Rudolf Schindler, Dr. T.P. MArtin House
Rudolf Schindler, Dr. T.P. MArtin House
Rudolf Schindler, Dr. T.P. MArtin House
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Modernism in mud: R. M. Schindler, the Taos Pueblo and a Country Home in Adobe Construction
Albert Narath
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Department of Art History and Archaeology, Columbia University, New York, 10027, USA Available online: 26 Aug 2008
To cite this article: Albert Narath (2008): Modernism in mud: R. M. Schindler, the Taos Pueblo and a Country Home in Adobe Construction, The Journal of Architecture, 13:4, 407-426 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602360802328016
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Modernism in mud: R. M. Schindler, the Taos Pueblo and a Country Home in Adobe Construction
Albert Narath
Introduction
As the king of the Scythians was drawn to the rites of Dionysus in a Greek colony on the Black Sea, so here the wanderers come, hoping to tap into a power more effective than their own. Vincent Scully, Pueblo: Mountain, Village, Dance In a letter to Richard Neutra from the winter of 1920 1921, Rudolf Schindler declares with no uncertainty, When I speak of American architecture I must say at once that there is none. . . The only buildings which testify to the deep feeling for soil on which they stand are the sun-baked adobe buildings of the rst immigrants and their successors Spanish and Mexican in the south-western part of the country.1 Schindler wrote this statement in the rst months after his move to Los Angeles and it refers back to his experience of the vernacular architecture of the upper Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico, during a break in 1915 from his work in Chicago with the ofce of Ottenheimer, Stern and Reichert. By focusing on Schindlers trip to New Mexico and his design for a Country Home in Adobe Construction, completed after his return to Chicago, this essay seeks to uncover the importance of pueblo architecture for Schindlers formulation of the modern house. Through a comparison with Neutras closely related vision of the pueblo, it will also attempt to establish both architects encounters with Taos as prime examples of the complicated and productive interactions between modern architecture and the primitive.
# 2008 The Journal of Architecture
Department of Art History and Archaeology, Columbia University, New York 10027, USA
Modernism in mud
Only then can you stretch naked on the soil and feel it is your real bed, sky [your] only cover. R. M. Schindler, Notes for the Church School Lectures Schindler was, of course, not alone in his enthusiasm for the pueblo. During the second half of the nineteenth century, the extraordinary conuence in the United States of railway travel in the far regions of the West, the improvement of photographic technology and the rise of the discipline of modern scientic anthropology made the pueblo phenomenon a particularly modern one within architectural discourse. Attracted to the formal elegance of iconic views like that of the North House at Taos and the pueblos precarious status as, in Aby Warburgs words, an enclave of primitive pagan humanity in the midst of a country that had made technological culture into an admirable precision weapon, a long list of architects and architectural writers have felt the irresistible pull of the pueblo.2 In the rst detailed study of the pueblo to appear in an architectural journal, the archaeologist Cosmos Mindeleff writes in an 1897 issue of The American Architect and Building News, In an outof-the-way corner of the United States there is a peculiar and distinctively American architecture, which, while much written about, is not well known to architects.3 By stressing the distinctively American nature of the pueblo, Mindeleff enters into the historical debate about whether American
1360-2365 DOI: 10.1080/13602360802328016
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civilisation was original and indigenous, as set forth by Franz Kugler and J. L. Stephens in the 1840s, or whether any portion of it was derived from the Old World.4 For Mindeleff, the pueblo is purely aboriginal in origin, hardly less so in its development.5 Through the pueblos out-of-the-wayness, where seemingly dimensionless terrain and climatic harshness confer on it a feeling of the out-of-date and, thus, authentic, the ephemeral Moki (Hopi) eld shelter illustrated in the article takes on the symbolic resonance of a primitive hut. Second Mesa emerges, in turn, as an American acropolis. For Mindeleff, just as the stone expedients employed in ancient Greek architecture convey a previous history of wood construction, the tectonic clarity of pueblo architecture reveals, in itself, both the cultural traditions of the Puebloans and an autonomous architectural development comparable to that of ancient Greece. In a comparison that Schindler would draw for modern architecture, the pueblos forthright masses have no place in Fergussons denition of architecture as ornamented and ornamental construction.6 They constitute an architecture of pure legibility and mark a union between architecture and nature that is, for Mindeleff, almost incomprehensible to a people whose lives are so largely articial as our own.7 In August, 1915, Schindler embarked upon a sixweek Union Pacic railway tour of the Southwest that would give him rst-hand experience of this American antiquity. In addition to stops in San Francisco, Santa Barbara, Los Angeles, San Gabriel, San Diego and the Grand Canyon, the journey included visits to Santa Fe and, before his return to Chicago by the end of September, Taos.
Schindlers time in New Mexico was originally intended as a visit to the painter Victor Higgins, whom he met during frequent gure-drawing sessions at the Palette and Chisel Club in Chicago.8 After winning the Clubs Gold Medal for his oneman show in May, 1913, Higgins and a fellow Club member, Walter Ufer, were sent by Chicagos Mayor, Carter H. Harrison, who had himself visited the Rio Grande Valley in 1914, to paint scenes at the pueblos of San Juan and Taos. Higgins arrived in Taos on Thanksgiving Day, 1914 and quickly became an important member of the Taos Society of Artists and an outspoken advocate for the aesthetic pleasures of the areas natural and cultural setting. In his invitation letter to Schindler written from Taos on 30th July, 1915, Higgins suggests: Taos is a very ne place the layout of the pueblos and one of the most Indian in character. The pueblo runs four and ve stories high and if the primitive appeals to you, you will be delighted.9 The primitiveness of Taos was tied, for Higgins, to its apparent timelessness. He declares in a 1917 report, There is in the mind of every member of the Taos art colony the knowledge that here is the oldest of American civilizations. The manners and customs and style of architecture are the same today as they were before Christ was born.10 Transferring the Taos Societys general mistrust of imported subject matter and technique in painting to architecture, Higgins concludes that the pueblo is the only naturally American architecture in the nation today and that its strong primitive appeal calls out the side of art that is not derivative.11 Schindlers numerous informal sketches of architecture in northern New Mexico emphasise the
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Figure 1. R. M. Schindler, Sketch of a Taos House, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.)
undecorated surfaces and picturesque outline generated by adobe form (Fig. 1). Similarly to Higginss paintings of the streetscapes, courtyards and houses around Taos, the sketches also convey the visual relationships at Taos between architecture and the surrounding high desert landscape, as well as the intimate material connection between adobe buildings and the earth. They are often generated with a quick, almost Secessionist line recalling Schindlers studies of nudes from the Palette and Chisel Club and, even more directly, depictions by Wagnerschuler at the turn of the twentieth century of architecture from the similarly sun-touched landscapes of the Austrian Riviera, Sicily and the Gulf of Naples.12
Armed with a Kodak Vest Pocket camera, Schindler also assembled an extensive body of photographs during his 1915 trip.13 The seventyve images in his albums related to the Taos Pueblo, together with pictures of Higginss studio, the Palace of the Governors in Santa Fe, the Ranchos de Taos church, the wide expanse of the Rio Grande plain and Schindler himself on horseback (Fig. 2), constitute by far the largest section of photographs devoted to a particular stage of the journey. The pictures range from individual architectural details to scenes with the pueblo as a whole set against the upward thrust of the Sangre de Cristo range beyond. There are also numerous
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Figure 2. R. M. Schindler on Horseback, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.) Figure 3. R. M. Schindler, photograph at the Taos Pueblo, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.)
snapshots of the pueblos inhabitants as well as pictures of the entire community covering the North House during the pueblo races on the Festival of San Geronimo (Figs. 3, 4). Schindlers photographic evocation of Taos has every sign of an architectural study. In addition to the characteristics of adobe construction conveyed in his sketches, the pictures record the dynamic interplay of the pueblos masses and the bold patterns of light and shade that arise from them (Fig. 5). This extensive documentation provided direct inspiration for Schindlers own design in Autumn,
1915, for a Country Home in Adobe Construction in Taos for Dr Thomas Paul Martin (Fig. 6). Martin arrived in Taos in the 1890s as the countys only doctor and Schindler met him through Higgins. Martins sister Rose was married to the painter Bert Geer Phillips, one of the founding members of the Taos Society of Artists. The rst meeting of the Society took place in the living room of Martins house at the Taos plaza on 1st July, 1915, just before Schindlers arrival in New Mexico. Although unexecuted, the Martin House project survives as a detailed plan and a group of nely executed renderings with both exterior and interior views (Fig. 7). Organised around a central court inspired by both Wagnerschule planning and local hacienda architecture, the house includes a formal front pond, dining room, living room, billiard room, quarters for guests ` and servants, porte-cochere, chicken coop, pig sty and stables.14 The Martin House celebrates the thick, almost sculpted earth walls of the areas Hispanic and Native building traditions. In a letter to Martin of 14th December, 1915 that accompanied the drawings, Schindler insists: The whole building is to be carried out with the most expressive materials Taos can furnish, to give it the deepest possible rooting in the soil which has to bear it. . .15 Features like the houses buttress-dened front porch, the exterior entrances to the living room and billiard room, the deep reveals of the slit windows and what David Gebhard has described as the exterior mud-like glob of the living room replace would connect the house, both physically and symbolically, to the earth that gives structure to the nearby mountains and pueblo (Fig. 8).16 In contrast to Frank Lloyd
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Figure 4. R. M. Schindler, photograph of San Geronimo Day Foot races, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.)
Wrights depiction, in his Autobiography, of the Indians who literally carried away his ephemeral Ocatilla Camp in Arizona (Yes, he writes, the Navajo Indians carried it all away. . .17), Schindler envisions the sedentary communities and building practices of the Pueblo Indians as a model of almost phenomenological rootedness. In Schindlers presentation drawing of the front of the house, dotted lines emphasise the sloping surfaces and hand-hewn irregularity of its adobe forms, an effect which is accentuated through the buildings softened and distorted reection in the front pond (Fig. 9). Like the piles of stones and
pieces of earth resting next to a Taos house that Schindler recorded in one of his sketches, the ripples in the water of the reecting pool testify to the unrelenting erosional forces of the high desert.18 Adobe mediates between the domestic scale of the Martin House and the sublime magnitude of the northern New Mexico landscape, a terrain that is itself an architecture shaped by the forces of re and water and the unremitting sculptural touch of wind. In his letter to Martin, Schindler notes: The house to be built in one of the vast plains of the West, has to reach the scale of the landscape. . . For this reason, the house will be a low
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Figure 5. R. M. Schindler, photograph of the Taos Pueblo, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, Univervsity Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.) Figure 6. R. M. Schindler: photograph of Dr T.P. Martin, Taos, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.).
stretched mass of adobe walls, with a rather severe expression for the outside.19 In a context where the
physical dimension of the Rio Grande Plain takes on the aesthetic abstractness of a geometric plane, Schindler conceives of an architecture that is commensurate with the perceptual demands of the high desert. In another presentation drawing, Schindler sets a side view of the house in the midst of a landscape that, if not for a stylised juniper bush and white-hued cloud, is utterly void of dimension (Fig. 10). The horizontal stretch of the house, reminiscent of Wrights description of the desert as linear, well-armed and abstract, emerges with an almost geological prole. Like the nearby pueblo, it takes on the natural tectonics of the desert at large.
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Figure 7. R. M. Schindler, plan for Dr T. P. Martin House, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.) Figure 8. R. M. Schindler, courtyard, Dr T. P. Martin House, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.)
Importantly, Schindlers reverie in mud stops short of revival. He insists in the letter to Dr. Martin:
The building has to show that it is conceived by a head of the twentieth century and that it has to serve a man which is not dressed in an old Spanish uniform.20 Well before Schindlers visit to New Mexico, the striking formal interplay of the pueblos masses became integral to the foundation of a kind of modern regional pueblo style, a phenomenon that Wright would later characterise with disparagement as the Yankee-Hopi house.21 In projects like A. C. Schweinfurths 1894 design for a hotel near Montalvo, California, his grand 1895 1896 Hacienda for William Randolph and Phoebe Apperson Hearst, Mary Colters 1905 Grand Canyon Hopi House and, directly inuenced by Mindeleffs articles, E. B. Cristys 1905 1906 designs for the
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Figure 9. R. M. Schindler, exterior, Dr T. P. Martin House, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.) Figure 10. R. M. Schindler, exterior view, Dr T. P. Martin House, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.)
Boiler Plant and two dormitories at the University of New Mexico, the aesthetic clarity of pueblo form satised an urge, growing out of Arts and Crafts values and the Mission revival, for regional sensitivity and an honest architectural idiom. Cristys Kwataka Hall appears in the nal section of Richard Neutras 1927 book Wie Baut Amerika?, nished while Neutra was living at Schindlers house in Los Angeles. The dormitory is accompanied by illustrations of the Taos Pueblo (taken by Schindler on his trip, but not credited in the book), the Siwa Oasis in Egypt, Lloyd Wrights 1923 Oasis Hotel in Palm Springs and, source and end point of them all, the primitive desert landscape of the West. For Neutra, this constellation
of references illustrates one side of a ubiquitous Romanticism that coincides with the development of modern construction in the United States. Differing, however, from the gothicised towers of Charles Klauders 1926 Cathedral of Learning in Pittsburgh, which arise, for Neutra, from the quotation of recognised historical styles, interest in adobe form-making reaches back to original conditions and stems from a bucolic reaction to the ornatenesses of eclecticism and of urban existence.22 Like Schindler, Neutra was well aware of the derivative compulsion by architects to dress up university buildings or a steel-built home so that they appear like so much piled-up adobe.23 Rather than Romantic reaction, Neutras vision of Taos,
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formulated from Schindlers accounts and his own 1925 and 1939 trips through New Mexico, ultimately emphasised the Pueblos modernness. Neutras 1930 book Amerika begins with a series of Bestimmungsstucke that anchor his subsequent description of architecture in the United States. Bracketed by Edward Westons photographs of a pulquera and a circus tent, the section contains pictures of the ruins of El Rito de los Frijoles at Bandelier, a Hopi village, the cliff-dwelling at Betatakin in north-eastern Arizona and, on a facing page, a view of the side-elevation of the San Jose de Gracia Church at Las Trampas.24 The photographs of Bandelier, Betatakin and Las Trampas were taken by Willard D. Morgan, a critic, photographer and early member of the Museum of Modern Art photography department.25 In the caption to the picture of Betatakin, Neutra writes, Original [Ursprunglicher] Cubism in North America, in most cases more clear than in Europe.26 As accentuated through Morgans own modernist eye, the Kubenformen of the cliff-dwelling and the Lehmkubus of Las Trampas were not only connected to the vernacular architecture of other primitive cultures, but also to the play of building masses in Manhattan and the formal language of the modern movement in Europe. Although Neutra could still admit in 1912 that he knew nothing of the then-current Cubists, and had only a slight inkling later of the Futurists in Milan, his positioning of primitive architecture as an unconscious aesthetic source of Cubism, almost commonplace by the publication of Amerika, is closely linked to the complex debates concerning the transposition of Cubism from painting into architecture that took
place in Europe before his move to the United States in 1923.27 Even though the heavy, earth-born masses of the pueblo, more accurately described as cubic than Cubist, preclude any associations with the categories of transparency, dematerialisation and simultaneity popularised by Sigfried Giedion, their generally planar surfaces and seemingly Platonic geometry were easily assimilated into mantras about purity and universal form deployed in architectural analyses of cubist form-making during these years. For the Dutch architect J.J.P. Oud, perhaps the most inuential interpreter of Cubism and Futurism from within architecture during the 1910s, the intellectual afnity between architecture and Neo-Plasticism in painting made the plane, and along with it the right angle and a tendency towards three-dimensionality, the basis for what he called a new a-historical classicism.28 For the critic Adolf Behne, who concluded his 1922 publication Hollandische Baukunst in der Gegenwart with a celebration of Ouds architecture, this classicism was directly related to Cubisms primitiveness. In his 1919 book Die Wiederkehr der Kunst, Behne compares the fundamental and absolute qualities of Cubism to non-European architecture and to the art of children and primitives.29 In projects like Ouds 19171919 staircase for the De Vonk Holiday Hostel and his 1917 design for the Strandboulevard at Scheveningen, cubic forms that would soon haunt Neutra during his visit to the Southwest are derived from a spatial conception indebted to Berlage and Wright. While Ouds introduction to Wright signalled a possible synthesis
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with Cubism, Neutras rst exposure to the Wasmuth Portfolio reminded him of the ancient culture of Native America. It was, for Neutra, just like seeing pictures of houses for people in another world. He imagined the Pampas of Argentina, but still inhabited by red Indians, with tepees as a backdrop, and in the distance a thundering herd of bison.30 As with Schindler before him, Neutras European formation governed his encounter with Wright, his introduction to the pueblo and his understanding of architectural development in the United States. Soon after his arrival in New York, Neutra viewed the Southwestern dioramas at the Museum of Natural History. Inspired by the experience, he wrote in a letter to his wife Dione that in their construction of an agglomeration of building cubes, the Puebloans were the people who inuenced the modern Californian building activity.31 In Amerika, the pueblo and cliff dwelling preface an historical narrative of architecture that includes Daniel Burnham, Louis Sullivan, J.W. Root, Wright, Gill, Schindler and, culminating around Morgans construction photographs of the Lovell Health House, Neutra himself. Schindler too had planned a book on American building by 1920, based in part on material he gathered while working in Chicago. Although the project never came to fruition, no doubt owing in part to Neutras more ambitious inclination in publishing Wie Baut Amerika?, Schindlers approach to the subject remained consistent over the course of his career. In a 1940 letter to Janet Henrich at the Museum of Modern Art, Schindler suggests: Why not make a study of the modern movement in this country, starting with its local foundation apparent
in home made barns, icehouses, pueblos, etc. . .32 While Schindler recognised the pueblos supercial aesthetic afnities with European modernism, his own vision of architecture at Taos emphasised its connection to local conditions.33 This becomes clear in Schindlers appreciation of Irving Gill, whose 1909 G.W. Simmons House, 1912 1914 La Jolla Womans Club and, while it was under construction, Dodge House, Schindler saw during his trip.34 Both Schindler and Neutra considered Gill a pioneer of American modernism comparable in signicance to Wright. Gills precociously unadorned houses maintained an uncanny resonance, at least on the exterior, with the aesthetic formation of modern architecture in Europe, especially in the contemporaneous work of Schindler and Neutras teacher, and fellow American traveller, Adolf Loos. This afnity, however vaguely dened, was not lost on American authors. In a 1915 Sunset article, Bertha Smith describes the 1911 1913 Banning House as Californias rst cubist house. It is, at the same time, a simple, beautiful, useful house that has a Made-in-America look about it.35 In its clear organisation, at roof and crisp, white, planar walls, the Banning House signalled the vitality of an indigenous American modernism. Gill himself articulated this vision in the pages of The Craftsman. In a 1916 article, he argues that architects must return to the source of all architectural strength the straight line, the arch, the cube and the circle and drink from these fountains of Art that gave life to the great men of old.36 These great men of old surely included the Puebloans, whose works Gill had carefully studied.
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Gills Dodge House would become a central ingredient in Schindlers design for his own house in Kings Road, built from 1921 1922 and located just across the street. More, however, than a question of formal afnity alone, connections to Gill and the pueblo at Kings Road are revealed in the houses robust concrete tilt-slabs. As Reyner Banham noted, The technique was Irving Gills in that part of the world, but the inspiration was the adobe houses that Schindler had seen in New Mexico.37 Although Schindlers tilt-slab technique differs in important ways from the principles of adobe construction employed for generations at Taos, the materiality, massiveness and close connection to ground essential to both systems reinforced Schindlers interest in basic forms, contextual sensitivity and, ultimately, the primitive idea of shelter. In its intimate relationship with the ancient landscape of Taos, the Martin House suggested, for Schindler, the very beginnings of architecture as such. In his most detailed discussion of architecture before his 1915 trip, a hand-written 1912 or 1913 manuscript entitled Modern Architecture: A Program, Schindler begins: The cave was the original dwelling. A hollow adobe pile was the rst permanent house. To build meant to gather and mass material. . . The technique of architect and sculptor were similar.38 Reminding Schindler later of his own experience in 1911 in one of the earthbound peasant cottages on top of a mountain pass in Syria, whose walls were plastered over by groping hands, the rst house emerges as an outgrowth of the archetype of the cave, its sculptural mass derived mimetically from the earth-shaping produced in the cave by natural forces.39
Schindler makes clear, however, that the model of the plastically shaped material mass, dominating architectural creation until the twentieth century, was antithetical to the future development of what he called space architecture. With reference to the Syrian cottage, Schindler recollects Stooping through the doorway of the bulky, spreading house, I looked up into the sunny sky. Here I saw the real medium of architecture Space.40 The contrast between massive adobe walls and overarching New Mexico sky depicted in Schindlers plans for the Martin House suggests an analogous scene. This has led authors to dismiss the project as either a romantic pilgrimage back in architectural time or the product of Schindlers deliberate exploration of the limits imposed on architectural expression by the adobe model.41 Despite the Martin Houses expression of loadbearing, mud-piled weight, Schindlers plan for the project grew directly out of his emerging conception of modern architectural space. The nely modulated relationship between the houses living room, dining room and billiard room is indebted both to Loos, as eventually formulated in his Raumplan, and to Wright, as illustrated in several Wasmuth Portfolio projects and his Home in a Prairie Town for the Ladies Home Journal in 1901.42 The somewhat incongruous interplay of elements at the Martin House suggests a catalogue of inuences that would come to mark Schindlers particular conception of the modern house. In a 1968 article entitled Ambiguity in the Work of R. M. Schindler, written on the wave of Venturis Complexity and Contradiction, Gebhard describes the Martin House as a tension between New Mexico folk-like irregularity and picturesqueness,
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Wagnerian and Wrightian symmetry, and Loosian Raumplan, with geometric forms that are more abstract than folk. For Gebhard, it was this schizoid impurity, detectable also in projects like the 1922 1926 Lovell Beach House, which set Schindler apart from his fellow pioneers and famously earned Hitchcock and Johnsons wrath.43 Schindlers disparate sources are, however, all linked to an alternative model of architectural beginnings. Less than a year after his return from Taos, Schindler gave an ambitious series of twelve lectures on architecture at the Church School of Design in Chicago. The surviving lecture notes make multiple references to Gottfried Sempers idea of architectural space as developed in The Four Elements of Architecture and the rst volume of Style. For Semper, the beginning of building coincides with the beginning of textiles. The art of the wall tter, originating in the weaving of mats and carpets but later achieved through substitute materials, was the primitive technique whose product, supported by the scaffold of the wall, formally represents and makes visible enclosed space. In a particularly creative reading, Schindler suggests in a note to a section devoted to Form Creation dealing with polychromy in ancient Greek architecture, that adobe is an example of such a facing, as he calls the textile motive.44 As Schindler would have observed during his visit to New Mexico and as Neutra later recollects in Survival Through Design, the earth walls of pueblos like Taos are continually resurfaced with new coats of mud by village women in an act of ritual maintenance.45 In addition to their other practical and symbolic functions, the Martin Houses adobe walls signify,
for Schindler, the primitive motive of spatial enclosure. Through the texture of adobe, they determine, by extension, the creation of the room. Corresponding to his statement in the Church School lectures that Space is the material of arch[itecture], room its formed product, Schindler insists in his letter to Dr Martin that he does not believe in the architect who decorates elevations, but in the one who conceives rooms.46 The Martin House stages an investigation into primitive space forms, where, in a formulation that Schindler would arrive at later, a simple weave of a few materials articulates space into rooms.47 Rather than the more literal connection drawn by Lionel March between Schindlers 1918 plan for a log house and Sempers Urhutte (based on the anthropological model of the Caraib hut from Trinidad that Semper saw at the 1851 Great Exhibition in London), the Martin House shows Schindlers growing interest not only in specic architectural models, but also in the creative potential of the spatial motive itself.48 Schindler also links the adobe of the Martin House to the ancient art of pottery. The walls of the Taos Pueblo are hand-shaped, as Vincent Scully observed, out of wet clay, laid up in handfuls by the women and patted and smoothed as in the shaping of a pot.49 For Semper, pots are not only the oldest and most eloquent of historical documents, but also the only art works that can claim to be as ancient and as continuously integral to architecture as weaving. In The Four Elements of Architecture, Semper argues that the oldest ornaments were derived either from entwining and knotting materials or with the nger on soft clay. Ceramics relates to the moral element of architecture, embo-
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died in the hearth. It is around the hearth that the three other elements of architecture enclosure, mound and roof are organised and around it that the rst groups assembled, the rst alliances formed and the customs of a cult developed for the rst time. Semper notes, man, not as an individual but certainly as a social being, arose from the plains as the last mud-creation [Schlamm-schop fung]. At the Martin House, these archaic events, rehearsed still in calendrical rituals like the San Geronimo festivities and the Corn Dance, take their place around the hearth in the form of a collection. According to Schindlers letter, the houses grand replace, perched three steps above the living room and measuring 24 feet in length and 8 feet in depth, would give Dr Martin ample opportunity to display tastefully his Indian collection, an impressive array of artworks and artefacts acquired over the course of twenty-ve years living in Taos.50 As with Frank Mead and Richard Reques 1914 La Jolla, California Hopi House project for Wheeler Bailey, the notion of collecting becomes a central, even architectural, part of the house.51 Although Schindler did not provide images of the replace, one of the projects interior renderings depicts a large pot, inspired perhaps by the designs of the San Idelfonso potter Maria Martinez (one of whose works appears in Schindlers photograph of Dr Martin in Figure 6 above), sitting on top of a low shelf beside a builtin seating alcove (Fig. 11). In addition, the houses plan includes what appears to be a three-stripe Navajo rug, coloured bright red and black, leading up the stepped rise from the living room towards the hearth area (see Figure 6 above). The circular
Figure 11. R. M. Schindler, interior perspective, Dr T. P. Martin House, 1915. (Rudolph M. Schindler Collection, Architecture & Design Collection, University Art Museum, U.C. Santa Barbara.)
outline of another pot sits on top of it. In addition to their decorative roles, these objects stand, like the Martin House hearth itself, for the ancient techniques of ceramics and weaving, symbols for the primitive origins of modern architectural space. The objects also situate the project within a cultural tension that constitutes the active realm of the collector and, at a more general level, the proximity in Taos of the distance of Pueblo culture. The house ensures what James Clifford has called a proper relationship with its primitive objects and inuences.52 As opposed to a savage or deviant relationship based, as Clifford describes, in idolatry, erotic xation or fetishism fantasies of
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a merging with alterity the collection is displayed, in Schindlers word, tastefully. It is organised and observed according to its aesthetic structure. Like the carpets and trinkets that lled Loos 1907 apartment tours and the advertisements of Das Andere, the Martin House and its system of objects constitute a meditation on modern capitalistic culture that is grounded in the bourgeois interior. As Banham noted about Schindler, There is very little sign that he ever felt any strong need to kick the bourgeoisie up the crotch.53 In the letter to Dr Martin, Schindler envisions the house, stemming once again from Wright, as a frame for a man in which to enjoy life through his culture. . .54 Rather than a frame for the re-enactment or preservation of native tradition, however, Schindler intends the house to provide a stage for Martins culture. At the same time that he utilises native architectural forms and artistic objects to anchor the Martin House in its unique surroundings, Schindler incorporates them into a polemic that has less to do with romantic ight than with the conditions of modernity. When Schindler suggests in his letter to Dr Martin that the house has to serve a man which is not dressed in an old Spanish uniform, he is not only critiquing the masquerading facade-architecture of the pueblo and Spanish revivals, but also recognising Martins and his own place within the complex and historically charged cultural dynamics of Taos. This might help to explain Schindlers remarkable uninterest in the simulacra of the Taos Pueblo constructed at the Grand Canyon exhibit at the San Francisco PanPacic Exposition and at the Painted Desert Exhibit at the San Diego Panama-California Exposition,
both of which he undoubtedly saw directly before his arrival in New Mexico. The Grand Canyon exhibit was sponsored by the Santa Fe Railway and the Fred Harvey Company as part of their promotion campaign for tourism in the Southwest. It included a scale model of the Grand Canyon viewed from Pullman railroad cars carrying visitors along the rim. As visitors were taken past the Canyon and a pueblo village lled with Acoma potters, Navajo silversmiths, a weavers grotto and dance performances, women dressed in Navajo costume provided narration. The Painted Desert Exhibit, conceived by the same sponsors, was even larger and more ambitious. It included ceremonial kivas, hornos (beehive-shaped outdoor ovens), Navajo Hogans, Apache tipis, a balloon-frame and plaster-constructed cliff-dwelling and copies of the Acoma and Taos pueblos designed by the Fred Harvey Company architect Mary Colter. Starting with Maria Martinez and her extended family, more than one hundred Apache, Hopi, Navajo and Pueblo Indians were hired to construct and inhabit the Pueblo, sell artwork and perform dances for the visiting public. As the exhibits brochure suggests, this heterogeneous array of people and structures was meant to represent conditions in the provinces of New Mexico and Arizona from before the arrival of Spaniards in the sixteenth century and continuing to the present day. The Taos Pueblo in particular was celebrated as one of the best preserved examples of antiquity so far as architecture is concerned.55 Unlike the Santa Fe architects Rapp, Rapp and Hendricksons New Mexico State Building, which in its direct reference to the church at the
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Acoma Pueblo recreated the constructions of Pueblo Indians under the direction of Franciscan missionaries, the San Diego version of the Taos Pueblo evoked an architecture untainted by foreign inuence. For Nusbaum, the Painted Desert was, therefore, not an Exposition pueblo, but just such a pueblo as Indians build themselves, only a little better and more typical.56 Despite Schindlers fascination with the purity, rootedness and apparent historical constancy of adobe architecture, his vision of the Taos Pueblos cultural context was one of hybridity rather than the fantasy of a singular timeless essence or type. Starting with Juan de Onates efforts to colonise the upper Rio Grande at the end of the sixteenth century and punctuated by conicts like the Pueblo Revolts of 1680 and 1696, and Don Diego de Vargass military reconquest of New Mexico in 1693, Taos played a central role in the historically close and often uneasy relationship in the area between Puebloans and the Spanish. In more recent years, waves of outside inuence at Taos included French traders, Plains Indians and, eventually, Anglo settlers and artists. Despite the Pueblos remarkable ability to retain a large degree of cultural autonomy in the face of these external pressures, an accomplishment celebrated and sometimes exaggerated by travellers to the area, Taos was, by Martins arrival, a hybrid space where the territory between one culture and another and between modernity and pre-modern tradition was continually negotiated. This was nowhere more clearly displayed than at the Pueblos San Geronimo Day festival. The dances and races that contributed to the festival
were far from pure cultural artefacts rooted in the deep past. San Geronimo Day started as an Autumn trading festival where neighbouring tribes gathered, but the occasion was quickly institutionalised by the Spanish as a celebration of the Taos Pueblos patron saint. Following an evening mass, the performance of a sun dance and a procession under the image of Saint Jerome, the festival included morning foot races in which one side of the Pueblo competed against the other and an afternoon of clowns and pole climbing in the centre of the Pueblo grounds. In an 1898 issue of Harpers magazine, the painter and Taos Society co-founder Ernest Blumenschein labelled the event a strange mixture of barbarism and Christianity. By the turn of the twentieth century, San Geronimo Day had become a popular tourist spectacle with thousands of onlookers crowding the streets and rooftops of the Pueblo in order to watch the native dances and, with similar wonder, each other. This phenomenon led one author to describe the festival in 1903 as a good place to witness the passing of the old and the coming of the new.57 In a particularly symptomatic scene, Martin himself arrived in the middle of the 1900 San Geronimo Day celebrations seated on top of his car. His vehicle glided in and out of the crowd and halted directly in front of the Pueblos North House. As reported in the Santa Fe New Mexican, It was the automobiles rst appearance at a San Geronimo feast, and the splendid little machine was the wonder and admiration of the moment. . . Almost immediately scores of kodak ends were on the alert to catch a snap shot at the auto, the crowd and the big mud houses of the Indians.58
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Schindler was sure to include Martins famous car, alongside a horse-drawn carriage, in his plan for the Martin House garage (see Figure 6 above). He was, after all, just such a kodak end. In a series of photographs in his album, Schindler depicts scenes of the San Geronimo Day foot races with throngs of spectators, clothed mostly in dresses and suits, lining the terraces and rooftops of the North House in order to witness the action (see Figure 4 above). Departing from Schindlers architectural studies of Taos, the subject matter and particular framing of these images are far from unique. They have the unmistakable look of a picture postcard. Schindler approached the pueblo and its people with a gaze that was touristic just as much as it was, narrowly speaking, architectural. This is conrmed in his portraits of individual members of the Taos Pueblo. On the back of one photograph, Schindler writes, fremde Indianer (see Figure 3 above). With its connotations of, at once, strange, foreign and exotic, Schindlers label not only expresses a romanticised notion of the remoteness of the Puebloans, but also indicates his perception of the space between his culture and theirs. The hybrid character of the Martin House, also reecting Martins own position within the complex cultural dynamics of Taos, provided Schindler with a framework within which the continual negotiation at the pueblo between familiar dichotomies, like outsider and insider, self and other, and modernity and tradition, could be extended to a more general meditation on the position of modern architecture within the contrasting dimensions, in the tradition of Ferdinand Tonnies, of Civilization and Kultur. Schindlers interest in the pueblo, intensied through
Taoss close proximity to, and even inseparability from, the consumerism, mass culture and industrial production of an almost ubiquitous Amerikanismus, emerges as a response, in the midst of America, to the forces of production that govern the unchecked development of technological society and the buildings that issue from it. Reecting his letter to Dr Martin, Schindler argues, Mere instruments of production can never serve as a frame of life.59 Whereas, for Schindler, the product of the engineer is entirely civilisatory, the architect is both the child and creator of a culture. The architects source is the life character of a group nationally, racially, or locally dened, a source emitting a subtle unconscious inuence to which he is forced to submit.60 Taos was, for Schindler, just such a source. By submitting, however tastefully, to the pull of the pueblo, conceived in part as the fantasy of a rst, and thus metaphysically privileged, American modern architecture, Schindler began to lay the groundwork for a vision of architecture that would set him apart from many of his fellow pioneers. In its investigation of space forms and the architects relationship to the cultural and economic forces of modernity, The Martin House played a central role in Schindlers personal and architectural development. After all, as Schindler noted after his return from Taos, Christ and Buddha did not go to see the Grand Canyon to nd himself [sic] he went into the desert.61
Acknowledgements
This essay would not have been possible without the help of Kurt Helfrich at the R. M. Schindler archive and the pioneering work on Schindler in New
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Mexico by David Gebhard. Special thanks also to Michelangelo Sabatino for his efforts in bringing these papers together.
12. Schindler would have learned about the indigenous domestic architecture of southern Italy and the Austrian Riviera during his student years in Vienna under Otto Wagner from 1910 1913. Starting with Joseph Maria Olbrich in 1894 and including Josef Hoffmann from 1895 1896, Emil Hoppe from 1901 1902 and Wunibald Deininger from 1902 1903, a succession of Wagnerschuler forwent customary atelier arrangements in Rome during their prize tenures in order to explore, like Karl Friedrich Schinkel and a host of others before them, the formal sincerity and idiomatic simplicity of Mediterranean buildings. 13. Schindlers photograph albums are held at the R. M. Schindler Archive. For a detailed discussion of Schindlers photography, see E. Lutz, R. M. Schindler and the Photography of the American Scene, 1914 1918, Visual Resources, 21 (December, 2005), pp. 305 328 and The Architects Eye: R. M. Schindler and his Photography, doctoral dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, 2004. 14. Schindler exhibited a oor plan and renderings of the houses front porch and interior court at the thirteenth annual architecture exhibit for the Chicago Architectural Club, held at the Art Institute of Chicago from 529th April, 1917. In addition to its listing in the exhibition catalogue, the Martin House was illustrated with a view of the court in a section of the April, 1917 issue of Western Architect devoted to the exhibition. 15. Letter from Schindler to Dr T. P. Martin, Chicago, Illinois, 14th December, 1915: R. M. Schindler Archive, Architecture and Design Collection, University Art Museum, University of California, Santa Barbara. 16. D. Gebhard, R. M. Schindler in New Mexico, 1915, New Mexico Architecture (January February, 1965), p. 18. 17. F. L. Wright, An Autobiography (New York, Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1943), p. 311.
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18. This play of elements is, after all, one of the things that drew Schindler to New Mexico. After his return to Chicago, Schindler recalled the effect of a wall mutilated by the rain and concluded, That is why people go and see the old towns of Europe and the pueblos and mission churches of the West. R. M. Schindler, Church School Lecture, XII, 2: R. M. Schindler Archive. 19. Letter from Schindler to Dr T. P. Martin, op. cit. 20. Ibid. 21. F. L. Wright, An Autobiography, op. cit., p. 309. 22. R. J. Neutra, Wie Baut Amerika? (Stuttgart, J. Hoffman, 1927), p. 77. The afnity between pueblo architecture and native building traditions from similarly arid regions of the world highlights, for Neutra, the universality of adobe form-making. See also C. Mindeleff, Native Architecture in Africa and New Mexico, Scientic American, 79:20 (12th November, 1898), p. 313. 23. R. Neutra, Survival Through Design (New York, Oxford University Press, 1954), p. 65. 24. Below the picture of Las Trampas, Neutra includes illustrations of two neo-classical houses built around 1800 one in Monterey, California and the other for an American consul in the Mexican province of Upper California. Alongside the architecture of the pueblo, the simplicity and regularity of these houses are undoubtedly connected, for Neutra, to the unied artistic culture, grounded in burgerlich classicism and the Biedermeier, represented by the phrase um 1800 and celebrated by modern architects like Ludwig Mies van der Rohe. 25. Together with his wife Barbara, famous for her photographs of the Martha Graham Company and other innovators in modern dance, Morgan attended Neutras lecture course at the Academy of Modern Art in 1929 and conducted extensive photographic studies of California projects by Gill, Wright, and Neutra. He worked collaboratively with Neutra on the illustrations for Amerika.
26. R. J. Neutra, Amerika, die stilbildung des neuen bauens in den Vereinigten Staaten (Vienna, A. Schroll, 1930). 27. Quoted in T. S. Hines, Richard Neutra and the Search for Modern Architecture (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 1415. 28. J. J. P. Oud, Over Cubisme, futurisme, moderne bouwkunst, enz., Bouwkundig Weekblad, 37:20 (1916), pp. 156 157: translated in, E. Taverne, C. Wagenaar, M. de Vletter, eds, Poetic Functionalist: J.J.P. Oud, 1890 1963: The Complete Works (Rotterdam, NAi Publishers, 2001), pp. 169 170. 29. A. Behne, Die Wiederkehr der Kunst (Leipzig, K. Wolff, 1919). See D. Mertins, Anything but Literal: Sigfried Giedion and the Reception of Cubism in Germany, in, E. Blau and N. J. Troy, eds, Architecture and Cubism, op. cit., pp. 219 251. 30. J.J.P. Oud, Der Einuss von Frank Lloyd Wright auf die Architektur Europas, in Hollandische Architektur (Mainz, Florian Kupferberg, 1976); R. Neutra, Life and Shape (New York, Appleton-Century Crofts, 1962), p. 173. 31. Letter from Neutra to Dione Neutra, New York, November, 1923: quoted in, D. Neutra, ed., Richard Neutra, Promise and Fulllment, 1919 1932: Selections from the Letters and Diaries of Richard and Dione Neutra (Carbondale and Edwardsville, Southern Illinois University Press, 1986), p. 101. 32. Letter from Schindler to Janet Henrich at the Museum of Modern Art, 6th April, 1940: quoted in J. Sheine, R. M. Schindler (London and New York, Phaidon Press, 2001), p. 257. 33. For Schindler, In the main work which is generally called modernistic is an architectural backwash of the several movements of modern art in Europe, such as futurism, cubism, etc. . . They limit themselves, like a painting or a piece of music, to an expression of the present with all its interesting short-comings.: R. M. Schindler, Space Architecture, op. cit., p. 50.
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34. Schindler also saw Gills Administration Building, covered by Goodhue with Rococo ornamentation, during his visit to the San Diego Exposition. 35. B. Smith, Californias First Cubist House, Sunset (August, 1915), p. 368. 36. I. Gill, The Home of the Future: The New Architecture of the West: Small Homes for a Great Country, in, B. Sanders, ed., The Craftsman: An Anthology (Santa Barbara and Salt Lake City, Peregrine Smith, 1978), p. 309. 37. R. Banham, Rudolph Schindler: Pioneering without Tears, Architectural Design, 37 (December, 1967), p. 579. 38. R. M. Schindler, Modern Architecture: A Program, republished in A. Sarnitz, R. M. Schindler, Architect, 1887 1953, op. cit., p. 42: Schindler also discusses adobe and ancient architecture in his notes for the 1916 Church School Lectures. 39. R. M. Schindler, Space Architecture, Dune Forum (February, 1934), op. cit. 40. Ibid., p. 44. 41. See L. March, Log House, Urhutte and Temple, in, L. March and J. Sheine, eds, RM Schindler: Composition and Construction (London, Academy Editions, 1993) and J. Sheine, R. M. Schindler, op. cit. 42. Indeed, upon receiving the Portfolio shortly after its publication in 1910 from a librarian in Vienna, Schindler even declared Wright the rst architect. Schindler helped to introduce Wright to pueblo architecture after starting work in his ofce in 1918. For the importance of Native American traditions for Wright, see N. Levine, The Architecture of Frank Lloyd Wright (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. 185 189. 43. D. Gebhard, Ambiguity in the Work of R. M. Schindler, Lotus, 5 (1968), pp. 106121. 44. Schindlers note reads, All classic archdecoratif facings (struct. Material disappears - dematierialized) facing applied (inuence of use of textiles?) adobe,
48. 49.
50.
51.
52.
etc. (see Semper).: R. M. Schindler, Church School Lecture, op. cit., X, 1. Schindler also refers to Semper in a discussion of facings in X, 2. R. Neutra, Survival Through Design, op. cit., pp. 6768. Letter from Schindler to Dr T. P. Martin, op. cit. Emphasis added: R. M. Schindler, Furniture and the Modern House: A Theory of Interior Design, Architect and Engineer, 123 and 124 (December, 1935 and March, 1936), pp. 22 25 and 24 28. See L. March, Log House, Urhutte and Temple, op. cit., pp. 102 113. V. Scully, Pueblo: Mountain, Village, Dance (Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press, 1989), p. 48. The complete sentence reads, The center part of the room lays on a lower level than the entry, (third sketch), and the replace (3 steps), an impressive feature which will also give you ample opportunity to display tastefully your Indian collection.: letter from Schindler to Dr T. P. Martin, op. cit. The replace dimensions are taken from L. March, Log House, Urhutte and Temple, op. cit. Mead and Reques design was commissioned by Wheeler Bailey for a pueblo-style guest house to display his extensive collection of Hopi art and Navajo rugs. J. Clifford, On Collecting Art and Culture, in The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge, Mass. and London, Harvard University Press, 1988), p. 219. R. Banham, Rudolph Schindler: Pioneering without Tears, op. cit., p.579. Letter from Schindler to Dr T. P. Martin, op. cit. Painted Desert Exhibit, San Diego Exposition, brochure (1915; Avery Library, Columbia University). Quoted in M. F. Bokovoy, The San Diego Worlds Fairs and Southwestern Memory, 1880 1940, op. cit., p. 120.
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57. J. A. LeRoy, The Indian Festival at Taos, Outing, an Illustrated Monthly Magazine of Recreation, 43:3 (December, 1903), p. 283. 58. The Feast of San Geronimo. Thousands of People Thronged Taos to Witness the Unique Celebration a Week Ago, Santa Fe New Mexican, 37:196 (6th October, 1900), p. 1.
59. R. M.Schindler, Space Architecture, op. cit. 60. R. M. Schindler, Furniture and the Modern House: A Theory of Interior Design, op. cit., pp. 22 25 and pp. 2428: republished in A. Sarnitz, R. M. Schindler, Architect, 1887 1953, op. cit., p. 53. 61. R. M. Schindler, Notes for Church School Lectures, II, 3.