three-Number + + +
Pronominal System
Four-Number + + +
Pronominal System
 189

Inclusive-Exclusive + + + + + +
Distinction in the
Pronominal System
Suffix -pla in LRC and + + + + + +
TSC (-bala in Kriol,
-fala in Pijin and
Bislama, and -pela in Tok
Pisin)
Suffixation of Some + + + +
Cardinal Numerals (with
-bala in Kriol, -fala in
Pijin and Bislama, and
with
-pela in Tok Pisin)
Use of the Noun namba to + + + +
Form Ordinal Numerals
Use of wan ‘one’ to Form +
Ordinal Numerals
Suffixation of Adjectives + + + +
(with -bala in Kriol, -fala
in Pijin and Bislama, and
-pela in Tok Pisin)
Both Prenominal and +
Postnominal Use of
Adjectives
Full Adjectival + + + + + +
Reduplication
Partial Adjectival +
Reduplication
Nominalisation of + + + + +
Polysyllabic and
Compound Adjectives
Possessed NP + blong/blo + + + + + +
+ Possessor NP
Blong/blo + Possessor NP + + +
+ Possessed NP
Transitive Suffix + + + + + +
Form of the Transitive + + +
Suffix Is Dictated by the
Vowel Harmony Rule
Compound Transitive + + + + + +
Verbs
Causative Transitives + + + + + +
Affixed with the
Transitive Suffix
Intransitive Verbs + + + + + +
Always Occur Without
the Transitive Suffix
Progressive Aspect Suffix + +
 190

-(a)bat
Full Verb Reduplication + + + + +
Partial Verb +
Reduplication
Verb Reduplication + + + + + +
Expresses Repetition,
Continuity, and Duration
Suffixation of Adverbs + +
(with
-bala in Kriol and -pela in
Tok Pisin)
Adverbs Suffixed with +
-wan
Compound Adverbs + + + + + +
Adverbial Reduplication + + +
We Introduces Relative +/- +/- +/- +/-
Clauses

Table 4.16 below presents the comparison of some of LRC English-derived features
with the remaining five creole languages. Some of those features are present in all of
the other creoles, while some of them exist only in some of them. A + indicates that
the feature is characteristic of the creole, a blank indicates it is not; +/- indicates the
feature occurs optionally or irregularly in the creole. A detailed discussion of the
features outlined in Tables 4.15 and 4.16 follows.

Table 4.16 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Features with Other

Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Compounds – Direct + + + + + +
Transfers from English
Plural Suffix -s +/- +/- +/- +/- +/-
Gerundial Suffix -ing + + +
Agentive Suffix -a + +
Four Demonstrative + + +
Pronouns
Articles +/- +/- +/- +/- +/- +/-
Reflexive Suffix -self (- + + +
selp in TSC, -self and the
form mijelb in Kriol)
Reciprocal Pronouns + + +
 191

Distributive Pronouns + +
Interrogative Pronouns + + + + + +
Used as Short Utterances
Normally Unmarked +/-
Transitive Verbs
Adverbs Suffixed with -li +
Hu Introduces Relative +/-
Clauses

Countability of all nouns is a feature not only of LRC, but also of TSC, including
those nouns, which are mass nouns in English. Thus, such TSC nouns as ud ‘wood’
and plawa ‘flour’ are count nouns as well that are able to be preceded by the plural
determiner dem ‘the’ (Shnukal, 1988, p. 23). In Pijin, non-count nouns and count
nouns constitute separate noun groups, where the quantification of non-count nouns
is done by means of quantifying nouns that prepose them (Beimers, 2008, p. 59).
Similarly, in Kriol, non-count nouns and count nouns are regarded as separate noun
groups (Sandefur, 1979, p. 80).

Similarly to LRC, many compounds in both Pijin and Tok Pisin are a result of direct
transfers from English and they constitute combinations of nouns with other nouns,
adjectives, verbs, and numerals (Beimers, 2008; Verhaar, 1995). However, unlike in
LRC, where compounds do not involve Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila lexical items, in
TSC, there exist some compounds that combine a Kala Lagaw Ya, Meriam Mir, and
Melanesian Pidgin word with an English-based word, as in augemwali ‘island
dress’, kaikaispun ‘dessert spoon’, and pwakablad ‘pig blood’ (Shnukal, 1988, pp.
21-22). Similarly to LRC, some of the compounds have migrated into TSC as single
morphemes, although their direct sources in English consist of separate morphemes.
In Kriol, in addition to compounds, which consist of two close-knit root words that
are written as single lexical items, there also exist double nouns, which comprise
two not so close-knit root words that are written separately (Sandefur, 1979, p. 81).
Sandefur states that the distinction between compounds and double noun is not well
defined.
 192

There exists a considerable number of nouns formed by full reduplication in Pijin,

Bislama, Tok Pisin, and Kriol (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Verhaar, 1995;
Sandefur, 1979). In Kriol, many reduplicated nouns pertain to animal names that
have been derived from English, although there some reduplicated Aboriginal nouns,
however, the majority of them are onomatopoeic (Sandefur, 1979, p. 81). Similarly
to LRC, there are no fully reduplicated nouns in TSC, in spite of the fact that
reduplication used to be quite a productive word formation process in the incipient
stages when pidgin was coming into existence in the Torres Strait (Shnukal, 1988, p.
22).

Beimers (2008, p. 64) lists Pijin noun pikpik ‘pig’, which is synonymous with LRC
pigipigi, as an example of apparent reduplication. Although the noun pigpig ‘pig’ is
sometimes used in Bislama, the use of pig prevails (Crowley, 2003, p. 204), thus
indicating that pigpig is a fully reduplicated noun. In Kriol, bigibigi ‘pig’ is an
example of a fully reduplicated noun (Sandefur, 1979, p. 81). Examples in Table 4.1
are also in use in TSC. Kaikai ‘to eat, food’ is used in Tok Pisin, Pijin, and TSC
(Dutton & Thomas, 1985; Simons & Young, 1978; Shnukal, 1988), while kakae in
Bislama (Crowley, 2003, p. 119). Susu ‘breast’ is used in Tok Pisin, Bislama, Pijin,
and TSC. Labalaba and lavalava remain in use in TSC and Bislama, respectively,
and its cognate laplap is used in Tok Pisin. Fadem kaliko or sulu are used in Pijin.
Puripuri ‘magic, sorcery’ is used in TSC and Tok Pisin, but it is majik in Bislama. In
Kriol, bibi denotes ‘breast’, and the nouns daga, mama, and taka are used for ‘food’
(Grimes & Lecompte, 2014).

Apart from TSC, the English plural suffix -s is present in Pijin, Bislama, and Tok
Pisin, where, similarly to LRC, it does not tend to be attached to words of
non-English origin (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004, Verhaar, 1995). In Kriol, the
occurrence of -s is sporadic and not marked by any consistency, and should be
regarded as an acrolectal feature (Schultze-Berndt & Angelo, 2013). Both Tok Pisin
and Bislama also possess the gerundial suffix -ing, however, in comparison with its
very widespread use in LRC, it appears that in Bislama, that suffix is
semi-productive and is primarily used by urban and better-educated people
(Crowley, 2004, p. 45). The presence of the agentive suffix -a is yet another
 193

similarity that LRC shares with Bislama. However, while in Bislama that suffix
possesses only one variant -a, its presence in LRC is marked by variable
pronunciation. Thus, there exist allomorphs [ɛ], and [ə].

While LRC pronominal system involves three numbers, i.e. singular, dual, and
plural, in Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin there is a four-number system, as in addition
to singular, dual, and plural numbers there is also the trial number (Beimers, 2008;
Crowley, 2004; Verhaar, 1995). Similarly to LRC, there are also three numbers in
Kriol, namely, singular, dual, and plural (Sandefur, 1979, p. 86). Lynch (1998, p.
227) does not list the trial number but only singular, dual, and plural numbers,
noting that this is the personal pronoun pattern observed in Melanesian Pidgin,
which in turn is consistent with the Austronesian pattern. The structure of Pijin,
Bislama, and Tok Pisin personal pronouns differs from that of LRC pronouns. Thus,
in Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin pronouns in dual, trial, and plural numbers, with the
exception of the first person plural inclusive yumi and the third person plural olketa
in Pijin, olgeta in Bislama, and ol in Tok Pisin, are affixed not only with the
numerals tu ‘two’ and tri ‘three’, respectively, but also with the suffix -fala in Pijin
and Bislama, and the suffix -pela in Tok Pisin. By comparison, in LRC, pronouns in
dual number are suffixed with a numeral tū and with -pla in plural number. As noted
above, Pijin olketa and Bislama olgeta constitute the third person plural pronouns,
while in LRC ōlgeda ‘all of them’ is an indefinite pronoun and dempla and demlot,
together with their variants as well as dei and ōl are used as the third person plural
personal pronouns. Pijin personal pronouns do not have possessive forms in
comparison with LRC, where only the first person singular has a special possessive
form, while the remaining ones just use the objective personal pronouns.

LRC pronominal system to a large extent mirrors TSC one, as both involve singular,
dual, and plural numbers (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 30, 32, 33). While in LRC mī functions
both as a subject and an object, in TSC, it only occurs in the role of an object. TSC
first person plural inclusive yumpla is used in LRC only by Torres Strait Islanders
and those LR people who spent time in the Strait. TSC third person singular and
plural pronouns em and dempla, respectively, do not possess any variants, as they do
in LRC. While TSC reflexive pronouns are affixed only with the reflexive suffix
 194

-selp, there is a variation in LRC, as the reflexive suffix functions either as -self or
-selp. While in TSC wiselp ‘ourselves’ may be used for the first person inclusive and
exclusive pronouns in dual and plural numbers, in LRC, wiselp is not used and the
appropriate inclusive or exclusive pronouns have to be used. In comparison with
LRC and TSC, Bislama and Tok Pisin do not have reflexive pronouns and the
reflexive meaning is expressed syntactically (Crowley, 2004; Dutton & Thomas,
1985). While both LRC and TSC have distributive and reciprocal pronouns, Tok
Pisin has neither and achieves this function by repeating numerals. In Bislama, verb
reduplication is used to express reciprocal actions.

There also exist similarities between LRC and Kriol (Sandefur, 1979, p. 86)
pronominal systems, as apart from the three numbers both of them share the
inclusive-exclusive distinction. Both mi and ai are used as the first person singular
pronouns in both languages. While in Kriol only im is used as the third person
singular pronoun, in LRC, im, em, and i function in that role. The pronoun wi is used
in both languages, however, while in Kriol it is solely reserved for the first person
inclusive plural meanings, in LRC, it functions as a first person non-singular
pronoun, not restricted to inclusive or exclusive contexts. In contrast to LRC, the
suffix -bala is a characteristic feature of Kriol first person exclusive dual and plural,
second person dual and plural, and third person dual numbers. Yunmi is the first
person inclusive dual pronoun and olabat is the third person plural pronoun in Kriol.
As far as the possessive pronouns are concerned, Kriol does not have a pronominal
system that differs from the personal pronouns and, for that reason, personal
pronouns also function as possessive pronouns (Sandefur, 1979, p. 89). In contrast to
LRC, Kriol has only one reflexive pronominal form that is used for all the persons
and numbers, namely, mijelb (Sandefur, 1979, p. 91), although the forms yuself
‘yourself’ and imself ‘himself/herself/itself’, which also exist in LRC, can
sporadically be encountered in the speech of Kriol speakers (Sandefur, 1979, p. 92).
Kriol reciprocal pronoun gija (Sandefur, 1979, p. 94) differs from
wananada/wanada ‘one another, each other’ and ichada ‘each other’ used in LRC.

While in LRC compounding with the use of wan ‘one’ results in the formation of the
indefinite pronouns ebriwan ‘everyone’ and nowan ‘no-one’, in TSC, only bodi/badi
 195

‘body’ is able to participate in such compounds (Shnukal, 1988, p. 35). In Bislama,

wan can be found in such indefinite pronouns as eniwan ‘anyone’ and evriwan
‘everyone’ (Crowley, 2004, p. 53). In Pijin, the indefinite pronoun
enisamting/eniting ‘anything’ may be a compound either of eni ‘any’ and samting
‘thing’or of eni ‘any’and ting ‘thing’ (Beimers, 2008, p. 95). In LRC, the compounds
involve the noun ting ‘thing’ but never the indefinite pronoun samting, as it means
‘something’ and not ‘thing’. Similarly to Pijin, in TSC, samting functions both as the
noun ‘thing’ and as the indefinite pronoun ‘something’, however, samting never
participates in the formation of compounds. In Bislama, both samting and ting
denote the meaning ‘thing’, where both of them participate in the formation of
indefinite pronouns. An interesting feature in Tok Pisin pertains to the fact that there
are no negative indefinite pronouns; in order to achieve the negation effect,
indefinite pronouns have to be negated by means of the negative marker no
(Verhaar, 1995, pp. 367-385). Within Kriol indefinite pronouns, it is possible to
distinguish two groups, where the pronouns in the first group are always used as
independent pronouns and can stand alone, while the pronouns in the second group
may appear either alone or function as adjectives in NPs (Sandefur, 1979, p. 98).
The indefinite pronouns of the first group form compounds involving any
combinations of ebri ‘every’, sam ‘some’, eni ‘any’, and no ‘no’ with wan ‘one’,
bodi ‘body’, and jing ‘thing’ (Sandefur, 1979, p. 99). The indefinite pronouns of the
second group are not compounds, for example, fyu ‘few’, eni ‘any’, and lilbit ‘a
little’ (Sandefur, 1979, pp. 98,100); those types of pronouns are considered to be
quantifiers in LRC (see section 4.4).

Only two demonstrative pronouns, namely, diswan ‘this’ and dat ‘that’ exist in Pijin.
In both LRC and TSC in addition to the singular forms diswan and datwan, there are
also the plural forms demwan ya ‘these’ and demwan de ‘those’. Bislama makes use
of one demonstrative pronoun hemia ‘that’ and the demonstrative ya ‘this’. A similar
situation occurs in Tok Pisin, where there is one demonstrative pronoun dispela,
which is used both for singular and plural nouns, and the demonstrative em. An
interesting situation concerns demonstrative pronouns in Kriol, as in addition to the
singular and plural set of pronouns, which denote both proximal and distal
distinctions, there also exist long and short forms as well as the normal for form the
 196

singular set (Sandefur, 1979, p. 94). Kriol plural set also has two alternate forms.
Nicholls (2009, p. 26) states that in Kriol, dijan/diswan ‘this’ and darran/dan ‘that’
function as the proximal and distal demonstrative pronouns, respectively, that are
used for both singular and plural numbers.

In comparison with LRC and TSC, where there are seventeen and thirteen
interrogative pronouns, respectively, Pijin has ten such pronouns. Bislama wanem
‘what’ can be reduplicated when the noun phrase is plural and marked with the
plural marker ol or ō. Tok Pisin inventory of interrogatives includes both single
word forms and phrasal interrogatives marked by long or bilong. Unlike in LRC,
TSC wen is not used at the beginning of interrogative sentences, as it is used only as
a subordinate conjunction (see subsection 4.9.2.1.1), and wataim functions as an
interrogative pronoun meaning ‘when’. Similarly to Pijin, Tok Pisin, Bislama, Kriol,
and TSC interrogatives, LRC interrogative pronouns in addition to being
constituents of a given clause, they have the ability to form freestanding and
independent short utterances. Kriol interrogative pronouns involve four forms, i.e.
two forms having human and personal reference, namely, hu ‘who’ and blau
‘whose’, one form having non-human and non-personal reference, namely, wanim
‘what’ and one form having neutral reference, namely, wijan ‘which’ (Sandefur,
1979, pp. 96-97). However, Schultze-Berndt and Angelo (2013) list other
interrogatives as well, for example, wot ‘what’, wot fo ‘why’, we ‘where’, wotaim
‘when’, and hau ‘how’.

Similarly to LRC, the presence of TSC articles is optional (Shnukal, 1988, p. 24).
Speakers appear to primarily use them when they want to clarify the otherwise
unclear context and draw the attention of the hearer to the person or thing, to
whom/which they refer. Unlike in LRC, the TSC singular article da ‘the’ does not
possess any variants. In Pijin, olketa ‘the’ functions as a plural article, and wanfala
‘a/an’ and disfala ‘the’ are the indefinite and definite singular articles, respectively
(Beimers, 2008, p. 139). In Tok Pisin, wanpela ‘a/an’ is an indefinite singular article
and ol ‘the’ functions as a plural article (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 68). As far as
Kriol is concerned, Sandefur (1979, p. 104) states that there are no articles in Kriol,
however, he does indicate that wanbala ‘a/an, one’ functions somewhat like an
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article. Grimes and Lecompte (2014) classify wan/wanbala ‘a/an’ as the indefinite
article and also note the presence of the definite article da ‘the’. However, Nicholls
(2009, p. 26) posits that in Kriol, wan/wanbala ‘a/an’ and sambala ‘some’ are the
indefinite singular and plural articles, respectively. Nicholls (2009) also postulates
that det ‘that’, the form of which is the same for both singular and plural numbers, is
best categorised as an article, namely, a ‘recognitional article’, as “it is used when a
speaker assumes the referent of the NP to be familiar to other interlocutors, but not
immediately mentally accessible to him or her” (p. 19).

TSC uses the same demonstrative determiners as LRC. In Bislama, there is only one
demonstrative, namely, postnominal ia ‘this/that/these/those’ that possesses a longer
variant hemia (Crowley, 2004, p. 64). Thus, its form is the same for both singular
and plural nouns. As a result, it is necessary to add the pre-modifier ol or olgeta to
accentuate plurality. In Pijin, disfala ‘this’ and datfala ‘that’ function as
demonstrative determiners. In Tok Pisin, dispela ‘this, these’ is a demonstrative
determiner and em he/she/it’ may precede lexical items form a number of word
classes in order to denote the meaning ‘this, that, these, those’. Nicholls (2009, p.
26) posits that dis ‘that’ and darran/dan ‘that’ function as the proximal and distal
adnominal demonstratives that are used for both singular and plural numbers.

Similarly to LRC, some interrogative pronouns possess the ability to also function as
interrogative determiners in Pijin, Bislama, Tok Pisin, and TSC.

Structurally, LRC cardinal numerals are similar to their TSC counterparts (Shnukal,
1988, pp. 27-28). However, unlike in LRC, where cardinal numbers may either
precede or follow pronouns, TSC cardinal numerals are never preposed to pronouns
but always follow them instead. In Pijin, cardinal numerals from one to twenty and
other non-complex numerals may be either affixed with the suffix -fala or they
resemble their English couterparts (Beimers, 2008, pp. 72-73). In Tok Pisin, while
cardinal numerals from one to ten may be either affixed with the suffix -pela or not,
those above ten usually are devoid of that suffix (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 42).
Similarly, in Kriol, cardinal numerals are affixed with the suffix -bala (Nicholls,
 198

2009, p. 71). In comparison with Bislama, where reduplication of cardinal numerals,

which from one to ten are affixed with the suffix -fala, occurs quite commonly
(Crowley, 2004, pp. 53-54), only LRC numeral wan ‘one’ has been noted to undergo
this process. In its reduplicated form wanwan is part of a distributive personal
pronominal expression wanwan ich ‘one each’ (see subsection 4.4.1.1.). In Bislama,
as a result of reduplication wanwan, which modifies a noun, acquires a meaning of
‘occasional’, in addition to its regular meaning ‘one at a time, one each’.

As far as the ordinal numerals are concerned, in TSC, from first to fifth they mirror
their English counterparts, while from sixth onwards their form matches that of the
cardinal numerals. Unlike in LRC, TSC ordinal numerals are not formed by means
of the noun namba ‘number’. In Pijin, there exist two ways of expressing ordinal
numerals. Firstly, in contrast to other varieties of Melanesian Pidgin, there exists yet
another unique way to form ordinal numerals, namely, by compounding the word
mek ‘make’ with a cardinal numeral, for example, mek-eit ‘the eighth’, however,
when formed that way, ordinals function as nouns. Secondly, similarly to LRC, the
noun namba ‘number’ may be compounded with a numeral. This process occurs also
in Bislama and Tok Pisin (Crowley, 2004; Verhaar, 1995). However, similarly to
Bislama, Pijin, Tok Pisin, and TSC, in LRC, nambawan is not an ordinal numeral
‘first’ but an adjective with a meaning of ‘best, excellent’ instead. Grimes and
Lecompte (2014) state that in Kriol, nambawan denotes not only the meaning
‘principal, very good, most important’, but also that of an ordinal numeral ‘first’, in
addition to fes that has the same meaning. The ordinal numerals second and third are
formed by compounding the equivalents of the English ordinal numerals with wan
‘one’, e.g. sekanwan ‘second’ and thedwan ‘third’, while from fourth onwards they
are formed by means of compounding cardinal numerals with wan, e.g. sikswan
‘sixth’ and sebenwan ‘seventh’.

In contrast to TSC, where plenti ‘a lot, plenty’, tumas ‘too many, too much’, lelbet ‘a
bit’, olgeda ‘all’ are pre-pronominal modifiers (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 29-30), it is
customary for their LRC equivalents to function both as pre- and post-pronominal
modifiers. Bislama fulap ‘many, much’ (Crowley, 2004, p. 53) and its TSC
counterpart pulap ‘many, plenty, lots’ do not have a similar corresponding form in
 199

LRC and the speakers use plenti or tūmach/tūmas/tūmani instead. The same pertains
to both Pijin and Tok Pisin, where plande and planti, respectively, denote that
meaning (Beimers, 2008; Dutton & Thomas, 1985). Unlike in LRC, some of Kriol
quantifiers consist of the suffix -bala, for example, sambala ‘some’ and blandibala
‘plenty’ although unsuffixed forms do also exist, namely, sam ‘some’ and blandi
‘plenty’ (Sandefur, 1979, p. 100). Similarly, Pijin samfala ‘some’ represents a
quantifier affixed with the suffix -fala (Beimers, 2008, p. 97). Another difference
between LRC and Kriol involves the fact that there exists a quantifier bigmob ‘lots,
many’ in Kriol that comprises the adjective big ‘big’ and the collective suffix -mob
‘mob, group’ that is used for a group that has in common certain distinctive qualities
or shared activities (Munro, 2004; Nicholls, 2009; Sandefur, 1979). There are also
such compounds as holot and holbit, both denoting the meaning ‘all, whole’.
Sandefur (1979, p. 100) categorises such lexical items not as quantifiers but as
adjectival indefinite pronouns.

Similarly to LRC, the form of Pijin, Bislama, Tok Pisin, and TSC adjectives remains
unchanged regardless of the number and gender of the nouns modified by them
(Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Verhaar, 1995; Shnukal, 1988). In all those
languages, adjectives may function attributively and predicatively. Similarly to TSC,
LRC adjectives are never suffixed with -fala nor -pela. In comparison, while the
suffix -pela is attached to all Tok Pisin monosyllabic adjectives (Dutton & Thomas,
1985; Lynch, 1998), in Pijin and Bislama, the suffix -fala is added to those
adjectives that are emphasised (Lynch, 1998, p. 228). Kriol adjectives are suffixed
either with -wan or -bala (Nicholls, 2009, p. 25). Sandefur (1979, pp. 100-101)
states that occasionally Kriol adjectives may also be affixed with the suffix -baga,
however, it is not unusual to encounter forms devoid of any suffix.

In LRC, adjectives occur pre-nominally. On the other hand, Lynch (1998, p. 319)
provides an example from Pijin Mi kaekae fish nogud ‘I ate a bad fish’ states that
nogud ‘bad’ is an exception, as it appears post-nominally. Beimers (2008, p. 99)
indicates that nogud may appear both post- and pre-nominally in Pijin. In LRC, no
post-nominal occurrence of nogud has been observed, which seems to always
precede the noun.
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(4-377) Ai nogud meit blo yū laka na.

1SG bad friend POSS 2SG DISC EMP

‘I have been a bad friend to you.’

Similarly to Bislama and TSC, LRC adjectives are also subject to reduplication.
Unlike in Bislama, where partial syllable and partial root reduplication is possible, in
LRC, only reduplication of full adjectival forms occurs. While in LRC the adjectival
reduplication indicates intensity and plurality in case of plural referents, and both of
those meanings may be signalled simultaneously, it does not indicate variety in
whatever it is that noun refers to, as it does in Bislama. However, adjectival
reduplication also expresses intensification in clearly singular referents. Similarly to
Pijin, reduplicated adjectives can be affixed with the suffix -wan. However, unlike in
LRC and Bislama, Pijin polysyllabic and compound adjectives cannot undergo
nominalisation. In Kriol, adjectives can be fully reduplicated (Sandefur, 1979;
Nicholls, 2009).

In comparison with LRC, where eighteen simple prepositions have been observed to
occur, nowadays there are three simple prepositions in Tok Pisin (Verhaar, 1995, p.
236), six in Bislama (Crowley, 2004), and thirteen in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 56).
According to Beimers (2008, p. 99), there are three simple prepositions in Pijin.
Lynch (1998, pp. 230), however, lists six of them. Sandefur (1979, p. 144) states that
there are only four simple prepositions in Kriol, however, each of them possesses
alternate forms. However, Nicholls (2009, pp. 33-34) lists only three primary
prepositions, noting that there also exist a small group of less common prepositions.
It is likely that the number of prepositions mentioned for Kriol and the other creoles
in published works is so low, because variation and influence of English were taken
into account less in comparison with the present study of LRC.

Crowley and Rigsby (1979, p. 181) observe that in Cape York Creole blong is used
when the following word begins with a vowel and that bla, which constitutes a
variant of blo, appears if the next word is consonant-initial. Although the latter
observation does not appear in Shnukal, she does postulate that in TSC, blong is
used before vowels and in formal speech, while blo is characteristic for casual
 201

conversations. Similarly, Beimers (2008, p. 100) observes that in Pijin, blong takes
the form of [blo] or [blõ] when it appears in informal speech. This is confirmed by
Crowley who indicates that in Bislama, blo is further reduced to just bl- when the
following word is vowel-initial. Although both Mihalic (1971, p. 71) and Dutton and
Thomas (1985, p. 38) state that in Tok Pisin, there exists one single variant of this
preposition, namely, bilong, Wakizada (2008, p. 28) also lists the reduced form blo.
In Kriol, blanga and its reduced form bla indicate a genitive or benefactive relation
(Sandefur, 1979, p. 144). Schultze-Berndt and Angelo (2013) note that the form bo
can be encountered in the speech of younger people of some Kriol varieties. The use
of blong and blo in LRC is consistent with that in those creoles, as in LRC, blong is
used before vowels, while blo precedes consonants and occurs primarily in casual
speech. The primary pattern of using blo matches that in Pijin, Bislama, Tok Pisin,
and TSC in that the possessor PP (formed with the preposition blong/blo) follows
the possessed NP. However, similarly to Bislama, an alternate pattern does occur
(see subsection 4.2.1.3), where the possessive pronouns functioning as possessors
follow blong/blo and precede the possessed NPs. This pattern also occurs in Fitzroy
Valley Kriol (Hudson, 1983). In Kriol, the occurrence of both orders, i.e. possessed
NP + blanga/bla + possessor NP and blanga/bla + possessor NP + possessed NP, is
attested. Unlike in some varieties of Kriol, where blanga/bla is occasionally used as
a postposition, LRC blong/blo never is used in that way.

Long/lo and we share the same meaning both in LRC and TSC, namely, they
indicate location. Although waya and its variant weya fulfil a role of both
interrogative pronouns and determiners in TSC, we functions as a preposition and a
subordinator introducing relative clauses. By contrast, in LRC, waya/weya/we share
all those four functions, i.e. all of them can be encountered to act as interrogative
pronouns (see subsection 4.2.2.3) and determiners (see subsection 4.3.3) as well as
prepositions and subordinators introducing relative clauses (see subsection 5.3.3). In
LRC, the use of we and its variants waya/weya is much more prevalent in
comparison with the preposition long and its reduced form lo, which denote identical
meanings. In Kriol, langa and its reduced form la indicate location and direction.
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Although the transitive suffix is a characteristic feature of transitive verbs, it is not

inherent only to LRC transitive verbs, as it is also present in Pijin, Bislama, Kriol,
TSC, and Tok Pisin (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Nicholls, 2009; Shnukal, 1988;
Verhaar, 1995). However, it is not unusual for a language to possess two variants
-em and -im, e.g. Bislama, Pijin, and the western and central TSC dialect, where the
existence of both forms seems to be dictated by the rule of vowel harmony. By
contrast, the form of LRC transitive suffix does not depend on such a rule. In
Bislama, the transitive suffix is frequently and optionally devoid of m when an
object NP follows the verb but never when the verb occupies the sentence-final
position. In Kriol, the transitive suffix possesses more than two forms, as in addition
to the primary -im and its reduced variant -i, there also exist forms -it, -at, -em, -am,
and -um (Nicholls, 2009; Sandefur, 1979). Similarly to LRC, it is possible for Kriol
transitive verbs to occur without the transitive suffix (Nicholls, 2009, p. 26). This
view is shared by Sandefur (1979, p. 113) who posits the existence of both marked
and unmarked transitive verbs in Kriol.

Similarly to LRC, there exist transitive verbs in Pijin that do not possess intransitive
equivalents, although they are marked by the transitive suffix, which is attached to a
verbal bound root, e.g. talem ‘tell (something)’, baem ‘buy (something), and bitim
‘beat (something)’. Another difference involves the verb luk ‘look at, see’, which is
both transitive and intransitive in Bislama, where form lukim is also present, and in
TSC, but it is strictly intransitive in Pijin. In Tok Pisin, there exists a transitive form
lukim ‘see’ and in LRC, both suffixed and unsuffixed forms do function as
transitive, however, the unsuffixed one appears to be much more frequently used in
comparison with the suffixed form.

In LRC, there are compound transitive verbs, which stem from combining transitive
verbs with directional suffixes. This process is also known to take place in Pijin,
Bislama, Tok Pisin, TSC, and Kriol. While in TSC and Tok Pisin, directional
suffixes precede the transitive suffix, in Pijin, Bislama, Kriol, and LRC, they follow
it. Beimers (2008, p. 115) notes that in certain cases the transitive suffix may follow
directional suffixes, which does not result in the change of meaning.
 203

In Pijin and TSC, the transitive suffix frequently participates in the formation of
causative transitives when it is attached to intransitive verbs. However, although the
same can be observed in Bislama, the primary way to make causative constructions
involves two causative verbs, namely, mekem ‘make’ and letem ‘let’, which precede
the verbs denoting the resulting action or state. It is possible to attach the transitive
suffix to adjectives in order to form causative transitives in Pijin, Bislama, Tok
Pisin, TSC, and LRC.

As in LRC, intransitive verbs are never affixed with the transitive suffix in Pijin,
Bislama, Kriol, TSC, and Tok Pisin (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Sandefur,
1979; Shnukal, 1988; Verhaar, 1995). Also as in LRC (see subsection 4.7.2.1), there
exists in Pijin a complex lexicalised intransitive verb mek-sua ‘to confirm’, which is
a compound in which mek ‘make’ is the initial element, and the second part of the
compound “may be drawn from any class or even bound morphemes that occur
nowhere else in Pijin. In all such cases the intransitives appear to be causative in
nature” (Beimers, 2008, p. 110).

The progressive aspect function of LRC suffix -(a)bat is congruous with that of its
Kriol counterpart -(a)bat (Schultze-Berndt & Angelo, 2013). Sandefur (1979, p.
119) also notes the existence of Kriol variant -labat. This suffix is, however, absent
from TSC, Tok Pisin, Pijin, and Bislama.

Both full and partial verb reduplication is present in Pijin and Kriol, and partial
reduplication is characteristic for Bislama (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Nicholls,
2009). In Tok Pisin, verbal reduplication, which denotes prolonged or repeated
actions, primarily involves reduplicated stems (Mihalic, 1971, p. 22). Conversely,
only full verbal reduplication is pertinent to TSC, where it is one of the methods of
expressing an iterative aspect (Shnukal, 1988, p. 51). A verb may be repeated once
or several times; the more the verb is reduplicated, the longer it takes to complete the
action. This observation resonates in Beimers (2008, p. 120) and in Nicholls (2009,
p. 28) who posit that verbal reduplication in Pijin and Kriol, respectively, expresses
continuous aspect. Similarly to TSC, in LRC, there is no partial verbal reduplication
 204

and a verb may be repeated once or many times with no change in meaning, which,
as noted in subsection 4.7.4, is synonymous with the root and the number of
repetitions denotes the length of the action. Thus, verbal reduplication in LRC
expresses repetition, continuity, and duration, but it also emphasises intensity of the
performed action. This is in agreement with the observations of Keesing (1989, p.
29), Jourdan (2002, p. xvi), and Huebner and Horoi (1979, p. 93) in relation to the
verbal reduplication in Pijin. Similarly, Nicholls (2009, p. 28) asserts that in Kriol,
reduplication expresses duration. Sharpe and Sandefur (1976, pp. 68-69) note that
verbal reduplication may be used to express the continuative aspect for intransitive
verbs instead of the suffix -bad (see section 2.6) in the creole language of the
Katherine and Roper River areas, as example (4-378) demonstrates.

(4-378) Im bin gray~gray.

3SG PST cry~.CONT
‘He was crying’.

Crowley (1990, pp. 307-320) notes that in Bislama, verbal reduplication also denotes
the habitual aspect of verbs and accounts for the formation of intransitives from
transitives. The latter two features, however, appear to be absent from LRC.

With the exception of those LRC adverbs that are characterised by the presence of
the English-based adverbial suffix -li, the form of other LRC and TSC adverbs
matches that of adjectives (Shnukal, 1988, p. 55). However, in Bislama, while
adjectives are suffixed with -fala, adverbs are devoid of that suffix, i.e. they appear
in the adjectival basic root form (Crowley, 2004, pp. 30-31). While Tok Pisin
adverbs are not characterised by any special morphological form, and can appear
both pre- and post-verbally, the position of those adverbs, which are suffixed with
-pela, is only post-verbal (Verhaar, 1995. pp. 392, 401-403). By comparison,
Nicholls (2009, p. 32) points out that some of Kriol adverbs are affixed with the
suffix -bala, noting that it is possible to distinguish fixed position adverbs that occur
within the verb phrase (VP) (see Chapter 6) and free adverbs that possess the ability
to occur either pre- or post-verbally. Unlike in LRC, adverbs are never affixed with
either the nominalising suffix -wan or with the equivalent of the English adverbial
suffix -ly in Pijin, Bislama, Tok Pisin, and TSC. Similarly to LRC, compound
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adverbs may be formed with -kain ‘kind of’, -taim ‘time of’, and -wei ‘-ly’ as in
‘quickly’ in TSC. In Bislama, there exist adverbs compounded with taem ‘time’ and
saed ‘side’ but not with ‘kind’. In Pijin, taem ‘time’ constitutes an integral part of
some of the adverbs but not ‘side’ or ‘kind’ (Beimers, 2008, pp. 124-125). Similarly
to LRC, adverbial reduplication is quite rare in Bislama, as only three adverbs,
namely, kwik ‘quick’, spid ‘quick’, and hariap ‘fast’ can be reduplicated to denote
intensity. Of those three adverbs only hariap is subject to partial reduplication
– harhariap ‘very fast’.

Beimers (2008, p. 198) notes that a considerable number of Pijin adjectives are able
to function adverbially and, as a result, assume usually a role of the adverbs of
manner. Thus, Beimers (2008, pp. 124-125) does not categorise them as adverbs.
Accepting that opinion would mean that LRC adverbs in many of the examples
provided above are indeed adjectives acting adverbially. However, as noted above, it
is reasonable to treat them as adverbs and not as adjectives. Although the majority of
LRC adverbs have the same shape as adjectives, adjectives can modify verbs and
nouns, while adverbs possess the ability to modify all types of constituents with the
exception of nouns (Beimers, 2008, p. 124). This is in agreement with the
assessment of adverbs in Bislama and TSC as proposed by Crowley (2004) and
Shnukal (1988), respectively. Although Mihalic (1971, pp. 34-35) posits that in Tok
Pisin, any adjective may function as an adverb, he does include adjectives
functioning adverbially in the section devoted to adverbs, noting that they are never
affixed with the suffix -pela, with the exception of nupela ‘recently’. Both Mihalic
(1971, p. 36) and Verhaar (1995, p. 400) classify such lexical items as the adverbs of
manner.

Similarly to LRC, both Pijin and TSC possess three coordinators, namely, an ‘and’,
bat ‘but’, and o ‘or’, which denote addition, contrast, and alternation, respectively
(Beimers, 2008; Shnukal, 1988). ‘And’ in TSC may also occur as ane or ene.
However, in Bislama, mo functions as ‘and’, be as ‘but’, o/no as ‘or’ (Crowley,
2004, pp. 172-174). In Tok Pisin, na is the additive coordinator, o or no assume a
role of the alternative coordinators, and tasol functions as the contrastive coordinator
(Verhaar, 1995, pp. 422-424). By comparison, in Kriol, en ‘and’ is a coordinating
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conjunction denoting addition (Nicholls, 2009, p. 89). While Sandefur (1979, pp.
107-108) points out that juxtaposition also occurs in Kriol, Nicholls indicates that
that phenomenon is unattested in her data.

As far as subordinators are concerned, while blong and long act as complementisers
introducing complements in Bislama, they do not in LRC, where long ‘long’ is an
adjective and blong is a possessive pronoun. While taim ‘when’ in Tok Pisin, and
taem ‘when’ in Pijin and Bislama introduce adverbial clauses of time, wen ‘when’
assumes that role both in TSC and LRC. Sapos ‘if’ serves as the subordinator
introducing conditional clauses in Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin, if and ip assume
that role in LRC and TSC, respectively. In Bislama, sapos may also be accompanied
by the following we or se, where we introduces relative clauses and se functions as a
subordinator occurring after speech verbs as well. By contrast, sei is used as the main
verb when it is followed by reported speech and quotations in Pijin, TSC, and LRC.
However, olsem when following speech verbs signals the presence of reported
speech.

Similarly to LRC, relative clauses (RCs) are introduced by we in Bislama and TSC.
This takes place in TSC primarily when we functions as the subject rather than the
object of the RC. However, as noted in subsection 4.9.2.2, in LRC, RCs may also be
introduced by the two variants of we, namely, weya/waya, as all those forms are
used interchangeably. This is a difference with TSC, where weya/waya act solely as
interrogative determiners and interrogative pronouns, and never introduce RCs. In
Pijin, there are two relativisers, i.e. wea and hu, where the former is used for nouns
that do not refer to human beings and the latter is used for nouns that do (Beimers,
2008, p. 134). This distinction does not exist in LRC, where we/weya/waya are used
for nouns that refer both to human beings and not.

4.12 Conclusion

This chapter has described LRC word classes and morphological processes. Thus, it
has presented nouns, pronouns, determiners, quantifiers, adjectives, prepositions,
verbs, adverbs, conjunctions, and interjections. Each word class has also involved
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the presentation of morphological processes. Thirty-one creole features have been

examined and out of them, LRC shares twenty-one features with other either all or
some of the remaining creoles. Thus, the following ten creole features are present in
LRC and the other five creoles:

1. apparent noun reduplication

2. suffix -pla (in LRC and TSC, -bala in Kriol, -fala in Pijin and Bislama, and
-pela in Tok Pisin)
3. full adjectival reduplication
4. possessed NP + blong/blo + possessor NP
5. the transitive suffix
6. compound transitive verbs
7. causative transitives affixed with the transitive suffix
8. intransitive verbs always devoid of the transitive suffix
9. verb reduplication expressing continuity, repetition, and duration
10. compound adverbs.

In addition, all nouns are countable in both LRC and TSC. With the exception of
Tok Pisin, the nominalising suffix -wan is present in LRC, TSC, Kriol, Pijin, and
Bislama. The three-number pronominal system is a feature characteristic of LRC,
TSC, and Kriol. The noun namba ‘number’ participates in the formation of ordinal
numerals in LRC, Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin. The nominalisation of polysyllabic
and compound adjectives occurs in LRC, TSC, Kriol, Bislama, and Tok Pisin. The
possessive order blong/blo + possessor NP + possessed NP can be found in LRC,
Kriol, and Bislama. The progressive aspect suffix -(a)bat is present in both LRC and
Kriol. With the exception of Bislama, full verb reduplication takes place in LRC,
TSC, Kriol, Pijin, and Tok Pisin. Adverbial reduplication is present in LRC, Kriol,
and Bislama.

All of the thirteen English-derived features, which have been examined, have been
found to exist in LRC. The following four English-derived features also exist in the
remaining five creoles:

1. compounds that are direct transfers from English

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2. articles
3. interrogative pronouns used as short utterances
4. unmarked transitive verbs.

Additionally, with the exception of TSC, the plural suffix -s can be found in LRC,
Kriol, Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin. The gerundial suffix -ing occurs in LRC,
Bislama, and Tok Pisin. The agentive suffix -a is a feature characteristic of both
LRC and Bislama. The system of four demonstrative pronouns exists in LRC, TSC,
and Kriol. The reflexive suffix has the form -self in LRC, -selp in TSC, and -self in
Kriol. Reciprocal pronouns are present in LRC, TSC, and Kriol. Distributive
pronouns can be found in LRC and TSC. We introduces relative clauses in LRC,
TSC, Pijin, and Bislama.
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Chapter 5 The Noun Phrase (NP), and the Word

and Phrase Coordination
This chapter presents the internal structure of LRC NPs and their constituents. It also
describes the structure of two additional types of phrases that act as constituents: the
Adjectival Phrase (AdjP) and the Prepositional Phrase (PP). There are two subtypes
of NPs, namely, those NPs headed by a noun and those headed by a pronoun. NPs
headed by a noun include simple NPs, which may include determiners, quantifiers,
AdjPs, modifying nouns as well as post-modifiers. In complex NPs, PPs and/or
clauses can additionally occur as constituents. Simple NPs contain all and only
constituents, which directly modify the head. Complex NPs include constituents,
which take the whole NP within their scope, rather than modifying any of the NP
internal constituents. Pronominal NPs, which are described separately in section 5.4,
in view of their unique characteristics may also be divided into two subtypes;
namely, those that comprise only pronouns and those with a complex structure. The
following sections first discuss pre-head constituents in the order they appear within
NPs and then post-head constituents.

5.1 Simple NPs

This section presents simple NPs that constitute one of the two subtypes of NPs in
LRC. The structure of simple NPs is captured by the following diagram, which
shows that only a noun is an obligatory element and all of the remaining constituents
are optional.

NP → (DET) (Q) (AdjP) (N) N (PN)

Pre-head constituents are described below. Within the group of postnominal

modifiers, it is possible to distinguish post-head emphatic modifiers tū ‘too/also’ and
mō ‘more’, which are presented in subsection 5.1.6, and post-head discourse markers
nau/na and ya, which are described in subsection 9.4.1.
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5.1.1 Bare Nouns as NPs

Bare nouns are generally proper nouns (see subsection 4.1.1.1), or generic or
indefinite common nouns. In examples (5-1) and (5-2), nouns, dadi ‘dad’ and trak
‘truck’, respectively, function as bare nouns. It could be concluded that dadi ‘dad’
functions most likely as a proper noun in example (5-1), as it does not combine with
a determiner (see section 4.3). However, it is not possible for trak ‘truck’ in example
(5-2) to function as a proper noun, as it may or may not be preceded by a determiner
without evoking a change in meaning.

(5-1) Dadi bin ala gen kōl-i neim blo dem tū boi.
dad PST shout again call-TRS name POSS DET two boy
‘Dad shouted again calling the names of the two boys.’

(5-2) Ebriwan loud-i ōl ting-s blo dembla insaid we trak.

INDF.PRN load-TRS all thing-PL POSS 3PL into PREP truck
‘Everyone loaded all their things into the truck.’

The articles are absent in (5-3) and (5-4), as thampu ‘yam’ and ka’ata ‘karo, yam
type’ in (5-3) are examples of non-specific indefinite nouns, while bomfaya ‘bonfire’
in (5-4) constitutes a specific indefinite noun.

(5-3) Yūpla go luk-ran fō thampu en ka'ata.

2PL FUT look-round PREP yam CONN karo
‘You will look for yams and karos (type of yam).’

(5-4) Mīpla meik-i bomfaya.

1PL.EXCL make-TRS bonfire
‘We made a bonfire.’

To summarise, a lack of determiners does not have to signal unspecificity and

indefiniteness, but instead bare nouns functioning as NPs may represent singular or
plural entities of specific or non-specific character (Nicholls, 2009; Sankoff &
Mazzie, 1991).
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5.1.2 NP Determiner

NP determiners, which are detailed in section 4.3, express a variety of semantic

meanings, such as, for example, definiteness, indefiniteness, singularity, plurality,
demonstrative proximal and distal meanings, possession, and choice with a use of
relevant interrogative determiner. Thus, in example (5-5), the indefinite plural article
ōl ‘the’ denotes the non-particular meaning of the head noun (see subsection
4.3.1.2). Ya functions here as a postnominal emphatic modifier (see subsections
5.1.6 and 9.4.1.2) that does not not provide any information pertaining to the deictic
proximal - distal location of the NP, but it draws attention to a given head noun/NP
(see Chapter 5) instead.

(5-5) Mīpla luk ōl korol ya kam-at ebriwe.

1PL.EXCL see DET coral EMP come-out everywhere
‘We saw coral (in general) come out everywhere here.’

The article dem ‘the’ not only encodes information regarding the plural number of
particular referents, but also their identifiability, as example (5-6) shows.

(5-6) Im no laik join-i dem fren blong im.

3SG NEG like join-TRS DET friend POSS 3SG
‘He did not like to join his friends.’

The definite article de ‘the’ may denote both singularity and plurality. Thus, in
example (5-7) de is used as a singular article, as the speaker threw only one anchor
into the water. By comparison, in example (5-8) de depicts plurality, as the speaker
cooked more than one crab.

(5-7) Ai chak-i de ainka.

1SG throw.in-TRS DET anchor
‘I threw the anchor in.’

(5-8) Ai kuk-i de krab en meik-i tingri mints.

1SG cook-TRS DET crab CONN make-TRS stingray mince
‘I cooked the crabs and made a mashed stingray.’
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In example (5-9), the demonstrative determiner det ‘that’ (see subsection 4.3.2)
precedes the head noun bat ‘bat’ thus referring to a particular bat.

(5-9) Sabi dadi, det bat spīk mīpla smel stink.

know dad DEM bat say 1PL.EXCL smell badly
‘You know, dad, that bat said that we smelled badly.’

In example (5-10), wichkain ‘which kind of’ functions as an interrogative determiner

and denotes the meaning of choice/selection (see subsections 4.2.2.3 and 4.3.3).

(5-10) Im no sabi wich-kain kā im laik.

3SG NEG know which-kind car 3SG like
‘He does not know, which car he likes.’

Mai ‘my’ in example (5-11) denotes possession (see subsection 4.2.1.3). All
possessive pronouns function as determiners since they cannot co-occur with the
other determiners.

(5-11) Mīpla elp-i mai brade meik-i kemp.

1PL.EXCL help-TRS POSS.PRN brother make-TRS campsite
‘We helped my brother to make a campsite.’

It should be noted that LRC does not allow co-occurrence of its determiners within a
single NP.

5.1.2.1 Pronoun Appositions

Apposition constitutes a type of construction, where two or more referring

expressions are juxtaposed and neither are clearly the head of the NP (Huddleston &
Pullum, 2002; Sadler & Nordlinger, 2006). In such constructions, the juxtaposed
NPs are not syntactically modifying each other, neither of the NPs is the head of the
entire phrase (Nicholls, 2009, p. 52).

The pronoun appositions, which are quite rare in LRC, are included under NP
determiners, as they occupy the determiner position in the NP, in spite of the fact
that they do not function as determiners. They are parallel to the NPs and both the
apposition and the NP are co-referential. They are consecutive and have the same
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relation to the other elements in the sentence. The NP identifies and supplements the
pronoun apposition. Both the pronoun apposition and the NP have the same function
in a sentence, for example, in (5-12), both dembla ‘3PL’ and the NP ōl smōl gēls ‘the
little girls’ function as an object. On the other hand, in example (5-13), both yūmī
‘1NSG.INCL’ and ōl big man ‘the grown men’ function as a subject. In this case,
pronouns do not fulfil a role of determiners but function as pronoun appositions
followed by co-referential NPs. Thus, in examples (5-12) and (5-13), dembla ‘3PL’
and yūmī ‘1NSG.INCL’ are pronouns in apposition to full NPs ōl smōl gēls ‘the little
girls’ and ōl big man ‘the grown men’, respectively. Structurally, both the pronoun
appositions and the NPs are two separate NPs and, therefore, in examples below are
underlined separately.

(5-12) Mīpla kar-i dembla ōl smōl gēl-s.

1PL.EXCL carry-TRS 3PL DET little girl-PL
‘We carried the little girls.’

(5-13) Yūmī ōl big man yūmī gada kar-i dem dog.

1NSG.INCL DET big man 1NSG.INCL have.to take-TRS DET dog
‘We grown men have to take the dogs.’

Ōl, which functions both as the third person plural pronoun (see subsection
4.2.1.1.11) and the indefinite plural article (see subsection 4.3.1.2), occurs in
utterances of this type. If there is a determiner in the NP following the pronoun, then
it is in apposition to the pronoun. Such NPs are supplemental, especially if
intonational separation is present between the supplemental NP and the pronoun. If
there is no intonational separation, then ōl could be omitted, with no change to the
meaning, which results in pronouns assuming a role of determiners that denote both
the person deixis and the plurality of the NPs. To better illustrate this phenomenon,
ōl is omitted in examples (5-14) and (5-15), which otherwise represent the replicas
of (5-12) and (5-13).

(5-14) Mīpla kar-i dembla smōl gēl-s.

1PL.EXCL carry-TRS 3PL little girl-PL
‘We carried little girls.’
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(5-15) Yūmī big man yūmī gada kar-i dem dog.

1NSG.INCL big man 1NSG.INCL have.to take-TRS DET dog
‘We grown men have to take the dogs.’

In examples (5-16) – (5-19), NPs are in apposition, as pronouns may either precede
or follow NPs, with no change to the meaning. As a result, either order is
appropriate. LRC pronouns possess the ability to precede nouns, where they do not
function as determiners but express the notion of inclusivity instead. As a result, in
such constructions, they denote the meaning ‘associates, mates, close friends, the
people one hangs out with’. Thus, in examples (5-16) and (5-17), both dembla ‘3PL’
and mītū ‘1DU.EXCL’ precede the proper nouns Josiah ‘Josiah’ and Deivid ‘David’,
respectively.

(5-16) Dembla Josiah de standap.

3PL Josiah there stand.up
‘Josiah and his friends stand there.’

(5-17) Mītū Deivid bin dāns.

1DU.EXCL David PST dance
‘David and I danced.’

Pronouns may not only precede proper nouns when they denote inclusivity, but they
may also follow both proper and common nouns. It should be noted that no change
in meaning is involved, as examples (5-18) and (5-19) demonstrate. There is no
preferred order and those constructions are used interchangeably.

(5-18) Ankel dembla ōl no teik-i plenti eg.

uncle 3PL 3PL NEG take-TRS many egg
‘Uncle and his friends did not take many eggs.’

(5-19) Josiah dembla de standap.

Josiah 3PL there stand.up
‘Josiah and his friends stand there.’

Beimers (2008, pp. 140-142) refers to the work of Lichtenberk (2000, pp. 1-32) who
calls such constructions and pronouns, which appear in them inclusory, as the latter
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denote a complete set of participants. The lexical NPs that follow or precede
inclusory pronouns, and to which Lichtenberk refers by means of a term “included
NPs”, mark subsets of those complete sets of participants. Thus, in LRC examples
(5-16) - (5-19), the lexical NPs Josiah, Deivid, and ankel ‘uncle’ constitute subsets
of the inclusory pronouns dembla ‘3PL’ and mītū ‘1DU.EXCL’. Lichtenberk indicates
that in the inclusory constructions the inclusory pronouns function as heads and the
lexical nouns as their modifiers. Beimers is in agreement with Lichtenberk in that
pronouns in the inclusory constructions are not determiners, but indeed they function
as inclusory pronouns. In his reasoning, Beimers argues that the lexical NPs do not
specify referents expressed by the inclusory pronouns and that that information is
provided solely by the latter. The same is valid for RC inclusory pronouns and
inclusory constructions, as in examples (5-16) - (5-19), Josiah, Deivid, and ankel
‘uncle’ do not indicate referents expressed by the inclusory pronouns dembla ‘they’
and mītū ‘the two of us’.

5.1.3 NP Quantifier

This subsection describes quantifiers (see section 4.4), both numerals and other
quantifiers, which pre-modify nouns within NPs. Thus, in examples (5-20) and
(5-21), the quantifier ebri ‘every’ and the numeral siks ‘six’ precede nouns mōning
‘morning’ and pikinini ‘child’, respectively.

(5-20) Ebri mōning ōl fīd-i det frog wif insekt-s.

every morning 3PL feed-TRS DEM frog PREP insect-PL
‘Every morning they fed insects to that frog.’

(5-21) Yū gad siks pikinini.

2SG have six child
‘You have six children.’

If present, determiners precede quantifiers within NPs. In examples (5-22) and

(5-23), the quantifier plenti ‘plenty’ and the numeral fō ‘four’ follow the definite
plural article dem.
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(5-22) Den mīpla ken loud-im dem plenti krofish.

then 1PL.EXCL can load-TRS DET plenty crayfish
‘Then we could load lots of crayfish.’

(5-23) Em spīk fō dem fō pikinini blong im.

3SG speak PREP DET four child POSS 3SG
‘He talked to the four children of his.’

5.1.3.1 Nouns of Quantity

Some of LRC quantifiers (see subsection 4.4.2), which constitute nouns of quantity,
function as NP heads. They do not take prenominal modifiers. Table 5.1 lists LRC
nouns of quantity.

Table 5.1 Nouns of Quantity

Noun of Quantity Gloss
āf ‘half’
inaf ‘enough’
litilbit ‘a little bit/a few/a couple’
ōl ‘all’
ōlgeda ‘all of them’
plenti ‘plenty/many/much/a lot/lots’
sam ‘some/a few’
tūmach/tūmas/tūmani ‘too much/too many/many/much/a lot/lots’

In examples (5-24) – (5-27), the quantifiers litilbit ‘a little bit’, plenti ‘lots’, sam
‘some’, and tūmach ‘lots’, respectively, function as nouns of quantity.

(5-24) Show-i mī litilbit!

show-TRS me a little bit
‘Show me a little bit!’

(5-25) Yūmī ebriwan gad plenti!

1NSG.INCL INDF.PRN have lots
‘We have lots!’
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(5-26) Mama go boil-i sam en roust-i sam waya faya.

mum FUT boil-TRS some CONN roast-TRS some PREP fire
‘Mum will boil some and roast some in the fire.’

(5-27) Em bin ab-i tūmach.

3SG PST have-TRS lots
‘He had lots.’

5.1.4 Adjectival Phrases (AdjPs)

AdjPs that function as pre-modifiers of head nouns within NPs are described below
and adjectives functioning predicatively are discussed in Chapter 7.

The internal structure of AdjPs can be written as follows:

AdjP → (ADV) ADJ

Adjectives, therefore, constitute the only obligatory elements of AdjPs, which

function as pre-modifiers of head nouns within NPs. In example (5-28), the NP big
aligida ‘big crocodile’ consists of the head noun aligida ‘crocodile’ that is
pre-modified by the AdjP big ‘big’.

(5-28) Im spot-i big aligida.

3SG spot-TRS big crocodile
‘He spotted a big crocodile.’

Similarly, in example (5-29), the NP gud trak ‘good truck’ comprises the head noun
trak ‘truck’, which is pre-modified by the AdjP gud ‘good’.

(5-29) Im gad gud trak.

3SG have good truck
‘He has a good truck.’

If present, determiners precede AdjPs. Thus, in example (5-30), the definite plural
article dem precedes the AdjP grīn ‘green’. They are part of the NP dem grīn trī
sneik ‘the green tree snakes.’
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(5-30) Nai-taim dem grīn trī sneik i glou.

night-time DET green tree snake PM glow
‘At night, the green tree snakes glow.’

An analogous situation occurs in (5-31), where the demonstrative dis ‘this’ precedes
the AdjP drai ‘dry’. They are a part of the NP dis drai lend ‘this dry land.’

(5-31) No mayi waya dis drai lend.

NEG food PREP DEM dry land
‘There is no food in this desert.’

If present, quantifiers also precede AdjPs. Thus, in example (5-32), the cardinal
numeral faib ‘five’ appears in front of the AdjP smōl ‘small’. They are a part of the
NP faib smōl pikinini ‘five small children.’

(5-32) Dis gēl gad faib smōl pikinini.

DEM girl have five small child
‘This girl has five small children.’

Pre-modification of adjectives by adverbs may occur both when adjectives function

attributively and also predicatively (see Chapter 6). Thus, in example (5-33), the
adjective streinj ‘strange’ is pre-modified by the adverb prapa ‘very’. They are part
of the NP prapa streinj nois ‘very strange noise’.

(5-33) Mīpla lisin na prapa streinj nois.

1PL.EXCL hear EMP very strange noise
‘We heard a very strange noise.’

5.1.4.1 Adjective Modifiers

As the diagram of the AdjP internal structure provided in subsection 5.1.4 shows,
adjectives may optionally be pre-modified by adverbs. In their attributive function,
adjectives may never be followed but instead are always preceded and, therefore,
pre-modified by adverbs. Litilbit ‘rather’, nadakain/nadakan ‘extremely/unusually’,
prapa ‘very’, rili ‘really’, so/sou ‘so’, tū ‘too’, and veri ‘very’ constitute the most
common intensifying adverbs that possess the ability to appear in front of adjectives.
Their function is to gradate the degree of the properties, features, and qualities
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expressed by adjectives. In example (5-34), the NP litilbit smōl kā ‘rather small car’
consists of the AdjP litilbit smōl ‘rather small’, where the adverb litilbit ‘rather’
pre-modifies the adjective smōl ‘small’.

(5-34) Dis kā im litilbit smōl kā.

DEM car 3SG rather small car
‘This car is a rather small car.’

Similarly, in example (5-35), the NP nadakain big boks ‘unusually big box’
comprises the AdjP nadakain big ‘unsually big’, where the adverb nadakain
‘unusually’ precedes the adjective big ‘big’.

(5-35) Diswan nadakain big boks.

DEM.PRN unusually big box
‘This is an unusually big box.’

An analogous situation occurs in (5-36), where the NP veri kleve wich dokte ‘very
clever witch doctor’ involves not only the presence of the pre-modifying noun wich
‘witch’ (see subsection 5.1.5), but also consists of the AdjP veri kleve ‘very clever’,
where veri ‘very’ pre-modifies the adjective kleve ‘clever’.

(5-36) Veri kleve wich dokte.

very clever witch doctor
‘A very clever witch doctor.’

5.1.4.2 Multiple Adjectives

NPs may contain not one but multiple adnominal adjectives that appear in a string
and may be separated by coordinators. It should be stressed that they are multiple
AdjPs, and not a single AdjP with multiple heads. In examples (5-37) and (5-38), the
AdjPs big blaik ‘big black’ and big ōl ‘big old’ are not connected by coordinators
but are juxtaposed instead. On the other hand, in (5-39), the AdjPs strong ‘strong’
and helfi ‘healthy’ are connected with the use of the coordinator en ‘and’.

(5-37) Big blaik awu ran lo sanbīs.

big black evil.spirit run PREP beach
‘A big, black evil spirit ran along the beach.’
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(5-38) Im bi go lo de chīp, det big ōl man.

3SG PST go PREP DET leader DET big old man
‘He went to the leader, that big old man.’

(5-39) Strong en helfi pikinini blo mīpla.

strong CONN healthy child POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘Strong and healthy children of ours.’

It is not uncommon for more than two adjectives to appear in a string when they
function attributively. There are three adjectives in examples (5-40) and (5-41). Four
adjectives in a string-like fashion appear in example (5-42).

(5-40) Prapa nais, klīn, klie wata.

very nice clean clear water
‘Very nice, clean, clear water.’

(5-41) Im luk big, long, grīn sneik.

3SG see big long green snake
‘He saw a big, long, green snake.’

(5-42) Prapa nais, klie, crisp, klīn wata.

very nice clear crisp clean
‘Very nice, clear, crisp, clean water.’

As examples (5-40) and (5-42) above show, the intensifying adverb prapa ‘very’
appears only before the very first adjective of the AdjPs and such is the tendency
regarding all other intensifying adverbs. However, when the adjectives are separated
by coordinators, the intensifying adverbs may appear before every adjective. Thus,
in example (5-43), the adverb prapa ‘very’ occurs not only in front of the adjective
gud ‘good’, but it also precedes the adjective best ‘best’, as the two adjectives are
separated by the coordinator en ‘and’.
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(5-43) Mai dadi sabi prapa gud en prapa best spot

POSS.PRN dad know very good CONN very best spot
fō set-i krab pot en kech-i dem krab en kreifish.
COMP set-TRS crab pot CONN catch-TRS DET crab CONN crayfish
‘My dad knew a very good and a very best spot for setting crab pots and

catching crabs and crayfish.’

5.1.4.3 Multiple Adjective Order

It is difficult to state with certainty if the multiple adjective order within NPs could
actually be established in relation to LRC adjectives, as the available data set is quite
limited and many adjectives have not been observed to occur in the company of
other adjectives. Notwithstanding this obvious drawback and by analysing examples
(5-40) through (5-43) above, it is, however, possible to deduce that adjectives
denoting dimensions (big ‘big’, long ‘long’) precede those of age (ōl ‘old’) and
colour (blaik ‘black’, grin ‘green). Adjectives expressing value (nais ‘nice’) occur
before those expressing physical properties (klīn ‘clean’, klie ‘clear’), which in turn
precede those denoting human propensity (helfi ‘healthy’). It should be noted that
the collected data does not contain examples of LRC adjectives of speed and
difficulty appearing next to adjectives belonging to the remaining groups. Thus, the
tentative order of LRC multiple adjectives is proposed to be as follows:

Dimension, Age, Value, Colour, Physical Property, Human Propensity

5.1.4.4 Compound Adjectives Formed with Noun kain

The formation of compound adjectives that indicate the type or class of an NP

occurs when the noun kain ‘kind, sort, type’ is attached to demonstrative determiners
(see subsection 4.3.2), adjectives (see section 4.5), some quantifiers (see subsection
4.4.2), and the numeral wan ‘one’ (see subsection 4.4.1), with the exclusion of both
proper nouns and pronouns that are never accompanied by such complements. Table
5.2 provides a summary of LRC compound adjectives formed with the noun kain.
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Table 5.2 Compound Adjectives Formed with the Noun kain

Compound Adjective Gloss
adakain/adekain ‘other kind of’
datkain/detkain ‘that kind of’
damkain/demkain ‘these/those kinds of’
ebrikain/evrikain ‘every kind of’
enikain ‘any kind of’
nadakain/nadekain ‘another/other kind of’
ōlkain ‘all kinds of’
samkain ‘some kind of’
seimkain ‘same kind of’
wankain ‘one kind of’

In examples (5-44) - (5-46), the compound adjectives ōlkain ‘all kinds of’, demkain
‘those kinds of’, and seimkain ‘same kinds of’ precede head nouns fish ‘fish’ and
fing/ting ‘thing’, respectively. In example (5-46), seimkain ‘same kinds of’ follows
the definite article de ‘the’.

(5-44) Ōl-kain fish mīpla loud-im-ap.

all-kind.of fish 1PL.EXCL load-TRS-up
‘We loaded all kinds of fish.’

(5-45) Dem ōl pīpul ōl bi dū dem-kain ting

DET old people 3PL PST do those-kind.of thing
ōlden dei-s-taim long-taim gou.
old day-PL-time long-time ago
‘The old people did those kinds of things in the old days long time ago.’

(5-46) Mīpla gad-im de seim-kain ting.

1PL.EXCL have-TRS DET same-kind.of thing
‘We have the same kinds of things.’
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5.1.4.5 Comparison of Adjectives

Adjectives are gradable, as they refer to properties or states that can be possessed in
varying degrees. A three-term system, namely, absolute, comparative, and
superlative is used to express those degrees. As the base adjectival form constitutes
the absolute degree, the following discussion concentrates on the comparative and
superlative degrees.

5.1.4.5.1 Comparative Degree of Adjectives

Although the majority of comparative constructions occur in the predicate and, as a

result, are discussed in Chapter 7, they do sometimes occur in NPs. The comparative
degree of adjectives is achieved by placing mō ‘more’ in front of the adjective in the
absolute degree. Thus, in examples (5-47) and (5-48), mō ‘more’ precedes adjectives
big ‘big’, and strong ‘strong’, respectively.

(5-47) Mō big boi bi win de geim.

more big boy PST win DET game
‘The bigger boy won.’

(5-48) Mō strong man bi kam de bos.

more strong man PST become DET leader
‘The stronger man became the leader.’

5.1.4.5.2 Superlative Degree of Adjectives

The superlative degree of LRC adjectives is achieved with the use of the equivalents
of the English superlative adjectival forms, which are suffixed with -est, or function
in their irregular forms. Thus, in examples (5-49) – (5-51), the superlative adjectival
forms ōldest, ‘oldest’, best ‘best’, and smōlest ‘smallest’ occur, respectively.

(5-49) De ōld-est man waya Lokāt stap we dis aus.

DET old-est man in Lockhart live PREP DEM house
‘The oldest man in Lockhart lives in this house.’

(5-50) Mīpla gada weit fō de best taim.

1PL.EXCL gotta wait PREP DET best time
‘We have to wait for the best time.’
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(5-51) De smōl-est boi im bi get bit sik, laka, na, kruk.

DET small-est boy 3SG PST get a.bit sick DISC EMP crook
‘The smallest boy then got a bit sick, crook.’

5.1.5 Modifying Nouns

This subsection discusses modifying nouns, which comprise nouns that possess the
ability to take on a modifying function when they precede head nouns. In that role,
they act as “the attributive noun modifiers” (Beimers, 2008, p. 153). When
combined with head nouns, they do not form compounds, as those noun
combinations do not represent semantic entities, for example, the head noun neim
‘name’ in examples (5-53) and (5-56) below does not form compounds with sosayeti
‘society’ and langgus ‘traditional language’, respectively, but is simply modified by
them. However, a prosodic argument is much stronger than the semantic argument,
as both the modifying nouns and head nouns maintain their own stress when they
occur next to each other in a sentence. By comparison, compounds such as those
described in section 4.1.2.1, for example, sugabaig ‘honeycomb/bee’s nest’, edsō
‘headache’, and bunarou ‘bow and arrow’ do not only constitute semantic entities
but are also characterised by stress placed on the initial syllable only. In example
(5-52), the head noun tōk ‘talk’ is pre-modified by the noun lengwij ‘language’.

(5-52) Yūmī kōl-im kūku, lengwij tōk.

1NSG.INCL call-TRS language language talk
‘We call it kuuku, language talk.’

Similarly, in example (5-53), the head noun neim ‘name’ is pre-modified by the
noun sosayeti ‘society’.

(5-53) Klen grup-s andenīt de sosayeti neim.

clan group-PL under DET society name
‘Clan groups under the society names.’

An analogous situation occurs in example (5-54), where pīpul ‘people’ is the head
noun and the noun sīzin ‘season’ functions as a pre-modifier.
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(5-54) Yūmī ōl sīzin pīpul ya.

1NSG.INCL all season people here
‘We are all seasonal people here.’

In example (5-55), the head noun wei ‘way’ is pre-modified by the noun waitmen
‘white men’.

(5-55) Fō mītū prapa andestand wait-men wei,

PREP 1DU.EXCL really understand white-men way
ai bi āftū go tū dei lō.
1SG PST have.to go PREP POSS.PRN law
‘For us to really understand the way of the white men, I had to follow
their law.’

In example (5-56), there are actually two attributive noun modifiers in the NP klen
steit ouneship ‘clan state ownership’, namely, klen ‘clan’ and steit ‘state’, where steit
‘state’ modifies the head noun ouneship ‘ownership’ and klen ‘clan’ modifies steit
‘state’.

(5-56) Insaid dat langgus neim yū gad

inside DEM traditional.language name 2SG have
ōl dem klen steit ouneship.
all DET clan state ownership
‘Inside that traditional language name, you have all the clan state
ownership.’

Head nouns remain in a much closer relationship with attributive noun modifiers
than with any modifying adjectives, as modifying adjectives cannot be inserted
between attributive noun modifiers and head nouns, but they have to precede the
attributive noun modifiers instead. Thus, example (5-57), where the adjective gud
‘good’ precedes the attributive noun modifier gavement ‘government’, is acceptable.
On the other hand, example (5-58) is not acceptable, as the adjective gud ‘good’ is
inserted between the attributive noun modifier gavement ‘government’ and the head
noun wōke ‘worker’.
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(5-57) gud gavement wōke

good government worker
‘good government worker’

(5-58)* gavement gud wōke

government good worker

5.1.6 Additional Postnominal Markers

There are two additional post-head markers in LRC, namely, tū ‘too/also’ and mō
‘more’ that, in addition to their primary additive meaning, are used to add emphasis
and draw attention to head nouns/NPs. Example (5-59) contains tū, which follows
the head noun brade ‘brother’ that is pre-modified by the possessive pronoun mai
‘my’. The placement of tū ‘too/also’ after the NP mai brade ‘my brother’ not only
draws attention to it, but it also expresses the additive meaning ‘too’ that the
translation into English could prompt. That would not be able to be achieved if tū
were to be placed, for example, after the verb sī ‘see’.

(5-59) Ye, mai brade tū ken sī

yeah POSS.PRN brother too can see
bat im gad straip de paitan.
CONN 3SG have stripe DET python
‘Yeah, my brother too could see, but it had the stripes of the python.’

A similar situation occurs in example (5-60), where tū functions postnominally when

it follows the head noun fishnet ‘fishing net’ that is preceded by the definite singular
article de ‘the’.

(5-60) Im tēn-i dembla lūs from de fishnet tū.

3SG turn-TRS 3PL loose PREP DET fishing.net too
‘He turned them loose from the fishing net too.’

Mō ‘more’ is the second additional post-head marker that is commonly used in LRC.
In examples (5-61) and (5-62), mō follows the head nouns dei ‘day’ and mant
‘month’, respectively, that are pre-modified by the numerals wan ‘one’ and tū ‘two’.
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The occurrence of mō ‘more’ after the NPs wan dei ‘one day’ in (5-61) and tū mant
‘two months’ in (5-62) not only draws attention to the time specified by those NPs,
but it also expresses the meaning ‘additional, more’. The occurrence of mō in a
different place in each sentence would render ungrammatical results.

(5-61) Wan dei mō fō kam ai go go Kyens.

one day more COMP come 1SG FUT go Cairns
‘In one more day I will go to Cairns.’

(5-62) Tū mant mō ai go go.

two month more 1SG FUT go
‘I will go in two more months.’

5.2 Complex NPs

Complex NPs containing post-head PPs, including those involving quantification of
nouns, are described in this section. RCs functioning as NP modifiers is presented in
this section.

The difference between simple and complex NPs lies in the fact that complex NPs
contain one or more phrases that act as constituents within those NPs. The following
diagram outlines the structure of LRC complex NPs.

NP → (DET) (Q) (AdjP) (N) N (PN) (PP) (RC)

In LRC, some NPs involve the presence of determiners and/or quantifiers, while
some NPs are devoid of those constituents. NPs contain either a bare noun or a head
noun modified by optional attributive pre- and post-modifiers, where post-modifiers
may be in the form of PPs and RCs.

In example (5-63), the first NP mai brade ‘my brother’ is a simple NP that
comprises the possessive pronoun mai ‘my’ and the noun brade ‘brother’. However,
in the second NP kā blong im ‘his car’, the head noun kā ‘car’ is followed by the
possessive PP blong im ‘belonging to him/his’.
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(5-63) Mai brade em draib-i kā blong im.

POSS.PRN brother 3SG drive-TRS car POSS 3SG
‘My brother drove his car.’

In example (5-64), both the emphatic marker na and the RC kam antap ‘(that) came
to the top’ modify the entire NP kā blo mai ya’athu ‘my younger brother’s car’ and
not just the head noun kā ‘car’, as that NP constitutes a semantic entity and, as a
result, it is subject to pre- and post-modification. If the emphatic marker na is seen
as indicating an NP boundary, then the RC kam antap ‘(that) came to the top’ could
still be analysed as an RC modifying kā ‘car’, which is, however, extraposed, as RCs
often are (Andrews, 2007, p. 214). The RC is not introduced by a relative pronoun,
the omission of which appears to be very common in LRC.

(5-64) Mīpla kech-i kā blo mai ya'athu na

1PL.EXCL catch-TRS car POSS POSS.PRN younger.brother EMP
kam antap.
come to.the.top
‘It was my younger brother’s car that came to the top that we caught.’

Similarly, in example (5-65), the NP ed blo de tētul ‘head of the turtle’, and not just
the noun tētul ‘turtle, is post-modified by the emphatic marker na.

(5-65) Mai brade im i it-i

POSS.PRN brother 3SG PM hit-TRS
ed blo de tētul na wif de tamyok.
head POSS DET turtle EMP PREP DET axe
‘It was the turtle’s head that my brother hit with the axe.’

(5-66) is an example of nested modification, where the PP daun lo sanbīs ‘down on

the beach’ modifies the head noun traik ‘tracks’, while the RC we de riba ‘where the
river is’ modifies the noun sanbīs ‘beach’.

(5-66) Yū luk traik daun lo sanbīs we de riba.

2SG see tracks down PREP beach REL DET river
‘You could see tracks down on the beach where the river is.’
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Example (5-67) involves two NPs, where the first one mai kazin ‘my cousin’
involves the head noun kazin ‘cousin’. The second NP mai ankel en anti ‘my uncle
and auntie’ involves a complex and coordinated head noun ankel en anti ‘uncle and
auntie’ that is post-modified by the RC we oum ‘who were at home’.

(5-67) Mai kazin im krai fō mai ankel

POSS.PRN cousin 3SG cry PREP POSS.PRN uncle
en anti we oum.
CONN auntie REL home
‘My cousin cried for my uncle and auntie who were at home.’

Example (5-68) contains two NPs. The first NP ōl pikinini ‘the children’ involves
the head noun pikinini ‘child’. The second NP is the entire complex NP stōri ankel
bi teli dembla ‘story (that) uncle told them’.

(5-68) Ōl pikinini lisin fō stōri ankel bi teli dembla.

DET child listen PREP story uncle PST tell-TRS 3PL
‘The children listened to the story uncle told them.’

The final example (5-69) involves the NP dem frut ‘the fruit’, which consists of the
head noun frut ‘fruit’ preceded by the definite plural article dem ‘the’ that is
post-modified by the emphatic marker na, and the PP we dem trī ‘on the trees’.

(5-69) Ōl kaikai dem frūt na we dem trī.

3PL eat DET fruit EMP PREP DET tree
‘It was the fruit on the trees that they ate.’

5.2.1 Post-Head Prepositional Phrase

This subsection presents the description of PPs (see section 5.4) the internal,
structure of which is captured by the following diagram:

PP → PREP NP

PPs constitute constituents that can frequently be encountered in the post-head

modifying function. Out of those, the possessive and locational PPs are definitely the
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most commonly used. Examples (5-70) and (5-71) contain the respective post-head
possessive PPs introduced by the preposition blo ‘belonging to/of’, namely, blo
ebriting ‘of everything’ and blo mai ya’athu ‘belonging to my younger brother’,
which follow the head nouns bos ‘leader’ and trak ‘truck’.

(5-70) Im prapa big bos blo ebriting.

3SG very big owner POSS INDF.PRN

‘He is a very important owner of everything.’

(5-71) Mīpla weit fō de trak blo mai ya’athu kam.

1PL.EXCL wait PREP DET truck POSS POSS.PRN younger.brother come
‘We waited for my younger brother’s truck to come.’

In addition to using the possessive pronouns, he LRC speakers have two other
options to express the notion of possession. Both of those possibilities involve the
use of the possessive construction with the preposition blong/blo (see subsection
4.6.1.1) followed by an obligatory overt object NP. However, the position of the
possessed NP, i.e. buk ‘book’ differs in examples (5-72) and (5-73) in that in (5-72)
it precedes blo and in (5-73) it follows the object personal pronoun, i.e. the
possessive pronoun functioning as the possessor NP. Not only the three ways are
equally common and interchangeable, but also no difference in meaning is
displayed. The blo yu buk type of construction does occasionally occur in Bislama,
however, it is quite uncommon and not interchangeable with the other patterns
expessing possession (Crowley, 2004, p. 68). In fact, the pattern blo yu buk is
regarded as a “sign of unsophistication” (Crowley, 2004, p. 68) in Bislama.

(5-72) Dasan buk blo yū.

DEM book POSS 2SG
‘This is your book.’

(5-73) Dasan blo yū buk.

DEM POSS POSS.PRN book
‘This is your book.’

In example (5-74), the locational PP antap waya det il ‘on top of that hill’ is
introduced by the complex preposition antap waya ‘on top of’.
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(5-74) Em stap waya prapa dāk wata ōl antap waya det il.
3SG live PREP very dark water hole on.top PREP DEM hill
‘He lived in a very dark water hole on top of that hill.’

Example (5-75) contains the PP laik de aus blo mīpla ‘like our house’ that is
introduced by the preposition laik ‘like/as’ that denotes comparison.

(5-75) Mīpla go bild dem aus laik det aus blo mīpla.
1PL.EXCL FUT build DET house like DET house POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘We will build the houses like that house of ours.’

NPs may consist of more than just one PP. For example, (5-76) is an example of
nested modification, where the possessive PP blo det gēl ‘belonging to that girl’
modifies the NP trī pikinini ‘three children’, while the PP indicating source/origin
from Kyēns ‘from Cairns’ modifies the NP det gēl ‘that girl’.

(5-76) Im luk trī pikinini blo det gēl from Kyēns.

3SG see three child POSS DEM girl PREP Cairns
‘He saw this girl’s three children from Cairns.’

5.2.2 Post-Head Prepositional Phrases Involving

Quantification of Nouns

The next group of complex NPs involves those post-head prepositional phrases that
are characterised by the quantification of nouns.

5.2.2.1 Quantification of Nouns

Quantification of nouns may be expressed by means of quantifying nouns that are

outlined in Table 5.3.

Table 5.3 Quantifying Nouns

Subtype Quantifying Noun Gloss
container
baig ‘bag/sack’
bāsket ‘basket’
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biliken ‘billycan’
boks ‘box’
botl ‘bottle’
dram ‘drum’
kap ‘cup’
ken ‘can’
konteina/konteine ‘container’
punya ‘dillybag’
unit
āf ‘half/part’
kapul ‘couple’
pīs ‘piece’
measurement
fut ‘foot’
inch ‘inch’
kīlo/kīlogram ‘kilogram’
kīlomīta/kīlomīte ‘kilometre’
līta/līte ‘litre’
mīta/mīte ‘metre’

Quantifying nouns fulfil a task of head nouns in NPs containing quantified nouns.
The NP that is quantified becomes the NP complement of a possessive PP with of as
its head. In example (5-77), the NP kap of milk ‘cup of milk’ consists of the
quantifying noun kap ‘cup’ and the quantified noun milk ‘milk’ that are separated by
the preposition of ‘of’.

(5-77) Im bi gib-im kap of milk.

3SG PST give-TRS cup PREP milk
‘She gave him a cup of milk.’

Similarly, in example (5-78), the NP pīs of olou bambū ‘piece of hollow bamboo’
comprises the quantifying noun pīs ‘piece’ followed by the preposition of ‘of’ and
the quantified noun bambū ‘bamboo’, which is pre-modified by the adjective olou
‘hollow’.
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(5-78) Wen ōl bi rīch-i det dāk ribebaink

COMP 3PL PST reach-TRS DEM dark riverbank
de ōl man bin kat-im pīs of olou bambū.
DET old man PST cut-TRS piece PREP hollow bamboo
‘When they reached that dark riverbank, the old man cut a piece of
hollow bamboo.’

Example (5-79) shows that the quantifying noun can be itself quantified by another
noun. Thus, the NP flawa dram of ani ‘flower drum of honey’ consists of the
quantifying noun dram ‘drum’, which is pre-modified by the attributive noun flawa
‘flower’ and the quantified noun ani ‘honey’ that are separated by the preposition of
‘of’.

(5-79) Im bi abi flawa dram of ani.

3SG PST have flower drum PREP honey
‘He had a flower drum of honey.’

As noted above, quantifying and quantified nouns are almost always separated by
the preposition of ‘of’. However, it does happen that the preposition of is omitted,
and quantifying and quantified nouns are simply juxtaposed. In that case, whole NPs
may be substituted by quantifying nouns but not by quantified nouns. Thus, in
example (5-80), the NP biliken tī may be substituted by biliken but not by tī and, as a
result, biliken should be considered the head noun.

(5-80) Im finis kuk-i tū jonikeik

3SG CESS cook-TRS two johnnycake
en boili biliken tī.
CONN boil-TRS billycan tea
‘She finished cooking two johnnycakes and boiling a billycan of tea.’

In example (5-81), biliken functions as the head noun preceding PP of ti. It should be
noted that although the meaning of biliken tī and biliken of tī is synonymous, as they
both mean ‘a billycan of tea’, their structures differ, as in (5-80), tī ‘tea’ functions as
the post-head NP and in (5-81), it is a part of PP introduced by the preposition of
‘of’.
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(5-81) Ōl man meik-i mō tī, biliken of tī.

old man make-TRS more tea billycan PREP tea
‘The old man made more tea, a billycan of tea.’

Example (5-82a) contains the NP baig putita ‘bag of potatoes’ and (5-82b) involves
the NP trī baig of putita ‘three bags of potatoes’ that consists of the post head PP of
putita ‘of potatoes’.

(5-82)
(a) baig putita
bag potato
‘a bag of potatoes’

(b) trī baig of putita

three bag PREP potato
‘three bags of potatoes’

Thus, in examples (5-77) – (5-82) above, nouns appear either as post-head

complement NPs or as the members of post-head PPs.

5.2.3 Relative Clauses as Head Noun Modifiers

In LRC, relative clauses (RC) modify head nouns. Although a detailed presentation
of RCs is provided in Chapter 8, examples (5-83) and (5-84) demonstrate that the
head nouns stōri ‘story’ and eg ‘egg’ are modified by RCs ankel bi teli dembla
‘(that) uncle told them’ and wī kaikai ‘(that) we ate’, respectively.

(5-83) Ōl pikinini lisin fō stōri ankel bi tel-i dembla.

DET child listen PREP strory uncle PST tell-TRS 3PL
‘The children listened to a story (that) uncle told them.’

(5-84) Mīpla bi teik-i nest eg wī kaikai.

1PL.EXCL PST take-TRS nest egg 1NSG eat
‘We took from the nests the eggs (that) we ate.’
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5.3 Pronominal NPs

This section describes various types of pronominal NPs, which are headed by
pronouns and constitute a subgroup of NPs, as their syntactic functions resemble
those of NPs headed by nouns. As noted in the opening paragraph of this chapter,
pronominal NPs may be divided into two subtypes, where the first subtype involves
pronominal NPs that comprise only bare pronouns. Their internal structure may be
represented as follows:

NP → PRN

The second subtype comprises complex pronominal NPs the internal, structure of
which could be summarised in the following way, where PRONOM refers to a
pronominal that consists of a bare pronoun that is post-modified either by a PP or a
numeral.

NP → PRONOM (PN) (RC)

{
𝐏𝐏

PRONOM → PRN
𝐐

Unlike NPs headed by nouns, pronominal NPs are characterised by the fact that head
pronouns are never pre-modified. Similarly to nominal NPs, the additional post-head
markers tū ‘too’ and mō ‘more’, post-head discourse markers nau/na and ya, and
relative clauses take the whole NP within its scope, rather than modifying any of its
internal constituents.

5.3.1 Bare Pronouns as NPs

A bare pronoun can function as an NP. Thus, in examples (5-85) – (5-87), the bare
pronouns demtū ‘3DU’, yūpla ‘2PL’, and yūmī ‘1NSG.INCL’, respectively, constitute
NPs.
 236

(5-85) Demtū spīye faib krab en tū tingri.

3DU spear five crab CONN two stingray
‘The two of them speared five crabs and two stingrays.’

(5-86) Yūpla go luk-ran fō thampu en ka'ata.

2PL FUT look-around PREP yam CONN karo
‘You will look for yams and karos.’

(5-87) Ei, yūmī no gad mayi.

hey 1NSG.INCL NEG have food
‘Hey, we have no food.’

Bare pronouns may function as appositions (see subsection 5.1.2.1) when head
pronouns are followed by the post-modifying NPs. Both the post-modifying NPs and
head pronouns are co-referential and have the same function in a sentence, for
example, in (5-88) they both function as an object and in (5-89) their role is that of a
subject. Structurally, however, they represent two separate NPs and, for that reason,
they are underlined separately.

(5-88) I mait grab-i yūpla smōl pikinini.

3SG might grab-TRS 2PL small child
‘It (evil spirit) might grab you small children.’

(5-89) Yūpla pikinini ran go kemp!

2PL child ran SV.GO campsite
‘You children run to the campsite!’

Bare personal pronouns possess the ability to function as heads of inclusory

constructions and the preceding or following proper nouns constitute their subsets.
In those constructions, pronouns function as heads and the lexical NPs as their
modifiers, as they do not specify referents and that that information is provided
solely by inclusory pronouns. As examples (5-90) and (5-91) demonstrate, the
lexical NPs may either follow or precede bare pronouns.
 237

(5-90) Dembla Josiah de standap.

3PL Josiah there stand.up
‘Josiah and his friends stand there.’

(5-91) Josiah dembla de standap.

Josiah 3PL there stand.up
‘Josiah and his friends stand there.’

5.3.2 Pronominal

Both a bare pronoun and a head pronoun followed by a PP can form a pronominal
NP. In examples (5-92) and (5-93), the head pronouns im ‘3SG’ and sam ‘some’ are
followed by possessive PPs introduced by the preposition blo ‘belonging to’.

(5-92) Im blo ya bi fota damblat.

3SG POSS here PST photograph 3PL
‘He who is from here took pictures of them.’

(5-93) Sam blo ya ōl sabi dat stōri.

some POSS here 3PL know DEM story
‘Some from here know that story.’

All types of head pronouns can also be followed by locational PPs. Thus, in
examples (5-94) and (5-95), the indefinite pronouns ebribodi ‘everybody’ and sam
‘some’ are followed by the respective locational PPs we Lokāt ‘at Lockhart” and we
skūl ‘at school’ introduced by the preposition we ‘in/on/at’.

(5-94) Ebribodi we Lokāt sabi

everybody PREP Lockhart know
dem tradishinal dāns.
DET traditional dance
‘Everybody at Lockhart knows the traditional dances.’
 238

(5-95) Sam we skūl wani kīp-i de sneik.

some PREP school want keep-TRS DET snake
‘Some at the school want to keep the snake.’

Pronominal NPs may also comprise head pronouns and numerals. Thus, in examples
(5-96) and (5-97), the personal pronouns yūpla ‘2PL’ and mīpla ‘1PL.EXCL’ are
followed by numerals fō ‘four’ and trī ‘three’, respectively.

(5-96) Yūpla fō go en aid byain dem big ilka.

2PL four go CONN hide behind DET big hill
‘The four of you go and hide behind the big hills.’

(5-97) Mīpla trī fraitini dembla.

1PL.EXCL three frighten.TRS 3PL
‘The three of us frightened them.’

5.4 Prepositional Phrases (PPs)

As noted in subsection 5.2.2, PPs fulfil a post-head modifying function within NPs
headed by both nouns and pronouns. They may also form verbal and adverbial
constituents within predicates and sentences, which are discussed in Chapters 7 and
8, respectively.

Subsection 5.2.2 provides a brief presentation of post-head possessive and locative

PPs as well as those that denote comparison and source/origin. This section
concentrates on a more detailed description of PPs, the nature of which depends on
the preposition type. Thus, as noted in section 4.6, LRC prepositions can be divided
into three types, namely, simple prepositions, adverbs acting as prepositions, and
complex prepositions. All of them require the obligatory presence of the
prepositional objects. As a result, the following subsections examine simple PPs,
PPs with adverbs functioning as prepositions, and complex PPs.
 239

5.4.1 Simple Prepositional Phrases

Table 4.13 lists eighteen simple prepositions that function as heads of simple PPs
that denote a variety of meanings. Thus, in example (5-98), the preposition blo
‘belonging to’ introduces a possessive PP.

(5-98) Im prapa big bos blo ebriting.

3SG really big owner POSS INDF.PRN

‘He is a really big owner of everything.’

Object personal pronouns frequently appear in PPs denoting possession. The

third-person pronoun im follows the preposition blong ‘belonging to, of’, as it begins
with a vowel and all of the remaining object personal pronouns, which begin with a
consonant, appear after the short form of blong, namely, blo. In fact, this is a
language-general rule and also a constraint, which indicates that consonants cannot
appear after [ŋ], as examples (5-99) and (5-101) demonstrate. Example (5-100)
shows that vowels occur after [ŋ].

(5-99) Yū gada strein-i ai blo yū fō luk fō dem thing.

2SG must strain-TRS eye POSS 2SG COMP look PREP DET thing
‘You must strain your eyes to look for those things.’

(5-100) Im kil-i fō pikinini blong im, laka.

3SG kill-TRS four child POSS 3SG DISC

‘He killed his four children, poor things.’

(5-101) Dei she wif det femli blo wī.

3PL share PREP DEM family POSS 1NSG
‘They share with that family of ours.’

In example (5-102), the preposition we and its variants weya/waya introduce locative
PPs.

(5-102) Da buk we teibul i prapa gud-wan.

DET book PREP table PM very good-NMLZ
‘The book on the table is a very good one.’
 240

From ‘from’ in example (5-103) introduces a PP that denotes origin/source.

(5-103) Det man from Lokāt i prapa strong man.

DEM man PREP Lockhart PM very strong man
‘That man from Lockhart is a very strong man.’

5.4.2 PPs with Adverbs Used as Prepositions

It is possible for some of those LRC adverbs that express temporal and locative
meanings to be used as prepositions. Similarly to simple prepositions (see subsection
4.6.1), adverbs in the role of prepositions also constitute heads of PPs and require
obligatory overt object NPs to follow them. Thirteen adverbs have been identified to
act as prepositions and their summary is presented in Table 5.4.

Table 5.4 Adverbs Functioning as Prepositions

Adverb Gloss
āfte ‘after’
ande ‘under/underneath’
andenīt ‘underneath/under/below’
antap ‘on/on top of/above’
antil/til ‘until/till’
autsaid ‘outside/out of’
bīfō ‘before’
byain ‘behind/at the back of’
insaid ‘inside/in/into’
kloustū ‘close to/close by/near/by’
longsaid ‘alongside/beside/next to’
ouba ‘over’
raun ‘around’

Examples (5-104) – (5-106) demonstrate how adverbs function as prepositions.

Thus, in example (5-104), the adverb ande ‘under’ functions as a preposition
introducing the PP ande de leg blo det gēl ‘under the leg of that girl’ that consists
also of the possessive PP blo det gēl ‘of that girl’.
 241

(5-104) De dog ande de leg blo det gēl bin bāk~ bāk~ bāk..
DET dog PREP DET leg POSS DEM girl PST bark~.ITR
‘The dog under the leg of that girl was barking and barking.’

The adverb byain ‘behind’ assumes a role of a preposition in example (5-105),

where it introduces the PP byain de tīche ‘behind the teacher’.

(5-105) Dem tū smōl pikinini byain de tīche sing prapa laud.

DET two small child PREP DET teacher sing very loudly
‘The two small children behind the teacher sing very loudly.’

Similarly, in example (5-106), the adverb raund ‘around’ acting as a preposition

introduces the PP raund det ōl man nau ‘around that old man’.

(5-106) Ebri dem flaying foks

every DET flying fox
raun det ōl man nau meiki sēkel.
PREP DET old man EMP make-TRS circle
‘All the flying foxes around that old man made a circle.’

Although adverbs are much more frequently used as adverbs than prepositions, they
should be regarded as prepositions when they function as heads of PPs. Beimers
(2008, p. 102) notes that those Pijin adverbs that assume a prepositional function
should, however, be treated as adverbs and not as prepositions, as their primary role
in sentences is that of adverbials of time and space. However, Lee (1996, p. 384)
believes that adverbs acting as prepositions should be considered “nominal
prepositions” or “locational prepositions”, as the majority of them are locational in
nature. Lee postulates that adverbs acting as prepositions possess the ability to
function on their own or be preceded and/or followed by long. Lee (1996, p. 389)
does, however, concede that those locational adverbs could possibly be regarded as a
subclass of nouns or adverbials.
 242

To contrast the prepositional and adverbial use of some of those adverbs, in

examples (5-107) and (5-109), adverbs assume the role of prepositions, and in
examples (5-108) and (5-110), they function as adverbs.

(5-107) Dem dog kīp go andenīt fut blo dem bois.

DET dog ITR go underneath foot POSS DET boys
‘The dogs kept on going underneath the feet of the boys.’

(5-108) Aligida bi grab-im en drag-im andenīt.

crocodile PST grab-TRS CONN drag-TRS underneath
‘The crocodile grabbed him and dragged him underneath.’

(5-109) Yūpla fō go en aid byain dem big ilka.

2PL four go CONN hide behind DET big hill
‘The four of you go and hide behind the big hills.’

(5-110) Ōl līb-i sam byain.

3PL leave-TRS some behind
‘I did not go in the dinghy.’

Adverbs functioning as prepositions are also able to form complex prepositions (see
subsection 5.4.3). However, while this possibility is shared by the locational adverbs
ande ‘under, underneath’, andenīt ‘underneath, under, below’, antap ‘on, on top of,
above’, autsaid ‘outside, out of’, byain ‘behind, at the back of’, insaid ‘inside, in,
into’, kloustū ‘close to, close by, near, by’, longsaid ‘alongside, beside, next to’, and
ouba ‘over’, it is not shared by the temporal adverbs āfte ‘after’, bīfō ‘before’, and
antil/til ‘until/till’ as well as by the locational adverb raun ‘around’.

5.4.3 Complex Prepositional Phrases

As noted in subsection 5.4.2, some of LRC adverbs functioning as prepositions are

able to form complex prepositions that consist of some of the temporal and
locational adverbs followed by the simple prepositions we/waya/weya ‘with/in/on/at’
and, to a much lesser degree, by the simple preposition long/lo ‘along’. The presence
of the locational adverb next to the simple prepositions renders a meaning that is
 243

much more specific than when locational and temporal adverbs appear on their own
in the prepositional function. Thus, the only difference between complex PPs and
PPs with adverbs used as prepositions lies in the degree of the specificity of
meaning. Similarly to adverbs functioning as prepositions, complex prepositions
also function as heads of PPs.

As it is shown in Table 5.5, there exist eleven complex prepositions in LRC. All of
them consist of locational, and not temporal, adverbs followed by the simple
preposition waya/weya/we. By comparison, lo has only been encountered to follow
the adverb daun/dan ‘down/downstairs’, which does not function as a preposition in
LRC. Subsection 5.4.2 demonstrates that some locational adverbs function as
freestanding prepositions that do not need to be accompanied by waya/weya/we or
lo.

Table 5.5 Complex Prepositions

Complex Preposition Gloss
ande waya/weya/we ‘under/underneath’
andenīt waya/weya/we ‘underneath/under/below’
antap waya/weya/we ‘on/on top of/above’
autsaid waya/weya/we ‘outside/out of’
byain waya/weya.we ‘behind/at the back of’
daun/dan lo/waya/weya/we ‘down/below/under/at the bottom of’
insaid waya/weya/we ‘inside/in/into’
kloustū waya/weya/we ‘close to/close by/near/by’
longsaid waya/weya/we ‘alongside/beside/next to’
ouba waya/weya/we ‘over’
raun waya/weya/we ‘around’

Examples (5-111) – (5-114) illustrate the functioning of complex prepositions. In

example (5-111), the complex preposition antap we ‘on top of’, which consists of
the adverb antap ‘on top’ and the simple preposition we, introduces the PP antap we
ilsaid ‘at the top of the side of the hill’.
 244

(5-111) Det aus antap we il-said i prapa ōl.

DEM house on.top PREP hill-side PM very old
‘That house at the top of the side of the hill is very old.’

Kloustū waya ‘next to’ is the complex preposition in example (5-112), where it
introduces the PP kloustū waya det roud ‘next to that road’. This complex
preposition comprises the adverb kloustū ‘close to’ and the simple preposition waya.

(5-112) De bush kloustū waya det roud i veri skeri.

DET bush next.to PREP DEM road PM very scary
‘The bush next to that road is very scary.’

In example (5-113), the complex preposition insaid waya ‘inside’, which introduces
the PP insaid waya fishing net ‘inside the fishing net’, consists of the adverb insaid
‘inside’ and the simple preposition waya.

(5-113) Ai go kuki fō dine

1SG FUT cook-TRS PREP dinner
dem fish insaid waya fishing net.
DET fish inside PREP fishing net
‘I will cook for dinner the fish inside the fishing net.’

Similarly, in example (5-114), the complex preposition dan lo ‘down at’, which
consists of the adverb dan ‘down’ followed by the simple preposition lo, introduces
the PP dan lo sanbīs ‘down at the beach’.

(5-114) Dem shel dan lo sanbīs i prapa nais.

DET shell down PREP beach PREP very nice
‘The shells down at the beach are very nice.’

The complex prepositions in examples (5-111) – (5-114) above can be analysed in

two ways. Firstly, they can be analysed as single lexical units. As a result, the
complex lexical preposition PREP requires a single PREP terminal node of the PP,
as the tree diagrams (5-111a) – (5-114a) demonstrate. However, the drawback of this
approach pertains to the fact that although treated as single lexical units, the nature
 245

of the adverbs functioning as prepositions followed by the prepositions

we/waya/weya and lo/long is in fact complex.

(5-111a) antap we ilsaid ‘at the top of the side of the hill’

(5-112a) kloustū waya det roud ‘next to the road’

(5-113a) insaid waya fishing net ‘inside the fishing net’

(5-114a) dan lo sanbīs ‘down at the beach’

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The second approach shows that the internal structure of complex PPs can be
deemed multi-layered. It involves a separate treatment of both the adverb and the
simple preposition that form the complex preposition. The tree diagrams (5-111b) -
(5-114b) show that the adverbs functioning as prepositions are associated with a
single PREP terminal node of the PP and the prepositions we/waya/weya and lo/long
head the PPs that comprise the NPs. However, there are no complex prepositions in
this approach, as the adverbs in the preposition role combine with the PP objects
introduced by the prepositions we/waya/weya and lo/long.

(5-111b) antap we ilsaid ‘at the top of the side of the hill’

(5-112b) kloustū waya det roud ‘next to the road’

 247

(5-113b) insaid waya fishing net ‘inside the fishing net’

(5-114b) dan lo sanbīs ‘down at the beach’

To conclude, the multi-layer approach containing two or three PP layers appears to

be more reasonable and practicable in comparison with the first approach that treats
the complex prepositions as single lexical units. The multi-layer approach allows for
greater specificity to be taken into account when analysing such complex structures,
as locative and temporal adverbs combine in the majority of cases with an object PP
involving the semantically bleached prepositions we/waya/weya and lo/long. The
multi-layer approach does explicitly show the internal structure of complex
prepositions, which are formed indeed by adverbs functioning as prepositions, and
not prepositions, that combine with simple prepositions.

5.5 Word and Phrase Coordination

As stated in section 4.9.1, there exist three coordinators in LRC, namely, en ‘and’,
bat ‘but’, and ō ‘or’, which indicate addition, contrast, and alternation, respectively.
 248

Although all of them are able to participate in sentential coordination, which is

described in Chapter 8, en and ō primarily link constituents belonging to the same
category and, as a result, are frequently encountered in word and phrase
coordination. On the other hand, bat can usually be found in sentential coordination.

5.5.1 Noun Coordination

Examples (5-115) – (5-116) demonstrate the noun coordination by means of the

coordinator en. The coordinated nouns build complex NPs (see section 5.2) that in
turn function as the heads of NPs. In examples below, NPs include not only
coordinated nouns, but also determiners that precede them and refer not just to one
but to both components of NPs. In the following examples coordinated nouns are
written in bold and NPs are underlined.

(5-115) Mai mama en anti kin tīch-im dem lengwich.

POSS.PRN mum CONN auntie can teach-TRS 3PL language
‘My mum and auntie can teach them language.’

(5-116) Ōl loud-i plenti ka'ata en thampu.

3PL load-TRS plenty karo CONN yam
‘They loaded plenty karos and yams.’

5.5.2 Numeral Coordination

Similarly to noun coordination, numeral coordination may also be achieved using the
coordinators en and ō. In examples (5-117) – (5-118) below, the coordinated
numerals (written in bold) function as quantifiers within NPs (underlined).

(5-117) I bi abi trī pikinini ōl greid siks en seven.

PM PST have three child all grade six CONN seven
‘There were three children, all grade six and seven.’
 249

(5-118) Yūpla pikinini ran go kemp en ged-i

2PL child run SV.GO campsite CONN get-TRS
wan ō tū baket.
one CONN two bucket
‘You, children, run to the campsite and get one or two buckets.’

5.5.3 Adjectival Coordination

Section 5.1.4.2 indicates that multiple adjectives within LRC NPs may be either
juxtaposed or separated by coordinators. It should, however, be noted that
juxtaposition prevails in the speech of the LR residents. In the following examples of
the adjectival coordination, the coordinated adjectives are written in bold and NPs
are underlined.

(5-119) I prapa nais en klīn en kristl klie wata.

PM very nice CONN clean CONN crystal clear water
‘It is a very nice and clean and crystal clear water.’

(5-120) Dat gēl im gad dem grīn ō blū ai.

DET girl 3SG have.TRS DET green CONN blue eye
‘That girl has green or blue eyes.’

5.5.4 NP Coordination

Two or more NPs may also be coordinated by means of the coordinators en and ō.
The coordinated NPs in examples (5-121) and (5-122) are written in bold and the
entire coordinated NPs are underlined.

(5-121) Mīpla drop-im tū gwana en wan pōkyupain.

1PL.EXCL drop-TRS two goanna CONN one porcupine
‘We dropped two goannas and one porcupine.’
 250

(5-122) I meik yū laik kid blong im

3SG make 2SG PREP kid POSS 3SG
ō boifren blong im ō gēlfren blong im na.
CONN boyfriend POSS 3SG CONN girlfriend POSS 3SG EMP
‘He then makes you like his kid or his boyfriend or his girlfriend.’

5.5.5 Coordination of PPs

PPs are also subject to coordination, which may occur with the use of the
coordinators en and ō. In examples (5-123) and (5-124), the coordinated PPs are
written in bold and the entire coordinated PPs are underlined.

(5-123) Ōl kaikai dem frut we dem trī en we dem bus.

3PL eat DET fruit PREP DET tree CONN PREP DET bush
‘They ate the flowers on the trees and on the bushes.’

(5-124) Mīpla drink-im kōjel waya lemen ō waya wata.

1PL.EXCL drink-TRS cordial PREP lemon CONN PREP water
‘We drank cordial with lemon or with water.’

5.6 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles

As Table 5.6 below demonstrates, LRC shares the majority of creole NP features
with other creole languages, thus providing evidence that LRC is a creole. A +
indicates that the feature is characteristic of the creole, a blank indicates it is not.

Table 5.6 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole NP Features with Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Pronouns Precede Nouns + + + +
in Inclusory
Constructions
Pronouns Follow Nouns + +
in Inclusory
Constructions
Pronoun Appositions + +
 251

Co-occurrence of +
Determiners Within a
Single NP
Compound Adjectives + + + +
with kain (noun or
suffix)
PPs as Post-modifiers of + + + + + +
Head Nouns
Prepositional Use of + + + + + +
Some Temporal and
Locational Adverbs
when Followed by we or
long
Complex Prepositions + + + + + +
with lo (TSC), long/lo
(LRC), long (Pijin,
Bislama, and Tok Pisin),
and langa (Kriol)
Complex Prepositions +
with we/waya/weya
Long/lo/langa Follow + + + + + +
Adverbs in Complex
Prepositions
Long Precedes Adverbs +
in Complex Prepositions
Long in a Circumjacent +
Relationship with
Adverbs
Verbal Prepositions + +

Table 5.7 outlines the comparison of some of LRC English-derived features with the
remaining five creoles. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic of the creole, a
blank indicates it is not. While four of those features are also present in the other
creoles, one exist only in LRC, and is shared by both LRC and Kriol. Yet another
feature is present in all of the creoles, with the exception of Kriol. A detailed
presentation of the comparison of features outlined in Tables 5.6 and 5.7 follows.

Table 5.7 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived NP Features with

Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Pre-modification of + + + + + +
Adjectives by Adverbs
Multiple Adjectives Pre- + + + + + +
modifying Head Nouns
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Postnominal Modifiers + + + + + +
Quantifying Nouns +
Separated from Nouns
by of
Presence of Preposition + +
of (av in Kriol)
Prepositional Use of + + + + + +
Some Temporal and
Locational Adverbs
when Not Followed by
we or long
Post-modification of + + + + +
Adjectives by a Small
Set of Adverbs

Similarly to LRC, NP determiners in their grammatical function are able to express a

variety of semantic meanings such as e.g. deixis, quantity, plurality, definiteness,
indefinitess, and possession in Pijin (Beimers, 2008, p. 140). Similarly to LRC, both
Pijin and TSC pronouns possess the ability to precede nouns when they do not
function as determiners but express the notion of inclusivity instead (Beimers, 2008;
Shnukal, 1988). However, unlike in LRC, pronouns never follow nouns in inclusory
constructions in Pijin and TSC. Inclusory constructions, where pronouns appear in
front of nouns are also characteristic for Kriol, as example (5-125) from Singer
(2001, p. 9) demonstrates.

(5-125) Minbala Michelle bin go.

1DU Michelle PST go
‘Me and Michelle went.’

Similarly to LRC, in Kriol, pronouns may also follow nouns in inclusory

constructions, as example (5-126) from Nicholls (2009, p. 82) shows.

(5-126) Dis Boni dubala.

DEM Boni 3DU
‘These two (including Boni).’

Lichtenberk (2000, pp. 1-32) states that the two orders with pronouns in both
pre-nominal and post-nominal positions, with no change in meaning, exist in a
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variety of Austronesian languages, one of them being Toqabaqita, a language spoken

in the Solomon Islands.

Similarly to LRC, it is possible to encounter in Pijin pronoun appositions, however,

those occurrences are infrequent. While in LRC ōl ‘3PL’ appears post-pronominally
in constructions involving pronoun appositions, in Pijin, the third person plural
pronoun olketa assumes that role. Beimers (2008, p. 143) argues that in Pijin, if there
is a determiner in the NP following the pronoun, then it is in apposition to the
pronoun. Similarly to LRC, NPs in Pijin are supplemental, especially if intonational
separation occurs between the supplemental NP and the pronoun. If intonational
separation does not take place, then olketa could be omitted with no change in
meaning. This then gives rise to pronouns acting as determiners that express both the
person deixis and the plurality of the NPs.

Unlike in LRC, where co-occurrence of determiners within a single NP is not

possible, in Pijin, only olketa ‘the (plural)’ and nara/narafala ‘other’ possess the
ability to appear in the company of some other determiners, noting that
nara/narafala may function both as a determiner when it precedes numerals and as
an adjective when it follows numerals, as numerals precede adjectives (Beimers,
2008, p. 144-145). Similarly, in Kriol, only one determiner may occur in a sentence
(Nicholls, 2009, p. 44). Kriol also possesses forms that constitute compounds of naja
‘other’ with members of other word classes, e.g. najan/najawan ‘other, another’ and
najalot/najamob ‘others’, which Sandefur (1979, p. 100) classifies as indefinite
pronouns.

In comparison with LRC, where a number of adverbs may pre-modify adjectives, in

Pijin, only two adverbs, namely, barava ‘really’ and lelebet ‘a little’ are able to
precede adjectives and there exist ten adverbs that may occur post-adjectivally
(Beimers, 2008, pp. 201-202). Mihalic (1971, pp. 37-38) lists six adverbs that follow
adjectives in Tok Pisin. While mo ‘more’ in Bislama (Crowley, 2004, p. 105) is able
to occur both pre- and post-adjectivally within AdjPs, moa ‘more’ can only function
post-adjectivally in Pijin (Beimers, 2008, pp. 201-202). By contrast, in LRC, mō
 254

‘more’ always precedes adjectives. The position of LRC adverbs is consistent with
the placement of adverbs in TSC, where there are eight adverbs that act always as
pre-modifiers of adjectives (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 52-53, 55). Similarly to LRC, TSC
possesses four adverbs, which are able to occur post-adjectivally and which
constitute the exact equivalents of their LRC counterparts. Nicholls (2009, p. 44)
points out that in Kriol, intensifiers occupy a fixed position and, as a result, brabli
‘very, really’ and rili ‘really’ appear pre-adjectivally.

Unlike in LRC, where multiple adjectives may pre-modify a head noun, Beimers
(2008, pp. 150-151) states that data collected by him shows that only two pre-head
adjectives are able to appear in Pijin NPs. However, elicitation provided examples of
strings that comprise three and four adjectives functioning as the head noun
modifiers. Pijin multiple adjective order is congruent with that in LRC, with the
exception of the groups of dimension and age, the order of which in Pijin is
reversed, i.e. adjectives of age precede those of dimension. Beimers, however, did
not observe adjectives of human propensity to co-occur with adjectives of the other
groups. Sandefur (1979, p. 104) states that in Kriol, the occurrences of NPs
comprising more than two adjectives are quite sporadic.

As far as compound adjectives formed with the noun kain ‘kind, sort, type’ are
concerned, Shnukal (1988, p. 141) states that the use of the suffix -kain results in the
formation of new adjectives of approximation in TSC. Beimers (2008, p. 171)
concludes that in Pijin, kaen is the subclassifying noun that precedes a post-head
complement nominal containing a noun that refers to a prototypical thing. In TSC,
-kain functions solely as a suffix and never as a noun, and in that it differs in
comparison with kaen in Bislama (Crowley, 2003, p. 119), kaen in Pijin, kain in Tok
Pisin (Mihalic, 1971, p. 102), and kain in LRC. In LRC, Pijin, and Tok Pisin, those
compound adjectives constitute single lexical items, as they represent single
phonological units marked by one primary stress. LRC quantifier plenti
‘plenty/many/much/a lot/lots’ and its Tok Pisin counterpart planti, however, are
never compounded with kain, but both plenti/planti and kain constitute single lexical
items, e.g. plenti kain ‘many kinds of/plenty of kinds of/lots of kinds of/a lot of
kinds of’; planti kain ‘plenty of kinds/many kinds of’. In Bislama, kaen does not
 255

function as a suffix, but as a noun that constitutes a single lexical item, e.g. Yu luk ol
turis oli kam so, eni kaen klos nomo ‘When you see tourists come ashore, it’s any
kind of clothes’ (Crowley, 2003, p. 119). A similar situation occurs in Kriol, where
ol kain ‘all kinds’ function as two separate lexical items (Nicholls, 2009, p. 254).
Similarly to LRC, subclassifiers suffixed with -kain possess the ability to appear
without the presence of the post-head complement nominal in Pijin (see section 5.3)
when they anaphorically refer to their previous occurrence in a sentence.

In comparison with Pijin (Beimers, 2008, pp. 155-163) and particularly with Tok
Pisin (Verhaar, 1995, pp. 188-189), the number of LRC postnominal modifiers is
rather limited. For example, while in Pijin (Beimers, 2008, pp. 155-156) nating
‘nothing/insignificant/lacking something’, nating nomoa ‘insignificant’, and nogud
‘bad’ function as postnominal attributive modifiers, their LRC counterparts do not
possess that ability. Thus, in LRC, nogud ‘bad’ always precedes the head noun when
used attributively, nating ‘nothing’ functions as an indefinite pronoun, and the sole
function of nomō ‘no more/not any more/no longer’ is that of a cessative aspect
marker (see Chapter 6). All of them are also negative markers. Their functioning in
LRC is in unison with that of their TSC equivalents nogud, nating, and nomo
(Shnukal, 1988, pp. 169, 171). Both Bislama nogud (Crowley, 2004, p. 64) and Tok
Pisin nogut (Verhaar, 1995, p. 189) do fulfil a task of postnominal attributive
modifiers. Similarly to Pijin (Beimers, 2008, pp. 156-157) and TSC (Shnukal, 1988,
pp. 166, 217), LRC adverbs tū ‘too/also’ and mō ‘more’ are able to function as the
additional post-head markers.

Similarly to LRC, PPs in Pijin, Bislama, Kriol, TSC, and Tok Pisin constitute
constituents that can frequently be encountered performing the post-head modifying
function (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Nicholls, 2009; Shnukal, 1988; Verhaar,
1995). Pijin NPs may consist of more than just one PP. Another similarity with Pijin
pertains to the fact that LRC post-head discourse marker nau/na takes the whole NP
within its scope, rather than modifying any of its internal constituents. This opinion
resonates in Nicholls (2009, p. 151) who posits that in Kriol, na when it has a
secondary stress and takes the final position at the end of the intonation unit
emphasises the whole clause or phrase that precedes it.
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Unlike in LRC, where the quantifying nouns are almost always separated from
nouns by means of a preposition of introducing possessive PPs, in Pijin, they are
placed next to the quantified nouns (Beimers, 2008, p. 167). Beimers concludes that
quantifying nouns occur as head nouns in NPs containing quantified non-count
nouns. In his reasoning, Beimers proposes that whole NPs may be substituted by
quantifying nouns but not by quantified nouns. This is definitely in agreement with
LRC, where NPs may be substituted by quantifying nouns but not by quantified
nouns. Beimers notes that quantifying nouns may assume a role of NP heads when
post-head PPs are involved. This is also in agreement with LRC.

In comparison with Pijin, where non-count nouns are found to function much more
frequently as post-head complement NPs than as members of post-head PPs, in LRC
the situation is reversed. However, similarly to Pijin, it is not only LRC nouns that
may appear either as post-head complement NPs or as members of post-head PPs. It
should be noted that in Bislama, TSC, and Tok Pisin (Crowley, 2004; Shnukal,
1988; Verhaar, 1995), the use of the preposition of is unknown, and both quantifying
nouns and quantified nouns are either juxtaposed as in Pijin or separated by the
preposition blong in Bislama. Grimes and Lecompte (2014) list Kriol preposition av
‘of’, however, they note that blanga is the primary preposition denoting a variety of
meanings, including ‘of’. Sandefur (1979, p. 156) notes that av is the light Kriol
form that occasionally replaces blanga in those PPs that follow nouns.

The prepositional use of some of the temporal and locational adverbs when they are
not followed by waya/weya/we or lo/long is characteristic for both LRC and Pijin
(Beimers, 2008, p. 204). However, the adverbs of the remaining two varieties of
Melanesian Pidgin, namely, Bislama and Tok Pisin are devoid of it (Beimers, 2008;
Verhaar, 1995), with the exception of two Bislama examples involving aninit
‘under’ and bifo ‘before’ provided by Crowley (1990; 1995). Beimers who attributes
this phenomenon to the decreolisation of Pijin in relation to prepositions postulates
that the use of adverbs as prepositions stems from the influence of English, as other
researchers who dealt with Pijin prior to Beimers did not make a note of it. As far as
TSC is concerned, adverbs with temporal and locative meanings used as prepositions
are able to either appear on their own or are followed by the preposition lo ‘along’
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(Shnukal, 1988, p. 56). A similar pattern is encountered in LRC, which is not

surprising taking into account the historical ties between TSC and LRC. Sandefur
(1979, pp. 145-146) lists only three complex prepositions in Kriol, namely, rait
langa ‘right to’, nomo gadim ‘without’, and onli fo ‘full of, covered with,
surrounded by’, where rait langa ‘right to’ consists of the simple preposition langa,
which denotes location or direction ‘to’. It should, however, be noted that some
Kriol varieties also have other complex preposition, for example, ontop langa ‘on
top of’ (Eva Schultze-Berndt, personal communication, 2017). Thus, further
research in this area is needed to ascertain the exact number of complex prepositions
in Kriol.

However, in Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin, long is the only preposition that
participates in the formation of complex prepositions. In TSC, lo, which is the
variant of long assumes that function. As Beimers (2008, p. 102) points out, the
appearance of the locational adverb next to the simple preposition renders complex
prepositions to possess quite a specific meaning. This is in agreement with Shnukal
(1988, p. 57) who notes that TSC eleven complex prepositions denote specific
location. In Bislama, however, when following an NP, the preposition long must
occur between the adverb and the noun. Thus, in order to say ‘The bird is flying
above the house’, in Bislama, the correct utterance is “Pijin i flae antap long haos”
(Crowley, 2004, p. 27) and in LRC, both Pijin i flai antap aus and Pijin i flai antap
waya aus are correct. The difference between those two LRC sentences lies in the
fact that the meaning expressed by the complex preposition in the second utterance
(antap waya) is more specific in comparison with the meaning of the adverb
functioning as a preposition (antap) in the first sentence. A similar situation holds in
TSC.

It should be noted that in contrast to Pijin, where long may either follow or on rare
occasions even precede an adverb (Beimers, 2008, pp. 206-207), in LRC,
waya/weya/we and long/lo always follow an adverb. This is in congruence with
Bislama, Tok Pisin, and TSC (Crowley, 2004; Verhaar, 1995; Shnukal, 1988).
Another interesting Pijin feature, namely, long being in a circumjacent relationship
with an adverb, i.e. appearing both before and after an adverb, e.g. Baero i stap long
 258

antap long tebol ‘ The pen is on the table’ (Beimers, 2008, p. 206) is absent not only
from LRC, but also from Bislama, Tok Pisin, and TSC.

In contrast to Bislama and Pijin, where there exist seven and eight verbal
prepositions, respectively (Crowley, 2004; Beimers, 2008), no verbal prepositions
appear to exist in LRC.

5.7 Conclusion
This chapter has examined the noun phrase, including both simple and complex NPs,
as well as pronominal NPs, and prepositional phrases. The word and phrase
coordination has also been presented. Thirteen creole features have been examined,
and out of them four features are present in LRC and the remaining five creoles:

1. PPs post-modify head nouns

2. the prepositional use of some temporal and locative adverbs when followed
by we or long/lo
3. complex prepositions with long/lo (langa in Kriol)
4. long/lo (langa in Kriol) follow adverbs.

Additionally, in inclusory constructions, pronouns may both precede and follow

nouns in LRC and Kriol, while in TSC and Pijin, they may only precede nouns.
Pronoun appositions are a feature characteristic of LRC and Pijin. Compound
adjectives with kain (noun or suffix) occur in LRC, TSC, Pijin, and Tok Pisin. It has
also been established that while the third person object ellipsis following the
transitive verbs affixed with the transitive suffix is characteristic for Pijin, Bislama,
Kriol, Tok Pisin (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Nicholls, 2009; Sankoff, 1993),
and LRC, such ellipsis does not occur in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 37).

Seven English-derived features have been examined and four of them are present in
LRC and the remaining five creoles:

1. pre-modification of adjectives by adverbs

2. multiple adjectives premodify head nouns
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3. postnominal modifiers
4. prepositional use of some temporal and locative adverbs not followed by we
or long/lo (langa in Kriol).

In addition, of and av are present in both in LRC and Kriol, respectively. The
post-modification of adjectives of by a small set of adverbs takes place in all of the
creole languages, with the exception of Kriol.
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Chapter 6 The Verb Phrase (VP), and the

Coordination of Verbs and VPs
This chapter undertakes the presentation of LRC verb phrase, together with its
constituents. Coordination of verbs and VPs is also outlined in this chapter.

6.1 Verb Phrases

LRC verb phrases function as the main predicate constituents except in verbless
sentences (see Chapter 7). Verbs are the heads and the most important elements of
LRC VPs. If present, serial verbs and adverbs occur post-verbally. If the head verb is
transitive, then a direct object NP may follow it. However, the latter may be either
preceded or followed by a serial directional verb and/or an adverb. If a PP is present,
then an adverb may occur either before or after that PP. As predicate markers,
subject referencing pronouns as well as tense, modality, and aspect indicators are a
part of a predicate and not the VP, they are discussed in Chapter 7. Taking into
account the above, the internal structure of LRC VPs may be summarised as follows:

VP → V (SV) (AdvP) (NP) (PP)

Examples (6-1) – (6-4) illustrate the use of LRC VPs, which are underlined.

(6-1) De beibi i krai.

DET baby PM cry
‘The baby cries.’

(6-2) Kutini luk-i nhampi.

cassowary look-TRS emu
‘The cassowary looked at the emu.’

(6-3) Kutini spīk fō dembla.

cassowary talk PREP 3PL
‘The cassowary talked to them.’
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(6-4) Smōl brade im ran go streitewe.

small brother 3SG run SV.GO straightaway
‘The younger brother ran there straightaway.’

6.1.1 Head Verbs and Direct Objects

The transitivity of the head verb is signalled syntactically by the presence or absence
of the direct object and/or morphologically by the transitive suffix -im/-i (see
subsection 4.7.1.1). The following subsections discuss the different types of LRC
head verbs.

6.1.1.1 Bare Head Verbs

Both intransitive and transitive head verbs may function on their own within the VP.
In examples (6-5) – (6-6), the intransitive verbs aryap ‘to hurry up’ and ranewei ‘to
run away’ function as the bare head verbs. In example (6-7), that role is assumed by
the transitive verb laik-im ‘to like’ that is characterised by the presence of the
transitive suffix.

(6-5) Ary-ap!
hurry-up
‘Hurry up!’

(6-6) Dem pig bin ran-ewei.

DET pig PST run-away
‘The pigs ran away.’

(6-7) Demtū ōl no bin laik-im.

3DU 3PL NEG PST like-TRS
‘They did not like it.’

6.1.1.2 Intransitive Head Verbs

Intransitive head verbs have an invariant form, and are never followed by direct
object NPs. This is demonstrated by examples (6-8) – (6-10), where the respective
intransitive verbs gedap ‘to get up’, jampat ‘to jump out’, and klaimap ‘to climb up’
are not followed by the direct objects.
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(6-8) Ai ged-ap fō toilet.

1SG get-up PREP toilet
‘I got up to the toilet.’

(6-9) Mīpla jamp-at from de kā.

1PL.EXCL jump-out from DET car
‘We jumped out from the car.’

(6-10) Em bin klaim-ap lo trī.

3SG PST climb-up PREP tree
‘He climbed up the tree.’

6.1.1.3 Transitive Head Verbs

As noted in section 4.7.1, LRC transitive verbs, the form of which is not subject to
change, are usually characterised by the presence of the transitive suffix -im/-i. Thus,
there exist unmarked transitive verbs that are not affixed with the transitive suffix
(see subsection 4.7.1.2). Not all transitive verbs suffixed with -im/-i are derived from
intransitive verbs and, as a result, they do not possess suffixless intransitive
equivalents, e.g. the verb abim/abi ‘to have’ represents such an example, as it does
not have an intransitive equivalent and never occurs in the form *ab. Transitive head
verbs are characterised by the fact that they may require either the presence or
absence of the overt direct object NPs. In examples (6-11) – (6-13), the transitive
verbs gaidi ‘to guide’, faini ‘to find’, and grauli ‘to scold’ are followed by the overt
direct object NPs fren blo demblat ‘their friends’, oun wei blo yū ‘your own way’,
and de bat ‘the bat’, respectively.

(6-11) De beibi flaying foks bin gaid-i fren blo demblat.

DET baby flying fox PST guide-TRS friend POSS 3PL
‘The baby flying foxes guided their friends.’

(6-12) Yū go fain-i oun wei blo yū.

2SG FUT find-TRS own way POSS 2SG
‘You will find your own way.’
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(6-13) De toudfish im graul-i de bat.

DET toadfish 3SG scold-TRS DET bat
‘The toadfish scolded the bat.’

Examples (6-14) – (6-16) show the use of the morphologically transitive verbs that
are affixed with the transitive suffix -im/-i and devoid of the overt direct object NPs
following the transitive head verbs katim ‘to cut’, libim ‘to leave’, and elpim ‘to
help’. The absence of an object NP does not make those verbs intransitive and, in
fact, they are transitive with a zero/implied direct object (see subsection 6.1.1.3.1).

(6-14) Ōl man kat-im ebri dei.

old man cut-TRS every day
‘The old man cut them everyday.’

(6-15) De we de roud ōl bi lib-im.

there on DET road 3PL PST leave-TRS
‘There on the road they left it.’

(6-16) Mīpla elp-im.

1PL.EXCL help-TRS
‘We helped him.’

There exist verbs that share the same intransitive and transitive form, where the latter
is not affixed with the transitive suffix -im/-i. Thus, they are syntactically transitive
when they are followed by the overt direct object NPs. Examples (6-17) and (6-19)
demonstrate the use of the verbs sabi ‘to know’ and praktis ‘to practise’ in their
transitive form and examples (6-18) and (6-20) show their intransitive use.

(6-17) Im sabi ebriting.

3SG know.TRS everything
‘He knows everything.’

(6-18) Ai sabi.
1SG understand.INTRS
‘I understand.’
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(6-19) Ai go praktis lengwich.

1SG FUT practise.TRS traditional.language
‘I will practise the traditional language.

(6-20) Ai go praktis.
1SG FUT exercise.INTRS
‘I will exercise.’

An interesting issue involves some of LRC transitive verbs that generally are affixed
with the transitive suffix, however, on some, rather random, occasions are devoid of
it with no change to the meaning. Thus, examples (6-21), (6-23), and (6-25) contain
the verbs tīchi ‘to teach’, puti ‘to put’, and gadi ‘to have’, which are affixed with the
transitive suffix, and examples (6-22), (6-24), and (6-26) illustrate the transitive use
of those verbs when they are devoid of the transitive suffix. It should, however, be
mentioned that the transitive form without the transitive suffix gad in example (6-26)
is an exception, as it is much more frequently used than the suffixed form gadim/gadi
present in (6-25).

(6-21) Tīch-i mī!

teach-TRS 1SG
‘Teach me!’

(6-22) Ai go tīch yū.

1SG FUT teach.TRS 2SG
‘I will teach you.’

(6-23) De ōl man put-i tang blong im autsaid na en smail.

DET old man put-TRS tongue POSS 3SG out EMP CONN smile
‘The old man put his tongue out then and smiled.’

(6-24) Dei put det bāk ouba.

3PL put.TRS DEM bark over
‘They put that bark over.’
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(6-25) Tīche gad-i big chukpen.

teacher have-TRS big chicken.pen
‘The teacher had a big chicken pen.’

(6-26) Im gad gud trak.

3SG have.TRS good truck
‘He had a good truck.’

6.1.1.4 Ditransitive Head Verbs

There exists in LRC a group of ditransitive verbs that possess the ability to take two
object NPs, namely, a direct object and an indirect object6, where the latter, which
assumes a role of a beneficiary, recipient or experiencer, always precedes the
former. On average, indirect object arguments that comprise a single word prevail. It
is, however, possible to encounter longer ones as well. Examples (6-27) – (6-29)
demonstrate the use of LRC ditransitive head verbs, such as gibim/gibi ‘to give’,
yānim/yāni ‘to tell’, and telim/teli ‘to tell’ (VPs are underlined and the indirect object
NPs are written in bold).

(6-27) De ōl man im bi gib-i de flaying foks lesin.

DET old man 3SG PST give-TRS DET flying fox lesson
‘The old man taught the flying fox a lesson.’

(6-28) Demtū bi yān-i demblat stōri.

3DU PST yarn-TRS 3PL story
‘The two of them told them a story.’

(6-29) Ōl bi tel-i demtū de stōri.

3PL PST tell-TRS 3DU DET story
‘They told the two of them the story.’

In comparison with constructions using a direct object NP and an indirect object NP,
those constructions that consist of a direct object NP followed by an indirect object

6
The term ‘indirect object’ is used in a heuristic, semantically-based sense.
 266

PP are equally common. In examples (6-30) – (6-32), direct object NPs are written
in bold and indirect object PPs are underlined.

(6-30) Ai yān-i stōri fō dem pikinini.

1SG yarn-TRS story PREP DET child
‘I yarned a story to the children.’

(6-31) Im bi send-i prezent fō gēl blong im.

3SG PST send-TRS gift PREP daughter POSS 3SG
‘He sent a gift to his daughter.’

(6-32) Ai gib-i disen panisment fō dem boi.

1SG give-TRS DEM.PRN punishment PREP DET boy
‘I give punishment to the boys.’

6.1.1.5 Complex Head Verbs

Complex head verbs consist of verbs kam ‘come’ and go ‘go’ followed by a main
verb. Their meaning indicates the sequence of actions by denoting first the incipient
stages of the directional movement and then overlapping with the action expressed
by the succeeding verb (Beimers, 2008, p. 182). In examples (6-35), (6-36), and
(6-38) below, where go ‘go’ constitutes the first verb, go does not function as the
future tense marker (see subsection 7.2.3.1.2), as in (6-35) it follows fō, which
introduces adverbial clauses of purpose (see subsection 8.3.3), in (6-36), it follows
the past tense marker bi, and in (6-38), it is preceded by the modal verb mas ‘must’.
Future tense marker go can only follow resumprive pronouns and/or the predicate
marker (see subsection 7.2.3.1.2).

Examples (6-33) – (6-36) demonstrate the use of LRC complex head verbs.

(6-33) Yūpla kam stap lo wikend!

2PL come stay PREP weekend
‘Come and stay during weekends!

(6-34) De brade bi kam pik-im-ap damblat we dingi.

DET brother PST come pick-TRS-up 3PL PREP dinghy
‘The brother came and picked them up in the dinghy.’
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(6-35) Spring-taim im prapa gud taim na fō go ged-im dem eig.

spring-time 3SG really good time EMP PREP go get-TRS DET egg
‘Springtime is a really good time to go and get the eggs.’

(6-36) Sou mīpla bi go put-im insaid dingi.

so 1PL.EXCL PST go put-TRS into dinghy
‘So we went and put them into the dinghy.’

Although Keesing (1991, pp. 331-333) regards kam and go in such sequences as
auxiliaries that are not verbs in their own right when they precede verbs in VPs,
examples (6-33) – (6-36) do clearly show complex constituents comprising two
coordinated verbs, i.e. kam and go followed by verbs in VPs. This observation is in
agreement with that of Beimers (2008, p. 182) who postulates that they actually
could be considered verbs and not auxiliaries or grammatical particles, because,
together with the following verbs, they form complex constituents that signal the
occurrence of two coordinated verbs. Beimers posits that the VPs, which follow kam
and go, cannot be regarded as their clausal complements or adverbial subordinate
clauses and, as a result, kam and go cannot be thought of as VP heads.

To substantiate the claim of Beimers, consider LRC examples (6-37) and (6-38),
where the conjunction en ‘and’ separates the verbs kam and go and the verbs that
follow in VPs. The insertion of the conjunction indicates that the verbs kam and go
and the following verbs in VPs represent two coordinated verbs, where the former
marks the sequential notion by denoting the beginning of the directional movement
and the overlapping with the action expressed by the following verbs in VPs.
Although the presence of the conjunction en could most likely be attributed to
English, as ‘and’ is present in the English constructions of this type, it nonetheless
demonstrates that two separate main verbs partake in this process, and the omission
of en would not affect the meaning of either of those two examples.

(6-37) Dei lisin dei femli kam en tōk we demblat.

3PL listen POSS.PRN family come CONN talk PREP 3PL
‘They listen to their family come and talk to them.’
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(6-38) Yūpla mas go en stap de autsaid.

2PL must go CONN stay there out
‘You must go and stay out there.’

The above train of thought resonates in Shnukal (1988) who refers to this
phenomenon in TSC by means of a term ‘verb chaining’, which is characterised by
“a sequence of two or more conjoined main verbs [where] the first verb belongs to a
restricted set of movement or stance verbs” (p. 81). Shnukal (1988) states that the
sentences of this type mean “’to come/go in order to do something’” (p. 82); that
proposed meaning demonstrates the use of two separate main verbs. Shnukal (p. 81)
notes that in TSC, the sentences marked by verb chaining never contain any
coordinating or subordinating conjunctions. As examples (6-37) and (6-38)
demonstrate, the use of conjunctions is, however, possible in LRC, as it is in Pijin
(Beimers, 2008, p. 182). On the other hand, the phenomenon of verb chaining does
not exist in Kriol (Schultze-Berndt & Angelo, 2013).

It should be noted that Crowley (2002) does not believe that such verb – verb
constructions in Bislama could be regarded as serial verb constructions, but

[they] can instead be treated simply as reduced forms of either coordinate or

subordinate constructions in which an inter-clause marker has been optionally
deleted. (p. 220)

Dutton and Thomas (1985, p. 304) note the presence of constructions of this type in
Tok Pisin referring to them by means of the term ‘verb grouping’. They state that
such constructions are characterised by the fact that “many actions that physically
may consist of two or more parts are often focused on or are seen as a closeknit unit”
(Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 304). Thus, it seems reasonable to treat such
constructions, where kam and go precede other verbs, regardless if overt
coordinators are used or not, as complex constituents that constitute entities acting as
the heads of VPs.
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6.1.2 Head Verbs and Oblique Constituents

Oblique constituents in the VP can be expressed through one or more PPs that are
known to denote a variety of meanings. Although examples provided below do not
cover the entire range of meanings that oblique PPs are able to express, they
illustrate the diversity of the semantic roles the PP possesses within the VP.

a. stimulus/cause

(6-39) Ai frait from frog.

1SG fear PREP frog
‘I fear frogs.’

b. location

(6-40) Kutini im stap antap det il.

cassowary 3SG live PREP DEM hill
‘The cassowary lives on top of that hill.’

c. goal

(6-41) Yūmītū go go tū de mangru.

1DU.INCL FUT go PREP DET mangrove
‘The two of us will go to the mangrove.’

d. source

(6-42) De smok kam-at from de bus.

DET smoke come-out PREP DET bush
‘The smoke came out from the bush.’

e. recipient/beneficiary

(6-43) Ai go kuk-im fō yūmītū.

1SG FUT cook-TRS PREP 1DU.INCL
‘I will cook it for the two of us.’
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(6-44) Dat gēl meik-im fō mama blong im.

DEM girl make-TRS PREP mum POSS 3SG
‘That girl made it for her mother.’

f. manner

(6-45) Mai siste roust-im ōlsem mai mama.

POSS.PRN sister roast-TRS PREP POSS.PRN mum
‘My sister roasted them the same way as my mum.’

g. time

(6-46) Dembla wani kip-im antil tūmora.

3PL want keep-TRS PREP tomorrow
‘They want to keep them until tomorrow.’

h. instrument

(6-47) Im kat-im~katim~katim we naif.

3SG cut-TRS~.ITR PREP knife
‘He was cutting and cutting it with a knife.’

i. material

(6-48) Mai mama bi wiv-im from loyakein.

POSS.PRN mum PST weave-TRS PREP lawyer.cane
‘My mum weaved it from lawyer cane.’

j. reason

(6-49) Det krokodail i kam autsaid fō det smel blo de tētil.

DEM crocodile PM come outside PREP DET smell POSS DET turtle
‘That crocodile came outside because of that smell of the turtle.’
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k. accompaniment

(6-50) Mīpla yūstū kemp waya femli blo mī.

1PL.EXCL HAB camp PREP family POSS 1SG
‘We used to camp with my family.’

6.1.3 Serial Verb Constructions

Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs), which can quite commonly be encountered in

LRC, refer to verb linking, where the grouped verbs refer to a single event (Crowley,
2004, p. 166). As a result, the verbs of the SVCs, which constitute a single predicate,
not only share the subject, but also other arguments as well as the negative particle
and TMA markers, which appear always before the initial verb of the SVCs
(Aikhenvald, 2006, pp. 4-23). While Shnukal includes the SVCs in the same
category as the constructions involving the verbs kam and go followed by the verbs
in VPs (see subsection 6.1.1.5), Crowley (2002, 2004) is of the opinion that the
SVCs differ from constructions, where kam and go precede the verbs in VPs, in that
the SVCs pertain to actions, which occur simultaneously as a single action. In the
constructions with kam and go preceding the verbs in VPs, the verbs kam and go
signal first the beginning of the directional movement and then overlapping with the
action expressed by the following verb (Beimers, 2008, p. 182). Thus, the
constructions marked by kam and go preceding the verbs in VPs refer not to a single
action but to separate overlapping actions. As a result, it appears reasonable to
follow Crowley’s (2004, p. 166) analysis and treat those two types of constructions
separately and not include them within the same category.

Two subtypes of SVCs can be distinguished, namely, SVCs, where the second verb
is one of the motion verbs denoting direction i.e. kam and go, and SVCs, where the
second verb is non-directional. Both SVC subtypes represent single intonation units
and, as a result, they possess intonational properties of monoverbal clauses, where
SVC components are not separated by intonation breaks or pauses (Aikhenvald,
2006, pp. 1,7).
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6.1.3.1 SVCs with the Directional Motion Verbs

The first subtype of the SVCs involves those, where the directional motion verbs
kam and go, which belong to a restricted class (Aikhenvald, 2006, p. 22), function as
the first post-head constituents in VPs. Thus, kam and go follow the initial core verb,
which is relatively unrestricted, is also a motion verb in the majority of cases, and
denotes a certain degree of directionality in the action (Crowley, 2004, p. 166). The
directional motion verb kam signals the direction towards the speaker and go - away
from the speaker. In examples (6-51) – (6-53), the motion verbs kam and go follow
the intransitive verbs draib ‘to drive’, krōl ‘to crawl’, and wagabat ‘to walk’,
respectively.

(6-51) Ōl draib kam.

3PL drive SV.COME

‘They drove here.’

(6-52) I krōl kam.

3SG crawl SV.COME

‘It crawled here.’

(6-53) Ōl wag-abat go antap en jamp insaid de kā.

3PL walk-PROG SV.GO to.the.top CONN jump PREP DET car
‘They were walking (there) to the top and jumped into the car.’

In addition to following the motion verbs, the directional motion verbs possess the
ability to appear after verbs that can be thought of as expressing the notion of
directionality (Beimers, 2008, p. 190). Thus, in examples (6-54) – (6-56), the
respective transitive verbs karim ‘to carry’, chaki ‘to throw’, and cheisi ‘to chase’
function as core verbs that denote directionality. It should also be noted that
examples (6-55) and (6-56) demonstrate that serial verbs do not necessarily need to
follow core verbs, as other constituents, e.g. lain ‘fishing line’ and demblat ‘3PL’,
may be inserted between them.
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(6-54) Mīpla go kar-im go skūl tūmora.

1PL.EXCL FUT carry-TRS SV.GO school tomorrow
fō show-i dem kid-s blo mīpla.
PREP show-TRS DET kid-PL POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘We will carry it (there) to school tomorrow to show it to our kids.’

(6-55) Mīpla chak-i lain go.

1PL.EXCL throw-TRS fishing.line SV.GO
‘We threw the fishing lines in there.’

(6-56) I cheis-i demblat kam.

3SG chase-TRS 3PL SV.COME

‘It chased them here.’

The verbs kam and go are not the only directional motion verbs that may appear in
the SVCs. Other verbs, which are derived from the primary motion verbs kam and
go, can also be used in the SVCs and they include among others gobaik/gobek ‘to go
back’, kambaik/kambek ‘to come back’, godan ‘to go down’, and kamdan ‘to come
down’, as examples (6-57) – (6-59) show.

(6-57) Mīpla chak-im go-dan.

1PL.EXCL throw-TRS SV.GO-DOWN

‘We threw it down.’

(6-58) Ōl fol-im de seim traik go-baik gen

3PL follow-TRS DET same tracks SV.GO-BACK again
fō pik-im-ap dem tū gwana we ōl bi drop-im de.
PREP pick-TRS-up DET two goanna REL 3PL PST drop-TRS there
‘They followed the same tracks returning again to pick up the two goannas

they dropped there.’

(6-59) Mīpla ran kam-bek oum.

1PL.EXCL run SV.COME-BACK home
‘We ran returning home.’
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After analysing the examples provided in this subsection and all of the SVC
examples collected throughout this project, it is natural to wonder if perhaps the
directional motion verbs in the SVCs have undergone the process of
grammaticalisation. However, contrary to the claim of Aikhenvald (2006, p. 30),
which states that motion verbs in asymmetrical SVCs have a tendency to undergo
grammaticalisation and become directional markers denoting path, source, and
trajectory of motion, it seems reasonable to conclude that LRC directional motion
verbs in the SVCs have not grammaticalised. Firstly, it is necessary to clarify that
LRC SVCs involving the directional motion verbs are in fact asymmetrical, as the
initial core verb belongs to a relatively unrestricted class and the following
directional motion verb is a member of a restricted class. Secondly, all the directional
motion verbs in LRC can function as free standing verbs and not just as parts of the
SVCs. The collected data show that the directional motion verbs do not follow those
core SVC verbs that do not express motion. As examples (6-57) – (6-59) above
demonstrate, the directional motion verbs derived from the verbs kam and go can
appear in the SVCs after the core verbs. Although there exists a tendency for
contiguous SVCs to occur in LRC, other constituents such as NPs, PPs, some
adverbs, and discourse markers may be inserted between the two SVC verbs. All of
the above strongly suggests that the directional motion verbs in the SVCs have not
undergone grammaticalisation. Beimers (2008, pp. 193-195) has reached a similar
conclusion in relation to Pijin, although there exist instances, where Pijin directional
motion verbs do follow those core SVC verbs, the meaning of which does not
involve that of motion.

However, kam and go as well as their derivatives are not the only motion verbs that
occur in SVCs, as the transitive directional verb raunim ‘to encircle, go around, run
around’ also possesses that ability, as example (6-60) demonstrates.

(6-60) Dem tū shāk sēkel raun-im de dingi.

DET two shark circle around-TRS DET dinghy
‘The two sharks circled around the dinghy.’
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6.1.3.2 SVCs with Non-Directional Verbs

The second subtype of SVCs involves those constructions, where the second verb is
non-directional and, therefore, those constructions do not indicate the direction of the
action. In SVCs in examples (6-61) – (6-62), the initial verb is intransitive and the
next is transitive. Example (6-63) demonstrates that other elements may be inserted
between the two verbs, for example, the adverb fās ‘fast’ appears between ran ‘to
run’ and kechi ‘to catch’. As stated in subsection 6.1.3, SVCs of this subtype
represent single intonation units and, as a result, they possess intonational properties
of monoverbal clauses, where SVC components are not separated by intonation
breaks or pauses (Aikhenvald, 2006, pp. 1,7).

(6-61) Mīpla siden kaikai dem eg.

1PL.EXCL sit eat.TRS.SV DET egg
‘We sat eating eggs.’

(6-62) Mai tū brade ran cheis-i dem tū gwana.

POSS.PRN two brother run chase.TRS.SV DET two goanna
‘My two brothers ran chasing the two goannas.’

(6-63) Ōl ran fās kech-i de smel blo de smōl boi.

3PL run fast catch-TRS.SV DET smell POSS DET little boy
‘They ran fast catching the smell of the little boy.’

Examples (6-64) and (6-65) demonstrate that SVCs with non-motion verbs may also
consist of a combination, where both the first and the second verbs are transitive.

(6-64) Mīpla loud-i uk-i tūmach ōl fish.

1PL.EXCL load-TRS unhook-TRS.SV many DET fish
‘We loaded unhooking many of the fishes.’

(6-65) Mīpla grab-im breik-i ōl an.

1PL.EXCL grab-TRS break-TRS.SV DET arm
‘We grabbed them breaking their arms.’
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Another combination involves the scenario where the two verbs of the SVC are
intransitive. Examples (6-67) and (6-68) show that other constituents may occur
between the two verbs.

(6-66) Mīpla siden weit fō twenti, tēti minit-s.

1PL.EXCL sit wait.SV PREP twenty thirty minute-PL
‘We sat waiting twenty, thirty minutes.’

(6-67) Dei krōl ebriwe luk-ran fō kaikai.

3PL crawl everywhere look-around.SV PREP food
‘They crawled everywhere looking for food.’

(6-68) Kam, yūmītū go ya na siden antap aid byain

come 1DU.INCL FUT here EMP sit on.top hide.SV behind
det big bush kloustū we de kokonat trī.
DET big bush close.to PREP DET coconut tree
‘Come, we will now sit here on top hiding behind that big bush close to
the coconut tree.’

In the last possible combination, an intransitive verb follows a transitive one,

including its object, as example (6-69) demonstrates.

(6-69) Im cheis-i demtū ran byain.

3SG chase-TRS 3DU run.SV behind
‘He chased the two of them while running behind.’

However, objects, adverbs, and PPs are not the only constituents that may appear
between the verbs that form SVCs. The insertion of the directional motion verbs kam
and go between the two verbs of the SVC not only shows that SVCs may consist of
more than just two verbs, but it also constitutes an interesting feature that is not
reflected in the existing literature on Bislama, Pijin, Tok Pisin, and TSC. It appears
that the directional motion verb is placed there to distinctly specify and emphasise
the directionality of the action denoted by the initial verb. As examples (6-70) and
(6-72) demonstrate, the inserted directional motion verbs may follow both the
intransitive and transitive verbs as well as precede them.
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(6-70) Dem tū gwana ōl ran go klaim-ap antap waya trī.

DET two goanna 3PL run SV.GO climb-up.SV on.top PREP tree
‘The two goannas ran there climbing to the top of the tree.’

(6-71) Mīpla teik-im-bad ōl ting-s en

1PL.EXCL take-TRS-PROG DET thing-PL CONN

kar-im go put-im insaid we dingi.

carry-TRS SV.GO put-TRS.SV into PREP dinghy
‘We were taking all the things and carried them there putting them into

the dinghy.’

(6-72) Sou ōl ran kam folo dem dog we wata.

so 3PL run SV.COME follow.TRS.SV DET dog PREP water
‘So they ran here following the dogs in the water.’

The directional motion verbs may also appear after the last verb of the SVC and they
clearly signal the direction of the verb, which they follow, as example (6-73) shows.

(6-73) Mīpla chak-im ōl gīs insaid kar-im kam-bek

1PL.EXCL throw-TRS DET goose inside carry-TRS.SV SV.COME-BACK
oum na.
home EMP

‘We threw the geese inside carrying them back (here) home.’

However, the directional motion verbs are not the only verbs that possess the ability
to form the multi-verb SVCs. Example (6-74) demonstrates that non-directional
verbs participate in the formation of the multi-verb SVCs as well.

(6-74) Mai brade kat-im~katim put-im insaid baket

POSS.PRN brother cut-TRS~.ITR put-TRS into bucket
fil-im-ap de tū baket.
fill-TRS-up DET two bucket
‘My brother was cutting it and cutting it putting it into the bucket filling
the bucket up.’
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6.1.3.3 SVCs and the Predicate Marker

Although the predicate marker is described in Chapter 7, it should be mentioned that

it may introduce the predicate, in which the VP with the SVC occurs (although this
occurs only three times in the data). However, the predicate marker never occurs
between the two verbs forming SVCs; this strengthens the argument that those
constructions are indeed SVCs.

(6-75) De bout i ran kam dis-wei na.

DET boat PM run SV.COME DEM-way EMP

‘The boat went here this way.’

(6-76) Mai brade im i it-i ed blo de tētil

POSS.PRN brother 3SG PM hit-TRS head POSS DET turtle
wif de tamyok nok-im-at de tētil.
PREP DET axe knock-TRS-out.SV DET turtle
‘My brother hit the turtle’s head with an axe knocking the turtle out.’

(6-77) Det krokodail i folou de said kam na

DEM crocodile PM follow DET side SV.COME EMP

fō det smel blo de tētil.

PREP DEM smell POSS DET turtle
‘That crocodile then followed the side here for that smell of the turtle.’

If the predicate marker is present, then it appears always before the initial verb of the
SVC. This is consistent with the location of the predicate marker in TSC
constructions of this type (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 81-82). In Bislama, the predicate
marker appears before each of the SVC verbs, however, it is customary for some
speakers to omit it before the second verb (Crowley, 2004, pp. 166, 169). Examples
of Pijin SVCs provided by Beimers (2008, pp. 189-196) indicate that the predicate
marker does not appear in front of either of the SVC verbs. In Tok Pisin, however,
the predicate marker may appear either in front of both the SVCs verbs or just in
front of the initial verb (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 305).
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6.1.3.4 SVCs and Verb Reduplication

As examples (6-78) – (6-80) demonstrate, verb reduplication is possible to occur

within the SVCs. In (6-78) and (6-79), it is the first verb that is reduplicated and in
example (6-80), the second verb undergoes reduplication. In (6-80), the first verb and
the reduplicated verb constitute the same lexical verbs. Although this is an unusual
occurrence, this in an example of a SVC, as it represents a single intonation unit,
where the SVC components are not separated by intonation breaks or pauses
(Aikhenvald, 2006, pp. 1,7).

(6-78) Mai tū brade ran~ran~ran cheis-i dem tū gwana.

POSS.PRN two brother ran~.ITR chase-TRS.SV DET two goanna
‘My two brothers were running and running chasing the two goannas.’

(6-79) Mīpla loud-im~loudim~loudim~loudim~loudim~loudim

1PL.EXCL load-TRS~.ITR
put-im insaid we baig.
put-TRS.SV into PREP bag
‘We were loading and loading them putting them into the bag.’

(6-80) Im kat-i de said blo tētil kat-im~katim~katim we naif.

3SG cut-TRS DET side POSS turtle cut-TRS.SV~.ITR PREP knife
‘He cut the side of the turtle cutting and cutting it with a knife.’

6.1.4 PPs within VPs

A number of examples of PPs functioning within VPs are presented in subsection

6.1.2. One of the most frequent uses of PPs in VPs is adverbial, as examples (6-81)
and (6-83) demonstrate. Thus, in (6-81), the PP fō mī ‘to me’ denotes a beneficiary
and in (6-82), the PP we de dāk lagūn pon ‘in the dark lagoon pond’ expresses
location.

(6-81) Yū mas lisin fō mī.

2SG must listen PREP 1SG
‘You must listen to me.’
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(6-82) Em standap de we de dāk lagūn pon.

3SG stand there PREP DET dark lagoon pond
‘He stood there in the dark lagoon pond.’

(6-83) Ai go go sanbīs āfte dine.

1SG FUT FUT beach PREP dinner
‘I will go to the beach after dinner.’

6.1.5 Adverbs within VPs

Adverbs, together with their comparison and morphology, are described in section
4.8, and this section deals specifically with the behaviour of adverbs within VPs. A
considerable number of adverbs are able to appear within LRC VPs and only a
handful possess the ability to precede the core predicate constituent.

As example (6-100) below demonstrates, LRC allows more than just one adverb to
appear within VPs. Adverbial phrases (AdvPs) consist of the obligatory head adverb
that may be pre-modified by another adverb or adverbs if more than two adverbs
form AdvPs. Head adverbs may also be post-modified by adverbs. Thus, the internal
structure of AdvPs may be represented as follows:

AdvP → (ADV) ADV (ADV)

6.1.5.1 Position of Adverbs within VPs

Overall, the position of adverbs within VPs is not fixed but is characterised by a
relatively high degree of free placement instead. Generally, within VPs adverbs take
a position between the head verb and the object NP, as examples (6-84) – (6-86)
demonstrate. Examples provided in subsection 6.1.5 involve AdvPs with a bare
adverb.

(6-84) Mīpla chak-im gen ainka.

1PL.EXCL throw.in-TRS again anchor
‘We threw the anchor in again.’
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(6-85) Mīpla chak-i insaid swaig blo mīpla.

1PL.EXCL throw-TRS inside swag POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘We threw our swags inside.’

(6-86) Mīpla put-i autsaid ōl ting-s blo mīpla.

1PL.EXCL put-TRS outside all thing-PL POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘We put all our things outside.’

While examples (6-84) – (6-86) above demonstrate that adverbs precede the object
NPs, examples (6-87) – (6-89) show that it is also possible for adverbs to follow the
object NPs.

(6-87) Dei pul-im-at da bāk peipe īzi from de kapmari.

3PL pull-TRS-out DET bark paper easily PREP DET sand oven
‘They pulled out the bark easily from the sand oven.’

(6-88) Ōl bait-i de lain kwik.

3PL bite-TRS DET fishing.line quickly
‘They were biting the fishing line quickly.’

(6-89) De ōl man pus-i demblat tait.

DET old man push-TRS 3PL tightly
‘The old man pushed them tightly.’

There exists a group of adverbs that possess the ability to appear either before or
after the object NPs, as examples (6-90) – (6-95) show.

(6-90) Det gēl kis-i tūmach det boi.

DEM girl kiss-TRS a.lot DEM boy
‘That girl kisses that boy a lot.’

(6-91) Det man it-i det dog tūmach.

DEM man beat-TRS DEM dog a.lot
‘That man beats that dog a lot.’
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(6-92) Demblat ab-im tū ōl stōri.

3PL have-TRS too DET story
‘We have also the stories.’

(6-93) Mīpla roust-i ōl fish tū.

1PL.EXCL roast-TRS DET fish too
‘We roasted the fishes too.’

(6-94) De tētil muv litilbit bodi blong im.

DET turtle move little.bit body POSS 3SG
‘The turtle moved a little its body.’

(6-95) De tētil muv bodi blong im litilbit.

DET turtle move body POSS 3SG little.bit
‘The turtle moved (its) body a little.’

The following examples demonstrate that adverbs may both precede and follow the
head verb, as examples (6-96) – (6-99) demonstrate.

(6-96) Krab nī-li snap-i finga blong im.

crab near-ly snap-TRS finger POSS 3SG
‘A crab nearly snapped his finger.’

(6-97) Ōl ya kam.
3PL here come
‘Here they come.’

(6-98) Bat en fren blong im ōl bi go long-wei.

bat CONN friend POSS 3SG 3PL PST go long-way
‘Bat and its friend went far.’

(6-99) Yūpla spīk mīpla smel ōful.

2PL say 1PL.EXCL smell awfully
‘You said that we smelled awfully.’

In examples (6-100) and (6-101), the respective PPs insaid de kā ‘into the car’ and
byain det big ilka ‘behind that big hill’ function adverbially in the VPs. They are also
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followed by adverbs. However, in comparison with prapa kwik in (6-100), which is

not a part of the NP de kā ‘the car’, de in (6-101) functions as a post-modifying
adverb in the same NP as the head noun ilka ‘hill.’

(6-100) Ōl jamp insaid de kā prapa kwik.

3PL jump inside DET car very quickly
‘They jumped into the car very quickly.’

(6-101) Go aid byain det big ilka de!

go hide behind DEM big hill there
‘Go and hide behind that big hill there!’

Adverbs are also known to be inserted between the core verb and the non-directional
verb of the SVCs. As far as the SVCs that comprise the core verb and the directional
motion verb are concerned, only some adverbs may be inserted between them. In
examples (6-102) – (6-104), adverbs appear between the two verbs of the SVCs.

(6-102) Ōl ken krōl insaid kam antap waya det krey pot.
3PL can crawl inside SV.COME on top PREP DET crayfish pot
‘They can crawl inside (here) at the top of that crayfish pot.’

(6-103) Ōl ran fās kech-i de smel blo de smōl boi.

3PL run fast catch-TRS.SV DET smell POSS DET little boy
‘They ran fast catching the smell of the little boy.’

(6-104) Dei krōl ebriwe luk-ran fō kaikai.

3PL crawl everywhere look-around PREP food
‘They crawled everywhere looking around for food.’

6.1.5.2 Multiple Adverbs within VPs

As example (6-100) above demonstrates, LRC allows more than just one adverb to
appear within VPs. Within AdvPs head adverbs constitute the only obligatory
constituents that may be pre-modified by another adverb or adverbs if more than two
adverbs form AdvPs. Head adverbs may also be post-modified by adverbs.
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The presence of multiple adverbs within AdvPs is demonstrated by examples (6-105)

and (6-107). As noted in section 4.8, adverbs that precede the main adverbs fulfil an
intensifying function. Adverbs that possess that ability are litilbit ‘rather’, nadakain
‘extremely’, prapa ‘very/really’, rili ‘really/very’, so/sou ‘so’, tū ‘too’, and veri
‘very’.

(6-105) Dem boi ōl ran nada-kain fas.

DET boy 3PL run other-kind fast
‘The boys run extremely fast.’

(6-106) Yū gada luk prapa kloustū.

2SG have.to look very closely
‘You have to look very closely.’

(6-107) Dei swim kam rili kwik.

3PL swim SV.COME really quickly
‘They swim really quickly.’

The adverbs of manner rait ‘right’ and streit ‘straight’ may appear in front of those
adverbs of place that denote direction, movement, and location, as examples (6-108)
and (6-109) show.

(6-108) I kar-im go rait insaid.

3SG carry-TRS SV.GO right inside
‘He carried it right inside.’

(6-109) Im chak-i da spīye streit antap.

3SG throw-TRS DET spear straight on.top
‘He threw the spear straight up.’

Similarly, the adverbs of place de ‘there’ and ya/iya ‘here’ are also known to precede
those adverbs of place that denote direction, movement, and location, as examples
(6-110) and (6-111) demonstrate.
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(6-110) Ōl bi līb-i de tētil shel de daun.

3PL PST leave-TRS DET turtle shell there down
‘They left the turtle shell down there.’

(6-111) Yūmītū go go ya antap.

1DU.EXCL FUT go here on.top
‘The two of us will go up here.’

However, when the AdvPs consist of three adverbs, where one of them is the adverb
of place de ‘there’ or ya/iya ‘here’, then the main adverb appears in the middle, while
the adverbs de and ya occupy the phrase final position and the adverbs of manner the
phrase initial position, as examples (6-112) and (6-113) show.

(6-112) De roud kam streit daun de.

DET road come straight down there
‘The road comes straight down there.’

(6-113) Im stap rait antap de.

3SG live right on.top there
‘He lives right up there.’

6.2 Word and Phrase Coordination

In subsection 6.1.1.5, which is devoted to the description of the complex verbs, it is
shown that the verbs kam and go may be either juxtaposed with the verbs in VPs or
they may be coordinated with them with the use of the coordinator en. The resulting
complex constituents fulfil a role of the heads of VPs, as examples (6-114) and
(6-115) demonstrate.

(6-114) Yūtū go en loud-im fayawud.

2DU go CONN load-TRS firewood
‘The two of you go and load the firewood.’
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(6-115) Mai siste bi kam en kar-i dembla kam

POSS.PRN sister PST come CONN carry-TRS 3PL SV.COME

rait antap waya raun il.

right on.top PREP round hill
‘My sister came and carried them right to the top of the round hill.’

Verb coordination in LRC is not, however, limited only to the verbs kam and go
followed by other verbs, but it also involves other verbs. As examples (6-116) and
(6-117) demonstrate, both coordinators en and ō may be used.

(6-116) Mīpla kat-im en miks-im-ap-im de gat-s

1PL.EXCL cut-TRS CONN miks-TRS-up-TRS DET gut-PL
insaid we det mīt.
inside PREP DET meat
‘We cut and mixed the guts inside with that meat.’

(6-117) Mīpla boil-im ō roust-im fō kaikai.

1PL.EXCL boil-TRS CONN roast-TRS PREP eat
‘We boil them or roast them to eat.’

It is not unusual for the predicates that involve single head verbs to be coordinated
with those predicates that involve the complex verbs kam and go (see subsection
6.1.1.5), as examples (6-118) and (6-119) show.

(6-118) Dembla ged-i trī krab en trī kreifish from insaid

3PL get-TRS three crab CONN three crayfish from inside
dis baket ya en go en kuk-im fō dine.
DEM bucket EMP CONN go CONN cook-TRS PREP dinner
‘They got three crabs and three crayfish from inside the bucket and went
and cooked them for dinner.’

(6-119) Mīpla kech-i grīn trī sneik en go en put-im

1PL.EXCL catch-TRS green tree snake CONN go CONN put-TRS
insaid dingi.
inside dinghy
‘We caught a green tree snake and went and put it in the dinghy.’
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It is also possible for two or more predicates that involve complex verbs to be
coordinated as well, as examples (6-120) and (6-121) demonstrate.

(6-120) Ai wag-abat en ran go de

1SG walk-PROG CONN run SV.GO there
en go en luk fō de trap.
CONN go CONN look PREP DET trap
‘I walked and ran there and went and looked for the trap.’

(6-121) Im ran go en put-i det shel byain we bek

3SG ran SV.GO CONN put-TRS DEM shell behind PREP back
blong im en kar-im en go aus.
POSS 3SG CONN carry-TRS CONN go house
‘He ran and put that shell behind on his back and carried it and went
home.’

However, not only verbs, but also VPs may be coordinated. In example (6-122), the
VP saki demblat kam insaid ‘threw them inside’ is coordinated with the VP draigi
demblat rait daun dīp andenīt we det riba ‘dragged them right deeply down to the
bottom of that river’ by means of the conjunctive coordinator en ‘and’.

(6-122) Im sak-i demblat kam insaid en

3SG throw-TRS 3PL SV.COME inside CONN

draigi demblat rait daun dīp andenīt we det riba.

drag-TRS 3PL right down deeply underneath PREP DEM river
‘He threw them inside and dragged them right down deeply to the bottom
of that river.’

The alternative coordinator ō ‘or’ is also known to participate in VP coordination. In

example (6-123), the VP meiki fō ausis ‘made four houses’ is coordinated with the
VP bildi wan donga fēs ‘built a donga first’ with the coordinator ō.

(6-123) Ōl meik-i fō aus-is ō bild-i wan donga fēs.

3PL make-TRS four house-PL CONN build-TRS DET donga first
‘They made four houses or built a donga first.’
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The adversative coordinator bat ‘but’ also possesses the ability to coordinate VPs. In
example (6-124), the VP folou dem dog ‘followed the dogs’ is coordinated with the
VP kan faindi sain blo dembla pig ‘could not find the signs of their pigs’ with the
coordinator bat.

(6-124) Ōl folou dem dog bat kan faind-i sain blo dembla pig.
3PL follow DET dog CONN cannot find-TRS sign POSS 3PL pig
‘They followed the dogs but could not find the signs of their pigs.’

6.3 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles

As Table 6.1 below demonstrates, out of the four creole VP features discussed in this
chapter, LRC shares three of them with the other creoles. This provides evidence that
LRC is indeed a creole. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic of the creole, a
blank indicates it is not. A detailed presentation of the comparison of the features
outlined in Table 6.1.

Table 6.1 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole VP Features with Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Ellipsis of the Third + + + + +
Person Object NPs After
Transitive Verbs Affixed
with the Transitive
Suffix
Marked Transitive + + + + + +
Verbs
Pseudo-Transitive + + +
Long/lo/langa Introduces + + + + + +
Oblique Constituents in
the VPs

The ellipsis of the third person object NP following transitive verbs affixed with the
transitive suffix is not characteristic only for LRC, but it does also occur in Kriol
(Nicholls, 2009; Sandefur, 1979). Thus, Sandefur notes that

unlike English, Kriol has the ability to delete the object from most transitive
sentences. This is normally restricted, however, to sentences that have marked
verbs and is possible because the -im suffix, in essence carries the ‘weight’ of the
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object much like a pronoun. The specification of the object would be understood
from the context in which the sentence was used. (p.177)

As Nicholls (2009, p. 36) rightfully observes, the third person object ellipsis following
the transitive verbs affixed with the transitive suffix is subject to a pragmatic
constraint, as it only occurs when the omitted object NP is known from the discourse.
In addition to LRC and Kriol, the omission of the third person object NP occurs also
in Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Sankoff, 1993).
However, in TSC, such ellipsis does not appear to take place, as example (6-125) from
Shnukal (1988, p. 37) demonstrates.

(6-125) Demtu i ran-e em diskain.

3DU PM run-TRS 3SG DEM-kind

‘They both chased him like this.’

Similarly to LRC, there exist TSC verbs such as, for example, sabe ‘know, know how
to, be able to, understand’, sore ‘be sorry, feel sorry, pity’, and prait ‘be frightened, be
afraid, be scared, fear’ that do not take the transitive suffix and, as a result, the
transitive and intransitive forms of those verbs are exactly the same (Shnukal, 1988,
pp. 185, 191, 203). The same takes place in Pijin, Bislama, Tok Pisin, and Kriol
(Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Mihalic, 1971; Sandefur, 1979).

Unlike in LRC, there are no TSC transitive verbs that possess two forms, namely, they
are able to occur both with and without the transitive suffix (Shnukal, 1988). This
phenomenon is a characteristic feature of some Bislama transitive verbs, e.g. luk and
lukim ‘to look, see, regard’ (Crowley, 2003, p. 156). Sandefur (1979, p. 114) notes that
in Kriol, there exist verbs that occur both with and without the transitive suffix -im/-i,
however, when devoid of that suffix, they usually function intransitively, although
some of them may function transitively as well.

There exists an interesting difference between LRC/TSC and the three Melanesian
Pidgin dialects. It involves the phenomenon of the pseudo-transitive as described by
Crowley (1990, pp. 295-297), which does not exist in LRC and TSC, but is present in
Bislama, Pijin, and Tok Pisin (Beimers, 2008; Dutton & Thomas, 1985). The
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pseudo-transitive pertains to the VPs that comprise PPs, which are headed by the
preposition long and indicate semantic functions characteristic for NPs. Crowley
(1990) postulates that

the use of long in Bislama is consistent with the more general function of this
preposition as a marker of goals and indirect objects. However, long is also
very widely used as a pseudo-transitivizer in Bislama, allowing a noun phrase
to be introduced into the pragmatically salient position immediately after the
verb, though the verb remains formally intransitive. (…) Some verbs have the
option of taking an object introduced by long, or by forming a genuinely
transitive verb by adding the transitive suffix -em. (…) However, there are
other intransitive verbs which do not have this option, and can only be
‘transitivized’ by means of this prepositional construction. (pp. 295-296)

To illustrate the use of the pseudo-transitiviser long in Bislama, consider examples

(6-126) and (6-127) from Crowley (2004, p. 133) who posits that no change in
meaning occurs in the case of those intransitive verbs that take an object either by
means of the transitive suffix -em or by a pseudo-transitive construction with the
preposition long.

(6-126) Bae mi odar-em jips.

FUT 1SG order-TRS chips
‘I will order chips.’

(6-127) Bae mi oda long jips.

FUT 1SG order TRS.PREP chips

‘I will order chips.’

A number of prepositions can occur within LRC PPs. In both Pijin and Tok Pisin,
the preposition long is used for most of the functions of those in LRC, but there are
other prepositions or complex prepositions that are able to introduce oblique
constituents in the VPs (Beimers, 2008; Verhaar, 1995). Similarly, in TSC, that role
is assumed chiefly not only by long, but also by its shorter counterpart lo, however,
other prepositions fulfil that task as well (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 56-61, 157). In
Bislama, in addition to long, numerous simple, verbal, and complex prepositions
possess the ability to head PPs in the VPs (Crowley, 2004, pp. 127-139). In Kriol,
apart from langa, and its reduced variant la, which primarily introduce oblique
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constituents in the VPs, other simple and complex prepositions may also fulfil that
task (Sandefur, 1979, pp. 144-153).

6.4 Conclusion
This chapter has discussed the verb phrase as well as the coordination of verbs and
verb phrases. Thus, the presentation of bare, intransitive, transitive, ditransitive, and
complex head verbs, is followed by the examination of oblique complements, serial
verb constructions, prepositional phrases and adverbs within the verb phrase. The
coordination of verbs and verb phrases is outlined afterwards. It has been concluded
that the directional motion verbs kam ‘to come’ and go ‘to go’ in the serial verb
constructions have not undergone grammaticalisation. Four creole features have
been examined and two of them are shared by LRC and the remaining five creoles,
namely, long/lo (langa in Kriol) introduces oblique constituents in the VPs and
marked transitive verbs. With the exception of TSC, the ellipsis of the third person
object NPs after transitive verbs affixed with the transitive suffix occurs in all of the
remaining creoles. It has also been established that while the pseudo-transitive is
characteristic for the three Melanesian Pidgin dialects, namely, Pijin, Bislama, and
Tok Pisin, this feature is absent from both TSC and LRC.
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Chapter 7 Simple Sentences

The simple sentences consist of one obligatory predicate and an optional subject in
the form of a noun phrase. Thus, the internal structure of a simple sentence may be
written as follows:

SIMPLE SENTENCE → (NP) PREDICATE

7.1 The Predicate

Although VPs constitute the most common core predicate constituents, they are not
the only constituents that are able to fulfil that role. AdjPs, NPs, PPs, and AdvPs
also possess the ability to function that way. Thus, in LRC, there exist five types of
predicates, namely, VP predicates, AdjP predicates, NP predicates, PP predicates,
and AdvP predicates. All of the main constituents of a predicate may optionally be
preceded by the Resumptive Pronouns (RPs), the predicate marker (PM), the
negative markers (NEG), and the tense, modality, and aspect markers (TMAs). They
may also be modified by adverbials and emphatic markers. AdjPs may be
post-modified by PPs. The internal structure of the predicate could be written as
follows:

𝐕𝐏
𝐀𝐝𝐣𝐏 (ADV)
PREDICATE → (RP) (PM) (NEG) (NEG) (TMA) 𝐍𝐏 (EMP) { }
(PP)
𝐏𝐏
{𝐀𝐝𝐯𝐏}

7.1.1 VP Predicates

A VP constitutes an integral part of the VP predicate. A verb and, more accurately, a

string of verbs, as the predicates may comprise more than one verb, is the core
predicate feature. Depending if the verb is transitive or intransitive, it may or may
not be followed by object NPs and object complement NPs. Both transitive and
intransitive verbs may also be subject to the adverbial modification. In examples
(7-1) and (7-2), the respective predicates spoti de aul ‘spotted the owl’ and luk det
paten waya det sneik ‘saw that pattern on that snake’ are headed by the transitive
verbs spoti ‘to spot’ and luk ‘to look’ that are followed by the objects NPs de aul
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‘the owl’ and det patēn ‘that pattern on that snake’, respectively. In example (7-2),
the object is followed by the PP waya det sneik ‘on that snake’. In example (7-3), the
predicate consists of the sole constituent, i.e. the intransitive verb fōldan ‘to fall
down’.

(7-1) Im spot-i de aul.

3SG spot-TRS DET owl
‘He spotted the owl.’

(7-2) I luk det patēn waya det sneik.

3SG see DEM pattern PREP DEM snake
‘He saw that pattern on that snake.’

(7-3) Ōl fōl-dan.
3PL fall-down
‘They fell down.’

7.1.2 AdjP Predicates

AdjPs can be the core predicate constituents primarily in equational sentences (see
subsection 7.3.2.1). In example (7-4), the AdjP big fō mīpla ‘heavy for us’ consists
of the head adjective big ‘big’ and the PP fō mīpla ‘for us’. In example (7-5), the
AdjP predicate consists of the sole constituent, i.e. the adjective tayed ‘tired’. In
example (7-6), the AdjP predicate comprises the AdjP rili big ‘really big’, where the
head adjective big ‘sick’ is pre-modified by the intensifying adverb rili ‘really’.

(7-4) Im big fō mīpla.

3SG big PREP 1PL.EXCL
‘It was heavy for us.’

(7-5) Im tayed.
3SG tired
‘She is tired.’
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(7-6) Dem eg rili big.

DET egg really big
‘The eggs were really big.’

It should be noted that adverbs appearing post-adjectivally may only do so when

adjectives assume their predicative role. In example (7-7), the adverb na ‘now, then’
follows the AdjP prapa tayed ‘very tired’, which functions predicatively.

(7-7) De ōl man bin prapa tayed na.

DET old man PST really tired then
‘The old man was really tired then.’

The group of adverbs that post-modify head adjectives is quite small. In addition to
nau/na ‘now, then’, tū ‘too’, yet ‘yet’, and ya/iya/iye/hiye ‘hear/over here’ possess
the ability to function predicatively. In examples (7-8) - (7-10), the respective
adverbs tū, yet, and iya follow the adjectives, which they modify.

(7-8) Laki, de fren blo de bat im gud tū,

luckily DET friend POSS DET bat 3SG good too
im de toudfish.
3SG DET toadfish
‘Luckily, the friend of the bat is good too, he is the toadfish.’

(7-9) Ai no bin gud yet.

1SG NEG PST good yet
‘I have not been good yet.’

(7-10) Dem pīpul bin gud iya.

DET people PST good here
‘These people were good here.’

It could be argued that the post-adjectival modification by adverbs, which occurs

only when adjectives function predicatively, does not involve modification of
adjectives but modification of subjects instead. However, examples (7-7) – (7-10)
above clearly demonstrate that the adverbs na, tū, yet, and iya modify the AdjPs and
not the subjects.
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In examples (7-11) - (7-13), the PPs we spōt ‘at sport’, we de mayi ‘of the food’, and
fō demblat ‘for them’ follow the respective adjectives gud ‘good’, ful ‘full’, and
smāt ‘smart’.

(7-11) Im prapa gud we spōt.

3SG very good PREP sport
‘He is very good at sport.’

(7-12) Ōl punya blo dembla prapa ful we de mayi.

all dillybag POSS 3PL very full PREP DET food
‘All their dillybags were full of the food.’

(7-13) Yūmītū tū smāt fō demblat.

1DU.INCL too smart PREP 3PL
‘The two of us are too smart for them.’

Compound adjectives formed with the noun kain (see subsection 5.1.4.4) also
possess the ability to function predicatively. In that case, they can appear without the
presence of a head noun when they refer anaphorically to the very same type or class
of an NP mentioned previously. Thus, in example (7-14), the compound adjective
demkain ‘these/those kinds of’, which functions predicatively, refers to the
previously stated NP.

(7-14) Dis stōri i dem-kain na.

DEM story PM these-kind.of EMP
‘This story is of this kind.’

7.1.2.1 Comparative AdjP Predicates

The majority of comparative constructions occur in the predicate. As noted in

subsection 5.2.1.1.1, comparative degree of adjectives is achieved by placing mō
‘more’ in front of the adjective in the absolute degree. In order to form the
comparative AdjP predicates, mō + adjective needs to be followed by den ‘than’ + a
noun or a pronoun. Thus, in examples (7-15) – (7-17), mō ‘more’ precedes the
respective adjectives big ‘big’, strong ‘strong’, and gud ‘good’, which are followed
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by den ‘than’ and the relevant pronouns im ‘3SG’ and datwan ‘that one’ as well as
the possessive PP boi blo yū ‘your son’.

(7-15) Em mō big den im.

3SG more big than 3SG
‘He is bigger than he is.’

(7-16) Im mō strong den datwan.

3SG more strong than DEM.PRN

‘It is stronger than that one.’

(7-17) Mai boi i mō gud den boi blo yū.

POSS.PRN son PM more good than son POSS 2SG
‘My son is better than your son.’

Den ‘than’ may be substituted by the preposition lo/long with no change to the
meaning. Both den and lo/long are used interchangeably under the condition that lo
occurs when the following word is consonant-initial, as example (7-19)
demonstrates. Long is used when the next word begins with a vowel, as it is shown
in example (7-18).

(7-18) Im mō big long im.

3SG more big than 3SG
‘He is bigger than he is.’

(7-19) Im mō strong lo datwan.

3SG more strong than DEM.PRN

‘It is stronger than that.’

The way to express the notion that something is ‘less’ than something else is to use
mō + the adjective with the opposite meaning. Thus, in example (7-20), in order to
say that something is less difficult than something else, it is necessary to say that
something is mō īzi ‘easier’.

(7-20) Im mō īzi den diswan.

3SG more easy than DEM.PRN

‘It is less difficult than this.’ = ‘It is easier than this.’

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Similarly, in (7-21), mō chip ‘cheaper’ is used to denote the meaning ‘less

expensive’.

(7-21) Dis buk i mō chīp den datwan.

DEM book PM more cheap than DEM.PRN

‘This book is less expensive than that.’ = ‘This book is cheaper than
that.’

The growing exposure to English manifests itself also in the frequent use of the
equivalents of the English comparative adjectival forms suffixed with -er. Thus, in
examples (7-22) and (7-23), bige ‘bigger’ and bete ‘better’ appear instead of mō big
‘bigger’ and mō gud ‘better’, respectively.

(7-22) Ai bi big-e den mai brade en fren blong im.

1SG PST bigg-er than POSS.PRN brother CONN friend POSS 3SG
‘I was bigger than my brother and his friend.’

(7-23) I bi bete taim fō gud lak fō yūmītū

PM PST better time PREP good luck PREP 1DU.INCL
nai-taim.
at night
‘It was a better time for us to be lucky at night.’

As examples (7-24) and (7-25) show, the equivalents of the English comparative
adjectival forms may be additionally preceded by mō ‘more’ to further underline the
comparison.

(7-24) Mīpla mō smāt-e den im.

1PL.EXCL more smart-er than 3SG
‘We are smarter than he is.’

(7-25) Im mō bete den im.

3SG more better than 3SG
‘He is better than she is.’
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Adjectives in the comparative degree may also participate in the inchoative

constructions when they appear after the verbs kam ‘become, get’ and get ‘get,
become’, as the respective examples (7-26) and (7-27) demonstrate.

(7-26) I kam mō ād.

PM become more hard
‘It is becoming harder.’

(7-27) I get mō īzi.

PM get more easy
‘It is getting easier.’

7.1.2.2 Superlative AdjP Predicates

As noted in subsection 5.2.1.1.2, the superlative degree of LRC adjectives is

achieved with the use of the equivalents of the English superlative adjectival forms,
which are suffixed with -est, or function in their irregular forms. Thus, in examples
(7-28) and (7-29) respectively, the superlative adjectival forms ōldest, ‘oldest’ and
best ‘best’ occur.

(7-28) Dadi blo mī ōld-est man waya Lokāt.

dad POSS 1SG old-est man in Lockhart
‘My dad is the oldest man in Lockhart.’

The equivalents of the English adjectival superlative forms may be additionally

preceded by prapa ‘very’ to further stress the utmost character of a given quality or
property, as example (7-29) demonstrates. -wan, which is the nominalising suffix,
may be attached to the superlative degree of adjectives, as the use of bestwan ‘best
one’ shows.

(7-29) Det mayi i prapa best, best-wan.

DEM food PM very best best-NMLZ
‘Good food, the very best, the best one.’
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7.1.3 NP Predicates

In the majority of cases, NPs functioning as the core predicate constituents take the
form of the equational constructions.

(7-30) Ai nogud meit blo yū.

1SG bad friend POSS 2SG
‘I have been a bad friend to you.’

(7-31) Im gud anta tū.

3SG good hunter too
‘He is a good hunter too.’

(7-32) De chīp im de big ōl man.

DET chief 3SG DET big old man
‘The chief is the big, old man.’

7.1.4 PP Predicates

PPs functioning as the core predicate constituents usually involve the possessive and
locative sentences. A number of pre- and post-modifiers may occur in such PPs.
Examples (7-33) and (7-34) show the use of the possessive predicates.

(7-33) Dem tū dog ya blo mīpla.

DEM two dog here POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘Those two dogs here are ours.’

(7-34) Dis len blo yū, dis-wan blo yūmītū.

DEM land POSS 2SG DEM-one POSS 1DU.INCL
‘This land is yours, this one is ours.’

Examples (7-35) and (7-36) involve locative predicates, which constitute adverbial
phrases.

(7-35) Ōl ebriwe we de riba.

3PL everywhere PREP DET river
‘They were everywhere in the river.’
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(7-36) Prapa dāk wata ōl antap waya det il.

very dark water hole on.top PREP DEM hill
‘A very dark water hole is on top of that hill.’

7.1.5 AdvP Predicates

It is not uncommon to encounter AdvPs functioning as the core predicate

constituents primarily in equational sentences (see subsection 7.3.2.1). It is mainly
the temporal and locational adverbs that appear in that role. A number of pre-head
and post-head modifiers may occur in such AdvPs. As examples (7-37) – (7-39)
demonstrate, the predicate marker appears to be always present if the subject is in
the form of NPs. If, however, a pronoun constitutes the subject, then the presence of
the predicate marker is optional, but it is always absent in case of first and second
person pronouns in all three numbers, as example (7-41) demonstrates. The same
rule pertains to the presence or absence of the subject referencing pronouns, as
example (7-40) shows.

(7-37) De bout i insaid.

DET boat PM inside
‘The boat is inside.’

(7-38) De Lōra Dāns Festival i bi jūn mant.

DET Laura Dance Festival PM PST June month
‘The Laura Dance Festival was in June.’

(7-39) De mīting i neks wīk.

DET meeting PM next week
‘The meeting is next week.’

(7-40) Demblat ōl de.

3PL 3PL there
‘They are there.’
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(7-41) Yūpla ya.

2PL here
‘You are here.’

7.2 The Constituents of the Predicate

This section describes the optional constituents as shown in the diagram of the
internal structure of the predicate, with the exception of the negative markers, which
are discussed in subsection 7.3.7 outlining negative sentences, as well as the
emphasis markers, which are outlined in Chapter 9.

7.2.1 Resumptive Pronouns (RPs)

LRC, in addition to the predicate marker (see subsection 7.2.2), uses personal
pronouns as resumptive pronouns (RPs) rather than having a set of subject
referencing pronouns (SRPs) as found in the three dialects of Melanesian Pidgin,
namely, Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004; Verhaar,
1995). Siegel (2011, p. 541) notes that those three languages have either a predicate
marker or SRPs but not both. The function of SRPs, which do not act as heads of
NPs, is, as the term suggests, subject-referential. The function of RPs is to simply
refer back to their antecedents. By comparison, the role of the predicate marker is to
mark the beginning of the predicate in the clause and to indicate the boundary
between the subject-related constituents and the predicate (Shnukal, 1988, p. 138).
The form of the predicate marker is i, while the shape of RPs is the same as that of
the subject personal pronouns.

As noted above, there are no SRPs in LRC, but personal pronouns are used as RPs.
They do not have any special form but are the same as the subject personal
pronouns; they generally do not occur with pronoun subjects; they are optional; it is
highly unlikely for a language to have SRPs, RPs, and the predicate marker; it is
difficult to account for both SRPs and RPs in the structure of the predicate. Thus, in
LRC, im/em used for third person singular, mīpla used for first person plural
exlusive, demtū used for third person dual, dei used for third person plural, and ōl
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used for third person dual and plural. Their function is to simply refer back to their
antecedents. In examples provided in the following subsections, the subjects are
underlined and the RPs are written in bold.

7.2.1.1 The Description of RPs

The RP used for third person singular possesses two variants, namely, im, which
appears most often in the speech of the LR residents, as it was uttered 106 times in
my data, and em that was encountered only five times.

(7-42) Misis blo mai yapu em pinis meik-i tū dampa.

wife POSS POSS.PRN older.brother 3SG CESS make-TRS two damper
‘My older brother’s wife finished making two dampers.’

(7-43) Awu im stap insaid we bush forest tū.

evil.spirit 3SG live in PREP bush forest too
‘The evil spirit also lives in the bush forest.’

Ōl, which is used for both animate and inanimate subjects, is the RP used for third
person dual, as examples (7-44) and (7-45) demonstrate.

(7-44) Mai mama en dadi ōl slīp ya.

POSS.PRN mum CONN dad 3PL sleep here
‘My mum and dad slept here.’

(7-45) De tū boi ōl ran waya sanbīs.

DET two boy 3PL run PREP beach
‘The two boys run to the beach.’

As example (7-46) shows, demtū is able to occur after the subject in the slot that is
reserved for RPs when they are present.

(7-46) Kutini en nhampi demtū bi abi siks pikinini blo demtū.

cassowary CONN emu 3DU PST have six child POSS 3DU
‘A cassowary and an emu had six children belonging to them.’
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To clarify the function of demtū, it should be mentioned that if the third person dual
pronoun demtū constitutes the subject, then ōl, and not demtū, takes the role of the
RP, as example (7-47) shows. A similar situation occurs if the determiner dem and
the numeral tū form a part of the subject, as example (7-48) demonstrates.

(7-47) Demtū ōl no bin laik-im.

3DU 3PL NEG PST like-TRS
‘The two of them did not like it.’

(7-48) Dem tū dog ōl bin ged-i smel blo det pig.

DET two dog 3PL PST get-TRS smell POSS DEM pig
‘The two dogs got the smell of that pig.’

The sentence (7-49) below is an example of a rather rare occurrence, where the
subject personal pronoun is followed by the RP, as the RPs do not usually occur
after the pronominal subjects. If, however, they do, then, as example (7-49)
demonstrates, the RP im, and not em, is used, as em constitutes the subject. Thus, the
RP em cannot follow the subject personal pronoun em and, as a result, the RP im has
to be used. Similarly, the RP im cannot follow the subject personal pronoun im and
em has to be used instead.

(7-49) Em im ran prapa fāst.

3SG 3SG run very fast
‘It (water) flows very fast.’

A similar situation occurs in Pijin, the speakers of which avoid juxtaposing identical
pronouns. Keesing (1988) observes that “the paired pronouns are used in direct
sequence only when a pause intervenes, providing a clear punctuation and topical
emphasis” (p. 155).

Ōl is the RP used for third person plural, while the third person plural pronouns dei
and dempla, together with any of its variants, never occur in that role. Ōlgeda, which
is an indefinite pronoun, sometimes occurs in the RP role. Ōl, however, appears to
be the most frequently used RP, as it was uttered 257 times in my data, while ōlgeda
only twice. Ōlgeda emphasises the fact that all the members of the plural subject
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participate in a given action. It could, therefore, be argued that ōlgeda is more than
the RP and, as a result, is part of the NP or an adverbial. While ōl is used for both
animate and inanimate subjects, ōlgeda appears to function as the RP for animate
subjects only, as it was encountered in the two examples, where the subjects referred
to children. Example (7-50) demonstrates the use of the resumptive pronoun dei, and
(7-51) and (7-52) show the use of the RPs ōlgeda and ōl for third person plural.

(7-50) Dem pig dei flout-ap.

DET pig 3PL float-up
‘The pigs were floating.’

(7-51) Ōl pikinini ōlgeda roust-i libe blo tētil waya de faya

DET child 3PL roast-TRS liver POSS turtle PREP DET fire
antap waya muntha wī kōl-im de ashis.
on.top PREP ashes 1NSG call-TRS DET ashes
‘The children roasted the turtle’s liver in the fire on top of the muntha,
which we call the ashes.’

(7-52) Mai nade kazin-brade ōl bin de tū.

POSS.PRN other cousin-brother 3PL PST there too
‘My other male relatives were there too.’

7.2.1.2 The Optionality of RPs

Although the RPs are much more frequently used than not, it is clear that one rule
regarding their presence or absence does exist, namely, that they are never used for
first person singular and dual, both inclusive and exclusive as well as for second
person in all three numbers. The appearance in a sentence of the RPs, which are not
subject to the primary sentence stress, is not obligatory and, therefore, it is very
difficult to pinpoint any specific rules governing their occurrence, or lack thereof,
apart from the fact that the presence or absence of the RPs may be dictated by choice
and personal preference of a given speaker. Thus, no explanation could be provided
as to why speakers at times include RPs in their utterances and at times they do not,
although they could do so. The subject overtness does not seem to play any role in
the presence or absence of the RPs, as it is in Pijin, where the SRP is not mandatory
in case of overt subjects (Beimers, 2008, p. 239). In fact, the subject overtness does
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not trigger the optionality of LRC RPs, as the frequency of the presence and absence
of the RPs does not depend on the subject overtness. In examples (7-53) and (7-54),
the subject dadi ‘dad’ is overt, however, the RP is present in (7-53) and it is absent
in (7-54).

(7-53) Dadi im kat-im de tētil mīt.

dad 3SG cut-TRS DET turtle meat
‘It was dad who cut the turtle meat.’

(7-54) Dadi kat-im de pig.

dad cut-TRS DET pig
‘Dad cut the pig.’

7.2.1.3 Use Restrictions

Mīpla used for first person plural exclusive occurs in the resumptive pronoun
function only when the subject consists of a number of members listed separately,
with or without coordinators, in a chain-like fashion, as examples (7-55) and (7-56)
demonstrate. This constraint provides evidence that the role of mīpla is indeed
resumptive.

(7-55) Long-taim mi, mai brade, mai siste, mai tū

long-time 1SG POSS.PRN brother POSS.PRN sister POSS.PRN two
kazin, mai mama, dadi, mai granfade
cousin POSS.PRN mum dad POSS.PRN grandfather
en mai granmade mīpla bi go bus.
CONN POSS.PRN grandmother 1PL.EXCL PST go bush
‘A long time ago, I, my brother, my sister, my two cousins, my mum,
dad, my grandfather and my grandmother went to the bush.'
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(7-56) Mī en mai nade tū brade en kazin blo mī

1SG CONN POSS.PRN other two brother CONN cousin POSS 1SG
en ōl kazin-siste en siste blo mī mīpla kar-i
CONN DET cousin-sister CONN sister POSS 1SG 1PL.EXCL carry-TRS
dembla.
3PL
‘I and my other two brothers and my cousin and the female relatives and
my sister carried them.’

7.2.1.4 The RPs and Post-Modification

The RPs should not be treated as a separate subclass of pronouns but rather as a
syntactic use of an existing class. They do not undergo post-modification by the
emphatic markers nau/na and ya (see subsections 9.4.1.1 and 9.4.1.2, respectively),
the additional post-head markers tū and mō (see subsection 5.2.6.1), and relative
clauses. If those constituents follow personal pronouns occupying the post-subject
position specific for the RPs, then that suggests that those personal pronouns do not
function as the RPs in such scenarios but as personal pronouns instead. In example
(7-57), two men, i.e. dadi ‘dad’ and nada fala ‘another fellow’ caught the crayfish
and crabs. Em ‘he’, which follows the NP nada fala, does not function as the RP, but
as an anaphora since it refers to dadi and not to nada fala. Thus, em is a part of the
relative clause (underlined). Ōl functions as the RP that refers both to dadi and nada
fala.

(7-57) Dadi en nada fala em i sabi

dad CONN another fellow 3SG PM know
ōl kech-i dem tū kreifish en krab.
3PL catch-TRS DET two crayfish CONN crab
‘Dad and another fellow whom he (dad) knew caught the two crayfish and
crabs.’

7.2.2 The Predicate Marker (PM)

The function of the predicate marker is to mark the beginning of the predicate of the
clause and to establish the boundary between the subject-related constituents and the
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predicate. In subjectless sentences, the predicate marker constitutes an obligatory

element of the predicate and always occurs sentence-initially (see subsection 7.3.1).

7.2.2.1 The Predicate Marker and the RPs

As noted in subsection 7.2.1, both the RP system and the predicate marker are
present in LRC, however, the majority of utterances involve the presence of only
one of those elements. Although it is not very common for the RPs to be followed by
the predicate marker i, as the collected data indicates the presence of thirty-eight
examples of this kind, those occurrences provide evidence as to the existence of both
the RP system and the predicate marker. Firstly, the RPs and the predicate marker
differ in their functions, as the RPs simply restate the antecedent and the predicate
marker, as noted above, indexes the beginning of the predicate of the clause.
Secondly, similarly to the RPs (see subsection 7.2.1.4), the predicate marker cannot
be post-modified by the empathic markers nau/na and ya (see subsections 9.4.1.1
and 9.4.1.2, respectively), the additional post-head markers tū and mō (see
subsection 5.2.6.1), and relative clauses. This provides evidence that the predicate
marker is not a personal pronoun. In examples (7-58) and (7-59), the predicate
marker follows the third person singular pronouns em and im, respectively.

(7-58) Ankel em i grab-i ōl dem pikinini.

uncle 3SG PM grab-TRS all DET child
‘Uncle grabbed all the children.’

(7-59) Mai brade im i it-i ed blo de tētil

POSS.PRN brother 3SG PM hit-TRS head POSS DET turtle
wif de tamyok nok-im-at de tētil.
PREP DET axe knock-TRS-out.SV DET turtle
‘My brother hit the turtle’s head with an axe knocking the turtle out.’

Further evidence is provided by Lynch (1975, p. 200) who notes the presence of
similar occurrences in Bislama in the form of the following examples, where he
analyses ol and em as pronouns used after the noun subjects for resumptive
purposes. Crowley (2000, p. 60) also gives a number of similar examples, such as
(7-60) and (7-61).
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(7-60) Olketa ol i slip.

3PL 3PL PM sleep
‘They are all sleeping.’

(7-61) Pikinini em i no bin kam.

child 3SG PM NEG PST come
‘The child, he didn’t come.’

Thus, the phenomenon of the co-existence of the RPs and the predicate marker is not
characteristic for just LRC.

7.2.2.2 The Predicate Marker and the Predicate

Types

In LRC, the predicate marker possesses the ability to precede each of the five
predicate types (see section 7.1). It should be clarified that it is the predicate marker,
and not the RPs, that occurs in examples (7-62) – (7-66), as in LRC, the form of the
predicate marker is always i and the form of the RPs is that of the subject personal
pronouns, with the exception of the indefinite pronoun ōlgeta. The form of LRC
predicate marker is consistent with that of its Pijin, Bislama, Tok Pisin, and TSC
counterparts, with the exception of Bislama oli used for plural subject NPs (Beimers,
2008; Crowley, 1990, 2004; Mihalic, 1971; Shnukal, 1988). In example (7-62), the
predicate marker precedes the VP predicate.

(7-62) De beibi i krai.

DET baby PM cry
‘You hear the baby cry.’

In example (7-63), the predicate marker occurs in front of the AdjP predicate.

(7-63) De wata i klie.

DET water PM clear
‘The water is clear.’

Example (7-64) demonstrates the presence of the predicate marker in front of the NP
predicate.
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(7-64) Dat gēl i gud dānsa.

DEM girl PM good dancer
‘That girl is a good dancer.’

Example (7-65) shows the use of the predicate marker in front of the PP predicate.

(7-65) Dis wēk i fō ōl dem Lokāt pīpul.

DEM work PM PREP all DET Lockhart people
‘This work is for all the Lockhart people.’

In example (7-66), the predicate marker precedes the AdvP predicate.

(7-66) Selebreishin i de autsaid.

celebration PM there outside
‘There is a celebration outside.’

7.2.2.3 The Optionality of the Predicate Marker

Similarly to the RPs, the use of the predicate marker is also optional and there are no
specific rules governing its presence or absence. The subject overtness does not play
a role either, as it seems to be the case in Pijin (Beimers, 2008, p. 239), as the
predicates without the predicate marker appear quite often in comparison with those
with the predicate marker. The following examples involve two pairs comprising
sentences with (examples (7-67) and (7-69)) and without (examples (7-68) and
(7-70)) the predicate marker. Coincidentally, the only difference in the pairs of these
sentences pertains to the fact that the subject NPs in examples with the predicate
marker are longer than those marked by its lack.

(7-67) Det blak, big blak, i kam tū.

DEM storm.cloud big storm.cloud PM come too
‘That storm cloud, big storm cloud, is coming too.’

(7-68) Rein kam from dis-wei windad.

rain come PREP this-way windward
‘Rain comes from this way, windward.’
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(7-69) Mai brade i put-i roup raun de injin.

POSS.PRN brother PM put-TRS rope PREP DET engine
‘My brother put a rope around the engine.’

(7-70) Em put-i gīs eg insaid we biliken.

3SG put-TRS goose egg into PREP billycan
‘He put the goose eggs into the billycan.’

However, shorter subject NPs in the sentences without the predicate marker do also
occur, as examples (7-71) and (7-72) demonstrate.

(7-71) Lain i stret.

fishing.line PM straight
‘The fishing line was straight.’

(7-72) Bat i spīk fō demtū.

Bat PM speak PREP 3DU
‘The bat spoke to them.’

By comparison, in Tok Pisin, the predicate marker always follows those subjects that
are nouns (Mihalic, 1971, p. 99). In Bislama, i appears after singular NP subjects
and i or oli occur after plural NP subjects (Crowley, 2004, p. 110). In Pijin, the use
of i after subject NPs is optional, although the subject overtness does seem to play a
role in the presence or absence of i, as it may be omitted after overt subjects
(Beimers, 2008, p. 238). In TSC, the occurrence of the predicate marker after subject
NPs is optional and depends on the speaker’s choice and generational preference, as
younger speakers opt for leaving the predicate marker out much more often in
comparison with their parents and grandparents (Shnukal, 1988, p. 62). On the other
hand, the predicate marker does not constitute a characteristic feature of Kriol
(Nicholls, 2009; Sandeful 1979; Schultze-Berndt & Angelo, 2013).

7.2.2.4 The Use Restrictions of the Predicate Marker

The use of the predicate marker after pronominal subjects is quite restricted, as it
never follows pronouns in first person singular, first person dual and plural inclusive
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and exclusive, second person in all three numbers, and third person dual and plural.
Thus, it can appear only after the third person singular pronouns.

(7-73) Im i go.
3SG PM go
‘She left’.

(7-74) Em i fat.
3SG PM fat
‘She is fat.’

By comparison, in TSC, the predicate marker does not appear only after the
pronominal subjects involving first person singular, first person dual and plural
inclusive and exclusive, and second person in all three numbers (Shnukal, 1988, p.
138). As a result, it follows the pronominal subjects in third person in all three
numbers. In Pijin, i does not appear after first person singular mi, second person
singular yu, and first person plural inclusive yumi, unless other constituents are
inserted between those pronouns and i, or if i does not cross reference those
pronouns as subjects (Beimers, 2008, pp. 241-242). Beimers suggests that the
absence of i after yumi may be phonological in nature, as i may have merged with
the final vowel of yumi. In Bislama, the predicate marker never follows first and
second person singular pronouns mi and yu, respectively, and first person plural
inclusive yumi and first person dual inclusive yumitu generally occur without the
predicate marker, although there are instances when the predicate marker is present
(Crowley, 2004, p. 112). Any pronoun suffixed with -fala is followed by i. In Tok
Pisin, the predicate marker is always present when the pronominal subjects involve
third person singular and plural (Mihalic, 1971, p. 99). Although i generally follows
pronouns in first person plural exclusive and second person plural, it is absent in
case of first and second person singular pronouns.

7.2.3 Tense, Modality, and Aspect Markers (TMA)

The tense, modality, and aspect markers (TMA) precede the core predicate
constituents.
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7.2.3.1 Tense Markers

Although it is not uncommon for sentences to remain unmarked for tense, as context
frequently provides temporal information, there exist two tense markers in LRC,
namely, bin/bi denoting past tense and go used for future tense. It should be noted
that the present tense is not marked.

7.2.3.1.1 bin/bi

The tense marker bin/bi is used to denote the past tense actions, events, and states. It
precedes the head of the predicate and follows the RP and/or the predicate marker if
those two are present. There exist two variants of this tense marker, i.e. bin and its
reduced form bi. Both of those variants are used interchangeably and the
surrounding environment does not dictate any conditions or restrictions as to their
appearance in a sentence. Formal and casual speech do not influence the choice of
the variant either, as examples (7-75) – (7-78) demonstrate.

(7-75) De smōl boi blo mai brade im bin abi ai temp.

DET small boy POSS POSS.PRN brother 3SG PST have high fever
‘My brother’s little boy had a high fever.’

(7-76) I bin de dei dem tū boi ōl bin go

3SG PST DET day DET two boy 3PL PST go
fishing fō malet.
fishing PREP mallet
‘It was the day the two boys went fishing for mullet.’

(7-77) Im bi abi ed-sō.

3SG PST have head-sore
‘He had a headache.’

(7-78) Mai brade bi meik-i kemp de.

POSS.PRN brother PST make-TRS campsite there
‘My brother made a campsite there.’

The sentences containing bin/bi usually indicate simple past tense (examples (7-75)
and (7-78) above), as, for example, past continuous tense is expressed not only by
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the presence of bin/bi, but also the progressive suffix -(a)bat attached to the head
verb (see subsection 4.7.3.1), as examples (7-79) and (7-80) demonstrate.

(7-79) Dem pig ōl bin swim-bat we det madi pleis.

DET pig 3PL PST swim-PROG PREP DEM muddy place
‘The pigs were swimming in that muddy place.’

(7-80) Dem krab en oiste bi sizil-bat ebriwe.

DET crab CONN oyster PST sizzle-PROG everywhere
‘The crabs and oysters were sizzling everywhere.’

7.2.3.1.2 go

The tense marker go denotes the future tense actions, events, and states. Similarly to
the past tense marker bin/bi, go precedes the core predicate constituent and follows
the RP and/or the predicate marker if those two are present, as examples (7-81) -
(7-83) demonstrate.

(7-81) Ai go weit antil demtū go loud-i dem fish.

1SG FUT wait COMP 3DU FUT load-TRS DET fish
‘I will wait until the two of them load the fish.’

(7-82) Ai go chak-i ainka ya daun ai?

1SG FUT throw-TRS anchor here down huh
‘I will throw the anchor down here, huh?’

(7-83) I go bi prapa gud.

PM FUT be very good
‘It will be very good.’

7.2.3.2 Modality Markers

There exist nine modality markers, namely, ken/kin ‘can’, kan/kant/kent ‘cannot’,
mait ‘might’, āftū/heftū ‘to have to’, blo ‘to have to’, gada/gadi ‘to have to’, mas
‘must’, sepoustū ‘to be supposed to’, and sud/shud ‘should. All the modality markers
in the following examples are written in bold.
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7.2.3.2.1 ken/kin

Ken/kin ‘can, to be able to’ denotes the notion of possibility, ability, and opportunity
to do something that may result from the acquired permission. In a sentence, ken/kin
precedes the core predicate constituent and does not appear in a combination with
any other pre-head markers, i.e. the RPs, the predicate marker, and the negative
markers. There exist two variants of this modality marker, namely, ken and kin that
are used interchangeably, although the collected data show that the use of ken
prevails, as kin was used only fourteen times and ken was uttered 87 times. In
examples (7-84) and (7-85), ken/kin denotes the abilitative meaning, and in (7-86)
and (7-87), its use is permissive.

(7-84) Yūpla ken flai eni-we.

2PL can fly any-where
‘You can fly anywhere.’

(7-85) Nomō meik-i nois so im ken slīp!

CESS make-TRS noise COMP 3SG can sleep
‘Stop making noise so that she can sleep!’

(7-86) Yūtū ken go wiken kemping.

2DU can go weekend camping
‘The two of you can go camping on the weekend.’

(7-87) Dadi blong im gib-im dem kī

dad POSS 3SG give-TRS DET key
so im ken draib-i de kā.
COMP 3SG can drive-TRS DET car
‘His dad gave him the keys so that he can drive the car.’

7.2.3.2.2 kan/kant/kent

Kan/kant/kent ‘cannot, to be unable to’ constitutes the negative counterpart of

ken/kin (see subsection 7.2.3.2.1). It denotes a lack of ability as well as impossibility
and inability caused by a lack of opportunity or permission to undertake a given
action. In a sentence, kan/kant/kent precedes the core predicate constituent and is
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characterised by the fact that, similarly to ken/kin, it does not occur in the company
of any other pre-head markers either. Out of the three variants that are used
interchangeably, kan, which was uttered 56 times, is the most frequently used. The
collected data show that kant was used three times and kent only once. In examples
(7-88) and (7-89), kan and kant denote a lack of ability, and in (7-90) and (7-91),
kent and kan express a lack of permission.

(7-88) Ōl kan faind-i sain blo dembla pig.

3PL cannot find-TRS sign POSS POSS.PRN pig
‘They cannot find a sign of their pig.’

(7-89) Yū kant fīl eniting.

2SG cannot feel INDF.PRN

‘You cannot feel anything.’

(7-90) Yūpla kent stap ōl dei wit mī.

2PL cannot stay whole day PREP 1SG

‘You cannot stay the whole day with me.’

(7-91) Yūpla kan kīp-i de sneik, yūpla mas let-im go.

2PL can keep-TRS DET snake 2PL must let-TRS go
‘You cannot keep the snake, you must let it go.’

7.2.3.2.3 mait

The speakers use mait ‘might, may’ when there is a possibility to do something,
however, there is a degree of uncertainty if a given action is going to be able to be
performed. In a sentence, it precedes the core predicate constituent, however,
adverbs can also be inserted between mait and the verb, as example (7-93)
demonstrates.

(7-92) Im mait ran go fō bait-i demblat.

3SG might run SV.GO COMP bite-TRS 3PL
‘It might run to bite them.’
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(7-93) Mīpla mait wan-dei wani taim tū kam.

1PL.EXCL might one-day want time COMP come
‘We might one day want time to come.’

7.2.3.2.4 āftū/heftū

This modality marker possesses two articulatory variants, namely, āftū and heftū,
both meaning ‘to have to, must’. In comparison with mas ‘must’, which is described
in subsection 7.2.3.2.7, necessity expressed by āftū/heftū is not as strong as the one
denoted by mas. If the RPs, the predicate, and negative markers are present in a
sentence, then āftū/heftū always follows them, as examples (7-94) - (7-96)
demonstrate.

(7-94) Dem boi ōl āftū digin-im de graun fō kuk-im de pig.

DET boy 3PL have.to dig-TRS DET ground COMP cook-TRS DET pig
‘The boys had to dig the ground to cook the pig.’

(7-95) Dem Lokāt pīpul i heftū weit fō de rait sīzin.

DET Lockhart people PM have.to wait PREP DET right season
‘The Lockhart people have to wait for the right season.’

(7-96) Wī no āftū weit.

1NSG NEG have.to wait
‘We do not have to wait.

7.2.3.2.5 blo

The role blo plays in LRC is twofold. In addition to acting as a preposition denoting
possession, blo functions as a modality marker with a meaning ‘to have to, to have
got to, to be supposed to, to be obliged to’ when it precedes the verb. Thus, blo
expresses an obligation of the subject to fulfil an undertaken, intended, and promised
commitment, and to bring to fruition the action expressed by the verb. LRC speakers
“express the commitment as ‘belonging to’ the verb” (Shnukal, 1988, p. 47), which
could be translated into English by means of the expression ‘to be bound to’. The
structure blo + verb is used when the speakers intend to implement their plans. It
should be noted that the obligation denoted by blo + verb is not as strong or urgent
as the one expressed by mas ‘must’ (see subsection 7.2.3.2.7) or sud ‘should’ (see
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subsection 7.2.3.2.9). As both blo + verb and āftū/heftū (see subsection 7.2.3.2.4)
express a very similar degree of urgency and strength of obligation, it could very
well be that blo + verb constitutes an older form and āftū/heftū a more recent
borrowing from English. If blo + verb co-occur in a sentence with the RPs, the
predicate, and negative markers, then it always follows them, as examples (7-97)
and (7-99) demonstrate.

(7-97) Mai siste im blo go na.

POSS.PRN sister 3SG have.to go now
‘My sister has to go now.’

(7-98) Dem pikinini i blo stap ya we Lokāt.

DET child PM have.to stay DEM PREP Lockhart
‘The children have to stay here in Lockhart.’

(7-99) Im no blo go eni-wei.

3SG NEG have.to go any-way
‘He does not have to go anywhere.’

7.2.3.2.6 gada/gadi

Similarly to āftū/heftū discussed in subsection 7.2.3.2.4, this is yet another modality

marker that possesses more than one variant, namely, gada, and gadi, both denoting
the meaning ‘to have got to, to have to’. The obligation denoted by those two
variants is not as strong as the one expressed by mas ‘must’ (see subsection
7.2.3.2.7) or sud/shud ‘should’ (see subsection 7.2.3.2.9). Gada appears to be much
more frequently used than gadi. In comparison with āftū/heftū, which was uttered 69
times in my recordings, gada/gadi occurs more frequently in the speech of LRC
speakers, as it was used 137 times. However, both āftū/heftū and gada/gadi are used
interchangeably without the change to the meaning and the strength of obligation
denoted by them is the same. The shape of gada and gadi results from English ‘got
to, gotta’. Gada/gadi always follows the RPs, the predicate and negative markers if
those are present in a sentence, as examples (7-100) – (7-102) demonstrate.
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(7-100) Ōl dem pīpul ōl gada strein-i ai blo dembla

all DET people 3PL have.to strain-TRS eye POSS 3PL
fō luk fō dem ting.
COMP look PREP DET thing
‘All the people had to strain their eyes to look for those things.’

(7-101) Wen i mōning-taim nau dem pikinini i gadi bī de.

COMP PM morning-time EMP DET child PM have.to be there
‘When it is morning, everybody has to be there.’

(7-102) Ai no gadi go de.

1SG NEG have.to go there
‘I do not have to go there.’

7.2.3.2.7 mas

Mas ‘must, to have to, to have got to’, which comes from English ‘must’, is yet
another modality marker that is frequently used by LRC speakers. In comparison
with the other modality markers, which always follow the negative markers, mas
always appears before them. As a result, the collected data does not contain any
examples of the negative marker preceding mas. Necessity and obligation expressed
by mas are by far stronger than those denoted by āftū/heftū (see subsection
7.2.3.2.4), blo (see subsection 7.2.3.2.5), and gada/gadi (see subsection 7.2.3.2.6).
The meaning of mas when not followed by a negative marker is always deontic and
expresses a considerable degree of obligation to perform the action specified by the
verb (Shnukal, 1988, p. 44), as examples (7-103) - (7-105) demonstrate.

(7-103) Yūmī mas kīp-im ōlgeda pigipigi.

1NSG.INCL must keep-TRS all.of.the piggy
‘We must keep all of the piggies.’

(7-104) Yū mas lisin fō mī.

2SG must listen PREP 1SG
‘You must listen to me.’
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(7-105) Yūmī mas go na.

1NSG.INCL must go EMP

‘We must go.’

However, when mas is followed by the negative marker, it is then always epistemic,
i.e. it conveys a meaning that the speaker believes what they are saying is true, as
examples (7-106) – (7-108) show.

(7-106) Im mas no bi sow-im prapa.

3SG must NEG PST sew-TRS properly
‘She must not have sewed it properly.’

(7-107) Det gēl mas no bi duw-im.

DEM girl must NEG PST do-TRS
‘That girl must not have done that.’

(7-108) De tīche mas no bi spīk fō dem kid.

DET teacher must NEG PST speak PREP DET kid
‘The teacher must not have talked to the kids.’

If the deontic meaning is to be conveyed, it is necessary to use either the negated

verb lau ‘to allow, to permit’ or the negated structure blo + verb, as xamples (7-109)
and (7-111) demonstrate.

(7-109) Yūpla no lau fō meik-i nois.

2PL NEG allow COMP make-TRS noise
‘You are not allowed to make noise.’

(7-110) Yūpla no lau fō plei we det sneik.

2PL NEG allow COMP play PREP DEM snake
‘You are not allowed to play with that snake.’

(7-111) Dem pikinini no blo plei de.

DET child NEG have.to play there
‘The children do not have to play there.’
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7.2.3.2.8 sepoustū

Sepoustū ‘to be supposed to, to be ought to, should’ pertains to the actions specified
by the verb that were not performed in spite of an undertaken, intended, and
promised obligation or commitment to do them. When negated, sepoustū, which is
always preceded by the negative marker, denotes prohibition, as example (7-113)
demonstrates.

(7-112) Yū bin sepoustū luk dat mūvi

2SG PST supposed.to see DEM movie
bat yū bin stap we aus.
CONN 2SG PST stay PREP home
‘You were supposed to see that movie, but you stayed home.’

(7-113) Yū no sepoustū spīk dem-kain.

2PL NEG supposed.to speak DET-kind
‘You are not supposed to speak this way.’

7.2.3.2.9 sud/shud

Sud/shud ‘should, to ought to’ is used when there exists necessity to perform the
action specified by the verb. It is, however, not as strong as mas (see subsection
7.2.3.2.7). This modality marker, as its form suggests, comes from English ‘should’.
There exist two pronunciations, where the first, sud, is articulated with the initial
alveolar fricative [s] and the second, shud, with the initial palato-alveolar fricative
[ʃ]. Similarly to mas, when negated, sud/shud always precedes the negative marker,
as example (7-115) demonstrates. The collected data does not contain any examples
of the negative marker preceding sud/shud.

(7-114) Im sud rispekt yūpla.

3SG should respect 2PL
‘He should respect you.’

(7-115) Yū shud no go de.

2SG should NEG go there
‘You should not go there.’
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7.2.3.3 Aspect Markers

There exist seven aspect markers, namely, finis/pinis for completive aspect, go fō/go
pō and stāt denoting inceptive aspect, kīp for iterative aspect, nomō for cessative
aspect, stil for continuative aspect, and yūstū used for past habitual aspect. They
precede the core predicate constituents and follow any tense, negative, and modality
markers as well as any subject referencing pronouns and the predicate marker if any
of those are present. It is possible for adverbs to be inserted between the aspect
markers and the core predicate constituent. In examples provided below all the
aspect markers are written in bold.

7.2.3.3.1 finis/pinis

When finis/pinis precedes the core predicate constituent, it depicts the completive
aspect. The completive aspect marker possesses two variants finis and pinis that are
used interchangeably, although finis slightly prevails in the speech of the LR
residents. Examples (7-116) – (7-118) demonstrate the use of finis/pinis in its
completive aspect function.

(7-116) Em i finis ley-i eg na, tūmas eg, plenti.

3SG PM COMPL lay-TRS egg EMP lots egg plenty
‘It’s the eggs that it finished laying, lots of eggs, plenty.’

(7-117) Misis blo mai yapu

wife POSS POSS.PRN older.brother
em pinis meik-i tū dampa.
3SG COMPL make-TRS two damper
‘The wife of my older brother finished making two dampers.’

(7-118) Ōl no bi finis kaikai de ebri mayi.

3PL NEG PST COMPL eat DET every food
‘They did not finish eating all the food.’

In Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin, the completive aspect marker finis/pinis follows the
verb and in TSC, similarly to LRC, pinis precedes it (Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004;
Dutton & Thomas, 1985; Shnukal, 1988).
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7.2.3.3.2 go fō/go pō

The verbal construction go fō/go pō ‘to be about to, to be almost, to getting on for’,
is used to denote the unrealised inceptive aspect i.e. the stage that immediately
precedes and leads to the beginning of a given action, event, and state. Examples
(7-119) and (7-120) show the use of this aspect marker.

(7-119) Dadi en ankel ōl bin go fō kat-im fayawud

dad CONN uncle 3PL PST INCP cut-TRS firewood
en ged-i antbed nest.
CONN get-TRS ant nest
‘Dad and uncle were about to cut firewood and get the ant nest.’

(7-120) Gwana en dem send krab ōl go fō kaikai det nest.

goanna CONN DET sand crab 3PL INCP eat DEM nest
‘Goanna and the sand crabs were about to eat that nest.’

7.2.3.3.3 stāt

Stāt constitutes yet another inceptive aspect marker that denotes the actual incipient
stage of a given action, event, and state, as examples (7-121) and (7-122)
demonstrate.

(7-121) Ōl dem dog stāt cheis-i dem pig.

all DET dog INCP chase-TRS DET pig
‘All the dogs started to chase the pigs.’

(7-122) Ōl man stāt digin-im dīp ōl in de graun.

old man INCP dig-TRS deep hole PREP DET ground
‘The old man started to dig a deep hole in the ground.’

In TSC, both stat and go po function as the inceptive aspect markers (Shnukal, 1988,
pp. 49, 51).

7.2.3.3.4 kīp/kīp on

Kīp/kīp on is used to denote the iterative aspect of regularly recurring actions,

events, and states. It may also depict the meaning of those actions, events, and states
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that occur over and over again. The two variants of the iterative aspect marker,
namely, kīp and kīp on are used interchangeably. Examples (7-123) and (7-124)
demonstrate the use of this aspect marker.

(7-123) Dem dog kīp go andenīt fut blo dem boi-s.

DET dog ITR go under foot POSS DET boy-PL
‘The dogs kept on going under the feet of the boys.’

(7-124) Dem dog kīp on go andenīt det fut.

DET dog ITR go under DEM foot
‘The dogs kept on going under that foot.’

7.2.3.3.5 stil

Stil denotes the continuative aspect of those actions, events, and states that occur and
continue over a particular time, as examples (7-125) – (7-127) show.

(7-125) Ei, yūmītū ya stil wag-abat we seim pleis.

hey 1DU.INCL here CONT walk-PROG PREP same place
‘Hey, the two of us are still walking here in the same place.’

(7-126) Wī stil kam bek ya we de seim pleis.

1NSG CONT come back here PREP DET same place
‘We are still coming back here to the same place.’

(7-127) Ōl stil de fishing fishing fishing.

3PL CONT there fishing fishing fishing
‘They are still there fishing and fishing and fishing.’

Similarly to TSC (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 207-208), stil functions in LRC solely as a
continuative aspect marker and not as an adverb. In Kriol, stil also expresses
continuation (Sandefur, 1979, p. 134).

7.2.3.3.6 nomō

Nomō functions both as the negative marker and as the negative cessative aspect
marker. The context provides insight into the relevant and appropriate role nomō
fulfils in a given conversation. As the negative cessative aspect marker, nomō
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indicates the completion of a given action, event, and state, as examples (7-128) and
(7-129) indicate.

(7-128) Yūpla nomō meik-i tūmach nois!

2PL CESS make-TRS a.lot noise
‘Stop making a lot of noise!’

(7-129) Nomō plei waya demblat!

CESS play PREP 3PL
‘Stop playing with them!’

7.2.3.3.7 yūstū

Yūstū functions as the past habitual aspect marker that refers to the actions, events,
and states that used to constitute a habit, as examples (7-130) and (7-131)
demonstrate.

(7-130) Dem ōl pīpul yūstū meiki det ani.

DET old people HAB make-TRS DEM honey
‘The old people used to make that honey.’

(7-131) Dei yūstū ant dem en sel dem fō skin.

3PL HAB hunt 3PL CONN sell 3PL PREP skin
‘They used to hunt them and sell them because of their skins.’

In the identical role yusdu/yustu appears in Kriol (Schultze-Berndt & Angelo, 2013).
Sharpe and Sandefur (1976, p. 68) note the existence of the form yusda in the creole
spoken in the 1960s and the 1970s in the Katherine and Roper River areas.

7.2.3.3.8 no sabi

Sabi, which ultimately comes from Portuguese saber ‘to know’, acts not only as the
verb ‘to know, to know how to, to understand, to realise’, but also as the habitual
modality marker when it is negated with the use of the negative marker no ‘no, not,
never’ (see subsection 7.3.2.1.1.1), as examples (7-132) and (7-133) show.
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(7-132) Im no sabi smouk.

3SG NEG know smoke
‘She does not smoke (it is not a habit of hers to smoke).’

(7-133) Dadi blo mī no sabi drink.

dad POSS 1SG NEG know drink
‘My dad does not drink (it is not a habit of his to drink).’

7.3 Simple Sentences

As noted in the introductory remarks to this chapter, the internal structure of a

simple sentence, which comprises one obligatory predicate and an optional subject
in the form of a noun, a pronoun or a noun phrase, may be represented by the
following diagram:

SIMPLE SENTENCE → (NP) PREDICATE

Simple sentences may be divided into subjectless sentences, which comprise

impersonal and existential sentences, and into sentences with the subject present that
can be verbless and verbal. Within verbless sentences, it is possible to distinguish
equational, i.e. possessing a NP predicate, and descriptive, i.e. those with AdjP,
AdvP or PP predicates. Verbal sentences involve the presence of a VP predicate.
Imperatives and hortatives are special types of verbal sentences. All sentence types
can then be either declarative, i.e. indicative or interrogative in one classification,
and affirmative or interrogative in another classification. The predicates are
underlined in all examples provided below.

7.3.1 Sentences with and without a Subject

7.3.1.1 Subjectless Sentences

Subjectless sentences, which are characterised by a lack of a subject, must begin

with the predicate marker. As a result, the predicate marker is an obligatory element
of the predicate. Subjectless sentences may be further divided into impersonal and
existential sentences. The AdjP, PP, and AdvP predicates may appear in subjectless
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sentences. It should also be noted that although imperative sentences are frequently
devoid of a subject, the collected data provides a number of examples, where the
subject is overt.

7.3.1.1.1 Impersonal Sentences

Impersonal sentences do not provide information about people, places, things, events
or relations but indicate the existence of a particular state instead. Impersonal
sentences are formed by means of the predicate marker that precedes a verb or a
predicative adjective, as example (7-134) shows. Pre-head and post-head modifiers
are also able to occur in impersonal sentences, as example (7-135) indicates. It is
possible for past and future tense markers, bin and go, respectively, to appear in
impersonal sentences, as examples (7-136) and (7-137) demonstrate.

(7-134) I leit.
PM late
‘It’s late.’

(7-135) I kwait na bikos dem ribe ōl no ran fāst.

PM quiet now COMP DET river 3PL NEG run fast
‘It’s quiet now, because the rivers do not flow fast.’

(7-136) I bin go.pō dāk.

PM PST INCP dark
‘It was about to get dark.’

(7-137) I go bi prapa gud.

PM FUT be very good
‘It will be very good.’

By comparison, impersonal sentences in Pijin are formed using the third person
singular subject referencing pronoun hemi, which is preceded by baebae to denote
the future tense, i.e. baebae hemi ‘it will be’, or followed by the past tense marker
bin to express the past tense, i.e. hemi bin ‘it was/it were’ (Beimers, 2008, p. 244). A
similar situation takes place in Tok Pisin, where the predicate marker i is preceded
by bai to form the future tense, i.e. bai i ‘it will be’, and followed by the past tense
 327

marker bin to express the past tense, i.e. i bin ‘it was/it were’ (Dutton & Thomas,
1985, p. 213). Bislama also forms impersonal sentences by using the predicate
marker i that is followed by the past tense marker bin to denote the past tense, i.e. i
bin ‘it was/it were’, and preceded by bae or bambae to express the future tense, i.e.
bae i ‘it will be’ (Crowley, 2004, p. 118). TSC impersonal sentences as well as their
past and future variants are formed the same way as in LRC. In Kriol, the third
person singular pronoun im occurs at the beginning of impersonal sentences
(Sandefur, 1979, p. 168).

7.3.1.1.2 Existential Sentences

The function of existential sentences is to indicate whether or not something exists

and, for that reason, their role is to denote the presence or absence of a particular
state. Existential sentences are formed by means of the expression i gad, translated
into English ‘there is/there are’, which is followed by an NP. The negative markers
(see subsection 7.3.2.1.1) are able to occur in existential sentences, as example
(7-138) demonstrates.

(7-138) No, i no gad bait, laka.

NEG PM NEG have bait DISC

‘No, there was no bait.’

(7-139) I gad mai mama, mai dadi,

PM have POSS.PRN mum POSS.PRN dad
ōl brade en siste blo mī.
all brother CONN sister POSS 1SG
‘There was my mum, my dad, all my brothers and sisters.’

The past tense of the existential sentences is formed by means of the predicate
marker followed by the reduced form of the past tense marker bi and the transitive
verb abi ‘to have’, as examples (7-140) and (7-141) demonstrate.

(7-140) Insaid waya de trap i bi abi wan bandikūt, laka.

inside PREP DET trap PM PST have DET bandicoot DISC

‘In the trap, there was a bandicoot.’

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(7-141) Laki, i bi abi nade traib, nade femli kemp de.

luckily PM PST have another tribe another family campsite there.
‘Luckily, there was another tribe, another family campsite there.’

Similarly, as examples (7-142) and (7-143) show, future states are expressed by
using the predicate marker followed by the future tense marker go and the transitive
verb abi ‘to have’. Modifiers may also appear in existential sentences, as example
(7-140) demonstrates.

(7-142) I go abi plenti ōl eg.

PM FUT have plenty DET egg
‘There will be plenty of the eggs.’

(7-143) Mai brade go kech-i dem tētil na krōl kam

POSS.PRN brother FUT catch-TRS DET turtle EMP crawl SV.COME

bikos i go abi tētil sīzin na blo mīpla.

COMP PM FUT have turtle season EMP POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘It’s the crawling turtles that my brother will catch, because it’ll be [lit.
there’ll be] our turtle season.’

In TSC, the past and future tense can be expressed in existential sentences by means
of the predicate marker followed by the past or future tense marker bi or go,
respectively, and gad, i.e. i bi gad (past tense) or i go gad (future tense) (Shnukal,
1988, p. 64). In Tok Pisin, the past tense in existential sentences is formed by
inserting the past tense marker bin between the predicate marker and gat, thus
producing i bin gat and the future tense is expressed by the future tense marker bai
preceding the expression i gat, i.e. bai i gat (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 213). A
similar situation occurs in Bislama, where the past tense marker bin forms the past
tense in existential sentences, i.e. i bin gat, and bae or less frequently bambae are
used to form the future tense, i.e. bae i gat (Crowley, 2004, p. 93). Sandefur (1979,
pp. 184-185) posits that in Kriol, existential sentences may be expressed in a few
ways, where the simplest method involves verbless sentences. Other methods utilise
verbal sentences with the verbs abum or gadim ‘to have’, jidan ‘to exist, to be’, and
jandap ‘to exist’ as well as the deibin construction, which represents a contraction of
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the third person plural pronoun dei and the past tense marker bin followed by an NP.
In LRC, there exists a verb abim/abi ‘to have’, the form of which resembles that of
its Kriol counterpart abum, as ab constitutes the root of both verbs that is affixed
with the transitive suffix -im/-i in LRC and -um in Kriol. Both of those verbs
participate in the formation of existential sentences in LRC and Kriol, however,
although in Kriol, abum appears in verbal existential sentences, in LRC, abi/abim is
only used to express the past and future existential meanings, as examples (7-139)
and (7-142) demonstrate. Neither abim/abi nor abum are present in Pijin, Bislama,
Tok Pisin, and TSC.

7.3.1.2 Sentences with a Subject

Sentences with a subject can further be divided into verbless and verbal sentences.
Verbless sentences include equational and descriptive sentences. In those sentences,
the presence of the predicate marker is optional. If the RPs are in place, then they
precede the predicate marker or if the latter is absent, then the RPs appear
immediately before the obligatory constituent of the predicate, i.e. a NP predicate in
case of equational sentences, and an AdjP, AdvP or PP predicates in case of
descriptive sentences. AdjPs and NPs may be followed by the optional NPs or
pronouns. The optional adverbs or AdvPs may either precede or follow the core
predicate constituents. Generally, the optional PPs occupy the sentence-final
position.

7.3.1.2.1 Verbless Sentences

As noted in section 7.3 above, verbless sentences include equational and descriptive
sentences.

 Equational Sentences

As equational sentences are characterised by a lack of a verb, they constitute the

most basic sentences. Their primary function is to describe relationships between
people or things by indicating if those relations are of an equal value. Examples
provided in subsection 7.1.3, which discusses NPs functioning as the core predicate
constituents, demonstrate the use of the equational sentences. As example (7-145)
demonstrates, it is possible for tense markers to occur in equational sentences.
 330

(7-144) Mīpla big mob famli.

1PL.EXCL big group family
‘We are a big family group.’

(7-145) Im bi gud sneik.

3SG PST good snake
‘It was a good snake.’

In Bislama, equational sentences may be formed in a twofold manner. The first

pattern is congruent with that used in LRC, i.e. “the two noun phrases simply (…)
follow each other with a change of intonation marking the two noun phrases as being
separate” (Crowley, 2004, p. 115). However, the second possibility, which does not
exist in LRC, employs the use of the form se, which separates the two NPs. The past
tense utilises the past tense marker bin and the future tense is formed with bae or
bambae used sentence-initially. The first of Bislama patterns noted above does also
occur in Tok Pisin, where the two NPs are juxtaposed (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p.
41). TSC equational sentences as well as their past and future tense variants are
formed in exactly the same way as in LRC. The structure of Kriol equational
sentences resembles that of its LRC counterparts (Sandefur, 1979, p. 167).

 Descriptive Sentences

The function of the descriptive sentences is congruent with that of the equational
sentences presented in subsection 7.3.1.2.1.1 above, i.e. their role is to also describe
relations. The predicate provides descriptive information about the subject
indicating, for example, its location, time reference, appearance, possession,
properties, etc. The type of the core predicate constituent constitutes the difference
between those two sentence types. Namely, NPs function as the core predicate
constituents in equational sentences, and AdjPs and PPs assume that role in
descriptive sentences. The examples of the descriptive sentences with AdjPs, and
PPs functioning as the core predicate constituents are provided in subsections 7.1.2
and 7.1.4, respectively. Example (7-146) further exemplifies the presence of AdjPs
in the function of the core predicate constituent in a descriptive sentence. Examples
(7-147) and (7-148) involve the locational and possessive PPs fulfilling that very
same role.
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(7-146) De wata i klie.

DET water PM clear
‘The water is clear.’

(7-147) Famli blo mīpla de dan lo sanbīs.

family POSS 1PL.EXCL there down PREP beach
‘Our family is there on the beach.’

(7-148) Dat sugabaig blong im.

DEM honeycomb POSS 3SG
‘That honeycomb is hers.’

Subsection 7.1.5 indicates that AdvPs may also function as the core predicate
constituents in descriptive sentences. The time and location adverbs usually occur in
that role. Thus, the relations described by descriptive sentences of this type are of
both temporal and locational nature. It appears that the predicate marker is always
present if the subject is in the form of NPs, as example (7-149) demonstrates.
However, if a pronoun constitutes the subject, then the predicate marker is optional
and if present, it never accompanies first and second person pronouns in all three
numbers, as example (7-150) shows. The same rule pertains to the presence or
absence of the subject referencing pronouns, which is illustrated by example
(7-151). Tense markers are able to occur in descriptive sentences, as example
(7-152) shows.

(7-149) Dine i de autsaid.

dinner PM there outside
‘There is dinner outside.’

(7-150) Mīpla ya.

1PL.EXCL here
‘We are here.’

(7-151) Demtū ōl autsaid.

3DU 3PL outside
‘The two of them are outside.’
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(7-152) Det pāti i go tūmora.

DEM party PM FUT tomorrow
‘That party will be tomorrow.’

The descriptive sentences in Bislama, Tok Pisin, Kriol, and TSC are governed by the
same rules as those pertinent to the formation of equational sentences.

7.3.1.2.2 Verbal Sentences

Within a group of verbal sentences, it is possible to distinguish imperative and

hortative sentences.

 Imperative Sentences

The function of the imperative sentences is to influence behaviour by conveying

commands, directives, and instructions. Structurally, they consist of an optional
second person pronoun in all of the three numbers and an obligatory VP. As
example (7-155) demonstrates, it is possible for the indefinite pronouns to occur in
imperative sentences. However, the predicate marker as well as the tense and
modality markers are never present in this sentence type. The addressee in the form
of a NP is also able to appear in imperative sentences and, if present, it either
precedes or follows the verb, as examples (7-154) and (7-156) show. It is not
necessary for the second person pronoun in the appropriate number to be present in
such imperative sentences. It is, however, not uncommon for the addressee to
precede the verb and in that case, the second person pronoun in the relevant number
must be included, as example (7-157) indicates.

(7-153) Kwik ran go!

quickly ran SV.GO

‘Run there quickly!’

(7-154) Yūpla go!

2PL go
‘Go!’
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(7-155) Ebribodi go-baik!

INDF.PRN go-back
‘Everybody go back!’

(7-156) Kam pikinini, kam!

come child come
‘Come, children, come!’

(7-157) Boi, yū go aks-im ankel if im ken draib-i

boy 2SG go ask-TRS uncle COMP 3SG can drive-TRS
yūmī ebriwan insaid kā blong im tūmora.
1NSG.INCL INDF.PRN PREP car POSS 3SG tomorrow
‘Son, go and ask uncle if he can drive all of us in his car tomorrow.’

Yet another way to express the directive meaning involves what could be considered
a kind of mitigated imperative, i.e. the use of a modal particle mōbeta ‘should, to
ought to’, which is primarily used sentence-initially. The sentences with mōbeta may
denote either suggestions or directives depending on the context and the relationship
between the speaker and the hearer. The subject in the form of the second person
pronouns in all three numbers is always overt, as examples (7-158) and (7-159)
demonstrate.

(7-158) Mōbeta yū lib nai-taim.

should 2SG live night-time
‘You should live at night.’

(7-159) Mōbeta yūtū stap aus.

should 2DU stay house
‘The two of you should stay home.’

The imperatives presented above appear to be quite brusque in nature. It is possible

to soften them and make them polite, especially when addressing people known less
well, by using the construction trai ‘to try to’ followed by a verb. Thus, similarly to
mōbeta, the use of trai results in a kind of mitigated imperative. The subject in the
form of the second person pronoun in all of the three numbers is optional. The
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constructions of this kind are translated into English by means of such formulaic
expressions as ‘Could you, please, …’ or ‘Would you, please, …’.

(7-160) Trai meik-im gen!

try make-TRS again
‘Could you, please, make it again!

(7-161) Yū trai roust-i dem krab en fish!

2SG try roast-TRS DET crab CONN fish
‘Would you, please, roast the crabs and fish!’

Different softening strategies involve the use of either plīs, which is the equivalent
of the English ‘please’, or laka, the function of which is twofold, i.e. a discourse
marker (see subsection 9.4.3.2) and a question tag. As a discourse marker, laka may
denote the meaning ‘please’, as example (7-162) shows. As example (7-164)
demonstrates, both laka and plīs may occur in the same sentence, which makes the
imperative even more polite.

(7-162) Gib-im medisin laka!

give-TRS medicine DISC

‘Give him medicine, please!’

(7-163) Yūpla stap kwait plīs!

2PL be quiet please
‘Be quiet, please!

(7-164) Yūpla ged-i ōl biliken blo yūpla laka plīs!

2PL get-TRS DET billycan POSS 2PL QTAG please
‘Get your billycans, won’t you, please!’

By comparison, in Bislama, imperative sentences generally consist of either

modified or bare verbs, which could be preceded by the optional second person
pronouns (Crowley, 2004, p. 89). However, similarly to LRC, such constructions are
abrupt and, therefore, there exist numerous ways to make them more polite. Namely,
it is possible to use the future tense marker bae or the verb traem ‘to try’ in front of
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the main verb, with or without the second person pronoun (Crowley, 2004, p. 90).
The adverb fastaem ‘first’ following the main verb or the English influenced
sentence-initial plis ‘please’, with or without the second person pronoun, are also
used to soften directives. Some or all of them may appear in one sentence to make
extremely polite. As far as hortative constructions are concerned, it is not uncommon
for the verb to be completely omitted, provided the relevant information is known
from the context (Crowley, 2004, p. 92).

The formation of TSC imperative sentences resembles the one used in LRC. One
notable difference involves the fact that the second person pronouns never appear in
those constructions that employ the use of trai followed by a verb (Shnukal, 1988, p.
71). In Tok Pisin, the hortative constructions are expressed either by yumi alone or
by yumi laik (Mihalic, 1971, p. 30).

 Hortative Sentences

Hortative sentences pertain to the subjects expressed by the first person inclusive
pronouns in dual and plural numbers. The subject is obligatory in hortative
sentences, as examples (7-165) – (7-167) demonstrate.

(7-165) Yūmītū go!

1DU.INCL go
‘Let’s go!’

(7-166) Yūmītū teik-im-at det pig!

1DU.INCL take-TRS-out DET pig
‘Let’s take that pig out!’

(7-167) Yūmī ebriwan go oum!

1NSG.INCL INDF.PRN go home
‘Let’s go home!’
 336

7.3.2 Declarative and Interrogative Sentences

Declarative sentences, which are also called indicative sentences, express activities
as facts and are used for ordinary objective statements. Interrogative sentences
involve ‘yes-no’ questions and information questions. Both declarative and
interrogative sentences include affirmative and negative sentences.

7.3.2.1 Declarative Sentences

The discussion in this subsection concentrates on negative sentences, as many

examples of affirmative sentences are provided in this thesis. Negative sentences are
characterised by the presence of the negative markers no ‘no, not’, neve ‘never’, and
nomō ‘no more, not any more, no longer’. Their function is to negate actions, events,
and states denoted by the predicate. The negative markers usually precede the first
element of the predicate, as examples (7-168) and (7-169) demonstrate.

(7-168) De injin i no bi wēk.

DET engine PM NEG PST work
‘The engine did not work.’

(7-169) I neve let-im go.

3SG NEG let-TRS go
‘It (crocodile) never let him go.’

7.3.2.1.1 Negative Markers

 no

No ‘no, not, never’ is the most frequently used negative marker that is used to negate
sentences with or without a subject. Similarly to neve (see subsection 7.3.2.1.1.2), no
follows the RPs or the predicate marker if those are present, as examples (7-170) and
(7-172) show.

(7-170) De pig im no bin ded.

DET pig 3SG NEG PST dead
‘The pig was not dead.’
 337

(7-171) Im no bi lisin fō de ōl man stōri.

3SG NEG PST listen PREP DET old man story
‘He did not listen to the old man’s story.’

(7-172) I no gad noubadi fō tel-i stōri.

PM NEG have INDF.PRN COMP tell-TRS story
‘There is nobody to tell a story.’

No can also mean ‘never’, as examples (7-173) and (7-174) demonstrate. The
conversation context informs the interlocutors if no should be understood as ‘not’ or
as ‘never’. It is possible to use the construction no sabi ‘to know’ followed by a verb
to express the meaning ‘never’ when something is not somebody’s habit, as example
(7-175) shows.

(7-173) Ai no go mūvi.
1SG NEG go movies
‘I never go to the movies.’

(7-174) Im no smouk.
3SG NEG smoke
‘She never smokes.’

(7-175) Im no sabi smouk.

3SG NEG know smoke
‘She never smokes.’

In imperative sentences negated with the use of no, personal pronouns are always
present, as examples (7-176) and (7-177) demonstrate. Example (7-177) shows that
hortative sentences may also be negated.

(7-176) Yū no spīk diswei!

2SG NEG speak DEM-way

‘Don’t speak this way!’

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(7-177) Yūmītū no plei we im!

1DU.INCL NEG play PREP 3SG
‘Let the two of us not play with him!’

Interrogative sentences (see subsection 7.3.2.2) are usually negated by means of no,
as examples (7-178) – (7-180) show.

(7-178) Dembla no lisin kēfuli fō de ōl man?

3PL NEG listen carefully PREP DET old man
‘Don’t they listen carefully to the old man?’

(7-179) Yūpla no bi faind-i eniting?

2PL NEG PST find-TRS INDF.PRN

‘Didn’t you find anything?’

(7-180) Wasmada yū no bi go fishing lās wīkend?

why 2SG NEG PST go fishing last weekend
‘Why didn’t you go fishing last weekend?’

 neve

Neve ‘never’ is yet another negative marker that can frequently be encountered in
the speech of the LR residents. Similarly to no (see subsection 7.3.2.1.1.1), neve
follows the RPs or the predicate marker if they are present in a sentence. Neve has
the ability to refer to the present and future events, as examples (7-181) and (7-182),
respectively, demonstrate. Example (7-183) shows that neve can also be used in
imperative sentences and the presence of personal pronouns is not required, as is the
case with no.

(7-181) De wota aut de neve go drai, i ōl ye raun,

DET water out there NEG go dry 3SG all year round
i ran-bat prapa gud.
3SG run-PROG very good
‘The water out there never dries out, it is all year round, it is flowing
very well.’
 339

(7-182) Ai neve go līb-i Lokāt.

1SG NEG FUT leave-TRS Lockhart
‘I will never leave Lockhart.’

(7-183) Neve līb-i Lokāt!

NEG leave-TRS Lockart
‘Never leave Lockhart!’

 nomō

Nomō ‘no more, not any more, not again, no longer, not now’, which, similarly to no
(see subsection 7.3.2.1.1.1), may negate sentences with or without a subject,
functions both as the negative marker and as the negative cessative aspect marker
(see subsection 7.2.3.3.6). The contextual information provides clues regarding the
appropriate interpretation of the role nomō fulfils in a given sentence. Thus, the
meaning of examples (7-184) and (7-185) is twofold, i.e. it can mean either ‘Don’t
play with them!’ when nomō acts as the negative marker in (7-184) or ‘Stop playing
with them!’ when nomō fulfils a role of the negative cessative aspect marker in
(7-185).

(7-184) Nomō plei waya demblat!

NEG play PREP 3PL
‘Don’t play with them!’

(7-185) Nomō plei waya demblat!

CESS play PREP 3PL
‘Stop playing with them!’

 Negative Indefinite Pronouns

When negative indefinite pronouns appear in negative sentences, they may be

accompanied by the negative marker no, as examples (7-186) – (7-188) demonstrate
for those in object NPs and (7-189) and (7-190) for those with subject NPs.

(7-186) Mīpla no kaikai nating.

1PL.EXCL NEG eat INDF.PRN

‘We have not eaten anything.’

 340

(7-187) I no gad noubadi iya.

PM NEG have INDF.PRN here
‘There is nobody here.’

(7-188) Ai no gad nowei fō go.

1SG NEG have INDF.PRN COMP go
‘I have nowhere to go.’

(7-189) Noubadi no go kam.

INDF.PRN NEG FUT come
‘Nobody will come.’

(7-190) Nating no go apen.

INDF.PRN NEG FUT happen
‘Nothing will happen.’

However, there are instances when the negative indefinite pronouns such as nating
‘nothing’, noubadi/noubodi ‘nobody’, nowan ‘non-one’, and nowe/nowei ‘nowhere’
are not accompanied by the negative marker. Those constructions are not rare and
could most likely be attributed to the increasing exposure to English, where negative
indefinite pronouns do not appear in the company of negative markers. As examples
(7-191) and (7-192) show, the negative markers may occur as either subject or object
NPs.

(7-191) Em bin lēn-i nating.

3SG PST learn-TRS NEG

‘He learned nothing.’

(7-192) Noubadi go kam.

NEG FUT come
‘Nobody will come.’
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 Negation and Modality Markers

Negated modality markers express prohibition. The negative marker always follows
mas ‘must, to have to, to have got to’ and sud/shud ‘should, to ought to’ and it
always precedes the remaining modality markers (see subsection 7.2.3.2).

7.3.2.2 Interrogative Sentences

There exist two types of interrogative sentences in LRC, namely, ‘yes-no’ questions
and information questions.

7.3.2.2.1 ‘Yes-No’ Questions

The structure of the ‘yes-no’ questions mirrors that of the sentences with or without
a subject, with the exception of the rising intonation on the final syllable of the
utterance, which is a characteristic feature of both ‘yes-no’ and information
interrogative sentences. Examples (7-193) – (7-196) demonstrate the use of ‘yes-no’
questions.

(7-193) Yūpla ken sī eniting?

2PL can see anything
‘Can you see anything?’

(7-194) Yū kil-i fō pikinini blo yū?

2SG kill-TRS four child POSS 2SG
‘Have you killed four of your children?’

(7-195) I gud stōri?

PM good story
‘Is it a good story?’

(7-196) I gad plenti mayi we aus?

PM have plenty food PREP house
‘Is there plenty of food at the house?’

The negative interrogative sentences, which are usually negated by means of the
negative marker no ‘no, not, never’ (see subsection 7.3.2.1.1.1), are always
 342

answered ‘no’ if the answer confirms the questions, as examples (7-197) and (7-198)
demonstrate.

(7-197) Yū no bi kaikai yet? – No.

2SG NEG PST eat yet no
‘Haven’t you eaten yet? No (I haven’t).’

(7-198) Ōl no bi sel-i de kā? – No.

3PL NEG PST sell-TRS DET car no
‘Did they sell the car? No (they didn’t).’

The use of the question tag ai ‘well, isn't it so, that's so isn't it, don't you agree, eh,
right’, which is always pronounced with rising intonation, signals the presence of the
‘yes-no’ interrogative sentences and is a very common way to phrase them. Ai is
used when the speaker seeks confirmation of the statement expressed by the
question. Examples (7-199) – (7-201) show the use of the question tag ai.

(7-199) Ai go meik-i trap fō kech-i dis bandikūt, ai?

1SG FUT make-TRS trap COMP catch-TRS DEM bandicoot QTAG
‘I will make a trap to catch this bandicoot, won’t I?’

(7-200) Disen mas bi big log, ai?

DEM.PRN must be big log QTAG

‘This must be a big log, right?’

(7-201) Yūpla go go fō ged-i kaikai fō yūmītū, ai?

2PL FUT go COMP get-TRS food PREP 1DU.INCL QTAG

‘You will go to get food for the two of us, won’t you?’

As noted in subsection 7.3.1.2.2.1, in addition to being a discourse marker (see

subsection 9.4.2.2), laka also functions as a question tag, as examples (7-202) and
(7-203) demonstrate.

(7-202) Pāsi det pan kam laka?

pass-TRS DEM pan SV.COME QTAG

‘Pass that pan, won’t you?’

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(7-203) Yū tel-i det stōri laka?

2SG tell-TRS DEM story QTAG

‘You tell that story, won’t you?’

7.3.2.2.2 Information Questions

Information questions usually involve the wh-movement, it is, however, not

uncommon to encounter information questions, where the wh-movement does not
occur. Thus, although the interrogative pronouns (see subsection 4.2.2.3), which
replace the constituents in question, usually appear sentence-initially, they may also
occur sentence-finally when the wh-movement does not take place. The emphatic
markers (see subsection 9.4.1) do not seem to appear in interrogative sentences of
this type. Intonation in interrogative sentences with wh-movement is always rising,
with the highest most pitch placed on the final syllable of the sentence.

As examples (7-204) and (7-205) below demonstrate, uda is also used in those
interrogative sentences that express the possessive meaning ‘whose’. It is, however,
affixed with the suffix -ku, which means ‘to, belonging to’ and comes from the
traditional languages spoken in the LR area, namely, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila (Hill
& Thompson, 2011, Book 1, p. 13). Thompson (1988, p. 21) notes that in these
languages -ku, in addition to other functions, marks the possessor in the genitive
possessive constructions that are used to denote not only both alienable and
inalienable possessions, but also kinship relationships. Although Mufwene (1996, p.
113) states that bound morphemes found in the agglunative substrate languages do
not usually transfer to contact varieties, he does provide an example of Berbice
Dutch that has been influenced by its substrates in the form of the transfer of
grammatical morphemes, such as tense suffixes, sentence-final negative markers,
and postpositions. Similarly, the suffix -ku in LRC constitutes an example of direct
morphological transfer (Siegel, 2015, p. 168), a quite rare process that involves a
fusion of a grammatical marker existing in a substrate language with a form in the
lexifier (Kihm, 1989).
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(7-204) Uda-ku buk yū rīd-im?

who-POSS buk 2SG read-TRS
‘Whose book are you reading?’

(7-205) Uda-ku dres yū wer-im?

who-POSS dress 2SG wear-TRS
‘Whose dress are you wearing?’

In examples (7-204) and (7-205) above, the verbs rīd ‘to read’ and we ‘to wear’ are
affixed with the transitive suffix. The same occurs in examples (7-206) and (7-207)
below, where the verbs luk ‘to look at’ and rīd ‘to read’ are affixed with the
transitive suffix, the form of which clearly includes the object, both overt and
non-overt. If the object is present in a given sentence, then it is redundant. In
interrogative sentences asking about the object, the object is replaced by the
interrogative pronouns that are moved to the beginning of the sentence when the
wh-movement takes place.

(7-206) Wanim yūpla luk-im?

what 2PL look.at-TRS
‘What do you look at?’

(7-207) Wanim yū rīd-im?

what 2SG read-TRS
‘What do you read?’

An analogous situation occurs in example (7-208), where the wh-interrogative

haumach ‘how much, how many’ occupies the sentence-initial position and is
followed by its constituents. The verb kech ‘to catch’ is affixed with the transitive
suffix that clearly includes the object. It is necessary not only for the
wh-interrogatives to move, but their constituents are subject to movement as well.
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(7-208) Haumach fish, krab, lobste en kreifish

how.many fish crab lobster CONN crayfish
mipla kech-im insaid waya dem net?
1PL.EXCL catch-TRS inside PREP DET net
‘How many fish, crabs, lobsters, and crayfish did we catch inside the
nets?’

However, as mentioned above, it is possible for information questions to occur

without the wh-movement taking place. In that case, interrogative pronouns appear
sentence-finally, as the eamples (7-209) and (7-210) demonstrate. This is in
accordance with LRC grammar that requires pronouns to occupy the slot previously
taken by the object NP.

(7-209) Yūpla luk-i wani?

2PL look.at-TRS what
‘You look at what?’

(7-210) Yū rīd-i wanim?

2SG read-TRS what
‘You read what?’

In TSC, when interrogative sentences contain the negative markers no ‘not, never’,
nomo ‘not’, and neba ‘never, not’, the answers must involve the word wa ‘yes’. No
‘no’ is used when a negative reply is given to positive questions (Shnukal, 1988, p.
65). In LRC, the suffix -ku is attached to the interrogative pronoun uda ‘who’ to
denote the meaning ‘whose’, while that meaning is expressed in TSC by using uda
blo (Shnukal, 1988, p. 66). TSC possesses three question tags, namely, a, au, and ei,
while only one question tag has been noted to occur in LRC. In Kriol, the meaning
‘whose’ is expressed in a threefold manner, i.e. by blau, which represents a
contraction between the possessive pronoun blanga and the interrogative pronoun hu
‘who’, by blanga hu, and by its counterpart with the reversed order, namely, hu
blanga (Sandefur, 1979, p. 98).
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Similarly to LRC, information questions without wh-movement also exist in Pijin

(Beimers, 2008, p. 253). The sentence-initial interrogative pro-form waswe occurs in
‘yes-no’ questions, which frequently end with the question particle ya (Beimers,
2008, p. 251). The potential negative response o nomoa ‘or not’ may be appended to
the clause, though not in combination with the sentence final particle ya (Beimers,
2008, p. 253). The focus particle nao frequently appears in interrogative sentences,
where its function is to make the sentence-initial interrogatives the focal points of
the questions, in a similar fashion it focuses NPs in affirmative sentences (Beimers,
2008, pp. 255,257). Similarly to Pijin, not all Kriol interrogative pronouns occupy
the sentence-initial position in interrogative sentences, as in some information
questions wh-movement does not take place (Schultze-Berndt & Angelo, 2013).

Tok Pisin possesses three question tags, namely, a (or laka), o nogat (or simply o),
and o wanem, where a/laka require the affirmative answer ‘yes’ and the answer ‘yes’
or ‘no’ is prompted by the o nogat/o question tag (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 64).
Verhaar (1995) states that Tok Pisin “laka?, which has originated from Islands in the
East, (…) seems to express agreement with the bias for the quality (i.e. affirmative
or negative) of the question” (p. 55). Tok Pisin husat, bilong husat, and bilong
wanem constitute the counterparts of LRC uda ‘who’, udaku ‘whose, and
wanim/wani fō ‘why’, respectively.

Bislama frequently utilises the sentence-final question tags no or o, which could be

followed by statements expressing “the opposite possibility” (Crowley, 2004, p.
148). The question tag a both signals the ‘yes-no’ questions and also prompts the
affirmative answer ‘yes’. Waswe is used sentence-initially denoting the meaning
‘why’, although wanem is used in that function much more often (Crowley, 2004, p.
154). The interrogative pronoun we ‘where’ denotes not only location, but also
direction and wehem ‘where’ is only used for location (Crowley, 2004, p. 156). The
preposition from, which is frequently followed by wanem, may express the meaning
‘why’, as it “marks (…) something that causes something to happen” (Crowley,
2004, p. 157). Olsem wanem is known to act as a question tag (Crowley, 2004, p.
158).
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7.4 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles

As Table 7.1 below demonstrates, LRC shares the majority of the creole predicate
features with other creole languages, thus substantiating a claim that it is a creole. A
+ indicates that the feature is characteristic of the creole, a blank indicates it is not.

Table 7.1 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole Predicate Features with Other
Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Subject Referencing +
Pronouns
Resumptive Pronouns +
Predicate Marker + + + +
Past Tense Marker + + + + +
Future Tense Marker + + +
(go in LRC and TSC,
and gada/gona in Kriol)
Future Tense Marker + + +
(bae/baebae in Pijin,
bae/bambae in Bislama,
and bai in Tok Pisin)
Completive Aspect + + +
Marker Precedes the
Verb
Completive Aspect + + +
Marker Follows the
Verb
Impersonal Sentences + + + +
Formed with the Use of
Predicate Marker
Existential Sentences + + + +
Formed with got ‘to
have’
Verb abim/abi in LRC + +
and abum in Kriol Used
in Existential Sentences
(in LRC in Past and
Future Meanings Only)
Juxtaposition in + + + + + +
Equational and
Descriptive Sentences
No Must Appear with + +
Negative Indefinite
Pronouns
 348

Table 7.2 shows the comparison of two LRC English-derived predicate features with
other creoles, where the use of the habitual aspect marker is shared by LRC and
Kriol and the optional use of second preson pronouns in imperative sentences exists
in all creoles. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic of the creole, a blank
indicates it is not. A detailed outline of the comparison of the predicate features
presented in Tables 7.1 and 7.2 follows.

Table 7.2 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Predicate Features with

Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Habitual Aspect Marker + +
yūstū in LRC and
yustu/yusdu/yusda in
Kriol
Optional Use of Second + + + + + +
Person Pronouns in
Imperative Sentences

The comparison of the RP system in LRC with its Pijin counterpart shows that in
Pijin, the SRPs are used for all persons of the singular, dual, trial, and plural
numbers (Beimers, 2008, pp. 236-237). TSC is characterised by a lack of any SRP
system and there only appears to exist the predicate marker i (Shnukal, 1988, p.
138). In Bislama, there are two predicate markers, namely, i and oli, which have
SRP functions to some extent, as they reference singular and plural subjects,
respectively (Crowley, 2004, p. 109). In Tok Pisin, i fulfils the function of the
predicate marker (Verhaar, 1995, p. 70). Kriol does not appear to have SRPs
(Sandefur, 1979; Schultze-Berndt & Angelo; 2013).

Shnukal (1988, pp. 41-42) states that although present tense remains unmarked,
there exist two tense markers in TSC, namely, bi/bin denoting past tense and go used
for future tense actions, states, and events. Kasa is frequently used to express the
meaning of immediate past in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 45).

Beimers (2008, pp. 222-223) notes that jes (immediate past) and bin (past) constitute
the two Pijin tense markers. Bae/baebae function as future tense markers (Beimers,
 349

2008, p. 243). In Bislama, the sentences are frequently devoid of any tense markers
simply because it is customary for the contextual information to be provided in
different ways (Crowley, 2004, p. 92). If need arises, a clause containing a verb and
a pronoun, and no tense marker, e.g. mi go, may be used to denote the present, past
or future tense actions, states, and events. Bin frequently marks the past tense, jas
denotes the recent past, and bae and bambae are used for the future tense (Crowley,
2004, pp. 92-94). Similarly to Bislama, Pijin, TSC, and LRC, the present tense is
unmarked in Tok Pisin and bin denotes past tense (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 118).
Bai is used to express the future (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 87). In Kriol, there are
two tense markers, namely, bin and gada used for the past and future tense actions,
respectively (Nicholls, 2009, p. 76). Sandefur (1979, p. 128) also list gona as the
future tense marker. Gonna also exists in Woorie Talk (Mushin & Watts, 2016, p.
72).

In TSC, there exist eight modality markers: mas ‘must, to have to, to have got to’,
blo + verb ‘to be to, to be going to, to have to’, spostu ‘ought to, ought to have,
should, should have’, sud ‘should, ought to, kasa ‘just, with no purpose’, kin/ken
‘can’, kan ‘can’t’, and mait ‘may, might, could’, where kin/ken and kan cannot be
used when there is no question of ability or permission (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 43-47).
TSC mas and sud are followed by the negative markers. In Pijin, kan ‘can’t’, kanduit
‘cannot’, and kanot ‘cannot’ function as modality markers; they do not appear in the
company of any other pre-head markers (Beimers, 2008, p. 226). Pijin mas ‘must’
and sud ‘should’ always precede the negative marker and follow the SRPs (Beimers,
2008, pp. 220-221). Simons and Young (1978, p. 75) also list the sentence-initial
maet ‘might’ as Pijin modality marker. In Bislama, save is used to express the
meaning of both ‘can, to be able to’ and ‘may’ and kanduit denotes the meaning ‘to
be unable to’ (Crowley, 2003, pp. 123, 233). Mas ‘must, to have to, to have got to’,
sud ‘to ought to’ as well as the adjective sapos ‘supposed, intended’ are also used in
Bislama (Crowley, 2003, 2004). The meaning of ‘to ought to, to be supposed to’ can
be expressed in Bislama by the construction blong + verb (Crowley, 2004, pp.
116-117), which is the equivalent of LRC and TSC combination blo + verb. In Tok
Pisin, ken expresses ‘may, might’ and save is used to denote the meaning ‘know how
to’ (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 376). Dutton and Thomas (1981, p. 117) note that
 350

the construction inap + verb is used to express ability and no inap + verb is used for
inability. In Tok Pisin, sapos functions as a complementiser ‘if’ and the construction
bilong + verb is used for the meaning ‘in order to’ and mas ‘must, to have to, to have
got to’ denotes the notion of obligation (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, pp. 19, 238, 375).
Sandefur (1979, pp. 129-132) divides Kriol modality markers into four categories:
intention-desire (andi and its variants, gona, and gada), ability permission (gin and
gan), necessity-advisability (gada, labda, mas, ada, judbi, and juda), and
potential-possibility (mat, judbi, gulijap, nili, and trai). They always precede the
main verb; however, not all of them follow the negative and tense markers. For
example, mas, gin, and judbi cannot be negated by the negative marker and cannot
be used with the past tense marker (Sandefur, 1979, pp. 129-131).

In TSC, there exist six primary aspect markers, namely, kip (iterative), nomo
(cessative), oltaim (habitual), pinis (completive), stat (inceptive), and stil
(continuative) (Shnukal, 1988, p. 48). Reduplicated verbs express the iterative
aspect. The negated habitual aspect may be formed by means of no sabe + verb,
however, this construction is only used in eastern TSC dialect (Shnukal, 1988, p.
51). Beimers (2008, pp. 224-226) lists only one modality marker in Pijin, namely,
save, the aspectual function of which is threefold, i.e. abilitative, habitual, and
permissive. The continuous aspect may be expressed by verb reduplication
(Beimers, 2008, p. 120). In Bislama, the habitual, abilitative, and permissive
functions are expressed by means of save, however, some speakers only use stap,
and not save, for the habitual aspect (Crowley, 2004, pp. 98-99). Stap is also used
for the progressive aspect (Crowley, 2004, p. 98). As far as Tok Pisin is concerned,
Mihalic (1971, pp. 32) states that the iterative aspect is primarily expressed by
means of the adverbial reduplication and the habitual aspect is achieved by the use
of the auxiliary verb save meaning ‘to be accustomed to’. According to Sandefur’s
(1979, pp. 133-136) classification, Kriol aspect markers may be divided into three
categories, namely, factual (stat, go, kip, stil, and stap), limitation-intensity (onli, jis,
lilbit, and rili), and habitual (oldei, olweis, yusda, neba, and gan). Although all of
them can be negated by the negative marker, gan cannot co-occur with the past tense
marker.
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Beimers (2008, p. 221) lists only two negative markers in Pijin, namely, no ‘not’ and
nating ‘never’. Dutton and Thomas (1985, p. 37) state that no ‘no’ and nogat ‘no,
nothing’ constitute negative markers used in Tok Pisin. In Bislama, no ‘no, not’,
nomo ‘no longer, not any more’, neva ‘never, not ever’, and no yet ‘not yet’ appear
pre-verbally, and nating ‘nothing’ can be used in conjunction with no, nomo, and
neva (Crowley, 2004, pp. 95-96). In Kriol, nomo and no, both meaning ‘no’ function
as simple negative markers, and nat ‘not’ and neba ‘never’ are used as emphatic
negative markers (Sandefur, 1979, p. 126).

An interesting difference between LRC neve ‘never’ and its TSC equivalent neba
pertains to the fact that LRC neve can refer to both the present and future events,
while TSC neba can only be used in sentences with past time meaning and it never
appears in utterances with present and future time meaning (Shnukal, 1988, p. 73).
For that reason, TSC neba is unable to be used in the imperative sentences, which
always refer both to the present and to the future (Shnukal, 1988, p. 74). On the
other hand, LRC neve is able to be used in the imperative sentences, as example
(7-183) above demonstrates. In Kriol, the primary function of neba ‘never’ is to
denote negative habitual meaning, however, it is sometimes used to express negative
emphatic meaning (Sandefur, 1979, p. 127). Schultze-Berndt and Angelo (2013)
indicate that neba is used in habitual past contexts when it does occur in
constructions, in which tense markers are absent.

Yet another difference between LRC and TSC pertains to the fact that in TSC, no
‘not’ must appear in the sentences, which involve the use of the negative indefinite
pronouns (Shnukal, 1988, p. 72). The same appears to be the rule in Bislama
(Crowley, 2004, p. 96). By contrast, in LRC, negative indefinite pronouns may
appear in sentences without the company of negative markers (see subsection
7.3.4.4).

7.5 Conclusion
This chapter has investigated simple sentences. The examination of the five types of
the LRC predicates, namely, VP, AdjP, NP, PP, and Adv predicates, is followed by
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the discussion of the constituents of the predicate, i.e. the resumptive pronouns, the
predicate marker, and the tense, mood, and aspect markers. Sentences with and
without the subject, as well as declarative sentences, including negative markers, and
interrogative sentences, both ‘yes-no’ and information questions, are also presented
in this chapter. It has been established that the Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila suffix -ku,
which is affixed to the interrogative pronoun uda ‘who’ and marks the possessor in
the genitive possessive constructions that are used to denote not only both alienable
and inalienable possessions, but also kinship relationships (Thompson, 1988, p. 21),
is an example of a direct morphological transfer, a very rare phenomenon that
involves a fusion of a grammatical marker present in a substrate language with a
form in the lexifier (Kihm, 1989; Siegel, 2015).

Thirteen creole features have been examined and out of them, nine are present in
LRC. One feature, namely, juxtaposition in equational and descriptive sentences
occurs not only in LRC, but also in the remaining five creoles. The predicate marker
exists in LRC, TSC, Bislama, and Tok Pisin. With the exception of Bislama, the past
tense marker is a feature characteristic of LRC, TSC, Kriol, Pijin, and Tok Pisin.
The future tense marker go is used in LRC and TSC, and gona in Kriol. The
completive aspect marker always precedes the verb in LRC, TSC, and Kriol, while
in follows the verb in Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin. Impersonal sentences are
formed with the use of the predicate marker in LRC, TSC, Bislama, and Tok Pisin.
Existential sentences are formed with got ‘to have’ in LRC, TSC, Bislama, and Tok
Pisin. LRC verb abim/abi appears in existential sentences expressing past and future
meanings; Kriol verb abum can be found in existential sentences.

Two English-derived features have been examined, where optional use of second
person pronouns occurs in LRC and the remaining five creoles. The habitual aspect
marker yūstū and yustu/yusdu/yusda is a characteristic feature of LRC and Kriol,
respectively.
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Chapter 8 Complex Sentences

In contrast to simple sentences, which contain only one clause and, as a result, only
one predicate and optionally a subject, complex sentences comprise more than one
clause, where each of them consists of an optional subject and a predicate. Complex
sentences result from either coordination or subordination, and in some instances
from both of them. There are three types of subordinate clauses, namely,
complement clauses, adverbial clauses, and relative clauses. Before those are
discussed in the later sections, section 8.1 focuses on the presentation of the
coordination of simple sentences. The mechanism of both coordination and
subordination then follows.

8.1 Coordination of Simple Sentences

As stated in subsection 4.9.1, LRC possesses three coordinators, namely, en ‘and’,
bat ‘but’, and ō ‘or’, which indicate addition, contrast, and alternation, respectively,
and all of them can be encountered in sentential coordination. Taking into
consideration both formal and semantic criteria, it is possible to distinguish three
types of coordination, i.e. conjunctive, adversative, and alternative (Crowley, Lynch,
Siegel & Piau, 1995, p. 363).

8.1.1 Conjunctive Coordination

Conjunctive coordination is achieved with the use of the coordinator en ‘and’. In

example (8-1), two separate clauses, namely, im dropi mīpla waya aus blo mīpla ‘he
dropped us off at our house’ and im draib go aus blong im ‘he drove to his house’
are connected with the coordinator en ‘and’.

(8-1) Im drop-i mīpla waya aus blo mīpla

3SG drop.off-TRS 1PL.EXCL PREP house POSS 1PL.EXCL
en im draib go aus blong im.
CONN 3SG drive SV.GO house POSS 3SG
‘He dropped us off at our house and he drove to his house.’
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8.1.2 Adversative Coordination

Adversative coordination takes place when clauses are connected with the
coordination bat ‘but’. Thus, in example (8-2), the two separate clauses, i.e. mīpla
lukran ‘we looked around’ and det pōkyupain en dem tū gwana ōl stil de ‘that
porcupine and the two goannas were still there’ are combined into a complex
sentence by means of the coordinator bat ‘but’.

(8-2) Mīpla luk-raun bat det pōkyupain en dem tū

1PL.EXCL look-around CONN DEM porcupine CONN DET two
gwana ōl stil de.
goanna 3PL CONT there
‘We looked around, but that porcupine and the two goannas were still
there.’

8.1.3 Alternative Coordination

The third coordination type involves alternative coordination, where clauses are
combined with the coordinator ō ‘or’. Thus, in example (8-3), the two clauses,
namely, det heri men bi teikim de ‘that hairy man took him there’ and awu mas bi
teikim longwei ‘the evil spirit must have taken him far’ are connected with the
coordinator ō ‘or’.

(8-3) Det heri men bi teik-im de

DEM hairy man PST take-TRS there
ō awu mas bi teik-im long-wei.
CONN evil.spirit must PST take-TRS long-way
‘That hairy man took him there or the evil spirit must have taken him far.’

8.1.4 Subject in the Coordinated Clauses

Each of the combined clauses does not have to possess an overt subject NP, but the
occurrence of the resumptive pronoun coupled with the sequence of events
represented by the coordinated clauses implies that the subject NP present in the first
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clause pertains to every clause in the sentence. Thus, in example (8-4), the presence
of the resumptive pronoun demtū ‘3DU’ illustrates full clause coordination, as demtū
used in the second and third coordinated clauses refers back to the subject NP in the
first clause. The coordinated clauses represent a chain of events.

(8-4) Mai tū nefyū demtū ged-i spīye en demtū

POSS.PRN two nephew 3DU get-TRS spear CONN 3DU
wag-abat long-wei waya sanbīs said fō stingrei en
walk-PROG long-way PREP beach side PREP stingray CONN
krab en demtū spīye faib krab en tū tingri.
crab CONN 3DU spear five crab CONN two stingray
‘My two nephews got spears and walked far on the side of the beach for
stingrays and crabs and speared five crabs and two stingrays.’

A similar situation occurs in example (8-5), where the resumptive pronoun im ‘3SG’
not only introduces each of the coordinated clauses but is also co-referential with the
subject NP in the first clause. The coordinated clauses represent the sequence of
events in this complex sentence.

(8-5) Det toudfish im pul-im-at da spiya en im

DET toadfish 3SG pull-TRS-out DET spear CONN 3SG
teik-im da spiya kam-at na from bodi blong im,
take-TRS DET spear come-out EMP PREP body POSS 3SG
laka, en im lift-im-ap en im put-im
DISC CONN 3SG lift-TRS-up CONN 3SG put-TRS
we shōlde blong im
PREP sholder POSS 3SG
en im kar-i bat waya sōlde blong im.
CONN 3SG carry bat PREP sholder POSS 3SG
‘That toadfish took the spear out from his body, poor thing, and pulled the
spear out and carried the bat on his shoulder and lifted him up and put him
on his shoulder.’
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A question could arise whether (8-5) is an example of predicate rather than clause
coordination. Example (8-6) provides clarification, as it represents predicate
coordination, where both coordinated predicates begin with the predicate marker i
and not with the resumptive pronouns, as is the case with examples (8-4) and (8-5).
The predicate marker is also present in the first clause, where it follows the subject
NP and precedes the VP, thus indicating, where the subject ends and the predicate
begins.

(8-6) De ōl man i meik-i āc ouba ed blong im en i

DET old man PM make-TRS arch PREP head POSS 3SG CONN PM
meik-im we de sheip blong im en i meik-i reinbou.
make-TRS PREP DET shape POSS 3SG CONN PM make-TRS rainbow
‘The old man made an arch over his head and made it in his shape and
made a rainbow.’

8.2 Complex Sentences

As stated in the introductory comments to this chapter, complex sentences comprise

more than one clause, each of them having an optional subject and a predicate. In
addition to coordination, complex sentences may be formed by subordination. There
exist three types of subordinate clauses, i.e. complement clauses, adverbial clauses,
and relative clauses.

8.2.1 Complement Clauses within Complex

Sentences

It is a common practice for many VPs, the heads of which belong to a small group of
verbs, to have constituents in the form of complement clauses that function as
clausal objects. Those complement clauses may be marked by the complementiser fō
(or in some cases, tū). Although they may or may not be preceded by the resumptive
pronouns, the TMA markers do not usually occur within them.
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As noted above, the heads of VPs that take complement clauses belong to a small
group of verbs that exhibit some modality and aspectual traits, such as, for example,
permission and inception. Table 8.1 below outlines such verbs indicating whether
the presence of the complementisers is required or not. If it is not obligatory, the
complementiser appears in brackets. The discussion of each of the verbs, together
with the verbal complements they take, follows after.

Table 8.1 Verbs that Take Complement Clauses

Verb Gloss Complementiser
laik ‘to like’ (fō)
lau ‘to allow, to permit’ fō
let/leti/letim ‘to let’ -
meik/meiki/meikim ‘to make, to cause’ -
stāt ‘to start/begin’ fō
trai ‘to try’ fō, tū
wandi/wani ‘to want’ (fō)

8.2.1.1 laik and wandi/wani + Complement Clauses

Both laik ‘to like’ and wandi/wani ‘to want’ are desiderative verbs that express
desires and wants. They appear in constructions that take both NP (see Chapter 5)
and clausal objects. When laik and wandi/wani fulfil a role of the verb in the main
clause, the subject of the main clause and the subject of the complement clause may
be coreferential. In that case, the clausal objects are not marked by the
complementiser fō, as examples (8-7) and (8-8) demonstrate.

(8-7) De dak im wani protekt det eg nest blo demblat en

DET duck 3SG want protect DEM egg nest POSS 3PL CONN

de eg.
DET egg
‘The ducks want to protect their egg nest and the eggs.’
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(8-8) Im no laik join-i dem fren blong im,

3SG NEG like join-TRS DET friend POSS 3SG
im laik kaikai flawa.
3SG like eat flower
‘It (flying fox) does not like to join its friends, it likes to eat flowers.’

If, however, the subject of the main clause and the subject of the complement clause
differ, the complementiser fō marks the predicate of the complement. Thus, in
examples (8-9) and (8-10), im kam ‘she comes’ and dem pikinini fait ‘the children
fight’, respectively, are the subordinated sentences.

(8-9) Dembla no wandi im fō kam.

3PL NEG want 3SG COMP come
‘They do not want her to come.’

(8-10) De ōl pīpul no laik dem pikinini fō fait.

DET old people NEG like DET child COMP fight
‘The old people do not like the children to fight.’

8.2.1.2 lau + Complement Clauses

Similarly to laik and wandi/wani (see subsection 8.2.1.2), lau ‘to allow, to permit’,
which takes both NP and clausal object, makes use of the complementiser fō that
precedes the verb of the clausal object and follows its subject NP. When lau is the
verb in the main clause, the subject of the main clause and the subject of the object
complement always pertain to different entities. As a result, the subject of the object
complement is always overt, as examples (8-11) and (8-12) show.

(8-11) Dembla lau dem dog fō kaikai.

3PL allow DET dog COMP eat
‘They allowed the dogs to eat.’

(8-12) Det man bi lau de gēl blong im fō go pāti.

DEM man PST allow DET daughter POSS 3SG COMP go party
‘That man allowed his daughter to go to the party.’
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8.2.1.3 let/leti/letim + Complement Clauses

Let/leti/letim ‘to let’, which, similarly to lau (see subsection 8.2.1.2), denotes
permission, takes object complements that are never marked by the complementiser
fō. When let/leti/letim is the main verb, the subject of the main clause and the subject
of the object complement are never coreferential. As a result, the subject of the
object complement is always overt, as examples (8-13) and (8-14) show.

(8-13) De ōl man let-im mō en mō flaying foks go

DET old man let-TRS more CONN more flying fox go
from fishing net blong im.
PREP fishing net POSS 3SG
‘The old man let more and more flying foxes go from his fishing net.’

(8-14) Dem dog bin bāk-bat en let dem pīpul sabi

DET dog PST bark-PROG CONN let DET people know
ōl bi fain-i dem boi.
3PL PST find-TRS DET boys
‘The dogs were barking and let the people know that they found the
boys.’

As the two examples above demonstrate, let, although transitive, may or may not be
affixed with the transitive suffix -im/-i (see subsection 4.7.1.1). If it is suffixed with
-im and if the subject of the object complement is in the form of the third person
singular or plural pronouns, the subject of the object complement is omitted, as
example (8-15) demonstrates.

(8-15) Ai go neve let-im go.

1SG FUT never let-TRS go
‘I will never him go.’

If, however, let is not suffixed with -im/-i, then the subject of the object complement
in the third person singular or plural pronouns appears in the form of those pronouns
and follows let, as example (8-16) shows.
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(8-16) Ai go let dembla go.

1SG FUT let 3PL go
‘I will let them go.’

8.2.1.4 meik/meiki/meikim + Complement Clauses

When meik/meiki/meikim ‘to make, to cause’ takes object complements, which are
never marked by the complementiser fō, it participates in the formation of causative
constructions. When meik/meiki/meikim is the main verb, the subject of the main
clause and the subject of the object complement never refer to the same entity. As a
result, the subject of the object complement is always overt, as examples (8-17) and
(8-18) demonstrate.

(8-17) De toudfish meik-i gil blong im kam nadakan big.

DET toadfish make-TRS gill POSS 3SG become unusually big
‘The toadfish made its gills become unusually big.’

(8-18) De awu ken meik pīpul kam sik.

DET evil.spirit can make people become sick
‘The evil spirit can make people become sick.’

Similarly to let/leti/leti (see subsection 8.2.1.3), meik/meiki/meikim functions both

with and without the transitive suffix -im/-i (see subsection 4.7.1.1) when it denotes
transitivity, as examples (8-17) and (8-18) above show. When it is suffixed with
-im/-i and when the subject of the object complement is in the form of the third
person singular or plural pronouns, the subject of the object complement is omitted,
as example (8-19) demonstrates.

(8-19) Im kar-im go put-im de andenīt,

3SG carry-TRS SV.GO put-TRS there underneath
laka, we det sheidi trī de, meik-im ledan.
DISC PREP DET shady tree there make-TRS lay.down
‘He carried him, put him under, poor thing, that shady tree there, making
him lay down.’
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If, however, meik is not suffixed with -im/-i and if the subject of the object
complement is in the form of the third person singular or plural pronouns, then the
subject of the object complement occurs in the form of those personal pronouns, as
example (8-20) shows.

(8-20) Ōl chak-i wata antap dembla na

3PL throw-TRS water on.top 3PL EMP

meik dembla siden, laka.

make-TRS 3PL sit DISC

‘It’s on top of them that they threw water causing them to sit down.’

8.2.1.5 stāt + Complement Clauses

Besides being the inceptive aspect marker (see subsection 7.2.3.3.3), stāt ‘to start’ is
also known to take both NP and object complements, where the latter are always
marked by the complementiser fō, as examples (8-21) and (8-22), demonstrate.
When stāt is the main verb, its subject and the subject of the object complement are
identical.

(8-21) Ōl bi stāt fō get sheik en shive, laka.

3PL PST start COMP get shake CONN shiver DISC

‘They started to shake and shiver, poor things.’

(8-22) Wī mait stāt fō meik-im traik tū de plei

1NSG might start COMP make-TRS tracks PREP DET place
we wī gona bild houmsted blo wī aut de.
REL 1NSG FUT build homestead POSS 1NSG out there
‘We might start to make tracks to the place, where we gonna build our
homestead out there.’

8.2.1.6 trai + Complement Clauses

In addition to taking NP complements, trai ‘to try’ also acts as a conative verb that is
able to take object complements, which are always marked by the complementisers
fō or tū. When trai is the main verb, its subject and the subject of the object
complement are always coreferential, as examples (8-23) – (8-25) show.
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(8-23) De aligida trai tū kech de prei.

DET crocodile try COMP catch DET prey
‘The crocodile tried to catch the prey.’

(8-24) I trai tū faind de spot iye.

3SG try COMP find DET spot here
‘He tried to find the spot here.’

(8-25) Im mait trai fō bait-i demblat.

3SG might try COMP bite-TRS 3PL
‘It (crocodile) might try to bite them.’

8.2.1.7 Other Verbs + Complement Clauses

The ability to take object complements is not, however, reserved for the group of
verbs outlined above. In fact, many verbs are able to take object complements, as
examples (8-26) and (8-27) demonstrate.

(8-26) Yūpla go go fō ged-i kaikai fō yūmītū.

2PL FUT go COMP get-TRS food PREP 1DU.INCL
‘You will go to get food for the two of us.’

(8-27) Im ran, laka, streit go fō pik-im-ap bat

3SG run DISC straight SV.GO COMP pick-TRS-up bat
from det graun, laka.
PREP DEM ground DISC

‘It (toadfish) ran, poor thing, strait to pick the bat up from that ground.’

8.2.1.8 Multiple Verb Predicates

Examples provided in the subsections above involve the predicates that involve the
presence of one verb and one object complement. However, it is not unusual for the
predicates to comprise multiple verbs, where one of them is frequently trai ‘to try’
and object complements. This can be achieved when one object complement is
embedded in another one, which results in concatenation, the characteristic feature
of which is recursion (Huddleston & Pullum, 2002, p. 1176-1178). Each of the
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following examples contains one recursion, where one object complement is

embedded in another one resulting in each predicate having three verbs.

(8-28) Mīpla stap en wani trai fō kech-i demtū

1PL.EXCL stop CONN want try COMP catch-TRS 3DU
bat demtū ran go andenīt we olo log.
CONN 3DU run go underneath PREP hollow log
‘We stopped and wanted to try to catch the two of them, but the two of
them ran under the hollow log.’

(8-29) Kutini stāt fō trai fō meik-i plan.

cassowary start COMP try COMP make-TRS plan
‘The cassowary started to try to make plans.’

(8-30) Mai brade i trai tū meik-im go stāt

POSS.PRN brother PM try COMP make-TRS SV.GO start
bat i no bi wēk.
CONN 3SG NEG PST work
‘My brother tried to make it (the engine) start, but it did not work.’

8.2.1.9 WH- Complementisers

Some interrogative determiners (see subsection 4.3.3) also possess the ability to
introduce complement clauses that act as clausal objects, as examples (8-31) and
(8-33) indicate.
(8-31) Dei luk au mīpla duw-im ting-s blo mīpla de
3PL look COMP 1PL.EXCL do-TRS thing-PL POSS 1PL.EXCL there
autsaid.
outside
‘They look how we do our things our there.’

(8-32) Im show-i dembla wichkain ōl meik-i nest blo

3SG show-TRS 3PL COMP 3PL make-TRS nest POSS

damblat.
3PL
‘He showed them how they make their nests.’
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(8-33) Mīpla sabi wanim yū meik-im fō.

1PL.EXCL know COMP 2SG make-TRS-3SG for
‘We know what you are making it for.’

8.2.2 Complements of Communication and Thought

Depending on the nature of the core predicate constituents, complements of verbs of

communication and thought may be divided into three subgroups. Thus, the main
clause may involve either the perception verbs, the speech act verbs or the verbs of
mental processes.

8.2.2.1 Perception Verbs

With the aid of perception verbs, it is possible to express those experiences of the
world, which are made through the senses. Such verbs include among others
luk/luki/lukim ‘to look, to see’, sī ‘to see’, lisin ‘to listen, to hear’, smeli/smelim ‘to
smell’, tachi/tachim ‘to touch’, teisti/teistim ‘to taste’, and wochi/wochim ‘to watch’.
Perception verbs cannot be preceded by the verb sabi ‘to know how to do
something’, as its use is solely reserved for those actions that have to be learned.
Such modality markers as ken/kin and kan/kant/kent may be used instead. It should
be noted that complements of perception verbs are never introduced by
complementisers, as examples (8-34) – (8-37) demonstrate.

(8-34) Yū lisin de beibi i krai.

2SG hear DET baby PM cry
‘You hear the baby cry.’

(8-35) Ōl ken luk det big awu de ran kam ran.

3PL can see DET big evil.spirit there run SV.COME run
‘They could see that big evil spirit running there.’

(8-36) Ai woch-i demblat ya wag-bat kam.

1SG watch-TRS 3PL EMP walk-PROG SV.COME

‘I watched them coming.’

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(8-37) Ōl luk-im swim.

3PL look-TRS swim
‘They saw it (crocodile) swim.’

As examples (8-35) and (8-37) show, certain transitive perception verbs, such as, for
example, luk/luki/lukim function both with and without the transitive suffix
-im/-i. Similarly to the verbs let/leti/letim and meik/meiki/meikim described in
subsections 8.2.1.3 and 8.2.1.4, respectively, if the unsuffixed forms are used and if
the subjects of object complements appear in the form of the third person singular or
plural pronouns, then the object forms of those pronouns are used, as example (8-38)
shows.

(8-38) Yu luk dembla grou.

2SG see 3PL grow
‘You see them grow.’

If, however, the suffixed forms of perception verbs are used, then the subjects of the
object complements, which occur in the form of the third person singular or plural
pronouns, are omitted. This is shown by example (8-37) above.

As noted above, perception verbs never take complements that are introduced by
complementisers. However, there appears to be an exception to that rule that
involves the presence of ōlsem following the verb luk. The combination luk ōlsem
denotes the meaning ‘to seem, to appear, to look like, to look as though, to look as
if’. As examples (8-39) – (8-42) demonstrate, the subject of the main clause and the
subject of the complement are coreferential. However, complements introduced by
ōlsem should most likely be analysed as adverbial clauses and not as object
complements, as ōlsem is a subordinator, which differs from fō.

(8-39) Im luk ōlsem im redi fō go fō pāti.

3SG look COMP 3SG ready COMP go PREP party
‘She looks as if she is ready to go to a party.’
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(8-40) Im luk ōlsem slīpi.

3SG look COMP sleepy
‘She seems very sleepy.’

(8-41) Demblat luk ōlsem demblat wandi slīp.

3PL look COMP 3PL want sleep
‘They look as though they want to sleep.’

(8-42) I luk ōlsem i go rein.

PM look COMP PM FUT rain
‘It looks as if it is going to rain.’

8.2.2.2 Speech Act Verbs

Such verbs as, for example, ala ‘to call out, to shout’, singat ‘to sing out, to scream’,
spīk ‘to speak, to say, to tell’, tel/teli/telim ‘to tell, to say, to speak’, and aksi/aksim
‘to ask’ belong to speech act verbs. They can be divided into three groups, namely,
those that take clausal objects that are always introduced by a complementiser, those
that are never followed by a complementiser, and those for which the use of
complementiser is optional. Thus, tel/teli/telim and aksi/askim belong to the first
group that requires the use of the complementiser fō, as examples (8-43) and (8-44)
show. Although both of those verbs are transitive, tel/teli/telim functions both with
and without the transitive suffix -im/-i, and aksi/aksim is always affixed with the
transitive suffix.

(8-43) Ai bi aks-im fō go stō.

1SG PST ask-TRS COMP go store
‘I asked her to go to the store.’

(8-44) Yū bin trik-i mīpla, yū tel-i mī fō kil-i

2SG PST trick-TRS 1PL.EXCL 2SG tell-TRS 1SG COMP kill-TRS
mai fō pikinini en yū gad siks pikinini.
POSS.PRN four child CONN 2SG have six child
‘You tricked us, you told me to kill my four children and you have six
children.’
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The remaining speech act verbs, such as, for example, ala ‘to call out, to shout’ and
spīk ‘to speak, to say, to tell’ are never followed by a complementiser, as examples
(8-45) and (8-46) demonstrate.

(8-45) Im ala yū kam kloustū.

3SG call.out 2SG come close
‘He calls out to you to come close.’

(8-46) Ai bi spīk im duw-im.

1SG PST speak 3SG do-TRS
‘I told him to do it.’

The verb singat may or may not be followed by the complentiser fō, as examples
(8-47) - (8-49) show.

(8-47) Ai bi sing-at det smōl boi fō kam.

1SG PST sing-out DEM small boy COMP come
‘I sang out to that little boy to come.’

(8-48) Yūtū sing-at ōl dem ade flaying foks kam en ged-im

2DU sing-out all DET other flying fox come CONN get-TRS
bat.

bat
‘The two of you, sing out to all the other flying foxes to come and get the
bat.’
(8-49) Dadi sing-at fō kam.
dad sing-out COMP come
‘Dad sang out to come.’

8.2.2.3 Verbs of Mental Processes

Such verbs as, for example, tink ‘to think’, tinkbat ‘to think, to think about, to
remember’, sabi ‘to know’, bilib/biliv ‘to believe’, faindi/faini ‘to find, to find out’,
and fōget ‘to forget’ belong to this subgroup, as they denote a number of mental
processes. The majority of those verbs, for example, tink ‘to think’, tinkbat ‘to think,
to think about, to remember’, sabi ‘to know’, bilib/biliv ‘to believe’, and fōget ‘to
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forget’, are never marked with the transitive suffix, which could potentially indicate
that they are in fact semi-transitive verbs. Generally, complements are not
introduced by complementisers for verbs of mental processes. Tink is, however, an
exception, as it may either occur without a complementiser or be followed by we, as
examples (8-50) and (8-51), respectively, demonstrate. It should be clarified that the
primary function of we is that of a relativiser (see subsection 8.4.1), however, when
it follows tink, it is known to introduce complements.

(8-50) Ai tink im pouk dem ai ō de nous.

1SG think 3SG poke DET eye CONN DET nose
‘I think he poked the eyes or the nose.’

(8-51) Ai tink we de awu trik-i yūmītū.

1SG think COMP DET evil.spirit trick-TRS 1DU.INCL
‘I think that the evil spirit tricked the two of us.’

In examples (8-52) – (8-55), where the subject of the main clause and the subject of
the complement refer to different entities complements, are not introduced by a
complementiser. Faindi/faini is the only verb affixed with the transitive suffix -im/-i.

(8-52) Im tink-bat im bin spīye de pig waya drīm

3SG think-PROG 3SG PST spear DET pig PREP dream
blong im.
POSS 3SG
‘He remembered that he speared the pig in his dream.’

(8-53) Wī biliv im ken meik pīpul sik.

1NSG believe 3SG can make people sick
‘We believe that he can make people sick.’

(8-54) Demtū bi faind-i dadi blo demtū bi slīp long-said

3DU PST find.out-TRS dad POSS 3DU PST sleep along-side
waya det rivebenk.
PREP DEM riverbank
‘The two of them found out that their dad was sleeping alongside that
riverbank.’
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(8-55) Wī no bi sabi im bi kam.

1NSG NEG PST know 3SG PST come
‘We did not know she was coming.’

If, however, the subject of the main clause and the subject of the complement are
coreferential, then the complementiser fō is obligatory in the case of the verb fōget
‘to forget’, as example (8-56) demonstrates. Note the omission of complimentiser in
example (8-57) in view of the fact that the subject of the predicate and the subject of
the complement refer to different entities.
(8-56) Ai bi fōget fō gib-im fō yū.
1SG PST forget COMP give-TRS PREP 2SG
‘I forgot to give it to you.’

(8-57) Ōl go fōget yū bi visit damblat.

3PL FUT forget 2SG PST visit 3PL
‘They will forget that you visited them.’

8.2.2.4 Direct Speech Complements

Complements in the form of direct speech and thought may be introduced in a
threefold fashion, where each of the possibilities is unmarked by the presence of a
complementiser. Firstly, direct speech complements may follow i sei ‘says/say, thus,
quote’, i.e. the verb sei ‘says/say, thus, quote’ which is preceded by the predicate
marker, as examples (8-58) and (8-59) show.
(8-58) Im i sei: “Stap kwait!”
3SG PM say be quiet
‘She said: “Be quiet!”

(8-59) Grani i sei: “Yūpla prapa gud pikinini, kam na!”

granny PM say 2PL very good child come EMP

‘Granny said: “You are very good children, come!”

The second option, which prevails in narratives, involves the presence of the speech
verb spīk ‘to speak, to say, to tell’ that is immediately followed by the direct speech
complement, as examples (8-60) and (8-61) demonstrate.
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(8-60) Mai mama spīk: “Ai wandi kaikai fresh fish.”

POSS.PRN mum speak 1SG want eat fresh fish
‘My mum said: “I want to eat fresh fish.”

(8-61) Demtū spīk: “Kam, yūmītū go go join-i im.”

3DU speak come 1DU.INCL FUT go join-TRS 3SG
‘The two of them said: “Come, the two of us will go and join him.”

The third way to introduce direct speech complements utilises the speech verb
tel/teli/telim “to tell, to say, to speak”, which requires the presence of the direct
object. The omission of the complementiser indicates direct speech, as the
complementiser fō is present in the indirect speech constructions (see subsection
8.2.2.2). In example (8-61), direct speech is signalled by the presence of the second
person plural pronoun yūpla, which would be absent if that sentence represented an
example of indirect speech.
(8-62) Ōl pikinini tel-i mīpla: “Yūpla slip na!”
DET child tell-TRS 1PL.EXCL 2PL sleep EMP

‘The children told us: “Sleep!”

(8-63) Yū bi tel-i mī: “Kil-i dem fō pikinini blo yū!”

2SG PST tell-TRS 1SG kill-TRS DET four child POSS 2SG
‘You told me: “Kill the four children of yours!”

8.3 Adverbial Clauses within Complex

Sentences
Within adverbial clauses, which constitute a group of subordinate clauses, it is
possible to distinguish adverbial clauses of:

1. time, introduced by āfte ‘after’, antil/til ‘until, till’, bifō ‘before’, es long es
‘as long as’, es sūn es ‘as soon as’, wail ‘while’, and wen ‘when’
2. cause, introduced by bikos/kos ‘because’, from ‘from, because of’, and so/sou
‘so, therefore’
3. purpose, introduced by fō ‘to, in order to’
4. result, introduced by fō ‘as a result’ and so/sou ‘so, therefore’
5. condition, introduced by if ‘if, whether’
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6. comparison and manner, introduced by laik and ōlsem, both denoting the
meaning ‘as, like, similar to’
7. complement clauses functioning as AdvPs, introduced by we/waya/weya
‘where’.

Syntactically, the sentential location of adverbial clauses introduced by āfte, bifō, es

long es, es sūn es ‘as soon as’, if, wail, and wen may be both sentence-initial and
sentence-final. Adverbial clauses introduced by antil/til, bikos, fō, from, laik, ōlsem,
so/sou, and we/waya/weya have a tendency to only occur sentence-finally.
Subordinating conjunctions may be grouped in accordance with the meaning they
express, as Table 8.2 demonstrates.
Table 8.2 Adverbial Clauses
Adverbial Clauses Subordinating Conjunction Gloss
time āfte ‘after’
time antil/til ‘until/till’
time bifō ‘before’
cause bikos ‘because’
time es long es ‘as long as’
time es sūn es ‘as soon as’
purpose fō ‘to, in order to’
result fō ‘as a result’
cause from ‘from, because of’
condition if ‘if, whether’
comparison/manner laik ‘as, like, similar to’
comparison/manner ōlsem ‘as, like, similar to’
cause/result so/sou ‘so, so that, therefore’
time wail ‘while’
place we/waya/weya ‘where’
time wen ‘when’

8.3.1 Adverbial Clauses of Time

As noted in section 8.3, adverbial clauses of time are introduced by āfte ‘after’,
antil/til ‘until, till’, bifō ‘before’, es long es ‘as long as’, es sūn es ‘as soon as’, wail
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‘while’, and wen ‘when’. With the exception of antil/til, which introduces
sentence-final adverbial clauses, as shown by example (8-69), all of the remaining
time adverbial clauses possess the ability to occupy both the sentence-initial and
sentence-final positions, as (8-64) – (8-69) demonstrate.
(8-64) Āfte dembla bin fait, ōl meik-i big sēkel raund det
COMP 3PL PST fight 3PL make-TRS big circle PREP DEM
ōl man.
old man
‘After they fought, they made a big circle around that old man.’

(8-65) Mīpla spīk fō mai dadi na en mama

1PL.EXCL speak PREP POSS.PRN dad EMP CONN mum
āfte mīpla bi kaikai brekfest.
COMP 1PL.EXCL PST eat breakfast
‘It’s to my dad and mum that we spoke after we ate breakfast.’

(8-66) Bifō dem tū gwana klaim-ap antap det trī,

COMP DET two goanna climb-up PREP DEM tree
mai kazin chak-i stik go.
POSS.PRN cousin threw-TRS stick SV.GO

‘Before the two goannas climbed to the top of that tree, my cousin threw
a stick.’
(8-67) Ōl luk pās bifō ōl go kloustū waya dem tū
3PL look first COMP 3PL go close.to PREP DET two
gwana.
goanna
‘They looked first before they got close to the two goannas.’

(8-68) Es long es mīpla gad haus-is, wī mait stāt meik-im

COMP 1PL.EXCL have house-PL 1NSG might INCP make-TRS
traik tū de houmsted blo wī.
tracks PREP DET homestead POSS 1NSG
‘As long as we have houses, we might start making tracks to our
homestead.’
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(8-69) Yū ken sing es long es yū laik.

2SG can sing COMP 2SG like
‘You can sing as long as you like.’

8.3.2 Adverbial Clauses of Cause

Adverbial clauses of cause, which are introduced by bikos/kos ‘because’, from

‘from, because of’, and so/sou ‘so, therefore’, always occupy the sentence-final
position, as examples (8-70) – (8-72) show.
(8-70) Ai no bi wandi go bikos i bi tū dāk.
1SG NEG PST want go COMP PM PST too dark
‘I did not want to go, because it was too dark.’
(8-71) Talinga blo mīpla sō na from kam-dan.
ear POSS 1PL.EXCL sore EMP COMP come-down
‘Our ears are sore from descending (in the plane).’
(8-72) Ai go let yūpla go
1SG FUT let 2PL go
sou yūpla ken kaikai dem flawa ebri dei.
COMP 2PL can eat DET flower every day
‘I will let you go so you can eat the flowers every day.’

8.3.3 Adverbial Clauses of Purpose

Adverbial clauses of purpose, which constitute clausal objects and are introduced by
fō ‘to, in order to’, always occupy the sentence-final position, as examples (8-73)
and (8-75) show.
(8-73) Kutini bin meik-i big faya fō kuk-i mayi,
cassowary PST make-TRS big fire PREP cook-TRS food
yam en wail putita.
yam CONN wild potato
‘The cassowary made a big fire for cooking the food, yams, and wild

potatoes.’
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(8-74) Kam, yūpla go ged-im ōl pol wud fō meik-i kemp.

come 2PL FUT get-TRS DET pole wood PREP make-TRS campsite
‘Come, you will get the logs of wood for making a campsite.’

(8-75) Gib-i mī det naif fō kat-i de mīt!

give-TRS 1SG DEM knife PREP cut-TRS DET meat
‘Give me that knife for cutting the meat!’

8.3.4 Adverbial Clauses of Result

Adverbial clauses of result, which are introduced by fō ‘as a result’ and so/sou ‘so,
therefore’, always occur sentence-finally, as examples (8-76) and (8-77)
demonstrate.
(8-76) Ōl bi lisin fō de ōl man fō ōl bi kam beta.
3PL PST listen PREP DET old man COMP 3PL PST become better
‘They listened to the old man and, as a result, they became better.’

(8-77) Em bin kolekt-i ani in flawa dram

3SG PST collect-TRS honey PREP flower drum
sou im bin drīm-i im bi flawa dram ful of ani.
COMP 3SG PST dream-TRS 3SG PST flower drum full PREP honey
‘He collected honey into the flower drum and, as a result, he dreamt that
he had a flower drum full of honey.’

8.3.5. Adverbial Clauses of Condition

Adverbial clauses of condition, which are introduced by the subordinating

conjunction if ‘if’, occur both sentence-initially and sentence-finally, as examples
(8-78) and (8-79) show. (8-80) is an example of a counterfactual that not only makes
use of if, but also requires the presence of the verb wudef ‘would have’.
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(8-78) If yūmītū kech-i tūmach gwana en pōkyupain, yūmītū

COMP 1DU.INCL catch-TRS many goanna CONN porcupine 1DU.INCL
ken meik-i big faya en kuk-im fo dine blo yūmītū.
can make-TRS big fire CONN cook-TRS PREP dinner POSS 1DU.INCL
‘If the two of us catch many goannas and porcupines, the two of us can

make a big fire and cook them for our dinner.’

(8-79) Ōl chek-im na if dem eg ōl fresh.

3PL check-TRS EMP COMP DET egg all fresh
‘They checked them, if the eggs were all fresh.’

(8-80) If ai bin win milien dolar,

COMP 1SG PST win million dollar
ai wudef doneit litilbit mani fō build-i nyū chēch.
1SG would.have donate some money COMP build-TRS new church
‘If I had won a million dollars, I would have donated a little bit of money
to build a new church.’

8.3.6 Adverbial Clauses of Comparison and

Manner
Adverbial clauses of comparison and manner are introduced by laik and ōlsem, both
denoting the meaning ‘as, like, similar to’. Both of those subordinating conjunctions
possess the ability to only introduce adverbial clauses that occur sentence-finally, as
examples (8-81) and (8-82) indicate.
(8-81) Dembla meik-i dampa seim-kain ōlsem wī meik-im.
3PL make-TRS damper same-kind PREP 1NSG make-TRS
‘They make damper the same way we make it.’

(8-82) Mīpla kuk-i yam seim-kain laik yūpla kuk-im.

1PL.EXCL cook-TRS yam same-kind PREP 2PL cook-TRS
‘We cook yams the same way you cook them.
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8.3.7 Complement Clauses Functioning as AdvPs

Complement clauses functioning as AdvPs, which are introduced by we/waya/weya

‘where’, always sentence-finally, as examples (8-83) and (8-84) demonstrate.
(8-83) Mīpla luk go we de riba i ran kam de.
1PL.EXCL look SV.GO COMP DET river PM run SV.COME there
‘We looked there, where the river ran.’

(8-84) Mīpla luk rait daun waya de wata i klie.

1PL.EXCL look right down COMP DET water PM clear
‘We looked straight down, where the water was clear.’

8.3.8 Unmarked Adverbial Clauses

It is a common practice for the adverbial clauses not to be introduced by

subordinating conjunctions but for the main and subordinate clauses to be
juxtaposed instead, as examples (8-85) and (8-86) show. It is the intonation that
provides information whether the speaker utters two separate sentences or one
sentence that comprises two parts.
(8-85) Bambai im grou big, im ād-ed na.
later 3SG grow big 3SG hard-head EMP

‘After she grows up, she is going to be pig-headed.’

(8-86) Yū go chak-i det stoun, i go it-i mī.

2SG FUT throw-TRS DEM stone 3SG FUT hit-TRS 1SG
‘If you throw that stone, it will hit me.’

8.4 Relative Clauses (RC)

Relative clauses form another group of subordinate clauses. RCs occur within NPs,
where they modify the head nouns. In LRC, RCs exhibit two characteristic features.
Firstly, they may or may not be introduced by the relative marker we/waya/weya, as
it is demonstrated in subsection 8.4.1 below. Secondly, the relativised NP always
precedes RCs, as it occurs externally in relation to RCs. As a result, LRC RCs,
which are postnominal, possess external heads.
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8.4.1 RCs with the Relative Marker we/waya/weya

The relative marker we/waya/weya originates from English ‘where’. It is used for
both human beings and things. As LRC equivalent of the English ‘where’ possesses
three variants, namely, we, waya, and weya, all of them could be encountered in the
speech of the LR residents in the role of the relative marker. The preposition
we/waya/weya (see subsection 4.6.1), the interrogative pronouns and determiners
we/waya/weya (see subsections 4.2.2.4 and 4.3.3, respectively) as well as the relative
marker are all homophonous.

The function of the relative marker is that of the head N in the RC. If present, the
position of the relative marker within RCs is always leftmost (Song, 2001, pp.
219-220), i.e. it appears at the beginning of RCs, as examples (8-87) – (8-90)
demonstrate.
(8-87) Dem basket waya dem Ōl Gēl wīv-im ōl prapa priti.
DET basket REL DET old girl weave-TRS 3PL very pretty
‘The baskets, which the Old Girls weave, are very pretty.’

(8-88) Ai go kuk-i dampa en dem brīm

1SG FUT cook-TRS damper CONN DET bream
we ai bi kech-im.
REL 1SG PST catch-TRS
‘I will cook dampers and breams, which I caught.’

(8-89) Mīpla ken sel-i kā blo mīpla fō eniting

1PL.EXCL can sell-TRS car POSS 1PL.EXCL PREP INDF.PRN

we mīpla wand-im.
REL 1PL.EXCL want-TRS
‘We can sell our car for anything that we want.’

(8-90) I no bin de seim man we im bi kar-im

PM NEG PST DET same man REL 3SG PST carry-TRS
waya bak blong im fō raid.
REL back POSS 3SG PREP ride
‘It was not the same man who carried him on his back for a ride.’
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The resumptive pronoun, which is coreferential with the relativised NP, appears in
the RC when the subject of the NP is coreferential with the subject of the RC, as
examples (8-91) – (8-92) show.
(8-91) De ōl man we im sidan kloustū waya de ōl oman.
DET old man REL 3SG sit close PREP DET old woman
‘The old man who was sitting next to the old woman.’

(8-92) Det gēl weya im plei weya det big blaik dog.
DEM girl REL 3SG play PREP DEM big black dog
‘That girl who is playing with that big, black dog.’

The relativised NP may be coreferential with the object of a possessive PP in the

RC. In that case, the possessive PP contains a pronoun that is coreferential with the
relativised NP, as examples (8-93) and (8-94) demonstrate.
(8-93) Wī bi luk-i da man waya gēl blong im i prapa
1NSG PST look-TRS DET man REL girl POSS 3SG PM very
nais.
nice
‘We saw the man whose daughter is very nice.’

(8-94) Dembla bi bring-i de sneik weya badi blong im i

3PL PST bring-TRS DET snake REL body POSS 3SG PM
glou.
glow
‘They brought the snake, the body of which glows.’

A similar situation occurs when the relativised NP is coreferential with the object of
a PP in the RC. In that case, the object of a PP is represented by a pronoun, which is
coreferential with the relativised NP. (8-96) is an example of RC being embedded in
the main clause.
(8-95) Dem pikinini bi faind-i dat aus we noubadi stap we im.
DET child PST find-TRS DEM house REL nobody live PREP 3SG
‘The children found that house, where nobody lives in.’
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(8-96) De smōl boi we dem pikinini no plei weya im i krai.

DET small boy REL DET child NEG play PREP 3SG PM cry
‘The little boy with whom the children do not play cries.’

There exist four relativisation strategies, namely, gapping, pronoun-retention,

relative-pronoun, and non-reduction (Song, 2001, pp. 216-220). All examples
provided in this subsection demonstrate that LRC RCs are characterised
by pronoun-retention strategy, which is not used together with relative-pronoun
strategy (Song, 2001, p. 221). The pronoun-retention strategy manifests itself in the
fact that the relativised NPs, which are coreferential with the subjects of the RCs, are
referred to in the RCs by the resumptive pronouns. If the relativised NPs are
coreferential with the direct and indirect objects of the RCs, then they are omitted in
the RCs. If the relativised NPs are coreferential with the objects of the PPs in the
RCs, then they are referred to in the RCs by a resumptive pronoun. As the pronoun-
retention strategy involves relativised subjects, objects, and complements, it can be
concluded that they share a “pronominal trace” (Crowley, 1998, pp. 275-278), in
spite of the fact that the realisation of pronouns varies in each case.

As far as relative-pronoun strategy is concerned, we/waya/weya appears to function

as a relativiser and not a relative pronoun. This conclusion coincides with that of
Beimers (2008, p. 282) in relation to Pijin relative marker, as it takes into account
not only the unchangeable form of we/waya/weya, which does not denote the
grammatical relations, but also the above-stated pronominal trace pertinent to the
relativised NPs. This could most likely also explain why RCs are able to function
without the presence of the relative marker, as it is shown in subsection 8.4.2.

8.4.2 RCs without the Relative Marker

As stated in section 8.4 above, the presence of the relative marker is not obligatory,
as it is quite common for it to be omitted. As a result, so-called free relatives
(Bresnan & Grimshaw, 1978; Ojea, 2011; van Riemsdijk, 2006) are formed, where
the main clauses and RCs are simply juxtaposed, as examples (8-97) and (8-99)
demonstrate. It should be noted that free relatives constitute examples of the gapping
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strategy, which is one of the four relativisation strategies mentioned in subsection

8.4.1 above.

(8-96) Ōl pikinini bi lisin fō stori ankel bi tel-i dembla.

3PL child PST listen PREP story uncle PST tell-TRS 3PL
‘The children listed to the story that uncle told them.’

(8-97) De tīche i luk waya det seim spot em luk.

DET teacher PM look PREP DEM same spot 3SG look
‘The teacher looked at the same spot at which she looked.’

(8-98) Disen gud spot blo mai dadi em bin sow-i mīpla.
DEM.PRN good spot POSS POSS.PRN dad 3SG PST show-TRS 1PL.EXCL
‘This is my dad’s good spot, which he showed us.’

However, juxtaposition is not the only way unmarked RCs manifest themselves.
Namely, RCs may also be embedded in the main clauses, as examples (8-99) and
(8-100) show. The presence of the predicate marker in those two examples signals
not only the end of the RCs, but also the beginning of the main clause predicate.
(8-99) Dat stōri de ōl man bi spīk i prapa trū-wan.
DEM story DET old man PST speak PM very true-NMLZ
‘That story (that) the old man told is very true.’

(8-100) Dem big~big oiste mīpla bi kaikai i bi prapa nais

DET big~ oyster 1PL.EXCL PST eat PM PST very nice
en jūsi.
CONN juicy
‘The very big oysters (that) we ate were very nice and juicy.’

Resumptive pronouns may precede the unmarked RCs and, as a result, function as
relativisers substituting for the relative marker we/waya/weya. In example (8-101),
RC ōl snif ‘that sniff’ relativises the main clause object dem dog ‘the dogs’. It could
also be said that the pronoun-retention strategy pertains not only to the marked RCs,
but also to the unmarked ones.
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(8-101) Ōl gad tū dem dog ōl snif.

3PL have too DET dog 3PL sniff
‘They had also the dogs that sniffed.’

As with the unmarked adverbial clauses (see subsection 8.3.8), intonation constitutes
a critical factor that enables distinguishing unmarked RCs from other syntactic
structures. The last word of the unmarked RC is characterised by a rising intonation
and a pause is made before the main clause predicate begins. Thus, in example
(8-102), it is on the verb loudim ‘to load’, which is the last word in the RC, that the
intonation rises. Similarly, in example (8-103), intonation rises on the last word in
the RC, i.e. on the verb abim ‘to have’.
(8-102) De wata karent i teik-i mīpla slou~slou go
DET water current PM take-TRS 1PL.EXCL slow~ SV.GO

wit tūmach eg mīpla bin loud-im.

PREP many egg 1PL.EXCL PST load-TRS
‘The water current took us very slowly with many eggs (that) we
loaded.’
(8-103) Laki, dem dog dembla bi ab-im, i snif.
luckily DET dog 3PL PST have-TRS PM sniff
‘Luckily, the dog (that) they had sniffed.’

8.4.3 Verbless RCs

Example (8-92) above demonstrates that it is possible for RCs to be devoid of verbs.
When that occurs, the RC does not have to be a clause in which the predicate is a
VP, but can also contain other predicate types (see section 7.1). In examples (8-104)
and (8-105), the RCs possess AdvP predicates (see subsection 7.1.5), as the noun is
one of location.
(8-104) Kazin blo mī im krai fō mai ankel en anti
cousin POSS 1SG 3SG cry PREP POSS.PRN uncle CONN auntie
we oum.
REL home
‘My cousin cried for my uncle and auntie who were at home’.
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(8-105) Dat tīche we skūl lās wīk i prapa priti-wan.

DEM teacher REL school last week PM very pretty-NMLZ
‘That teacher who was at school last week is very pretty.’

The AdjP predicate is involved in example (8-106) and the AdvP predicate is present
in (8-107).
(8-106) Dat smōl gēl we prapa sik i bi go ospitl lās nait.
DEM small girl REL very si ck PM PST go hospital last night
‘That little girl who is sick went to the hospital last night.’

(8-107) De ōl man we insaid i gud anta.

DET old man REL inside PM good hunter
‘The man who is inside is a good hunter.’

8.4.4 Multiple RCs

A quite rare occurrence involves the presence of multiple RCs modifying the same
NP. In example (8-108), there are two marked RCs, i.e. waya de awu bi stap ‘where
the evil spirit lived’ and waya mipla wandi katim ‘which we wanted to cut’, which
modify the main clause object NP det bigbig trī ‘that very big tree’.
(8-108) Mīpla bi luk-im det big~big trī waya de awu
1PL.EXCL PS look-TRS DEM big~.INT tree REL DET evil.spirit
bi stap waya mīpla bi wandi kat-im.
PST live REL 1PL.EXCL PST want cut-TRS
‘We looked at that very big tree, where the evil spirit lived, which we
wanted to cut.’

8.4.5 Relativised Nouns Denoting Time

Although quite sporadically, nouns denoting time are known to be able to undergo
relativisation. In examples (8-109) and (8-110), ōlden deistaim ‘at the time of the old
days’ and bifōdeis ‘at the time’ refer to the time specified by the respective RCs we
de wēld bin stil yang ‘that the world was still young’ and we Misin bin waya Ōl Sait
‘that the Mission was at the Old Site’.
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(8-109) Ōlden dei-s-taim we de wēld bin stil yang

old day-PL-time REL DET world PST CONT young
de flaying foks im tink im bin bēd.
DET flying fox 3SG think 3SG PST bird
‘At the time of the old days that the world was still young, the flying
fox thought he was a bird.’

(8-110) Bifō-dei-s we Misin bin waya Ōl Sait,

before-day-PL REL mission PST PREP old site
ōl pīpul dei yūstū go de.
old people 3PL HAB go there
‘At the time that the Mission was at the Old Site, the old people used to
go there.’

8.5 Left Dislocation

Left dislocation is also one of the discourse strategies (see Chapter 9) used by LRC
speakers during storytelling. It occurs when, for example, the object is placed at the
beginning of a sentence instead of following a verb, which in example (8-111)
occupies the sentence-final position.

(8-111) De tū flaying foks, dadi blo dembla spīk.

DET two flying fox dad POSS 3PL speak
‘To the two flying foxes, their dad talked.’

In example (8-112), it is the PP that undergoes left dislocation.

(8-112) Blo yū da kā?

POSS 2SG DET car
‘Is the car yours?’

However, it is also possible to encounter instances of a somewhat partial left

dislocation when the object follows the subject but precedes the verb, as examples
(8-113) and (8-114) demonstrate. In regular sentences, the NPs de tū pikinini ‘the
two children’ and de tū flaying fox ‘the two flying foxes’ would always follow the
 384

verb spīk ‘to speak’ and be preceded by the preposition fō ‘to’, as example (8-115)
shows. It should be noted that the verb spīk ‘to speak’ is always followed by the
preposition fō ‘to’ when it introduces a PP.

(8-113) Mai dadi en mama, de tū pikinini spīk.

POSS.PRN dad CONN mum DET two child speak
‘My dad and mum talked to the two children.’

(8-114) Dadi blo dembla de tū flaying foks spīk.

dad POSS 3PL DET two flying fox speak
‘Their dad spoke to the two flying foxes.’

(8-115) Mīpla spīk fō dem smōl brade en siste blo mīpla.

1PL.EXCL speak PREP DET small brother CONN sister POSS 1PL.EXCL
‘We spoke to our little brothers and sisters.’

8.6 Coordination and Subordination

Both coordination and subordination characterise complex sentences. Example

(8-116) below begins with an adverbial time clause (wen im bi tōchim tōchim tōchim
tōchim go autsaid de roud ‘when he was shining and shining the light off the road’)
that is followed by the subject NP, which contains an RC (we badi blong im i shain
‘the body of which shone’) that is then followed by a coordinated clause (en im kēli
badi blong im ‘and it curled its body’).
(8-116) Wen im bi tōch-im~tōchim~tōchim~tōchim
COMP 3SG PST torch-TRS~.CONT
go autsaid de roud, im luk big long grīn sneik
SV.GO out DET road 3SG see big long green snake
we badi blong im i shain en im kēl-i badi blong im .
REL body POSS 3SG PM shine CONN 3SG curl-TRS body POSS 3SG
‘When he was shining and shining the light off the road, he saw a big,
long, green snake, the body of which shone and it curled its body.’

A similar situation takes place in example (8-117), where an adverbial time clause
(wail ōl dem pikinini meiki big pigpen aus, laka, fō dem pigipigi ‘while all the
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children made a big pigpen for the piggies’) is followed by the subject NP, which
contains an RC (we ōl bildim waya dem stik ‘which they built with sticks’) that in
turn is followed by a coordinated clause (en ōl taimap det pigpen waya bain ‘and
they tied that pigpen with veins’).
(8-117) Wail ōl dem pikinini meik-i big pigpen aus, laka,
COMP all DET child make-TRS big pigpen house DISC

fō dem pigipigi, ōl meik-i aus blo det pig

PREP DET piggy 3PL make-TRS house POSS DET pig
we ōl bild-im waya dem stik en ōl ta-im-ap
REL 3PL build-TRS PREP DET stick CONN 3PL tie-TRS-up
det pigpen waya bain.
DET pigpen PREP vine
‘While all the children made a big pigpen for the piggies, they made a
house for that pig, which they built with sticks, and they tied that
pigpen with veins.’

Complex sentences may also be coordinated without the presence of overt

conjunctions, as example (8-118) demonstrates.
(8-118) Āfte kaikai, mīpla evribodiwan beli-ful na, rest,
PREP eat 1PL.EXCL INDF.PRN belly-full EMP rest
ledan andenīt det big ouk trī, go slīp.
lay PREP DEM big oak tree go sleep
‘After eating, all of us were full, rested, laid under that big oak tree, fell
asleep.’

8.6.1 Coordination of Subordinate Clauses

In example (8-119), the subordinate clause consists of a clause with two coordinated
VP predicates (bi gedap na en bi paikap ‘got up and packed up’) that form a
complex sentence within a subordinate clause (āfte ōl bi gedap na en bi paikap ‘after
they got up and packed up’).
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(8-119) Āfte ōl bi gedap na en bi paikap,

COMP 3PL PST get.up EMP CONN PST pack.up
i bin go fō āftenūn-taim nau.
PM PST INCP afternoon-time EMP
‘After they got up and packed up, it was almost afternoon.’

In example (8-120), the subordinate clause consists of two coordinated purposive

adverbial clauses (fō go anting en fō kechim kreyfish en krab ‘to go hunting and to
catch crayfish and crabs’), where the second adverbial clause is also a subject to
word coordination (kreyfish en krab ‘crayfish and crabs’) (see subsection 5.6.1).
(8-120) Mīpla gada weit fō de best taim
1PL.EXCL have.to wait PREP DET best time
bikos i bi gud taim fō go anting
COMP PM PST good time PREP go hunting
en fō kech-im kreifish en krab.
CONN PREP catch-TRS crayfish CONN crab
‘We had to wait for the best time, because it was a good time to go
hunting and to catch crayfish and crabs.’

Example (8-121) shows coordination of three coordinated VPs that make up the
predicate after the modal verb kan ‘cannot’.
(8-121) Bikos i bi prapa leit, mīpla kan kat-i de wud
COMP PM PST very late 1PL.EXCL cannot cut-TRS DET wood
en meik-i de kemp blo mīpla na
CONN make-TRS DET campsite POSS 1PL.EXCL EMP
en put-i tent antap.
CONN put-TRS tent on.top
‘Because it was very late, we could not cut the wood and make our
campsite and put the tent up.’

In example (8-122), the first of the two coordinated complex clauses consists of two
RCs, namely, we dem boi bi kechim insaid waya dem kreifish pot ‘which the boys
had caught into the crayfish pots’ and we dem gēl bi meikim ‘which the girls had
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made’. The second complex clause also consists of an RC (we im draibim go oum
‘which he drove home’).
(8-122) Mīpla loud-i ōl dem kreyfish we dem boi bi kech-im
1PL.EXCL load-TRS all DET crayfish REL DET boy PST catch-TRS
insaid waya dem kreifish pot we dem gēl bi meik-im
inside PREP DET crayfish pot REL DET girl PST make-TRS
en mīpla kech-i de kā blo mai ya’athu
CONN 1PL.EXCL catch-TRS DET car POSS POSS.PRN younger brother
we im draib-im go oum.
REL 3SG drive-TRS SV.GO home
‘We loaded all the crayfish, which the boys had caught into the crayfish
pots, which the girls had made, and we caught my younger brother’s
car, which he drove home.’

8.7 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles

As Table 8.3 demonstrates, juxtaposition used as a mode of clause coordination is

present in all of the creoles. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic of the
creole.

Table 8.3 Comparison of LRC Creole Feature Found in Complex Sentences

with Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Juxtaposition as Clause + + + + + +
Coordination

Table 8.4 presents a comparison of four LRC English-derived features found in

complex sentences with other creoles. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic
of the creole, a blank indicates it is not. The use of complementisers after the verbs
‘to like’ and ‘to want’ exists in both LRC and Pijin. Complementisers are also used
after the verb ‘to try’ in LRC, TSC, and Pijin. The feature of relative clauses
introduced by relative pronouns is present in all of the creole languages. Relative
clauses not introduced by relative pronouns can be found in LRC, TSC, Pijin, and
Bislama. A detailed presentation of the comparison of features outlined in Tables 8.3
and 8.4 follows.
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Table 8.4 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Features Found in

Complex Sentences with Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Use of Complementisers + +
After the Verbs ‘to like’
and ‘to want’
Use of Complementisers + + +
After the Verb ‘to try’
Relative Clauses + + + + + +
Introduced by Relative
Pronouns
Relative Clauses Not + + + +
Introduced by Relative
Pronouns

Shnukal (1988, p. 76) states that TSC possesses four clausal coordinators, namely,
ane/an/ene ‘and’, bat ‘but’, o ‘or’, and insted ‘instead of, but … instead’. In LRC,
insted is used as an adverb and not as a coordinator. Crowley (2004, pp. 172-174)
notes that in Bislama, simple sentences may be conjoined by means of three
coordinators, namely, mo ‘and’, be ‘but’, and no/o ‘or’. Sapos no ‘if not’ is used
“when there is an assumption that the option mentioned first represents the preferred
option on the part of the speaker” (Crowley, 2004, p. 175). It is possible to juxtapose
two simple sentences, each of which is introduced by the predicate marker, however,
the coordinator mo ‘and’ is absent (Crowley, 2004, p. 173). As far as Pijin is
concerned, Beimers (2008, p. 259) indicates that there exist three coordinators that
are used to combine simple sentences, i.e. an ‘and’, bat ‘but’, and o ‘or’. Mihalic
(1971, pp. 40-41), however, lists seven coordinators in Tok Pisin. In addition to en
‘and’ and no/o ‘or’, other conjunctions include olsem bambai ‘so as to, in order to’,
na ‘nor, and’, tasol ‘but, however’, olsem ‘as, and’, tupela ‘and’, and wantaim (long)
‘and’.

In Kriol, the conjunctive coordinator en ‘and’ usually occurs between nouns and
sentences (Nicholls, 2009, p. 89). While both Malcolm (2008, p. 425) and Steffensen
(1977, p. S7) agree that in Kriol, simple sentences are coordinated by means of en,
Steffensen postulates that en is also used in subordination. While Sharpe and
Sandefur (1977, p. 57) and Sandefur (1979, pp. 107-108) indicate that in Kriol,
juxtaposition is used as a method of clause coordination, Nicholls (2009, p. 89)
 389

states that her data is devoid of such examples. Grimes & Lecompte (2014) indicate
that, in addition to en, the alternative coordinator o ‘or’ and the adversative
conjunction bat ‘but’ participate in coordination in Kriol.

Beimers (2008, pp. 262) states that in Pijin, gohed ‘to continue’, laek ‘to like’,
laekem ‘to like it’, mekem ‘to cause it’, stap ‘to stay’, stat ‘to start’, trae ‘to try’,
traehad ‘to really try’, traem ‘to try it’, wande ‘to want’, and wandem ‘to want it’
constitute verbs that possess the ability to take object complements. In Tok Pisin,
mekim ‘to make’ is used to form causative constructions and larim is used to denote
the meanings ‘to let, to allow, to permit’ (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 264). Laikim
and traim express the meanings ‘to like, to want’ and ‘to try’, respectively. All of
those verbs take object complements. Shnukal (1988, p. 79) classifies both TSC lete
‘to let’ and meke ‘to make, to cause’ as causative verbs that take object
complements. Trai ‘to try’ is a conative verb in TSC that introduces object
complements with the use of the complementiser po ‘to’ (Shnukal, 1988, p. 216).
Similarly to LRC, both wande ‘to want’ and laik ‘to like’ are categorised as
desiderative verbs that possess the ability to take object complements (Shnukal,
1988, p. 80). However, although in TSC those two verbs are never followed by
subordinating conjunctions (Shnukal, 1988, p. 79), in LRC, both laik and
wandi/wani frequently appear in the company of fō. In Bislama, the verb wantem ‘to
want’ takes object complements that do not need to be introduced by
complementisers (Crowley, 2004, p. 100). Similarly to TSC, Crowley (2004, p. 171)
classifies both letem ‘to let, to permit’ and mekem ‘to make, to cause’ as causative
verbs that take object complements. Traem ‘to try’ in Bislama takes object
complements that are not introduced by complementisers (Crowley, 2004, p. 180).

TSC perception verbs, speech act verbs, and verbs of mental processes are never
introduced by complementisers and the expression i spik sei is used for direct speech
complements (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 79, 195). In Pijin, complements of communication
and thought may be marked by the complementisers wea and dat, although olsem is
known to be used not only with direct speech and thought complements, but also
with those complements of verbs that denote visual and aural perception (Beimers,
2008, pp. 272-274). In Bislama, se and we function as the complementisers
preceding complements of speech act verbs and verbs of mental processes, and
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olsem denotes the meaning ‘like, as’ (Crowley, 2004, pp. 182-187). In both TSC and
LRC ōlsem functions as a preposition with the meaning ‘like, as’. In Tok Pisin,
olsem expresses the meaning ‘that’ when it introduces complements of perception
verbs, speech act verbs and verbs of mental processes (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p.
241). Olsem corresponds to the English meaning ‘as, just like, as if, as though’
(Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 242).

In TSC, slong ‘so that, in order that’ is a purpose complementiser that is used only
when the subject of the main clause and the subject of the subordinate clause
constitute different entities (Shnukal, 1988, p. 78). In LRC, es long es ‘as long es’
denotes temporal relations and it may be used when the subject of the main clause
and the subject of the subordinate clause are coreferential.

In Tok Pisin, bambai/olsem bambai/bai ‘in order to’ function as subordinating

conjunctions introducing adverbial clauses of purpose (Mihalic, 1971, p. 48), while
in LRC, bambai is an adverb that also possesses the ability to denote distant future.
Tok Pisin tasol ‘nevertheless’ is a concession subordinating conjunction, while in
LRC datsol/detsol is a discourse marker. In Tok Pisin, olsem ‘as’ introduces both the
sentence-initial and sentence-final adverbial clauses of manner, while in LRC, Pijin,
and Bislama, the occurrence of olsem is restricted to the sentence-final position
(Beimers, 2008; Crowley, 2004). Bislama from (Crowley, 2004, p. 187) and Pijin
bikos and from occur both in the sentence-initial and sentence-final clauses
(Beimers, 2008, p. 276), while their LRC counterparts are only able to introduce the
sentence-final clauses.

Jourdan (1985, pp. 162-163) posits that in Pijin, the SRPs mark RCs, which
relativise the subject NPs of the main clause. In LRC, it is the main clause object
that could be relativised by RCs. In Bislama, NPs in RCs are marked by a relevant
pronoun, however, marking is absent for non-human animate subject and object NPs
(Crowley, 2004, p. 66). In TSC, it is quite common to encounter RCs without the
presence of the relative pronoun we, where the clauses are simply juxtaposed
(Shnukal, 1988, p. 81). However, most commonly, RCs are introduced by the
relative pronoun we, the form of which is never subject to change. Thus, both in
 391

LRC and TSC, possessive RCs are introduced by we/weya/waya and we,
respectively, and not with the use of the interrogative pronoun denoting the meaning
‘whose’, i.e. udaku in LRC and uda blo in TSC, as it is done in English. It appears
that in Kriol, similarly to LRC and TSC, possessive RCs are formed by means of the
relative pronoun we/weiya/wen/wan and not with the interrogative pronouns hu
blanga, blanga hu, and blau (Grimes & Lecompte, 2014; Schultze-Berndt &
Angelo, 2013). A similar situation occurs in Bislama, where the relative pronoun we
introduces all types of RCs, including possessive ones (Crowley, 2004, p. 66). In
Pijin, wea is used for inanimate things and hu always introduces not only those RCs
that pertain to animate things, but also those that denote the meaning ‘whose’
(Beimers, 2008, pp. 280-281). Verhaar (1995, pp. 230-231) indicates that in Tok
Pisin, husat introduces RCs involving animate things, including possessive RCs, and
we is used for inanimate things. Tok Pisin is characterised by a threefold manner, in
which RC can be introduced. Firstly, the pronominal forms em and ol may be used
for singular and plural numbers, respectively (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 140).
Secondly, the relative marker we, which may be used for both animate and
inanimate things may introduce RCs (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 141). Thirdly, ya
when placed before and after RCs functions as an RC indicator, however, it is not
uncommon for the final ya to be omitted (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 142).
Although Mihalic (1971, p. 15) posits that there is no relative marker in Tok Pisin,
he does state that although RCs may be introduced by em and em ol for singular and
plural numbers, juxtaposition is the most popular way of making RCs. Finally,
Malcolm (2008, p. 426) notes the existence of various methods of marking RCs in
Kriol. Thus, while Sandefur (1979, pp. 107, 172) states that RCs may be formed
with the use of PPs and by incorporating one clause into another, Steffensen (1977,
p. S8) proposes that yet another method involves wan. The latter observation by
Steffensen resonates in Schultze-Berndt and Angelo (2013) who indicate that in
Kriol, the subordinator we/weiya/wen/wan participates in the formation of RCs.
However, it is also possible to encounter RCs without a subordinator and in that
case, they follow head nouns.
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8.8 Conclusion
The presentation of complex sentences begins with the outline of the coordination of
simple sentences, which is then followed by the examination of the different types of
both complement and adverbial clauses within complex sentences. This chapter has
also discussed relative clauses, both with and without the relative marker, verbless
relative clauses, as well as complex sentences involving the presence of multiple
relative clauses. The presentation of left dislocation, and the coordination and
subordination of complex sentences constitute the final sections of this chapter.
Many similarities and differences between LRC, and Kriol, TSC, Pijin, Bislama, and
Tok Pisin have also been established. One creole feature has been examined,
namely, juxtaposition as a method of clause coordination, and it is present in LRC
and the remaining five creoles.

Four English-derived features have been investigated, where only one of them, i.e.
relative clauses introduced by relative pronouns, is present in LRC and the other five
creole languages. Complementisers after the verbs ‘to like’ and ‘to want’ are a
characteristic feature of both LRC and Piijin. Complementisers after the verb ‘to try’
occur in LRC, TSC, and Pijin. Relative clauses not introduced by relative pronouns
exist in LRC, TSC, Pijin, and Bislama.
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Chapter 9 Vocabulary, Emphasis and Discourse

Markers
Although the majority of the lexical items stem from English, it is possible to also
encounter words that have been borrowed from a number of different languages,
namely, Japanese, Malay-Indonesian, Pacific languages, and TSC. Expressions and
words from the two traditional languages of the LR, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila, also
constitute an integral and characteristic feature of LRC and its lexical shape.
Following the presentation of words borrowed from those languages, this chapter
also describes the emphatic and discourse markers.

9.1 Lexical Items of TSC, Japanese,

Malay-Indonesian, and Pacific Origin

There exist lexical items from TSC, Japanese, Malay-Indonesian, and Pacific
languages, the presence of which could most likely be attributed to the so-called
lugger-time (Chase, 1981, p. 10) (see Chapter 2).

Only one word of Japanese origin is still in use in LR, namely, namas ‘raw fish’. It
is also present in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 88, 169).

 namas ‘raw fish’ - Namas comes from the Japanese word な

ますnamasu used for a dish made of kintoki ninjin ‘Kyoto carrot’, daikon,
persimmons, and yuzu prepared in a vinegar sauce (Sakamoto & Sakamoto,
2016).

The following three words come from Malay-Indonesian:

 blachan ‘hot, spicy paste, blachan’ - Blachan comes from the

Malaysian word blacan used for a shrimp paste (Malay Cube, 2015).
 seimseim ‘equal, tied, even’- Shnukal (1988, p. 193) proposes
that TSC samasama comes from the Malay-Indonesian word sama-sama
meaning ‘equally’ (Malay Cube, 2015). The word sama-sama means
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‘equally’ in Indonesian (IndoTranslate, 2016). However, it could very well

be that LRC word seimseim derives from English ‘same-same’. The forms
are clearly English, but the construction is definitely not English - it is either
or both of a Southeast Asian areal feature and/or a widespread creole feature.
Thus, seimseim could have migrated into LRC either from TSC or English.
 sambal ‘sambal’ - Sambal comes from the Malaysian word
sambal used for a spicy sauce made with chili peppers, a chili paste, a chili
sauce or a condiment containing chili peppers (Malay Cube, 2015). The word
sambal denotes ‘chili sauce’ in Indonesian (IndoTranslate, 2016).

The following examples are of lexical items that originated from Pacific languages.
All of them came into LRC via Melanesian Pidgin and continue to be widely used in
LR.

 kaikai ‘food, to eat’ – Kaikai comes either from Marquesan,

which is the Polynesian language spoken in the Marquesas Islands, or from
another Polynesian language; related to the Hawaiian & Samoan 'ai ‘food’
and to the Maori and Tongan kai (Merriam-Webster, 2016).
 kumala ‘sweet potato’ – Kumala, which is primarily used by
LR residents from the Torres Strait and those LR people who spent time in
the Strait, comes from the Māori word kumara used for the “convolvulaceous
twinning plant, Ipomoea batatas, of tropical America, cultivated in the
tropics for its edible fleshy yellow root” (Dictionary.com, 2016). A more
common LRC term is swīt putita ‘sweet potato’.
 labalaba/lavalava ‘lavalava, sarong’ – This word comes from the
Samoan lavalava that denotes “a rectangular cloth of cotton print worn like a
kilt or skirt in Polynesia and especially in Samoa” (Merriam-Webster, 2016).
 susu ‘breast’ – Susu comes from the Samoan word susu
‘milk’ (Wiktionary, 2016).
 talinga ‘ear’ – Talinga comes from Proto-Malayic taliŋa(ʔ),
Proto-Malayo-Polynesian taliŋa, and from Proto-Austronesian Caliŋa; the
meaning in all those languages is ‘ear’. Talinga is present in Alangan
(Mindoro, Philippines), Banjarese (South Kalimantan, Indonesia), and
 395

Central Bikol (Luzon, Philippines) (Wikipedia, 2016a, 2016b, 2016c;

Wiktionary, 2016). Talinga is also used in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 212).
 tawi/tawiyan ‘brother-in-law (sister’s partner)’ – This word takes its
origin in Vanuatu tawean ‘brother-in-law’. It is present in Bislama
(tawi/tawian ‘in-law’, especially same generation, ‘brother-in-law,
sister-in-law’) and TSC (tawi/tawiyan ‘brother-in-law, son-in-law’)
(Crowley, 2003; Shnukal, 1988).

As far as the three words that stem from Malay-Indonesian are concerned, Shnukal
(1988, p. 88,117) notes the presence of blasan in TSC, stating that blachan was
brought to the Torres Strait by Indonesian divers. Similarly, samasama and sambal
are also in use in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, pp. 88,193). All of those lexical items, and
including the words of Japanese origin, could have migrated into LRC in a twofold
manner. Firstly, via TSC in view of the close-knit geographical, historical, and social
relationships the Torres Strait and Lockhart River regions share. Luggers used to
expand down the east coast of Cape York Peninsula (Chase, 1981; Loos, 1982), thus
transporting TSC to the Aboriginal communities residing therein. Secondly, those
lexical items could have been acquired directly from the Japanese,
Malay-Indonesian, and Pacific Islanders by those LR seamen who served on luggers.
The arrival in LR of talinga ‘ear’, which is in use in both Indonesia and the
Philippines, could have taken place in a threefold way. Firstly, it could have
migrated into LR through the ongoing ties with the Torres Strait Aboriginal people.
Secondly, its presence in LR could have resulted from the contact with both
Indonesian and Filipino seamen who worked on luggers (Perdon, 2014, Shnukal,
2011). Thirdly, LR seamen who worked on luggers could have had contact with the
Filipino communities in the outer Torres Strait Horn and Hammond Islands from
1889 and 1929, respectively (Shnukal, 2011, p. 161).

The following two lexical items ultimately originated from Portuguese, most likely
from sailors’ or maritime jargon, and are found in pidgin and creole languages all
over the world (Holm, 1988, p. 271). Similarly to the lexical items that originated
from Japanese, Malay-Indonesian, and Pacific languages, they also found their way
to LRC via Melanesian Pidgin.
 396

 pikinini ‘child’ – Pikinini, which ultimately comes from the

Portuguese word pequenino ‘little’ that is a diminutive of pequeno ‘small’
(Merriam-Webster, 2016). According to Shnukal (1988, 180), piknini found
its way to TSC from Pacific Pidgin English (Melanesian Pidgin).
 sabi ‘to know, to be able to, to understand’ – Sabi
ultimately comes from the Portuguese word saber ‘to know, to find out;
knowledge’ (Reverso Dictionary, 2016). According to Shnukal (1988, p.
191), sabe migrated to TSC from Pacific Pidgin English (Melanesian
Pidgin).

Some of TSC lexical items, which originally come from either Kala Lagaw Ya
(western and central Torres Strait language) or Meriam Mir (eastern Torres Strait
language), are used by all LR residents and include:

 akari ‘brother-in-law’ – Akari is used to describe two men

who marry sisters, i.e. they are akari. Akari comes from the Meriam Mir
word akari having the same meaning (Shnukal, 1988, p. 105).
 eso ‘thanks’ – Eso comes from the Kala Lagaw Ya word
eso denoting the same meaning (Shnukal, 1988, p. 131).
 gai ‘sweet, young coconut’ – Gai comes from the Meriam
Mir word gaiu used for a variety of a smooth-skinned coconut (Shnukal,
1988, p. 133).
 jura/zura ‘soup, fish soup’ – Zura comes from the Meriam Mir
word MM zura meaning ‘soup’ (Shnukal, 1988, p. 230).
 mabus ‘mash, mince (stingray only)’ – Mabus comes from
the word mabus, which exists both in Kala Lagaw Ya and Meriam Mir,
where it also refers to ‘mash, mince’. However, unlike in LRC, where it only
pertains to stingray mash, in TSC, it refers to any mashed vegetable food and
minced meat. In TSC, it is also used for food that has been chewed but not
swallowed (Shnukal, 1988, p. 159).
 madu ‘coconut scraper’ – Madu comes from the Meriam Mir
word madu and the Kala Lagaw Ya word madhu, both denoting the meaning
‘coconut scraper, coconut grater’ (Shnukal, 1988, p. 159).
 397

 puripuri ‘sorcery, black magic, to cast an evil spell’ – Puripuri

comes from the Kala Lagaw Ya word puripuri denoting the very same
meaning (Shnukal, 1988, p. 187). Puripuri is also widely used by the
speakers of Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea (J. Siegel, personal
communication, November 13, 2016).
 yawo ‘good-bye, farewell’ – Yawo comes from the Kala
Lagaw Ya word yawo meaning ‘farewell’ (Shnukal, 1988, p. 228), however,
it is also used in the southern Papua New Guinea (J. Siegel, personal
communication, 2013).

9.1.1 Compounds

Three words represent examples of compounds formed by combining words from

Kala Lagaw Ya, Japanese, and Marquesan with English words. They include:

 kaikaitaim ‘mealtime’ – Kaikaitaim is an example of

compounding the word kaikai ‘food’, which comes either from Marquesan
(Merriam-Webster, 2016) or another Polynesian language with the English
word taim ‘time’. As noted above, Marquesan is spoken in the Marquesas
Islands.
 kuksang ‘cook, chef’ – Kuksang is an example of compounding
the English word ‘cook’ with the Japanese word さん san ‘Mister, Missis,
Miss’, which is the most common honorific title (sci.lang.japan Newsgroup,
2016). This word is also present in TSC (Shnukal, 1988, p. 88, 152).
 puripuriman ‘sorcerer, magician’ – Puripuriman, which is used for
a sorcerer, magician, is a compound formed by combining the Kala Lagaw
Ya word puripuri ‘sorcery, black magic, to cast an evil spell’ with the
English word ‘man’ (Shnukal, 1988, p. 187). As noted above, the word
puripuri is also used by Tok Pisin speakers in Papua New Guinea (J. Siegel,
personal communication, 2013).
 398

9.2 Lexical Items from Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila

The LR residents also incorporate into their daily speech many words from the two
traditional languages of the area, namely, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila. Although only a
handful of elderly speakers of those two languages still reside in LR, everybody in
the community possesses knowledge of quite a few of these. Both Kuuku Ya’u and
Umpila constitute very closely related languages, as a list of 500 common words
contains 87% words that are exactly the same in both those languages (D.
Thompson, 1988b, 1). For that reason, examples provided below, the translations of
which come from Hill & Thompson (2013, Book 10), do not include information on
their origin, as they exist in both Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila.

 awu ‘devil, bad/evil spirit’

 ilka ‘hill’
 iwayi ‘crocodile, crocodile ancestor’
 kaa’i ‘baby’
 ka’ata ‘yam type, karo’
 katha ‘stink, bad smell of rotten meat; rotten’
 ku’aka ‘dog’
 kutini ‘cassowary’
 mayi ‘food, vegetable (non-meat) food’
 minya ‘animal, meat of animal’
 muntha ‘ashes’
 ngaachi ‘earth, ground, camp, place, country, world’
 nhampi ‘emu’
 paayamu ‘rainbow’
 para ‘white person’
 puchi ‘cat’
 pulpanpuki ‘perch fish, yellowtail, banded trumpeter’
 punya ‘dillybag’
 puuya ‘heart’
 taata ‘throat’
 thampu ‘vine species (dioscorea sativa var. elongata) with long yam’
 tuutu ‘hen, scrub-hen’
 399

 unchi ‘paperbark tea-tree’

 wantantu ‘how, which way’
 watayi ‘dugong’
 wulumu ‘elder brother’s wife’
 ya’athu ‘younger sibling’
 yampa ‘ear’
 yapu ‘older brother’

9.3 Semantic Shift in Words Derived from

English
The majority of LRC lexical items stem from English, which is not surprising, as the
abundance of the lexis for pidgin and creole languages are provided by the lexifiers
(Siegel, 2008, p. 1). Instead of listing numerous lexical items derived from English,
some interesting issues regarding their meanings and use are pointed out. Thus, the
meanings of some of the borrowed words differ from their English counterparts.
This could most likely be explained by the fact that when the English words
migrated into LRC, both with their primary and secondary meanings, LRC speakers
sometimes chose the related meanings to fit the meaning classification known to
them. The most striking examples of this phenomenon involve the body part and
kinship terminologies. For example, although the word fut ‘foot’ is present and
commonly used, some speakers, primarily those from the Torres Strait and those LR
people who spent some time in the Strait, also use traik, which denotes not only
‘tracks, prints’ (e.g. footprints, car tracks), but also ‘foot, the sole of the foot’. Leg is
used for the whole leg from the hip to the ankle, however, Torres Strait Islanders
residing in LR use it only in relation to the lower part between the knee and the
ankle. They also use leg when they refer to the foot. Even though the word ailid
‘eyelid’ can be encountered in the speech of LRC speakers, ai is frequently used for
both ‘an eye’ and ‘an eyelid’. The word an, which comes from English ‘hand’,
expresses a threefold meaning, namely, ‘arm’, ‘wrist’, and ‘hand’. Similarly, the
word ed is used not only for ‘a head’, but also for ‘a skull’. Even though the word lip
‘lip’ is used, maut is often used for both ‘a mouth’ and ‘a lip’. Vein/bein is used not
only for ‘a vein’, but also for ‘a tendon’. Mustas denotes any facial hair, be it ‘a
 400

moustache’ or ‘a beard’, which could result from the influence of Kuuku Ya’u and
Umpila, where only one word, namely, puuchan expresses those meanings.

Some of the English-derived words denoting kinship relations have also undergone
semantic shift and acquired different meanings. Thus, dadi ‘dad’ is used not only for
‘a father’, but also for ‘a father’s brother’, in spite of the fact that the word ankel
‘uncle’ does also exist in LRC. Although the word san ‘son’ is used by LRC
speakers, boi ‘boy’ can be encountered much more frequently in relation to not only
‘a son’, but also ‘a son-in-law’ and ‘a nephew’. Similarly, dōte ‘daughter’ is used
rarely in comparison with gēl ‘girl’ that is used not only for a ‘daughter’, but also for
‘a daughter-in-law’ and ‘a niece’.

9.3.1 New Words Derived from English That

Possess Different Form and Meaning than
Their English Equivalents

The kinship relations also involve a rule of the so-called ‘name taboo’, in accordance
with which people do not use not only the first names of their in-laws, but also those
words that resemble those names. Although it is possible for the LR residents to use
the English-derived word madelō ‘mother-in-law’, they are not allowed to use the
Kuuku Ya’u/Umpila equivalent yaami. Similarly, although the LR people are able to
use the word fadelō ‘father-in-law’, they cannot utter the Kuuku Ya’u/Umpila
counterpart aampayi. They are also not allowed to talk to their in-laws either.

The English adjective ‘dead’ functions in LRC as the intransitive verb ded with the
meaning ‘to die, to be dead’. Thus, its form remains unchanged, regardless if it
denotes a given action or its consequence.

9.4 Discourse
The LR residents employ a variety of discourse techniques that become especially
apparent in narratives.
 401

9.4.1 Emphasis Markers

Nau/na and ya are two emphasis markers that are known to be frequently used
during storytelling.

9.4.1.1 nau/na

In addition to functioning as the temporal adverb meaning ‘now, then, ago’, nau and
its reduced form na are also able to fulfil a role of the emphasis marker when they
follow an NP and when they appear in the predicate. When they follow a head noun,
they draw special attention to the NPs, after which they appear by fronting them. In
examples (9-1) and (9-2), na follows head nouns frūt ‘fruit’ and brade ‘brother’,
respectively.

(9-1) Ōl kaikai dem frūt na we dem trī.

3PL eat DET fruit EMP PREP DET tree
‘It is the fruit on the trees that they ate.’

(9-2) Mai brade na im tēn-im oube de tētul.

POSS.PRN brother EMP 3SG turn-TRS over DET turtle
‘It was my brother who turned the turtle over.’

When nau/na appear in the predicate, their function is to accentuate the actions and
states expressed by the predicate. They either follows the core predicate constituent
or occur predicate-finally, as examples (9-3) – (9-8) demonstrate. They may also
appear sentence-finally.

(9-3) Yū luk na!

2SG look EMP

‘Look!’

(9-4) Yūpla stap kwait na!

2PL be quiet EMP

‘Be quiet!’
 402

(9-5) Ai go stap ya na we dis plein kantri ya.

1SG FUT live here EMP PREP DEM plane country here
‘I will live here, in this plane country here.’

(9-6) Bat bi go na breik-im-ap ōl dem līf-s.

bat PST go EMP break-TRS-up all DET leaf-PL
‘The bat went and broke all the leaves.’

(9-7) Yūmītū no go na!

1DU.INCL NEG go EMP

‘The two of us will not go!’

(9-8) Ōl bi stāt na fō get sheik en shive, laka.

3PL PST start EMP PREP get shake CONN shiver DISC
‘They started to shake and shiver, poor things.’

9.4.1.2 ya

The function of ya is threefold. In addition to serving as the locational adverb

meaning ‘here’ and the deictic particle when it appears in front of the core predicate
constituent, it also possesses the ability to assume a role of the emphatic marker
when it functions as the postnominal modifier and when it occurs within the
predicate. It then either follows the core predicate constituent or appears
predicate-finally. It also has a tendency to occur sentence-finally. Examples (9-9)
and (9-12) demonstrate the use of ya in its emphatic role.

(9-9) Wī no gad mayi ya.

1NSG NEG have food EMP

‘We have no food.’

 403

(9-10) Kam, yūmītū go ya long-wei from dem spīya

come 1DU.INCL go EMP long-way PREP DET spear
ōl kan it-i yūmītū!
3PL cannot hit-TRS 1DU.INCL
‘Come, let the two of us go far from the spears so that they cannot hit the

two of us!’

(9-11) Kam, yūmītū wani na ya fishing ya!

come 1DU.INCL want EMP here fishing EMP

‘Come, we want to fish here!’

(9-12) Yūmītū go go ya antap.

1DU.INCL FUT go EMP on.top
‘The two of us will go to the top.’

A rare occurrence takes place in example (9-11) above. Namely, in addition to na,
which functions as the emphatic marker, ya appears twice. Ya, which follows na,
acts as the deictic particle, since it precedes fishing and ya, which follows fishing,
has a role of the emphatic marker.

In the function of an emphatic marker, ya/iya does not provide any information
pertaining to the deictic proximal-distal location of the NP, but it draws attention to
a given head noun/NP instead. In examples (9-13) – (9-14), ya functions as an
emphatic marker.

(9-13) Mīpla luk ōl korol ya kam-at ebriwe.

1PL.EXCL see DET coral EMP come-out everywhere
‘We saw coral (in general) come out everywhere.’

(9-14) Put-i dem mayi, thampu ya long-said waya faya.

put-IMP-TRS DET food yam EMP along-side PREP fire
‘Put the food and yams next to the fire.’
 404

Ya/iya may appear when demonstrative determiners are part of NPs. Example (9-15)
contains two occurrences of ya, where the first ya, which follows the verb stap ‘to
live’, functions as an adverb ‘here’, as it does refer to a specific location. However,
the function of the second ya, which is a part of the NP dis plein kantri ya ‘this plain
country’, is that of an emphatic particle, as it does not denote a specific location,
which is indicated by the use of the demonstrative dis ‘this’. The use of the second
ya as an adverb denoting location would be redundant, as that function is assumed
by the first occurrence of ya. It could be also be argued that the deictic value of
ya/iya has become about the discourse rather than about spatial deixis.

(9-15) Ai go stap ya na we dis plein kantri ya.

1SG FUT live here EMP PREP DEM plain country EMP
‘I will live here in this plain country.’

Although example (9-16) contains only one iya, which is a part of the NP dis kantri
iya ‘this country’, it functions as an emphatic marker, as it does not specify location,
which is indicated by the use of the demonstrative dis ‘this’.

(9-16) Dis kantri iya, ngaachi, dis len blo yū,

DEM country EMP country DEM land POSS 2SG
diswan blo yūmītū.
DEM.PRN POSS 1DU.INCL
‘This country, this land is yours, this one is ours (belongs to the two of

us).’

Ya, which appears in the interrogative sentences, constitutes either the locational
adverb or the deictic particle and not the emphatic marker, as in example (9-17), ya
clearly refers to a specific location. Its position within that question is neither after
the core predicate constituent nor at the end of the predicate.

(9-17) Ai go chak-i ainka ya daun, ai?

1SG FUT throw.in-TRS anchor here down huh
‘I will throw the anchor in down here, huh?’
 405

9.4.2 Discourse Markers

Connective adverbs and the word laka constitute the most commonly used discourse
markers.

9.4.2.1 Connective Adverbs

In addition to the emphasis markers nau/na and ya described in the respective

subsections 9.4.1.1 and 9.4.1.2 above, LRC speakers frequently place connective
adverbs, such as adewais ‘otherwise’, datswai/detswai ‘that’s why’, den ‘then’, en
‘and’, laik ‘like’, okei ‘okay’, ōrait ‘alright’, so/sou ‘so’, yā/ye ‘yeah’, and yū no/yū
nou ‘you know’ in the sentence-initial position, where they function as discourse
markers. Their role is not only to provide a logical connection between both the
preceding and following parts of a story but to also maintain a steady flow of a
narrative.

(9-18) Detswai de flaying foks em ebri-taim aing apsaidan

CONN DET flying fox 3SG every-time hang upside down
from de branch-is of de trī.
PREP DET branch-PL PREP DET tree
‘That’s why the flying foxes always hang upside down from the tree
branches.’

(9-19) Den ōl kaikai na det mayi blo dembla.

CONN 3PL eat EMP DEM food POSS 3PL
‘Then they ate that food of theirs.’

(9-20) En bat en fren blong im bin go na,

CONN bat CONN friend POSS 3SG PST go EMP

ōl bi go long-wei.
3PL PST go long-way
‘And the bat and its friend went, they went far.’

(9-21) Laik, mīpla mait wan-dei wani taim tū kam.

CONN 1PL.EXCL might one-day want time COMP come
‘Like, one day we might want to come.’
 406

(9-22) Okei, wī gona let-im go.

CONN 1NSG FUT let-TRS go
‘Okay, we gonna let it (snake) go.’

(9-23) Ōrait, i trū, laik bifō-taim.

CONN PM true like before-time
‘Alright, it’s true, like in the past.’

(9-24) Sou im kil-i fō pikinini blong im, laka.

CONN 3SG kill-TRS four child POSS 3SG DISC

‘So it (emu) killed four of its children, poor things.’

(9-25) Ye, yū ken luk ōl plenti fish de swim andenīt.

CONN DET can see DET plenty fish there swim underneath
‘Yeah, you could see lots of fish swimming underneath.’

(9-26) Yū.nou, dask i fōl-dan.

CONN dusk PM fall-down
‘You know, it was dusk.’

It should be clarified that connective adverbs, as noted above, always appear

sentence-initially. However, some of them, such as laik ‘like’, okei ‘okay’, ōrait
‘alright’, ye ‘yeah’, and yū nou ‘you know’ also function as interjections (see section
4.10) as well. In that role, while all of them, for example, yā/ye and yū no/yū nou,
may occur both sentence-initially and sentence-finally, some interjections, for
example, laik, ōrait, yā/ye, and yū no/yū nou are able to occur sentence-medially as
well.

The end of the story may be marked by one of the following: dasōl/datsōl ‘that’s
all’, dets det stōri na ‘that’s that story’, dets de end ‘that’s the end’, and finish na
‘finished/it’s finished’. It is not unusual for ye ‘yeah’ to be placed after the above
discourse markers to confirm the definite end of a story.
 407

9.4.2.2 laka

As noted in subsections 7.3.3.1 and 7.3.5.1, in addition to being a question tag, laka
may also function as a discourse marker. LRC speakers have indicated on more than
one occasion that laka is a term specific to the LR area, as it helps distinguish their
speech from that of other Aboriginal People of Cape York Peninsula. It does,
therefore, appear that laka is region specific. Thus, it serves as a social identity
indicator, as the use of laka provides information about the place of origin of a given
speaker. As a result, laka not only strengthens the feeling of belonging to LR, but it
also helps build solidarity among the LR inhabitants. It occurs sentence-medially
and sentence-finally in affirmative and negative sentences as well as in both formal
and informal settings. For that reason, laka is used extremely frequently by all LRC
speakers, be it old, young, male or female. It emphasises a variety of meanings,
including emotions of a proposition, whether positive or negative, as examples
(9-27) and (9-28) below demonstrate.

(9-27) Im meik-i det spīye it-i bat, laka.

3SG make.CAUS-TRS DEM spear hit-TRS bat DISC

‘He made that spear hit the bat.’

(9-28) Im kil-i fō pikinini blong im, laka.

3SG kill-TRS four child POSS 3SG DISC

‘He killed his four children.’

Laka may also denote the feeling of satiety, contentment, satisfaction, pleasure, and
happiness, as examples (9-29) – (9-32) show.

(9-29) Ōl bin kaikai til ebriwan bin beli-ful, laka.

3PL PST eat COMP INDF.PRN PST belly-full DISC

‘They ate till everyone was full.’

(9-30) Mīpla siden kaikai dem eg en drink tī, laka.

1PL.EXCL sit eat.SV DET egg CONN drink tea DISC

‘We sat eating the eggs and drinking tea.’

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(9-31) Ōl bi kuk-i dem krab en kreifish

3PL PST cook-TRS DET crab CONN crayfish
fō dembla fō kaikai, laka.
PREP 3PL COMP eat DISC

‘They cooked the crabs and crayfish for them to eat.’

(9-32) Āfte dina, mai dadi yān stōri fō mīpla, laka, na.
PREP dinner POSS.PRN dad yarn story PREP 1PL.EXCL DISC EMP

‘After dinner, my dad yarned a story for us.’

In examples (9-33) – (9-36), it does appear in utterances expressing unhappiness,

displeasure, dissatisfaction, misfortune, pain, hunger, sadness, fear, and tiredness.

(9-33) Im krai, laka, waya prapa pein.

3SG cry DISC PREP real pain
‘He cried because of a real pain.’

(9-34) Weni de san bi go-dan, ebribodi fīl angri, laka, na.

COMP DET sun PST go-down INDF.PRN feel hungry DISC EMP

‘When the sun set down, everybody felt hungry.’

(9-35) Ōl bi fīl sed, laka.

3PL PST feel sad DISC

‘They felt sad.’

(9-36) Ōl bi frait, laka.

3PL PST frighten DISC

‘They were frightened.’

As noted in subsection 7.3.3.1, laka may also express the meaning ‘please’, as
example (9-37) shows.

(9-37) Gīb-im medisin laka!

give-TRS medicine DISC

‘Give him medicine, please!’

 409

9.5 Brief Comparison with Other Creoles

As Table 9.1 demonstrates, all of the listed LRC creole lexical items and discourse
markers can be found in all or some of the remaining creoles, thus providing
evidence that LRC is indeed a creole. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic
of the creole, a blank indicates it is not.

Table 9.1 Comparison of Some of LRC Creole Lexical Items and Discourse
Markers with Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Presence of kaikai ‘food, + + + + +
to eat’
Presence of + + + +
kumala/kumara ‘sweet
potato’
Presence of + + +
labalaba/lavalava
‘lavalava’
Presence of the + + + + + +
Portuguese-based Word
pequenino ‘child’
Presence of the + + + + + +
Portuguese-based Word
saber ‘to know, be able
to’
Presence of susu ‘breast, + + + + +
milk’
Presence of talinga (LRC + + +
and TSC) and
natalingan (Bislama)
‘ear’
Presence of + + +
tawi/tawiyan/tawian
‘brother-in-law’
Discourse Marker ya in + + + +
LRC, Pijin, and Tok
Pisin, and ia in Bislama
Discourse Marker laka + +
in LRC and laga in Tok
Pisin

Table 9.2 demonstrates the comparison of two LRC English-derived discourse

markers with other creoles. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic of the
creole, a blank indicates it is not. Adverbs function as connectives in all of the
 410

creoles. Discourse marker ‘now’ is present in all but one creole, namely, Tok Pisin is
devoid of that feature. A detailed discussion of the comparison of the discourse
markers with other creoles follows.

Table 9.2 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Discourse Markers

with Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Connective Adverbs + + + + + +
Discourse Marker + + + + +
nau/na in LRC, nau in
TSC, nao in Pijin and
Bislama

As in Pijin nao may also appear as the last sentential constituent and, for that reason,
Jourdan (2002, p. 145) claims that its function is to mark the end of the sentence.
Another approach concentrates on the fact that this marker may in fact denote the
perfect aspect. However, either of those two approaches does not appear to be
plausible, as far as LRC is concerned, as examples (9-1) – (9-3) above demonstrate
that the perfect aspect does not apply and it is possible for nau/na to occupy other
than just the sentence-final positions. According to yet another approach, this marker
refers to events that either have been completed or are just beginning (Keesing,
1991, pp. 339-331). To substantiate that claim, it is necessary to exclude those
events that have never occurred and those that are just beginning. However, in
examples (9-4) – (9-6) above, nau/na do occur post-verbally.

By comparison, Shnukal (1988, p. 170) classifies TSC nau both as an adverb with a
meaning ‘now, then, ago’ and as an emphatic particle when it follows a noun. The
latter role is that of the emphasis marker that nau/na play in LRC (see subsection
9.4.1.1). TSC nau functions also as a discourse particle (i.e. emphatic marker in
LRC), which

(…) signals that the action of the verb begins immediately after the time of
speaking; thus it anchors the event being narrated to the time of speaking. It
may also be used to set out explicitly the order or events in a story. It is a
way of making the story more vivid, as though what is being narrated is
taking place at the same time as the narration. (Shnukal, 1988, p. 87)
 411

Beimers (2008, pp. 160, 231) distinguishes two uses of nao in Pijin, namely, the
focus marker and the emphasis marker. In Bislama, nao may function either as a
discourse marker, which is used in narratives, when sequencing events or as a focus
marker when it follows the subject (Crowley, 2004, pp. 160-165, 194). Similarly to
LRC, Crowley (2004, p. 159) notes that in Bislama, to achieve the fronting of an NP
effect, it is customary to place a marker nao or its reduced form na after a given NP.
The same practice can be found in Pijin (Beimers, 2008, pp. 160-161) and TSC
(Shnukal, 1988, p. 170). Shnukal posits that in TSC, nau functions as an emphatic
particle when it follows a head noun. The use of the post-head emphatic marker
nau/na is also very common in LRC. Beimers (2008, pp. 160-161) also lists nao ya
as an emphatic marker that is commonly used in Pijin. This combination is,
however, absent from LRC. In Kriol, na denotes focus, as it draws attention to the
immediately preceding NP (Nicholls, 2009, p. 150).

Crowley (2004, p. 196) acknowledges that there exist two separate functions ia
possesses in Bislama, where one is a demonstrative particle present in the NPs and
the second is that of a discourse pragmatic particle, where

its use is closely related to how the speaker relates to the people that he or
she is speaking to, as well as what the speaker feels about what he or she is
speaking about, as well as considerations of what information the speaker
and the hearer already share regarding what the sentence is talking about.
Because the use of ia is based very much on such pragmatic considerations,
it should not be surprising to find that there is considerable variability in
whether it appears in particular contexts or is absent. (pp. 196-197)

That categorisation coincides with the one proposed by Beimers (2008, p. 157) who
indicates that Pijin ya functions both as an emphasis marker and a general
demonstrative particle, where the latter function does not specify any deictic
information. This opinion resonates in Shnukal (1988, p. 227) who posits that in
TSC, ya, in addition to being an adverb with a meaning ‘here’, does function as a
deictic particle, which when placed before the verb indicates that the person or thing
referred to is situated close to the speaker or is moving towards the speaker. In Kriol,
iya ‘this one here’ functions as an adverbial proximal demonstrative (Nicholls, 2009,
p. 26). It, therefore, denotes the deictic meaning. In LRC, ya expresses not only the
adverbial and deictic meanings, but it also serves as the emphatic marker. In Tok
 412

Pisin, ya is an exclamatory particle that occurs at the end of a sentence (Mihalic,

1971, p. 206). Similarly to Pijin (Beimers, 2008, p. 157) and Bislama (Crowley,
2004, p. 65), in LRC, ya/iya may also appear in the company of demonstrative
determiners. However, unlike in Pijin (Beimers, 2008, p. 158) and Bislama
(Crowley, 2004, p. 65), where the distal meaning could be expressed by longwe
‘there’ (and additionally nao in Bislama) placed after Pijin ya and Bislama ia
(hemia), it is not customary to do so in LRC. While ya is able to act as a post-head
anaphoric demonstrative in Pijin (Beimers, 2008, pp. 158-159), it does not appear to
function in that way either in TSC (Shnukal, 1988) or LRC, where it functions as the
emphatic marker. A post-head recognitional demonstrative ba, which is
characteristic for Pijin (Beimers, 2008, p. 160), does not exist either in TSC
(Shnukal, 1988) or LRC. It does not appear to be present either in Bislama
(Crowley, 2004) or Tok Pisin (Dutton & Thomas, 1985; Verhaar, 1995). Similarly to
LRC, the frequent sentence-final occurrence of ya in Pijin prompts Simons (1985, p.
61) to claim that it acts as a sentence final tag word that “indicates an affirmation, a
declaration, an accusation; it indicates the speaker’s certainty about the statement’s
truth”.

Tok Pisin laga, which is commonly used by the speakers from the New Guinea
Islands, appears to have a similar function, as it also marks social identity and builds
solidarity (Gure, 2010, p. 1). The difference lies in the fact that Tok Pisin laga is
only used as a question tag (Dutton & Thomas, 1985, p. 64) and, as a result, its
meaning is limited to that expressed by a given question tag. LRC laka functions not
only as a question tag, but also as a discourse marker in both affirmative and
negative sentences, where it is able to denote a variety of meanings.

9.6 Conclusion

This chapter has presented vocabulary as well as emphatic and discourse markers. It
has been established that although the majority of the lexical items stem from
English, the lexicon of LRC also contains words that take their origin from TSC,
Japanese, Malay-Indonesian, Pacific languages, and the two traditional languages of
the LR area, namely, Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila. It has been concluded that there exist
 413

in LRC lexical items that are derived from English, however, their meaning differs
from that of their English counterparts as a result of the semantic shift. This chapter
has also discussed English-derived words, the form and meaning of which differ
from their English equivalents as well. Finally, the outline of two emphatic markers,
namely, nau/na and ya, is followed by the presentation of discourse markers,
including connective adverbs and the marker laka, which functions as a social
identity indicator specific to the LR area that helps to distinguish the speech of the
LR community from that of other Aboriginal People of Cape York Peninsula.

Ten creole features have been examined, which are all present in LRC. Only two of
those features are present in LRC and the remaining five creole languages, namely,
the presence of the Portuguese-based words pequenino ‘child’ and saber ‘to know,
be able to’. Apart from Kriol, the word kaikai ‘food, to eat’ is present in LRC, TSC,
Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin. With the exception of Kriol and Tok Pisin, the word
kumala/kumara ‘sweet potato’ exists in LRC, TSC, Pijin, and Bislama.
Labalaba/lavalava ‘lavalava’ is used by LRC, TSC, and Bislama speakers. With the
exception of Kriol, the word susu ‘breast, milk’ is present in LRC, TSC, Pijin,
Bislama, and Tok Pisin. The word tawi/tawiyan/tawian is a part of the lexicon of
LRC, TSC, and Bislama speakers. The discourse marker ya/ia is a feature
characteristic of LRC, Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin. The discourse markers laka and
laga mark the speech of LRC and Tok Pisin speakers, respectively.

Two English-derived features have been examined, where one of them, namely,
connective adverbs, is present in LRC and the remaining five creoles. With the
exception of Tok Pisin, the discourse marker nau/na/nao exists in LRC, TSC, Kriol,
Pijin, and Bislama.
 414

Chapter 10 Conclusion

The purpose of this thesis was to write a linguistic description of LRC, as it has not
been previously studied, analysed, and described, and, as a result, very little was
known about its linguistic structure and relationship to other contact Indigenous
creoles and varieties of English. All of the set goals have been achieved and all of
the chapters of this thesis have contributed both original and substantial information
laying foundation for further research into LRC. Thus, an orthographical system has
been designed to allow for LRC to be used in the written form. The scope of the
substratal influence of the two traditional languages spoken in the LR area, namely,
Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila, has been established and it has been ascertained that the
substratal features and/or lexical items distinguish LRC from other varieties. For
example, intonation pattern of the ‘yes-no’ and information questions as well as
affirmative sentences, including those expressing the meaning ‘or’, coincides with
that of Kuuku Ya’u and Umpila and not with that of English. The emergence and
development of LRC have been thoroughly examined utilising many examples from
historical texts of first the pidgin and then the creole spoken in the LR area. The
analysis of those examples helped establish, which historically attested features are
no longer in use, and which continue to be used by LRC speakers. It has been
concluded that, in spite of the close linguistic relationship LRC shares with TSC and
the fact that the pidgin from the Torres Strait had an undeniably significant influence
on the development of LRC, LRC is not a dialect of TSC but a separate language in
its own right, as those two languages developed in a very different manner. The
study has helped establish the status of LRC as a creole rather than a variety of
Aboriginal English. The latter goal has been enabled by comparing the presence
and/or absence of a number of LRC features with TSC, Kriol, Pijin, Bislama, and
Tok Pisin. Each chapter contains a section outlining similarities and differences
between LRC and the other creole languages.

Table 10.1 below constitutes a compilation of seventy-three creole features. Fifty-

four of them are present in LRC. LRC shares forty-one features with TSC. LRC and
Kriol have thirty-four features in common, LRC and Pijin share thirty-four features,
LRC and Bislama have thirty-eight features in common, and LRC and Tok Pisin
 415

share thirty-four features. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic of the creole,
a blank indicates it is not; +/- indicates the feature occurs optionally or irregularly in
the creole. Many of those features are not present in English, for example, unlike in
LRC and TSC, not all nouns are countable in English. The English pronominal
system is devoid of the inclusive-exclusive distinction and consists of only two
numbers, singular and plural. LRC suffix -pla, which has the form -pela in Tok
Pisin, -fala in both Pijin and Bislama, -pla in TSC, and -bala in Kriol, but it is not a
characteristic feature of English. The transitive suffix, the progressive aspect suffix -
(a)bat, and the nominalising suffix -wan are absent from the English suffixal
inventory. There are no English adjectives that constitute compounds with kain/-
kain. In English, fronting is not achieved by means of emphatic markers. English is
devoid of the past tense marker, but marks the past tense morphologically instead.
The future tense marker is absent from English, where future tense is achieved with
the use of the auxiliary ‘will’. The form of LRC modality marker blo + verb, which
mirrors that of its TSC equivalent and is similar to Bislama blong + verb, is absent
from English. In both LRC and TSC, the possessive relative clauses (RCs) are
introduced by the relative pronoun we/waya/weya and we, respectively, and not with
the use of the interrogative pronoun denoting the meaning ‘whose’, as it is done in
English. Thus, while there are many differences between LRC and English, LRC
shares numerous similarities with TSC, Kriol, Pijin, Bislama, and Tok Pisin. It is,
therefore, proposed that LRC is indeed a creole.

Table 10.1 Comparison of Some LRC Creole Features with Other Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Countability of All Nouns + +
Fully Reduplicated + + + +
Nouns
Apparent Noun + + + + + +
Reduplication
Nominalising Suffix -wan + + + + +
Three-Number + + +
Pronominal System
Four-Number + + +
Pronominal System
Inclusive-Exclusive + + + + + +
Distinction in the
Pronominal System
 416

Suffix -pla in LRC and + + + + + +

TSC (-bala in Kriol,
-fala in Pijin and
Bislama, and -pela in Tok
Pisin)
Suffixation of Some + + + +
Cardinal Numerals (with
-bala in Kriol, -fala in
Pijin and Bislama, and
with
-pela in Tok Pisin)
Use of the Noun namba to + + + +
Form Ordinal Numerals
Use of wan ‘one’ to Form +
Ordinal Numerals
Suffixation of Adjectives + + + +
(with -bala in Kriol, -fala
in Pijin and Bislama, and
-pela in Tok Pisin)
Both Prenominal and +
Postnominal Use of
Adjectives
Full Adjectival + + + + + +
Reduplication
Partial Adjectival +
Reduplication
Nominalisation of + + + + +
Polysyllabic and
Compound Adjectives
Possessed NP + blong/blo + + + + + +
+ Possessor NP
Blong/blo + Possessor NP + + +
+ Possessed NP
Transitive Suffix + + + + + +
Form of the Transitive + + +
Suffix Is Dictated by the
Vowel Harmony Rule
Compound Transitive + + + + + +
Verbs
Causative Transitives + + + + + +
Affixed with the
Transitive Suffix
Intransitive Verbs + + + + + +
Always Occur Without
the Transitive Suffix
Progressive Aspect Suffix + +
-(a)bat
Full Verb Reduplication + + + + +
 417

Partial Verb +
Reduplication
Verb Reduplication + + + + + +
Expresses Repetition,
Continuity, and Duration
Suffixation of Adverbs + +
(with
-bala in Kriol and -pela in
Tok Pisin)
Adverbs Suffixed with +
-wan
Compound Adverbs + + + + + +
Adverbial Reduplication + + +
We Introduces Relative +/- +/- +/- +/-
Clauses
Pronouns Precede Nouns + + + +
in Inclusory
Constructions
Pronouns Follow Nouns + +
in Inclusory
Constructions
Pronoun Appositions + +
Co-occurrence of +
Determiners Within a
Single NP
Compound Adjectives + + + +
with kain (noun or suffix)
PPs as Post-modifiers of + + + + + +
Head Nouns
Prepositional Use of + + + + + +
Some Temporal and
Locational Adverbs when
Followed by we and/or
long
Complex Prepositions + + + + + +
with lo (TSC), long/lo
(LRC), long (Pijin,
Bislama, and Tok Pisin),
and langa (Kriol)
Complex Prepositions +
with we/waya/weya
Long/lo/langa Follow + + + + + +
Adverbs in Complex
Prepositions
Long Precedes Adverbs +
in Complex Prepositions
 418

Long in a Circumjacent +
Relationship with
Adverbs
Verbal Prepositions + +
Ellipsis of the Third + + + + +
Person Object NPs After
Transitive Verbs Affixed
with the Transitive Suffix
Marked Transitive Verbs + + + + + +
Pseudo-Transitive + + +
Long/lo/langa Introduces + + + + + +
Oblique Constituents in
the VPs
Subject Referencing +
Pronouns
Resumptive Pronouns +
Predicate Marker + + + +
Past Tense Marker + + + + +
Future Tense Marker (go + + +
in LRC and TSC, and
gada/gona in Kriol)
Future Tense Marker + + +
(bae/baebae in Pijin,
bae/bambae in Bislama,
and bai in Tok Pisin)
Completive Aspect + + +
Marker Precedes the
Verb
Completive Aspect + + +
Marker Follows the Verb
Impersonal Sentences + + + +
Formed with the Use of
Predicate Marker
Existential Sentences + + + +
Formed with got ‘to
have’
Verb abim/abi in LRC + +
and abum in Kriol Used
in Existential Sentences
(in LRC in Past and
Future Meanings Only)
Juxtaposition in + + + + + +
Equational and
Descriptive Sentences
 419

No Must Appear with + +

Negative Indefinite
Pronouns
Juxtaposition as Clause + + + + + +
Coordination
Presence of kaikai ‘food, + + + + +
to eat’
Presence of + + + +
kumala/kumara ‘sweet
potato’
Presence of + + +
labalaba/lavalava
‘lavalava’
Presence of the + + + + + +
Portuguese-based Word
pequenino ‘child’
Presence of the + + + + + +
Portuguese-based Word
saber ‘to know, be able
to’
Presence of susu ‘breast, + + + + +
milk’
Presence of talinga (LRC + + +
and TSC) and natalingan
(Bislama) ‘ear’
Presence of + + +
tawi/tawiyan/tawian
‘brother-in-law’
Discourse Marker ya in + + + +
LRC, Pijin, and Tok
Pisin, and ia in Bislama
Discourse Marker laka in + +
LRC and laga in Tok
Pisin

Table 10.2 demonstrates the comparison of twenty-eight LRC English-derived

features with other creoles. Twenty-seven features exist in LRC. LRC shares
nineteen features with TSC, sixteen with Kriol, Pijin, and Bislama, and thirteen with
Tok Pisin. A + indicates that the feature is characteristic of the creole, a blank
indicates it is not; +/- indicates the feature occurs optionally or irregularly in the
creole.
 420

Table 10.2 Comparison of Some of LRC English-derived Features with Other

Creoles
Feature LRC TSC Kriol Pijin Bislama Tok
Pisin
Compounds – Direct + + + + + +
Transfers from English
Plural Suffix -s +/- +/- +/- +/- +/-
Gerundial Suffix -ing + + +
Agentive Suffix -a + +
Four Demonstrative + + +
Pronouns
Articles +/- +/- +/- +/- +/- +/-
Reflexive Suffix -self (-selp + + +
in TSC, -self and the form
mijelb in Kriol)
Reciprocal Pronouns + + +
Distributive Pronouns + +
Interrogative Pronouns + + + + + +
Used as Short Utterances
Normally Unmarked +/-
Transitive Verbs
Adverbs Suffixed with -li +
Hu Introduces Relative +/-
Clauses
Pre-modification of + + + + + +
Adjectives by Adverbs
Multiple Adjectives Pre- + + + + + +
modifying Head Nouns
Postnominal Modifiers + + + + + +
Quantifying Nouns +
Separated from Nouns by
of
Presence of Preposition of + +
(av in Kriol)
Prepositional Use of Some + + + + + +
Temporal and Locational
Adverbs when Not
Followed by we or long
Post-modification of + + + + +
Adjectives by a Small Set of
Adverbs
Habitual Aspect Marker + +
yūstū in LRC and
yustu/yusdu/yusda in Kriol
 421

Optional Use of Second + + + + + +

Person Pronouns in
Imperative Sentences
Use of Complementisers + +
After the Verbs ‘to like’
and ‘to want’
Use of Complementisers + + +
After the Verb ‘to try’
Relative Clauses + + + + + +
Introduced by Relative
Pronouns
Relative Clauses Not + + + +
Introduced by Relative
Pronouns
Connective Adverbs + + + + + +
Discourse Marker nau/na + + + + +
in LRC, nau in TSC, nao in
Pijin and Bislama

As noted in the introductory paragraph of this chapter, the linguistic description

presented in this thesis have contributed original and substantial information on the
previously undescribed creole language spoken by the people of the LR community.
It is hoped that this study will broaden and further the existing knowledge of
Indigenous language varieties in Australia. It is also hoped that, on the basis of this
study, further research will be undertaken that will result in a more detailed
examination of LRC sound system, linguistic structure, discourse strategies,
communication practices, and conversational style.
 422

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