Three Problems of Aeneid 6

Author(s): Brooks Otis

Source: Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association , 1959,
Vol. 90 (1959), pp. 165-179
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press

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 Vol. xc] Three Problems of Aeneid 6 165

XIH. Three Problems of Aeneid 6

BROOKS OTIS

STANFORD UNIVERSITY

The Aeneid is a poem. We can only solve the problems of its

interpretation when we solve them in poetical terms. I treat here
three apparent inconsistencies or difficulties in Aeneid 6. My object
is not so much to give new solutions-though actually I have been
forced to introduce an unavoidable minimum of novelty-as to
suggest the kind of analysis which the Aeneid needs and, so often,
has not had.

i. The Two Kinds of Immortality

The inconsistencies in Vergil's account of the underworld have
been often pointed out' and still await what may be called a
solution. Norden writing in 18932 thought that he had it but
retracted the "solution" in his commentary3 and there admitted
that Vergil's underworld showed " keine einheitliche Vorstellung "
because it represented a "compromise" between popular belief
and theological science. The contamination of heterogenous
motifs is, he believed, to be traced back to Vergil's sources.
The main inconsistency is between the "mythological Hades"
(located in Vergil's scheme between Acheron and the "parting of
the ways" which lead to Tartarus and Elysium) and the "theo-
logical Hades" of the Lethe Valley where the souls about to be
reborn are assembled. Conington4 puts the matter trenchantly
when he says: "They (i.e. the souls of the mythological Hades)
exist on the assumption that departed spirits remain in a fixed
state, each preserving its own individuality. The latter doctrine
(i.e. of transmigration) takes all spirits alike as soon as they have
been separated from the body, puts them through a thousand
years' purgation, and then sends most of them to reanimate other
frames." One cannot get out of this difficulty, as Norden first
I E.g. R. Sabbadini, Studi critici sulla Eneide (Lonigo 1889) 79 f.; A. Dieterich,
Nekyia (Leipzig 1893) 150 f.
2 "Vergilstudien" Hermes 28 (1893) 360-406.
3 E. Norden, Vergilius Aeneis Buch VI 3 (Leipzig 1926).
4John Conington, P. Vergili Maronis Opera 2 (London 1876) 425.

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 166 Brooks Otis [1959

tried to, by assuming all the souls of the " mythological " past to be
prematurely dead and forced to await the expiration of a hundred
year span before being subjected to purification, transmigration,
etc. Some of the "mythological" souls have been dead for far
longer than that, yet stay none the less where they are, in the
" fixed state " to which Conington refers. Consistency is obviously
not to be found in Vergil's theology. But was he in search of such
consistency? Conway5 sees in Vergil's "silence" as to the lots
to be given the "mythological" souls by Minos the poet's own
ignorance of what the lots are. He deliberately passes by the
"hard cases" which make "bad law." But Vergil does not so
much keep silent out of ignorance as out of a desire to pass over
the inconsistency: his whole "mythological" Hades cannot be
called a case of "bad" law or theology. It obviously does not fit
the rest of the scheme as Vergil seemingly knew. Nor are we
helped by seeing in the inconsistent schemes a deliberate attempt
to combine poetic, philosophic, and civic conceptions of the after-
life.6 Scaevola's distinction of three kinds of gods has no appli-
cation to the sixth Aeneid since, as is quite obvious from the
Augustinian text, his point of view is anything but poetical. Nor
is there any real indication in the text that Vergil was deliberately
trying to "satisfy the whole man" because "the human spirit
possesses something of all three.'>
Clearly we need to account for the inconsistencies of the book
in terms of its poetical design and structure. Buchner7 is right
when he says after acknowledging the incommensurability of the
theology and the poetry-mythology: "Es erwachst daraus aber
die Pflicht, das poetische Phanomen positiv zu wuirdigen" (359).
But his actual analysis of the book still leaves us uncertain as to
what his "positive estimation" of the phenomenon really is
(though he certainly leaves some hints). On the whole the best
"cpositive estimation" of this that I have found is in a brief article
by L. A. Mackay.8 He lays down what I consider to be the

5 New Studies of a Great Inheritance (London 1921) 112-39.

6 Cf. Frances Norwood, "The Tripartite Eschatology of Aeneid VI," CP 49 (1954)
15-26. Scaevola's definition of the three kinds of religions or three types of gods is
given in Aug. C.D. 4.27: unum [sc. genus] a poetis [traditum], alterum a philosophis,
tertium a principibus civitatis.
7 R. Biuchner, P. Vergilius Maro, der Dichter der R6mer (Stuttgart 1955) =RE, s.v.
"Vergilius."
8 "Three Levels of Meaning in Aeneid VI," TAPA 86 (1955) 180--89.

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Vol. xc] Three Problems of Aeneid 6 167

primary axiom for interpretation of the book, in the sentence:

"Whether we regard Aeneas' experience in the Sixth Book as a
dream, or as poetically actual for him, the chief directing theme
in the journey is certainly its direct personal relevance to the
character of Aeneas and his role in the story" (184). Thus "the
primary importance of the journey is that it represents a spiritual
purification and illumination that fit him for his mighty task."
So the "culminating illumination" (i.e. the Show of Heroes) is
preceded by the "recall and dismissal of two great traumatic
experiences, the tragedy of Dido and the disasters of Troy."
This is, I think, a true and most valuable observation though,
unfortunately, Mackay does not seem to see how it explicates the
"inconsistencies." Rather, like Frances Cornford, he falls back
for his explanation of them on " three levels of meaning " according
to which a "primitive" amoral conception of survival is supple-
mented by an ethical and by a philosophic. So what was initially
an attempt to explain the book in poetical terms becomes instead a
moral-philosophical approach to it.
Similarly Perret's 9 brief remarks on the book are suggestive but
again fail to reach a coherent explanation of the problems in-
volved. Henry Nettleship,'0 writing as far back as 1875, came
closer than anybody else to the heart of the problem when he said:
"The ordinary popular mythology is put side by side with the
doctrine of transmigration, and the reader is left to harmonize them
as he can. His logical instincts may not be satisfied, but more than
satisfaction is given to his imagination." It is too bad that Nettle-
ship failed to realize and make precise the full implications of the
final clause of the sentence quoted!
Mackay's article certainly points to a seemingly obvious (though
usually overlooked) fact-the book's central concern with Aeneas
and the spiritual processes at work in his psyche. Actually (as we
shall see later) it is probably to be taken as a dream. In any event
its central meaning (as indeed of the Aeneid as a whole) is psycho-
logical and moral. Conway and now Perret and Mackay (to
some extent also Buchner) have seen that in the "mythological'
Hades Aeneas encounters his past in a definite order (Conway,
129: "The reverse order to that in which they have formerly met
us in the narrative "). He then, after hearing the Sibyls' description
9 Virgile, I'homme et l'ouvre (Paris 1952) 114.
10 Lectures and Essays (Oxford 1885) 139.

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 168 Brooks Otis f1959

of Tartarus and a brief passage through Elysium, proceeds to

encounter his future under the direction of Anchises. Here then
we have the past and the future in juxtaposition or opposition,
with the "moral" section of the poem (punishments and rewards,
Tartarus and Elysium) in between. The symbolism seems fairly
plain: Aeneas sees his past in final perspective, he grasps the great
moral purpose which governs the world and he then sees and
accepts his future. The settings (i.e. the mythological, moral and
philosophical visualizations of the after-life) correspond to the
psychological characteristics of his past, his moral present and his
future.
In the mythological Hades, the spirits remain to use Coning-
ton's apt phrase-"in a fixed state" or precisely as they were
when alive or at the exact moment of death. (This is why the
notion that these souls are only provisionally placed where they
are "in semplice luogo di passagio e di attesa" to quote Funa-
ioli "1-seems quite improbable: they have no future at all, simply
a past.) Dido is now "living in the past" wvith Sychaeus: she
refuses, as it were, to recognize the existence of Aeneas. Deipho-
bus is just as he was when butchered in his sleep on Troy's last
night. This is the unchanging past which Aeneas cannot alter or
affect-for all his speeches and attempts to prolong it by fruitless
reminiscence-because it is unalterable. He can only leave it, but
in recalling it and leaving it he achieves also freedom from its
" traumatic ^' hold upon him. Here indeed we encounter the
problem of Aeneas' unreadiness or wveakness before the beginning
of Book 6: the "flaw" which the ship-burning of Book 5 made
quite obvious, despite the apparent "recovery" from the passion
of Book 4. His conscience-in regard to both Dido and Troy--
is uneasy, and his " unease " is basically that of one who cannot face
his future because he has not come to terms with his past. It is
still somehowv alive for him in the wrong way (this is what one
might call a tragic nostalgia), and he can only be liberated from
its hold by realizing that it is dead. For the moment we need only
stress the admirable fitness of the mythological Hades (which is
of course the traditional Hades, the Hades of Homer's nekyia) to
render the fixity, deadness or static quality of the past as past-
also, which is perhaps quite as important, the pathetic and

11 L'Oltretornba niell' Eneide di Virgilio (Palermno 1924) 57.

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Vol. xcl Three Problems of Aeneid 6 169

lamentable nature of this past. This Hades, as Achilles once

remarked, is worse than the lowest form of life on earth.
The " moral " Hades-Tartarus and Elysium-is far less impor-
tant in the book: Aeneas merely hears about Tartarus and hastily
goes through Elysium with his mind entirely on Anchises.
Obviously the moral principle which governs the universe is
important to Vergil (and to Aeneas), but Elysium is certainly not
represented as anything like the climax of moral or spiritual effort:
indeed there too the heroes relive their past in a quite static way
though it is a quite different kind of past they relive. If they are
after all receiving a final purging, as Anchises' words in 743 f.
suggest, this is not emphasized or stressed. Clearly Elysium is
mainly part of the passage between Aeneas' real past and his
future, with which Anchises is wholly identified: the valley of
Lethe is definitely set away from Elysium proper.-2 The philo-
sophical after-life-purgatory, reincarnation, etc.-there set forth
is, however, also only a symbolic setting to the Roman future.
The solemn philosophical background lends great dignity to the
Roman history, but the Roman history cannot be reconciled with
the philosophy. Vergil, as we shall see, is not concerned with the
next (post-Roman) reincarnation of these souls or with their ulti-
mate liberation from somatic life. His great end and goal is
clearly Rome itself. But just as the mythological Hades "fits "
the past (Aeneas' past), so this philosophical Hades fits the future.
The reincarnation motif serves to direct the vision away from the
past toward what is to come. Here everything and everybody
look ahead, toward what will be, toward what they are to do on
earth, in Italy, at Rome. Anchises, the Trojan converted to a
Roman pietas (Book 2), is the fitting symbol of the past turned
away from itself toward the future. And this reorientation nowr
becomes real also for Aeneas.
In such a perspective the inconsistencies of the poem cease to
matter or, rather, themselves express the difference or the incon-
sistency between the past and the future. In the dream state a
symbolic unity often underlies a great disparity of the parts which
compose the superficial action. It seems clear, as Norden pointed
out, that Vergil here has "contaminated" several sources: the
eleventh Odyssey, a catabasis of Heracles (possibly Perithous), an
Orphic or Orphic-Pythagorean catabasis, as is evidenced by the
12 Seclusum inernlus, 6.704.

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 170 Brooks Otis [1959

parallels between Aeneid 6 and the recently discovered "Orphic"

catabasis on a Bologna papyrus.13 But these sources only gave
Vergil the "settings" he needed: the mythological Hades was the
setting of Aeneas' past (i.e. of Palinurus, Dido, Deiphobus): the
philosophical, of his future (Anchises, Show of Heroes).
Aeneas' return to the past is given its peculiar tonality by the
infernal setting: it is an ordeal, the ordeal of life traversing death,
of present facing the past. The worst part of the journey is
clearly the "mythological" part, and this is symbolized by the
fact that Aeneas does not give up the golden bough until he has
left this part behind him. Note the lines (immediately after the
description of Tartarus):

629 "sed iam age, carpe viam et susceptum perfice

manus;"

635 occupat Aeneas aditum corpusque recenti

spargit aqua ramumque adverso in limine figit.
His demum exactis, perfecto munere divae,
devenere locos laetos et amoena virecta.

The mythological Hades is the "valley of the shadow"-lugentes

campi, ultima arva-which has to be crossed before the happy
Elysium and the meadow of Lethe can be entered. One is the
scene of death and the past; the other of life and the future.
Aeneas literally loses his old self and finds a new one: he dies, as it
were, to rise again.14 The bough, in having brought him out of
the past, out of the future-less dead world, has fulfilled its purpose.

ii. The Two Goals of the Soul

The inconsistency of Vergil's other-worldly and ascetic doctrine
in Aeneid 6 with his Roman emphasis and purpose has seldom been
emphasized by the critics and commentators. Conington,15
however, called attention to it with characteristic trenchancy
(425). He well says: "While Virgil is expounding his doctrine
13 Cf. R. Merkelbach, MusHelv 8 (1951) 1-11. The relevance of the papyrus f
Aeneid 6 is discussed by Max Treu, "Die neue 'Orphische' Unterweltsbeschreibung
und Vergil," Hermes 82 (1954) 24-51.
14 The bough's duality as both life and death-dealing is well recognized. Vergil
virtually identifies it with the mistletoe (viscum, 6.205 f.) whose ambiguous status in
this respect is a commonplace of folklore. The matter, from this point of view, has
been well discussed by Robert A. Brooks, "Discolor Aura," AJP 74 (1953) 260-80.
15 Op. cit. (above, note 4) 425.

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Vol. xc] Three Problems of Aeneid 6 171

he is clear: when he comes to paint it in its results he becomes

confused." He points out that nothing is said about the past of the
souls in the Show of Heroes (their former incarnations) nor about
theirfuture ("And what is to be the condition of Silvius and the
earlier posterity of Aeneas after they have fulfilled their new term
on earth? Will they reappear in successive generations as later
Romans?"). Norden here sees only a conflict of philosophical-
theological and poetic-mythological ideas.16 The essential con-
flict, however, is between two fundamental philosophies, one of
which is explicitly adopted, the other of which is only implicit.
Clearly the end and goal of Platonic or Pythagorean reincar-
nation is eventual escape from the body altogether in a life that is
divine, ideal, or in the full Plotinian sense, one with the ineffable
source of all goodness. In the Phaedrus, for example, a soul that
is reincarnated three times as a true philosopher is finally winged
and will never undergo incarnation again (249A). But it is
equally clear that for Vergil the end is really patriotic service to
Rome: others will philosophize better; the Roman's task is to rule.
We can of course reconcile the two points of view by a little
ingenuity (we can e.g. invisage Roman political activity as a stage
in the preparation of the true philosopher), but evidently the
whole tenor of Vergil's presentation is against this kind of argu-
ment. Here the Roman attitude toward philosophy expressed in
Tacitus' description of Agricola-memoria teneo solitum esse
narrare se prima in iuventa studium philosophiae acrius ultra quam
concessum Romano ac senatori hausisse-seems clearly prefigured
in excudent alii etc. (847 ff.).
Perret 7 seems to me therefore right when he insists that the
true parallels to Aeneid 6 must be sought in such Roman works as
the Somnium Scipionis and possibly the Somnium Aeneae of Fabius
Pictor to which Cicero refers in the De divinatione (1.21.43), though
this dream would seem to refer only to Aeneas' past, omnia quae
ab Aenea gesta sunt quaeque illi acciderunt. The Somnium Scipionis is,
however, a true parallel and reveals exactly the same inconsis-
tency as the sixth Aeneid, though the apparent consistency is much

16 E. Norden (above, note 3) 297 f. IThe fact of Vergil's obvious lack of concern
with prior or later incarnations of the heroes on display in Book 6 is of course only the
superficial aspect of his lack of concern with the raison d'e'tre of the whole reincarnation
process. He is thinking of Rome, not of the cycle of birth and rebirth or its spiritua
end in complete liberation from the body.
17 Op. cit. (above, note 9) 114.

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 172 Brooks Otis [1959

greater. For Cicero makes political activity and virtue the primary
means of attaining the disembodied and passionless life among
the stars 18:

iustitiam cole et pietatem, quae cum magna in parentibus et

propiinquis, tum in patria maxima est. Ea vita via est in caelum,
etc. sunt autem optimae curae de salute patriae, quibus
agitatus et exercitatus animus velocius in hanc sedem et domum
suam pervolabit; idque eo ocius faciet, si iam tum, cum erit
inclusus in corpore, eminebit foras et ea quae extra erunt con-
templans quam maxime se a corpore abstrahet.

Yet there is, for all that, an inherent antithesis between the life of
this world and of the next or between the philosopher and the
statesman, which cannot be eliminated. In terms of the Platonic
system life on earth in the body must of necessity be devalued and it
hardly seems that a political career is the best way of contem-
plating what is especially removedfrom the corporeal.
The fact is that history-man's action in time-has no final place
in Platonism or Pythagoreanism since their goal is, precisely, time-
less and unchangeable being. The problem here is at bottom the
problem of time: to one who values history and the concrete event
and loyalty, time takes on a very different meaning than it does
to one who sees history and its concreteness as only the shadows,
faint images and "broken lights" of eternal, immuitable ideas and
forms. The idea so fundamental to Christianity-and recently
so wonderfully expressed in T. S. Eliot's Four Quartets that one
can only transcend history by accepting and traversing history, is
quite foreign to Platonic or Stoic philosophy. Thus what is really
the greatest good for Cicero and Vergil-historical achievement
and Rome as its climax is not recognized in the system (a stoi-
cized Platonism) to which they, in their philosophical capacity,
adhered. 1 9
Buit here we encoutnter a quite ftundamental distinction between

Karl Nawratil.' 1)ic Geschichtsphilosophic elr Aeneis, T1S 57 (1939) 113-28.

points out (126) that Cicero in the De re publica speaks of an "ideal" (timeless)
conmmonwealth, not an explicitly Roman one: hence Cicero is less Roman-historical
than Vergil in the "Show of Heroes." But the difference seems to me more one of
form than reality. Certaiinly Scipio is very much concerned with Rome. The
quoted passage is from De re publica 6.28 (the closing peroration of the Dream of
Scipio).
l9 1 am, of course, referring here to the philosophy used by them in Aeneid 6 anid the
Somnnium, not necessarily to their own or personal philosophy.

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 Vol. xc] Three Problems of Aeneid 6 173

Greek and Roman attitudes. The Roman could not recognize it

because he had no philosophical understanding of his own attitude,
failed even to see how irreconcilable it was with Greek philosophy.
Later the Jewish-Christian notion of a divine shaping of history
toward an eschatological climax in which man and God would
finally be reconciled in a new "kingdom of heaven" supplied a
religious or religio-philosophical basis for the validation of history.
This is indeed partly visible in St. Augustine's City of God, and to it
the Roman attitude greatly contributed (we see nothing like it in
Greek or Eastern Christianity); but Cicero and Vergil lacked the
indispensable Christian background for attempting such a perspec-
tive. They did not see Rome as part of an historical process
moving toward extra-historical fulfillment but rather as a final end
in itself: imperium sine fine dedi.
It seems to me that Karl Nawratil 20 has thus erred in trying to
read a "philosophy of history" into Vergil. We can say that up
to a point Vergil identifies Roman (Aeneas') future with the Stoic
logos, but it is hard to see how the Show of Heroes can be con-
sidered the "source" (Quellpunkt) of Vergil's idea of history. To
be sure, Norden in urging the Poseidonian origin of the Somnium
Scipionis as well as of the conclusion of Aeneid 6 tended to overlook
their specifically Roman character, but the philosophy per se is not
Roman. Hence the contradiction to which we have pointed.
From the strictly poetical standpoint, however, the philosophy does
enhance the dignity and importance of the Roman theme. Wre
feel at once that the Roman theme is far more suited to solemn
philosophy than to mere mythology. Hence we can say, perhaps,
that the latter part of Aeneid 6 is good poetry but poor or inconsis-
tent philosophy.

iII. The Two Gates of Sleep

Few passages of the Aeneid have given rise to more controversy

and divergence ofjudgments 21 than the lines on the twin doors of
sleep (893-99):
20 Op. cit (above, note 18) 125.
21 Two good reviews of the literature of the question are contained in H.
Steiner, Der Traum in der Aeneis (Noctes Romanae 1952), esp. the bibliography on 105-
107; and Louis-Fransois Rolland, "La porte d'ivoire," REL 35 (1957) 204-23.
These and the following works will be cited hereafter simply by the author's last name:
E. Norden (above, note 3); E. L. Highbarger, The Gates of Dreams (Baltimore 1940);
T'. J. Haarhoff, "The Gates of Sleep," Greece and Rome 17 (1948) 88-90; F. M.

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 174 Brooks Otis [1959

Sunt geminae Somni portae, quarum altera fertur

cornea, qua veris facilis datur exitus umbris,
altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto,
sed falsa ad caelum mittunt insomnia manes.
his ibi tum natum Anchises unaque Sibyllam
prosequitur dictis portaque emittit eburna,
ille viam secat ad navis sociosque revisit.

We can quite briefly deal with the defects of some previous inter-
pretations:

(1) E. L. Highbarger puts the "ivory gate" at the Vestibulum

Orci (273) where the vana somnia are gathered on the great elm:
Aeneas leaves by the "ivory gate" because he must go out by the
same gate wherein he entered. The great objection to this thesis
is that it widely separates the two doors and forces Aeneas to pro-
long his journey to an extent in no way indicated by the text.
Surely the natural interpretation of 11.893 f. is that the "twin
doors" are side by side. There is no mention of doors at the
vestibulum.
(2) The interpretation of W. Everett, which Norden takes to be
certain, is that Aeneas exits by the ivory gate because it is before
midnight and true dreams can only emerge after midnight accord-
ing to Horace, Sat. 1.10.33. This thesis is unacceptable on several
counts. There was no such common belief in the veracity of
after-midnight dreams as Everett and Norden postulate (cf. J. B.
Stearns, Studies of the Dream as a Technical Device in Latin Epic
Drama [Diss. Princeton 1927]). Furthermore there is no indica-
tion that Vergil is here concerned with the time in this precise
sense, i.e. as a criterion of true and false dreams.22
(3) Rolland's thesis is that Aeneas exits by the "ivory gate"
because, lacking the golden bough, he has to evade the scrutiny of
the watching Manes in order to get out: he would be noticed if he
tried to leave with the pale and discolored shades (verae umbrae)

Brignoli, "La porta d'avorio nel libro VI dell' 'Eneide'," Gior. ital di filolog. 7
(1954) 61-67; W. Everett, "Upon Virgil, Aeneid VI., Vss. 893-898," CR 14 (1900)
153-54; J. van Ooteghem, S.J., " Somni Portae,' Les itudes class. 16 (1948) 386-90.
There is, of course, much other earlier material on this Streitfrage. Needless to say,
I do not wish to suggest that I am the first to hold that Aeneas' catabasis is a dream!
The point of these remarks is to clarify one's reasons (I hope also Vergil's) for holding
it to be a dream.
22 Cf. Rolland's and Steiner's criticism of this thesis and especially the interpreta
tion of Horace in Pasquali, Orazio lirico (Firenze 1920) 579, note 1.

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 Vol. xc] Three Problems of Aeneid 6 175

but can pass in the crowd offalse dreams who

looking simulacra of human beings. This seems to me highly
improbable. Aeneas is guided to the exit by Anchises and has
already indicated to Proserpina his bona fides by depositing the
bough. Nor is the notion of his trying to pass himself off as a
false dream very suitable to his dignity at such a moment.
(4) T. J. Haarhoff supposes that ad caelum in line 896 means
not to the sky or upperworld but in relation to the sky: falsa ad caelum
thus signifies: "false in relation to the material world." This is
the "hidden meaning" of ad here: the vision, however true in
itself and for Aeneas, is "false to the world above," i.e. to the
majority of men, Vergil's contemporaries who differed from him
as to the destiny of Rome. All we can say here is that the " hidden
meaning" of ad which Haarhoff postulates seems utterly arbitrary:
falsa ad caelum mittunt insomnia Manes means surely that the Manes
send false dreams to the world above. Any other meaning is as
unnatural as it is unnecessary. Ad can mean "in relation to"
but surely not in a simple construction with mittunt.
(5) Brignoli thinks the ivory gate signifies Aeneas' failure to
grasp the truth of reality: hence it is to him a dream or a false
dream. He is meant to win by his own merit, not by preknow-
ledge of his fate. This interpretation would eliminate the whole
point of the Show of Heroes and the sixth book! Nor is it true
that Aeneas in Books 7-12 is really ignarus rerum: the phrase (8.730)
refers only to his wondering ignorance of the details set forth on
the shield. Naturally he does not know them in advance.
Brignoli's alternative or "deeper" explanation that Aeneas (in
contrast with Augustus and the truly historical Romans of the
Show of Heroes) is mythical (66)-in effetti un semplice mito-
and hence a false dream seems to me even more destructive of
Vergil's poetic intention.
(6) Ooteghem merely offers us a choice between explanation (2)
or simply holding that Aeneas had to leave by the ivory gate
because he was not a true shade. The latter is correct so far as it
goes but does not carry us far. We need not waste time on Ser-
vius' fantastic explanation that the gate of horn refers to the eyes
(which see true), that of ivory to the teeth (which speak false).
Cf. the well-known refutation of it by Heyne (Excursus XV).
It is evident, first, that Aeneas-not being a vera umbra in any
sense-could not leave by the gate of horn. Therefore he leaves

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 176 Brooks Otis 1-1959

by the ivory gate, the gate of false dreams. The verae umbrae seem
clearly to be shades of the actual dead who appear to the living in
dreams and speak the truth to them.23 Brignoli (63) denies that
Aeneas must leave by the ivory gate on the ground that, even if he
is not a true shade, "egli e tanto meno-appunto perche presente
col corpo-un falsum insomnium, cioe l'immagine di un' ombra."
But of course if the catabasis is a dream, Aeneas did not descend as
an actual body. He (the figure of the dream) is thus a falsum
insomnium, a character of his own dream state. We can, if we like,
imagine him (the dream Aeneas) to be sent by the true shade,
Anchises (896). Here Brignoli illustrates well the difficulty we
can get into by taking the catabasis as literal truth. But even on
this assumption, it would seem more natural for Aeneas to leave
with the falsa insomnia than with the actual shades (cf. Rolland
on this point).
The important point is that Vergil here assimilates Aeneas to
the insomnia rather than to the verae umbrae. This is what has to
be explained. And this, as I see it, clearly signifies that his Hades
vision is a dream and a "false dream" in the sense that it is not to
be taken as literal reality. That the ivory gate adjoins the gate
of horn signifies, as Steiner (96) has well said: ". . . dass das Reich
der Traume und das Reich der Abgeschiedenen aneinander
grenzen, ja ineinander ubergehen; oder anders gesagt: weil
Unterwelt und Traumwelt auf gleicher Ebene liegen, kommt den
Unterweltserlebnissen ein traumhafter Charakter zu." I cannot
see that, because Vergil shows a close acquaintance with Lucretius,
we have to interpret the falsa insomnia in a technical Epicurean
sense, as Agnes K. Michels does.24 Rather Vergil is telling us
that the whole catabasis is a dream and that in fact sleep and death
are alike in their revelation of an underworld unknown to the
waking consciousness yet exerting upon it the most powerful
effect, precisely because it is only in such a realm that the meaning
of time-of past and future, of history and its climax in Rome's
eternal empire-can be found.
What links the dead Anchises and the living Aeneas, the past
and the future. and the Dresent to both. is a reality beyond all of
23 Cf. Steinei, 90: ". .. und zwar siiid die Schattengebilde 'verae' im doppelten
Siinne: sie kiinden Wahres-im Gegensatz zu den thuschenden insomnia, sind
zugleich auch wahrhaftige, leibhaftige Totenigeister, nicht falsche Vorspiege
wie die 'falsa itisornmiia'."
24 " Lucertius anid the Sixth Book of the Aetneid,' A4JP 65 (1944) 135-48.

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 Vol. xc] Three Problems of Aeneid 6 177

them which the hero can see only in vision or dream but which
in fact determines all that is really significant in his life to come.
This is of course suggested rather than stated, but surely the
suggestion is there for him who wants to find it. The marvelous
-the miraculous, incredible and mythological-all that in Homer
is the simple belief of an heroic age, is here put in that dream-
world in which reality is rather symbolized than stated. But the
symbols mean far more than any obvious "prophecy" since they
disclose the end of all true effort and struggle. The ordeal of
Aeneas is no less an ordeal for being an ordeal of the mind and
spirit, and the revelation of Rome's future no less veracious for
being withdrawn from the cold light of actual day. The impor-
tant thing was for Aeneas to come to terms with himself, to face his
own past (as he had not yet faced it) and to see his future and his
country's future (as he had not yet seen them).
Here we must avoid the fatal error of taking the concept dream
too literally and thus wondering how a man could "dream up"
the Show of Heroes. This is of course meant to be a real reve-
lation: this is Aeneas' vision of his fated future which comes from
far beyond his own imagination. Vergil is not here denying the
reality of fate or its revelation. He is rather trying to express the
cruciality of the experience in which a revived past and a revealed
future come together in the hero's psyche at the moment when
pietas is to be tested in the maius opus toward which all heretofore
has been looking. The dream-atmosphere provides the "dis-
tance " and strangeness needed to justify and color the experienc
In Book 8 the vale of Caere, in which the arms are presented to
Aeneas by Venus, is likewise "off the map" of Aeneas' ordinary
experience: there is even a distant, legendary quality about the
site of Rome as he visits it. The real action takes place by the sea
near Laurentum and the Tiber mouth. Here Vergil uses dis-
tance-the remoteness of Aeneas from the other Trojans-to
achieve an effect of "unreality" or dream-likeness. Similarly in
Book 3 the marvelous-Polydorus, the Harpies, Achaemenides-
is a reflection of the hero's uncertainty, despair, and, above all,
his sense of being lost in a "bad dream" where everything is
vague and uncanny,-a world of monstra and ambiguous portents.
In the case of the underworld "dream" of Aeneas, Vergil is of
course engaged in revealing the future (actually his own present:
Augustus) from the narrative perspective of the legendary past.

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 178 Brooks Otis [1959

Aeneas, ostensibly and for narrative purposes standing in " Hom-

eric time," anticipates "Augustan time." This was necessitated
by Vergil's decision to confine the narrative to the Homeric or
heroic age, thus to avoid the contamination of mythos by aletheia or
historia which he found in Ennius, in other Roman annalistic epic,
or in the historical Greek epic inaugurated by Choerilus.2 But
Vergil's use of prophecy or revelation to introduce Augustus and
his own times was very far from a superficial addition to Homeric
epic.
The Hades-dream of Aeneas, like the shield of Book 8 (or even
the Jupiter-prophecy of Book 1) "succeeds" poetically only
because all the legendary, Homeric or heroic elements of the poem
have already been transmuted from sheerly objective (Homeric)
reality to what is really a subjective and symbolic schema.
Aeneas is not merely shown the future in dream: he is also in waki
reality-in the narrative proper-actingfor the future, giving up
both past and present (Troy, Dido) for the future. This is why (or
mainly why) his peculiar problem of motivation looms so large.
In the Iliad both Achilles and Hector reach a moment of decision
in which they choose death rather than accept a (to them)
destructive loss of self-respect. Achilles cannot permit Hector to
go unpunished even though he knows that his own doom is bound
to Hector's, nor can Hector avoid the conflict with Achilles even
though he correctly foresees its result. In both cases the moti-
vation is unambiguous, passionate, and personal: in Hector's case,
in fact, "patriotism" would seem clearly to point toward the duty
of self-preservation (as his father and mother urged). But
Aeneas must sacrifice this kind of warrior's pride or shame in
interest of something too strange and remote to be clear or
emotionally apprehensible.
Again, the desire to get home-the great nostos motif-must be
sacrificed to the necessity of accepting the loss of home. Dido,
unlike Calypso, is thus really a substitute for home, a relief from
nostalgia, not a major cause of it. Here again the subjective
struggle-the struggle to accept or acquire a new motivation-is
preeminent. All this explains how and why the clarification of the
new, strange goal is essential to the whole plot and design of the
poem. On the one hand Aeneas must outgrow, overcome his
25 The clearest statement of what must have been Vergil's principles on this point
seems to me that of Horace's Ars poetica (esp. 128 f.).

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Vol. xc] Three Problems of Aeneid 6 179

most basic original motivations-which can be defined as Achil-

lean or Hectorean aidos, Odyssean nostos-or any emotive substi-
tute or equivalent for them (Dido); on the other, he must
seize, understand and emotionally appropriate the new Roman
motivation. This is why he must-at the crucial moment of his
career-come to a final confrontation with his past (Troy, Dido)
and a revelation of the future sufficiently vivid to give it motiva-
tional power adequate for the supreme struggle (maius opus).
In such a perspective the vision of the future becomes meaningful
and necessary: without it, it becomes merely a bit of prophecy
stuck on an Homeric anachronism. Most fundamentally then,
the identification of Aeneas' vision as a dream signifies that the
primary struggle and action of the poem (or more exactly of the
Odyssean Aeneid, Books 1-6) is within Aeneas' own consciousness,
not outside it.

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