THEORIES THAT COVER ADULTHOOD

Erikson’s Psychosocial Stages

Erik Erikson (1902 – 1994), a German born psychoanalyst and a pioneer in a life span perspective, viewed that ego
development occurs through one’s life time. Erikson‟s (1950, 1982) theory of psychosocial development covers eight stages
across the life span. According to Erikson each stage involves a “crisis” in personality – that is important at that time and will
remain an issue to some degree throughout the rest of life. In each stage there is the balancing of a positive tendency and a
corresponding negative one. Crisis is very typical of each stage and resolution of it is a must. Resolution requires balancing a
positive trait and a corresponding negative trait. Both are required for healthy development. If either of the two
predominates, there will be imbalance and the conflict remains. Hence, the development of ego suffers. The stages and
conflicts are listed below.

Age Range Psychosocial Crisis Positive Resolution of Crisis

Birth to 12 to 18 months Trust versus Mistrust The child develops a feeling of trust in caregivers.
18 months to 3 years Autonomy versus Shame/Doubt The child learns what can and cannot be controlled
and develops a sense of free will.
3 to 6 years Initiative versus Guilt The child learns to become independent by
exploring, manipulating, and taking action.
6 to 12 years Industry versus Inferiority The child learns to do things well or correctly
according to standards set by others, particularly in
school.
12 to 18 years Identity versus Role Confusion The adolescent develops a well-defined and
positive sense of self in relationship to others.
19 to 40 years Intimacy versus Isolation The person develops the ability to give and receive
love and to make long-term commitments.
40 to 65 years Generativity versus Stagnation The person develops an interest in guiding the
development of the next generation, often by becoming a parent.
65 to death Ego Integrity versus Despair The person develops acceptance of how one has
lived.

Levinson’s Theory- Seasons of a Man’s Life

In 1978, Daniel Levinson presented a theory of development in adulthood in his book “Seasons of a Man’s Life”. based on
in-depth interviews with 40 men between the ages of 35-45. He later conducted interviews with women as well (1996).
According to Levinson, these adults have an image of the future that motivates them. This image is called “the dream” and
for the men interviewed, it was a dream of how their career paths would progress and where they would be at midlife.
Women held a “split dream”; an image of the future in both work and family life and a concern with the timing and
coordination of the two. Dreams are very motivating. Dreams of a home bring excitement to couples as they look, save, and
fantasize about how life will be. Dreams of careers motivate students to continue in school as they fantasize about how
much their hard work will pay off. Dreams of playgrounds on a summer day inspire would-be parents. A dream is perfect
and retains that perfection as long as it remains in the future. But as the realization of it moves closer, it may or may not
measure up to its image. If it does, all is well. But if it does not, the image must be replaced or modified. And so, in
adulthood, plans are made, efforts follow, and plans are reevaluated. This creating and recreating characterizes Levinson’s
theory.

Levinson’s stages are presented below. He suggests that period of transition last about 5 years and periods of “settling
down” last about 7 years. The ages presented below are based on life in the middle class about 30 years ago. Think about
how these ages and transitions might be different today.

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  Early adult transition (17-22): Leaving home, leaving family; making first choices about career and education
 Entering the adult world (22-28): Committing to an occupation, defining goals, finding intimate relationships
 Age 30 transition (28-33): Reevaluating those choices and perhaps making modifications or changing one’s attitude
toward love and work
 Settling down (33 to 40): Reinvesting in work and family commitments; becoming involved in the community
 Midlife transition (40-45): Reevaluating previous commitments; making dramatic changes if necessary; giving
expression to previously ignored talents or aspirations; feeling more of a sense of urgency about life and its
meaning
 Entering middle adulthood (45-50): Committing to new choices made and placing one’s energies into these
commitments
Adulthood, then, is a period of building and rebuilding one’s life. Many of the decisions that are made in early adulthood
are made before a person has had enough experience to really understand the consequences of such decisions. And,
perhaps, many of these initial decisions are made with one goal in mind-to be seen as an adult. As a result, early decisions
may be driven more by the expectations of others. For example, imagine someone who chose a career path based on
other’s advice but now find that the job is not what was expected. The age 30 transition may involve recommitting to the
same job, not because it’s stimulating, but because it pays well. Settling down may involve settling down with a new set of
expectations for that job. As the adult gains status, he or she may be freer to make more independent choices. And
sometimes these are very different from those previously made. The midlife transition differs from the age 30 transition in
that the person is more aware of how much time has gone by and how much time is left. This brings a sense of urgency and
impatience about making changes. The future focus of early adulthood gives way to an emphasis on the present in midlife.

EMERGING AND EARLY ADULTHOOD

You can think of the developmental changes you experienced during infancy, childhood, and adolescence as early chapters
in your life story. Those early life chapters helped set the tone and some of the themes for the primary focus of your life
story—adulthood. During the half-century or more that constitutes adulthood, predictable changes continue to occur. Self-
definition evolves as people achieve independence and take on new roles and responsibilities. the story of adulthood also
reflects the increasing importance of individual variation. Although general patterns of aging exist, our life stories become
more distinct and individualized with each passing decade of life (Schaie & Willis, 1996).

Historically, early adulthood spanned from approximately 18 (the end of adolescence) until 40 to 45 (beginning of middle
adulthood). More recently, developmentalists have divided this age period into two separate stages: Emerging adulthood
followed by early adulthood. Although these age periods differ in their physical, cognitive, and social development, overall
the age period from 18 to 45 is a time of peak physical capabilities and the emergence of more mature cognitive
development, financial independence, and intimate relationships.

When Does Adulthood Begin?

According to Rankin and Kenyon (2008), historically the process of becoming an adult was more clearly marked by rites of
passage. For many, marriage and parenthood were considered entry into adulthood. However, these role transitions are no
longer considered the important markers of adulthood. Economic and social changes have resulted in more young adults
attending college and a delay in marriage and having children Consequently, current research has found financial
independence and accepting responsibility for oneself to be the most important markers of adulthood in Western culture
across age and ethnic groups (Arnett, 2004).

Emerging Adulthood Defined

Emerging adulthood is the period between the late teens and early twenties; ages 18-25, although some researchers have
included up to age 29 in the definition (Society for the Study of Emerging Adulthood, 2016). Jeffrey Arnett (2000) argues
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that emerging adulthood is neither adolescence nor is it young adulthood. Individuals in this age period have left behind the
relative dependency of childhood and adolescence but have not yet taken on the responsibilities of adulthood. “Emerging
adulthood is a time of life when many different directions remain possible, when little about the future is decided for
certain, when the scope of independent exploration of life’s possibilities is greater for most people than it will be at any
other period of the life course” (Arnett, 2000, p. 469). Arnett identified five characteristics of emerging adulthood that
distinguished it from adolescence and young adulthood (Arnett, 2006).

• It is the age of identity exploration. In 1950, Erik Erikson proposed that it was during adolescence that humans wrestled
with the question of identity. Yet, even Erikson (1968) commented on a trend during the 20th century of a “prolonged
adolescence” in industrialized societies. Today, most identity development occurs during the late teens and early twenties
rather than adolescence. It is during emerging adulthood that people are exploring their career choices and ideas about
intimate relationships, setting the foundation for adulthood.

. Arnett also described this time period as the age of instability (Arnett, 2000; Arnett, 2006). Exploration generates
uncertainty and instability. Emerging adults change jobs, relationships, and residences more frequently than other age
groups.

. This is also the age of self-focus. Being self-focused is not the same as being “selfcentered.” Adolescents are more self-
centered than emerging adults. Arnett reports that in his research, he found emerging adults to be very considerate of the
feelings of others, especially their parents. They now begin to see their parents as people not just parents, something most
adolescents fail to do (Arnett, 2006). Nonetheless, emerging adults focus more on themselves, as they realize that they
have few obligations to others and that this is the time where they can do what they want with their life.

• This is also the age of feeling in between. When asked if they feel like adults, more 18 to 25 year-olds answer “yes and no”
than do teens or adults over the age of 25 (Arnett, 2001). Most emerging adults have gone through the changes of puberty,
are typically no longer in high school, and many have also moved out of their parents’ home. Thus, they no longer feel as
dependent as they did as teenagers. Yet, they may still be financially dependent on their parents to some degree, and they
have not completely attained some of the indicators of adulthood, such as finishing their education, obtaining a good full-
time job, being in a committed relationship, or being responsible for others. It is not surprising that Arnett found that 60%
of 18 to 25 year-olds felt that in some ways they were adults, but in some ways, they were not (Arnett, 2001).

• Emerging adulthood is the age of possibilities. It is a time period of optimism as more 18 to 25 year-olds feel that they will
someday get to where they want to be in life. Arnett (2000, 2006) suggests that this optimism is because these dreams have
yet to be tested. For example, it is easier to believe that you will eventually find your soul mate when you have yet to have
had a serious relationship. It may also be a chance to change directions, for those whose lives up to this point have been
difficult. The experiences of children and teens are influenced by the choices and decisions of their parents. If the parents
are dysfunctional, there is little a child can do about it. In emerging adulthood, people can move out and move on. They
have the chance to transform their lives and move away from unhealthy environments. Even those whose lives were
happier and more fulfilling as children, now have the opportunity in emerging adulthood to become independent and make
decisions about the direction they would like their life to take.

Socioeconomic Class and Emerging Adulthood: The theory of emerging adulthood was initially criticized as only reflecting
upper middle-class, college-attending young adults in the United States and not those who were working class or poor
(Arnett, 2016). Consequently, Arnett reviewed results from the 2012 Clark University Poll of Emerging Adults, whose
participants were demographically similar to the United States population. Results primarily indicated consistencies across
aspects of the theory, including positive and negative perceptions.

Cultural Variations of emerging adulthood theory

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The five features proposed in the theory of emerging adulthood originally were based on research involving about
Americans between ages 18 and 29 from various ethnic groups, social classes, and geographical regions (Arnett, 2004,
2016). To what extent does the theory of emerging adulthood apply internationally? The answer to this question depends
greatly on what part of the world is considered. little is known about the experiences of 18- 25 year-olds in developing
countries.

Early Adulthood: The Physiological Peak

People in their mid-twenties to mid-forties are considered to be in early adulthood. By the time we reach early adulthood,
our physical maturation is complete, although our height and weight may increase slightly. Those in their early twenties are
probably at the peak of their physiological development, including muscle strength, reaction time, sensory abilities, and
cardiac functioning. The reproductive system, motor skills, strength, and lung capacity are all operating at their best. Most
professional athletes are at the top of their game during this stage, and many women have children in the early-adulthood
years (Boundless, 2016).

The aging process actually begins during early adulthood. Around the age of 30, many changes begin to occur in different
parts of the body. For example, the lens of the eye starts to stiffen and thicken, resulting in changes in vision (usually
affecting the ability to focus on close objects). Sensitivity to sound decreases; this happens twice as quickly for men as for
women. Hair can start to thin and become gray around the age of 35, although this may happen earlier for some individuals
and later for others. The skin becomes drier and wrinkles start to appear by the end of early adulthood. This includes a
decline in response time and the ability to recover quickly from physical exertion. The immune system also becomes less
adept at fighting off illness, and reproductive capacity starts to decline (Boundless, 2016).

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT
Early adulthood is, for most people, the time of peak physical capacity. The body reaches full height by the late teens, and
physical strength increases into the late 20s and early 30s (Whitbourne, 2001). Manual agility and coordination, and sensory
capacities such as vision and hearing, are also at their peak. But change is imminent, even in these basic capacities. Some
decline in the perception of high-pitched tones is found by the late 20s (Whitbourne, 2001), and manual dexterity begins to
reduce in the mid 30s.
In general, people in early adulthood feel robust and energetic, although it is not unusual to see fluctuations around
deadlines and exam periods! On the other hand, people in this age group are also legally able to use damaging substances,
such as alcohol and tobacco, and many can obtain access to illegal stimulants or narcotics. Young adults also have
increasing responsibility for organizing their own eating habits and exercise regimes. Not surprisingly, the health status and
prospects of young adults are dependent more than ever before on their own behavioral choices.

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
By the end of adolescence, most people are capable of the levels of reasoning that we would expect for normal functioning
in adult society. Although there are wide individual differences in attainment, most young adults are able to deal with
cognitive tasks in a more abstract way than before, and to attain solutions to problems by comparing possible explanations.
Does this mean that cognitive development has reached a plateau? Many investigators of adult cognition think not.

Riegel’s theory of postformal thought

Riegel (1975) proposed that adult experiences expose us to a new level of cognitive challenge – the discovery of dialectical
(opposing) forces. In other words, we find that many aspects of our environment can manifest contradictory features. This
is especially so in the human environment. For example, someone we love can be warm and generous at times, but on
other occasions the same person can be self-centred and aloof. Are they generous or selfish, affectionate or remote?
There are many other contexts in which we experience contradictory information about a person, group or organization, or
we encounter strongly differing points of view on the same issue. There may be no absolute resolution of the conflicts. We
simply have to integrate our understanding into a more complex picture. Life, we discover, is often ambiguous and
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complicated. Riegel argued that achieving the intellectual ability to deal with the contradictions that confront us in our
everyday life requires progress to a fifth stage of reasoning – the stage of dialectical operations, now more commonly called
postformal thought. Research into postformal reasoning indicates that development continues well into adulthood (Sinnott,
1998).

Kramer’s three stages

Kramer (1983, 1989) proposed that people progress through three broad stages: absolutist, relativist and dialectical. In
early adulthood, many people are in the absolutist phase: they are capable of addressing many problems, but they tend to
believe that all problems have a correct answer. For example, a young person might commence university study believing
that it will be a matter of learning facts and procedures, that the lecturers know everything and will tell you what is right
and wrong.
People in the relativist stage have become aware that there are often different perspectives on any given issue, and that
the ‘correct’ answer may depend on the context. Students now appreciate that there are many theories and much
conflicting evidence – but awareness of the diversity of perspectives can lead them to assume that very little is dependable.
So, for example, your lecturer could spring a new theory on you at any time, and could herself be wrong.
There is evidence that the undergraduate experience (where one is regularly dealing with conflicting theories and ideas)
can facilitate the development of relativist thinking (Benack & Basseches, 1989).
Eventually, in the dialectical phase, people become able to integrate competing positions and achieve synthesis. They can
understand why there are diverse views, and they can appreciate that the overall progress and contributions of their
chosen discipline derives from efforts to resolve its internal contradictions. Basseches (1984) found that this type of
reasoning is more characteristic of people studying at higher degree level or of university staff. Although aspects of
dialectical reasoning can be found in adults in their 20s and 30s, Kramer’s (1989) research led her to the conclusion that this
stage is only fully realized in late adulthood.

Measuring intelligence
Other approaches to the investigation of intellectual development in adulthood are grounded in the psychometric tradition.
By applying standardized IQ tests, researchers have sought to discover whether there are age-related differences in
intelligence during adulthood. There are many different ways to measure intelligence. K. Warner Schaie and his colleagues
have conducted major longitudinal studies of the evolution of primary mental abilities among several thousand adult
Americans (Schaie, 1996, 2000).
They focused on five primary abilities:
1. numeric facility
2. verbal recall
3. verbal ability
4. inductive reasoning
5. spatial orientation
Based on results of K. Warner Schaie and his colleagues tests during participants’ 20s and 30s on performance on the
qualitative reasoning tasks or in terms of more traditional psychometric techniques, it appears that intelligence, an
important dimension of human development certainly does not cease at the end of adolescence, but increases well into
adulthood.

SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Young adults face some formidable developmental tasks. Many people at the beginning of this stage are concerned with
launching a career. They may be studying to gain the critical qualifications, or training at the entry level of an organization.
Some will not be so lucky. In many countries, youth unemployment rates have been very high during the last century and
appear set to continue.
Studying, employment and unemployment each presents its stresses. At the same time, young adults tend to be finding
their way through the world of romance, which can also lead to stress and anguish. All of this happens alongside changes in
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relationships with parents, and the increasing expectation that the young person will take responsibility for her own life –
including, perhaps, a shift to a new home.
It would be an unusual person indeed who proceeded through these developmental tasks without at least occasionally
wondering who she is, or who she is becoming, and how she is faring compared to her peers. For most people, facing these
issues brings a range of emotional reactions.

A stage model for personal development

Several different theories have been put forward to account for personal development during early adulthood. From a
psychoanalytic perspective, Erikson and Erikson (1997) see the dominant focus of this stage as the development of intimacy
– the ability to love and trust another person. Levinson (1978) extended some of Erikson’s ideas, but drew also on social
psychological theory to explain the relationship between the developing individual and the demands of society. He
emphasized the social role requirements at different life stages, and the interaction between personal growth and
relationships. He maintained that all normally developing adults progress through the same stages in the same sequence,
and at roughly the same pace.
Early adulthood begins with the sub-stage of early adult transition (approximately 17–22 years), in which young people are
working towards autonomy from their parents and formulating a ‘Dream’ of what they hope to become in life. The Dream is
important because it guides their efforts and choices in both them occupational and personal spheres. The next sub-stage is
the period of entering the adult world (22–28), and is organized around forging a pathway at work and attaining a special
personal relationship. This is followed by the ‘age 30’ transition (28–33), in which people undergo a moderate degree of
self-questioning – reviewing their Dream, the choices they have made and the problems in their lives. The rest of this
decade (33–40) is the ‘settling down’ period, when people have usually found their niche in life and are striving to
consolidate their professional and domestic roles – they are basically getting their lives in order.
Levinson arrived at his account on the basis of a series of intense individual interviews with a group of American men in
mid-life. Although they came from a variety of backgrounds and had a range of careers and family histories, similar patterns
appeared to emerge. Although Levinson’s original sample was relatively limited, subsequent work has shown that the
model fits many American women reasonably well, too (Levinson, 1996;Roberts & Newton, 1987).

Intimacy – are you secure, anxious or avoidant?

According to developmental models such as Erikson’s and Levinson’s, young adults are developing a sense of personal
identity along with a need for closeness to others. Not surprisingly, finding and developing relationships with an intimate
partner, or series of partners, becomes a priority for many young adults.
Clearly, as adults we form attachments to other people and, just as in infancy, these relationships are intensely emotional.
Just as in infancy, our adult attachments motivate us to seek proximity to the person we feel we need, to engage in
extensive eye contact, to hold – and, just as in infancy, we tend to become distressed at separation. Some social
psychologists have gone further, to argue that the types of attachments we form as adults can be classified using the
framework Ainsworth and others developed to account for infant attachments – namely, ‘secure’, ‘anxious/ ambivalent’
and ‘avoidant’.
‘Securely’ attached lovers find intimate relationships comfortable and rewarding. They trust their partner and feel confident
of his or her commitment. ‘Anxious/ambivalent’ lovers experience uncertainty in their relationships. Sometimes, they fret
that their partner does not love them enough and might leave, and they may respond to this anxiety by putting pressure on
the partner, running the risk of causing the very outcome they fear.
‘Avoidant’ lovers find getting close to others uncomfortable, find it difficult to trust others, and are reluctant to commit
themselves fully to a relationship. Shaver and colleagues found that the proportions of adults who fall into these types is
very similar to those of infant attachments, with (approximately) 59 per cent secure, 11 per cent anxious/ambivalent and 25
per cent avoidant (Mickelson et al., 1997). Other research indicates that adults who fall into these different categories recall
their childhood relationships with their parents in ways that are consistent with these patterns.

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So, ‘secure’ individuals report relaxed and loving parents, ‘anxious/ambivalent’ people feel their parents were over-
controlling, and the ‘avoidant’ adults reported lower levels of communication and emotional support from their parents
(Rothbard & Shaver, 1994).
Students make for interesting participants in attachment research, because many are dealing with the issues of finding and
maintaining relationships at the time the study takes place. In an Australian study, Feeney, Noller and Patty (1993)
investigated the romantic relationships of heterosexual students of different attachment types. They found that the
relationships of ‘secure’ individuals tended to be more stable and loving, while those of ‘anxious/ambivalent’ people were
less enduring and more numerous. ‘Avoidant’ individuals tended to be more accepting of casual sex, presumably because
they are less interested in maintaining commitments to others.

MIDDLE ADULTHOOD
it is difficult to define this phase of life precisely. The variety of human life courses means that individuals can be in very
different stages of their personal development at the age point (i.e. turning 40) that we have taken as a rough measure of
entry to middle age.

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT
During mid-life, people experience a range of external and internal physical changes. External changes include the
appearance of grey hair and hair thinning, increases in facial wrinkles, and a tendency to put on weight around the waist or
lower body. Internal changes include reductions in the efficiency of the cardiovascular, respiratory and nervous systems
(Whitbourne, 2001).
There are changes to the sensory capacities, too. One of the most noticeable for most middle-aged people is the onset of
presbyopia – a condition of farsightedness due to progressive changes in the shape of the lens of the eye (Glasser &
Campbell, 1998). This leads to difficulty in reading small print – you may notice people of this age holding printed matter
further away than a younger reader does (figure 10.7). Hearing, particularly sensitivity to higher frequency sounds, is also
prone to weaken during middle age (Brant & Fozard, 1990; Wiley et al., 1998).
This is the time when women experience the menopause – the cessation of menstruation. Many women suffer some level
of physical and psychological discomfort as a result, such as hot flushes, mood changes, loss of libido and insomnia. But the
intensity of these symptoms varies considerably among individuals, and menopausal status is not a strong predictor of
psychological distress. There is some evidence that the physical symptoms associated with menopause vary across some
cultures. This may reflect variations in diet and/or social expectations about the nature of the menopause.
As at other stages of the lifespan, physical changes are closely interwoven with psychological changes. Signs of ageing
prompt many people to review their lives and some begin to feel dissatisfied with their bodies. In a large sample of middle
aged and older Swiss women, for example, Allaz, Bernstein, Rouget et al. (1998) found that a majority expressed
dissatisfaction about their weight and many had dieted to control it, even though their weight fell within the normal range.
Individuals’ own behavioural choices can moderate the effects of biological changes. For example, menopausal women who
take regular aerobic exercise report more positive moods and less somatic discomfort than non-exercising peers (Slaven &
Lee, 1997). The reactions and support of partners can also influence women’s experience of menopause (Leiblum, 1991).

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
In terms of primary mental abilities, Schaie’s (1996) data depict mid-life as a relatively stable period. In fact, on most
measures, middle-aged adults perform as well as or slightly better than younger adults. Schaie did find a decline in numeric
skill, and other researchers have obtained evidence of a modest decrease in reaction time and a reduction in conscious
processing efficiency during this period. However, in terms of psychometric measures of intellectual functioning, middle-
aged people perform well overall.
Life skills
Middle-aged adults tend to fare worse than young adults in traditional problem-solving test – a game of ‘Twenty
Questions’. (The goal is to identify an object known to the tester by asking a series of indirect questions about it: ‘Is it a

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plant?’ ‘Can you eat it?’ etc.) The older people got, the worse they did. But this could well be because this type of test was
more familiar to the younger participants, who were therefore likely to do better. Denney and Palmer FOUND THAT ON
practical tests, real world’ tests, related to practical applications of reasoning, such as how to deal with faulty purchases,
flooding in the basement, or a child returning late from school middle-aged people scored significantly higher than young
adults. In other research, Denney and Pearce (1989) found that the number of solutions people generate in response to
everyday practical problems peaks in middle age.
Emotion and clear thinking
Researchers who focus on qualitative developments in adult reasoning have found evidence of continuing development
through the lifespan. The progression through absolutist, relativist and dialectical reasoning may continue for decades
(Kramer, 1989). Some researchers argue that there is an important reorganization of thinking in middle adulthood, as
people achieve an integration of information-processing and emotional self-regulation (Labouvie-Vief, 1999).
A good illustration is provided by Blanchard-Fields (1986). She tested adolescents, young adults and middle-aged adults on
three hypothetical problems, each involving a conflict of perspectives. One problem concerned competing historical
accounts of a civil war, with different historians taking different sides. Another problem concerned a dispute over a
proposed visit to grandparents, with parents in favour of the visit and their adolescent children against. The third problem
concerned a pregnancy dilemma, with the female and male taking different views over whether to terminate. The
participants’ task was to explain the conflict in each case.
Blanchard-Fields analysed the quality of the participants’ reasoning. She found that the middle-aged adults performed at a
higher level than each of the younger groups. The younger participants tended to take sides, especially in the emotionally
engaging ‘visit’ and ‘pregnancy’ problems, leading to distorted, one-sided accounts. The middle-aged participants were
more likely to try to understand why each party felt the way they did, and to provide more balanced descriptions, taking all
perspectives into account. In other words, it seemed that the younger participants tended to be swayed by their own
emotions about the conflicts, while the middle-aged participants appeared to integrate emotional understanding with other
problem-solving skills.

SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Each phase of life brings new challenges, and for many people mid-life brings a multiplicity of them – from all quarters. By
this time, people’s histories are very varied. In their personal and occupational lives, many different options may have been
chosen and many different events and circumstances will have affected their progress. So can we pin down any particular
patterns of social and emotional development associated with middle age? Despite this variety in individuals’ personal
background, some lifespan developmentalists maintain that we can.

The ‘mid-life crisis’...

Erikson (1980) saw middle age as a period when adults have to face a conflict between generativity and stagnation.
Generativity – the process of making a contribution to the next generation – can be realized in a variety of ways through
personal (family) or career attainments that provide a basis for others to progress. For example, a businessperson in mid-
life might find satisfaction in her professional achievements to date and in the scope now to pass on skills to younger
colleagues. Another person might find a sense of generativity through having reared children that she is proud of and who
are now entering the adult world well equipped to meet challenges. A ‘link between the generations’, maintained Erikson,
is ‘as indispensable for the renewal of the adult generation’s own life as it is for the next generation’.
Stagnation is the opposing feeling of having achieved relatively little and of having little to offer to the next generation.
Some people in mid-life, for example, conclude that they have not met the family or occupational goals that once motivated
them. Some respond to this sense of ‘standing still’ with a period of self-absorption, and an acute awareness that time is
limited. Individuals are likely to experience both types of feeling – generativity and stagnation – and the core
developmental process of mid-life, according to Erikson, is the resolution of this conflict.
Those who resolve it successfully attain a sense of care (about both the present and the future), and those who fail to do so
develop a sense of rejectivity (i.e. they turn away from society and have little interest in contributing to it). Recent research

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has supported Erikson’s claims that generativity is positively associated with subjective well-being in middleaged people,
while a preoccupation with ageing (‘time running out’) is negatively associated with well-being.
Levinson (1978) also depicts mid-life as a period of inner conflict. Recall that Levinson saw the period from approximately
33 to 40 as the ‘settling down’ period. But settling down is not the end of the story. Levinson found that most of his
interviewees next underwent a major new phase, during a period of mid-life transition (40–45). Many of the men he
interviewed reported that this was a time of personal crisis. They began to review their lives, asking themselves what they
had achieved and where they were heading. Many wondered whether their personal and career struggles had been
worthwhile, and some contemplated or underwent radical changes in direction (changing career paths, divorcing). Although
Levinson’s sample was all male, other research indicates that many women report similar periods of reassessment during
middle age (Koski & Steinberg,1990; Waskel & Phelps, 1995). These kinds of reassessment are popularly associated with the
notion of the ‘mid-life crisis’. The visible signs of aging, changes in the family structure as children become adolescents or
young adults, and frustrations in the workplace may all serve to remind the middle-aged person that life is passing by – and
this might precipitate a personal ‘crisis’. Levinson argued that this is a normative process, and that successful adult
development beyond mid-life requires facing up to and resolving the crisis.

. . . debunking the myth

Appealing as the idea may seem (and much as newspaper writers and TV dramatists relish it), subsequent research shows
that it is an oversimplification to assume that everybody undergoes a mid-life crisis. For example:
1. Periods of turbulence and self-doubt can be experienced by adults of most ages (Soldz & Vaillant, 1999), and some
individuals – especially those who score highly on measures of neuroticism – may be prone to develop crises at any age
(Kruger, 1994).
2. In larger samples than Levinson’s (1978), only a minority of middle-aged people feel they have experienced a crisis (Shek,
1996; Wethington, 2000).
3. Substantial proportions of middle-aged people report better mental health and self-esteem during this phase of life than
ever before ( Jones & Meredith, 2000; McQuaide, 1998).
The mid-life crisis therefore does not appear to be as widespread as once thought, and there is no guarantee that you will
have any more (or less) crises during your middle years than in other phases of your life. But there is no doubt that there
are many pressures on middle aged people (Lachman & James, 1997). Some of these pressures relate to domestic and
family life, and others to the world of work. For many middle-aged people, there are new parenting challenges as their
children reach adolescence or early adulthood.
At a time when adults are becoming aware of their own physical decline, their children may be gaining the attractions of
youth. Often, these demands coincide with increasing anxieties about and responsibilities towards the older generation. For
some middle-aged people, usually women, looking after both their own children and their aging parents can cause
‘caregiving pile-up’ – an experience of overload due to too many competing demands.
As in earlier phases of life, the quality of a person’s attachment to his or her partner has important implications for
adjustment, personal satisfaction and dealing with life stresses. For example, in a longitudinal study of middle aged people,
Kirkpatrick and Hazan found that those with secure relationship attachment styles were less likely to experience a break-up
of their partnership.

LATE ADULTHOOD/ AGING

Late adulthood is perhaps the most difficult of all to define precisely – mainly because there is very wide individual variation
in the physical, cognitive and social processes of aging.

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT
In late adulthood, external physical changes include changes in the skin (wrinkling, loss of elasticity), loss of subcutaneous
fat, thinning of the hair, and changes in general posture due to the loss of collagen between the spinal vertebrae . There are
also many internal changes, less apparent to the onlooker but important to the functioning of the aging individual. These

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include changes to the cardiovascular system and loss of cardiac muscle strength, decline in muscle mass and reductions in
the efficiency of the respiratory, digestive and urinary systems.
But, although physical change is inevitable, the timing and extent are highly variable (and, to some degree, influenced by
the choices and lifestyle of the individual). For example, aging of the skin is affected by exposure to sunlight, physical
strength and fitness decline less in people who exercise regularly, and the well-being of the digestive system is influenced
by diet and drug use.
Physical and sensory capacities, so important in our earliest encounters with the world, also tend to decline with age.
Manual dexterity is reduced, and the visual system becomes less effective. The older person’s pupils become smaller, and
the lens of the eye becomes less transparent (and so less sensitive to weak lights, and less able to adapt to darkness) and
less able to accommodate. Hearing, taste, olfaction and touch all become less sensitive during later adulthood.
Imagine the consequences of declining perceptual abilities- becoming less able to listen to music, experiencing difficulties in
attending to conversations, or finding that food and drink seem less interesting. Research indicates that our physical senses
remain important at this end of the lifespan, too. There is a strong connection between sensory functioning and intelligence
in old age. For example, gradual deficits in hearing can affect older people’s ability to process speech in the context of other
noise, which in turn affects how easily they interact with other people.
Certainly, the decline of abilities that were once taken for granted can lead to a reduced sense of competence for the older
person. And the curtailment of activities that were previously enjoyed can affect people’s assessment of their quality of life.
But, once again, the extent of the impact of biological decline varies from person to person, and is influenced by both the
rate of change and the individual’s coping skills (which are, in turn, influenced by personality and social circumstances).

THEORIES OF AGING/WHY DO WE AGE

Gerontology, the study of aging, is a relatively new science that has made incredible progress over the last 30 years. In the
past, scientists looked for a single theory that explained aging, but have realized that aging is a complex interaction of
genetics, chemistry, physiology, and behavior. Therefore dozens of theories of aging have emerged to explain aging.
Programmed Theories of Aging
Programmed theories assert that the human body is designed to age and there is a certain biological timeline that bodies
follow. All of these theories share the idea that aging is natural and "programmed" into the body. There are a few different
programmed theories of aging:
• Programmed longevity theory is the idea that aging is caused by certain genes switching on and off over time.
• Endocrine theory is the idea that regular changes in hormones control aging.
• Immunological theory states that the immune system is programmed to decline over time, leaving people more
susceptible to diseases.
Error Theories of Aging
Error theories assert that aging is caused by environmental damage to the body's systems, which accumulates over time.
Error theories of aging listed below:
• Wear and tear theory asserts that cells and tissues simply wear out.
• Rate of living theory is the idea that the faster an organism uses oxygen, the shorter it lives.
• Cross-linking theory states that cross-linked proteins accumulate and slow down the body's processes.
• Free radicals theory asserts that free radicals in the environment cause damage to cells, which eventually impairs their
function.
•Somatic DNA damage theory is the idea that genetic mutations cause cells to malfunction.
Genetic Theory of Aging
Studies have demonstrated that genetics can play a major role in aging. In one study, when researchers removed cells
containing certain genes from the organs of mice, they were able to extend the lifespan of the animals by as much as 35%.
The meaning of these experiments for humans is not known, but researchers think that genetics account for much of the
variation in aging among people. Some key concepts in genetics and aging include:
• Longevity genes are specific genes that help a person live longer.
• Cell senescence is the process by which cells deteriorate over time.
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• Telomeres are structures on the end of DNA that eventually are depleted, resulting in cells ceasing to replicate.
• Stem cells are cells that can become any type of cell in the body and hold promise to repair damage caused by
aging.

Biochemical Theory of Aging

No matter what genes you have inherited, your body is continually undergoing complex biochemical reactions. Some of
these reactions cause damage and, ultimately, aging in the body. Studying these complex reactions is helping researchers
understand how the body changes as it ages. Important concepts in the biochemistry of aging include:
• Free radicals are unstable oxygen molecules that can damage cells.
• Protein cross-linking means that excess sugars in the bloodstream can cause protein molecules to literally stick together.
• DNA repair is the concept that, for unknown reasons, the systems in the body that repair DNA seem to become less
effective in older people.4
• Heat shock proteins are proteins that help cells survive stress and are present in fewer numbers in older people.
• Hormones change as we age, causing many shifts in organ systems and other functions.

COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT
Does intellectual capacity decrease with age?
The average performance of 67-year-olds in Schaie’s research compared to adults in mid-life, shows evidence of some
decline, suggesting that by the mid-60s, the downward trend is set. Schaie’s and other research also shows that while there
is variation between age groups on some measures of intellectual performance, there is also great variation within groups –
and this variation within groups increases with age. Older people do tend to perform less well than younger adults on tasks
dependent upon reaction time and processing speed. Intelligent behaviour in everyday life typically involves several
capacities, and people may be able to compensate for reductions in one ability (such as processing speed) by placing
greater weight on another (such as judgements based on experience).

Fluid vs. Crystallized Intelligence

Raymond B. Cattell (1987) theory contends that there are two distinct types of intelligence. It challenges, and extends, the
concept of g, or generalized intelligence factor.
Fluid intelligence refers to the ability to reason, analyze, and solve problems. When we use fluid intelligence, we aren’t
relying on any pre-existing knowledge. Instead, we are using logic, pattern recognition, and abstract thinking to solve new
problems. We use fluid intelligence when we encounter novel, often nonverbal tasks, such as math problems and puzzles.
Fluid intelligence also plays a role in the creative process, as when someone picks up a paintbrush or starts plucking on a
piano with no prior training. Fluid intelligence is rooted in physiological functioning. As a result, these abilities start to
decline as people age, sometimes starting as early as their 20s.
Crystallized intelligence refers to the knowledge you acquire through experience and education. When you use crystallized
intelligence, you reference your pre-existing knowledge: facts, skills, and information you learned in school or from past
experience. You utilize crystallized intelligence when you encounter tasks that require the use of previously acquired
knowledge, including verbal tests in subjects like reading comprehension or grammar. Given its reliance on the
accumulation of knowledge, crystallized intelligence is typically maintained or even increased throughout one's lifetime.
Fluid intelligence declines with age, while crystallized intelligence is maintained or improved.

SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Erikson saw the individual in late adulthood as facing a conflict – this time between integrity and despair. Erikson and
Levinson both maintain that as people realize they are coming towards the end of their life, they reminisce about their past
and review how they feel about themselves. Have I met life’s challenges successfully/ achieved goals that I
value/contributed to the wellbeing of those I care about? Or have I failed to realize my potential/wasted time in pointless
work or futile relationships/been a burden to others? Erikson and Erikson believed that individuals who arrive at a
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predominantly positive view (i.e. regarding their life as integrated and successful) experience a more contented late
adulthood.
One of the key aspects of many people’s adult life – their job – is now approaching its end, or has already concluded. All of
these changes pose challenges. How do older people cope with the demands of ageing and their changing social status? Not
surprisingly, the answer is that there is considerable variation.

Relations with others

As in all other parts of the lifespan, relationships are important to the older person’s adjustment. For some people, the
marital relationship may become more rewarding during old age. Some research has found that satisfaction with marriage
tends to be rated higher in retired people than in middle-aged adults. This may be partly because older married people tend
to be those whose marriages have been successful (i.e. they have stayed together because they were satisfied with the
relationship). But it could also be because partners now provide each other with a degree of companionship and support
that may not always have been so apparent or so appreciated in busier earlier years, when many other types of relationship
were competing with the person’s time

Other social roles – such as grandparenting or great-grandparenting – are also enjoyed by many older people, and allow
them to feel that they contribute to their family and to a new generation. Sibling relationships often become particularly
important – by this stage, our most long-lasting relationships are usually those with our brothers and sisters. And the many
positive benefits of friendships remain at least as important in the later years as they are earlier in the lifespan).
Overall, when asked to identify the most important considerations affecting quality of life, older people consistently place
personal relationships and social networks high on their lists.

Stages of Retirement: Psychological Effects

Many workers assume that retirement is the end point, but it's really just another phase in life. As such, retirees often go
through certain stages. Retirement involves leaving the workforce with a plan never to return. It can happen at any age, but
most people retire in late adulthood, or the time of life after age 65. Retirement is a big adjustment. For many people, work
has been the main part of their lives for decades, and once they retire, they have to figure out what they will do with all
their time. People react to retirement differently, but some psychologists have identified a few common stages that people
go through when they retire. Let's look closer at the stages of retirement.
Pre-Retirement
The first stage of retirement actually happens before you retire. Pre-retirement is the stage before retirement when a
person is planning their escape from the workplace. There are two sub-stages in pre-retirement. The first involves negative
views of retirement and believing that retirement is far in the future. But people don't stay in that mindset forever. The
second sub-stage in pre-retirement involves making a plan to retire in the near-future. This is the time when people begin
to figure out the exact date they will retire and participate in seminars and other activities for pre-retirees.
During Retirement
Honeymoon Stage is the first stage when someone actually retires, his is when people enjoy the novelty of their freedom.
During this time, everything is exciting and fun. Playing golf, staying in your pjs all day, puttering around the garden; all of
these things seem so much more exciting during the honeymoon phase. Sadly, the honeymoon phase doesn't last.
Disenchantment Stage is second stage when many people begin to fill their calendar with volunteer work or by taking
classes and pursuing hobbies. The disenchantment stage of retirement also fades after a while as people figure out the best
way to fill their time.
Reorientation Stage is the third stage when people are able to find their own niche. Some dedicate time to volunteering at
this point. Other people might find that volunteering is too much like work and focus more on their hobbies or travel. This is
a time of reappraisal, when people are trying to figure out what their best thing for them is.

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Stability Stage is the final stage of retirement when people are able to fully accept retirement and what it means to be a
retired person. People in this stage have a routine and feel comfortable with their lives. For many people, the stability stage
of retirement is the end of their retirement journey.
But some may find that just as there is a pre-retirement stage, they end up in a post-retirement stage. Termination of
retirement is when a retired person returns to the workforce. Some people return to the workforce because they need the
money, but studies show that the majority of people who return to work after retirement do so because they want to. They
find pleasure in working; that too is a valid choice.
The key to all of the stages of retirement is to realize that people experience them differently. Understanding yourself and
what makes you happy is a key part to having a successful retirement.

Ego Integrity vs. Despair

In late adulthood, Erikson said that the central conflict is 'Ego Integrity vs. Despair,' which involves coming to terms with
one's life. Psychologist Robert Peck took Erikson's theory further, and proposed that there are three tasks that people must
accomplish in order to end up in ego integrity.
1. Ego differentiation.is the process of finding self-worth beyond career and being a caregiver. Because most people spend
40 years or more in a career and 20 or more raising a family, many people have their identity locked up in those things. As
people enter older adulthood, though, things change, they have to find a way to figure out who they are outside of work
and family by pursuing hobbies or cultivating friendships or other interests
2. Body transcendence involves getting beyond the physical changes in late life to see the good things. By focusing on the
good changes in late adulthood, people can get beyond the physical limitations of their age.
3. Ego transcendence. There's no getting around the fact that everyone dies eventually. In late adulthood, many people find
that their friends and family are leaving them, as attending funerals of friends become frequent. It’s very easy to become
upset or depressed about the fact that your time on Earth is limited. But the healthier way to deal is to find a way to leave a
legacy, which often involves supporting a younger generation in some way. That's a way of transcending oneself and one’s
own mortality to leave a legacy behind.

Challenges of Aging: Retirement, Ageism & Social Isolation

For many of us, it can be unpleasant to grow older. Our society and culture value youth, and being old is sometimes treated
like a disease that has no cure. There are many challenges that we face as we age. three of the larger challenges that have
been identified by social scientists are: retirement, ageism, and social isolation.
Retirement
Retirement may seem like something to strive for - a goal - not a challenge to face. It's nice to imagine not having to go to
work every day, traveling and living a life of leisure. However, retirement like this doesn't happen too often anymore. In our
current economy, more and more individuals have no choice but to work well past the age of 65. The harsh reality is that
most of those who cannot work - and even some of those who can - live in or close to poverty.
Money aside, another part of the challenge of retirement is adjusting to retired life. Work provides us not only with income
but also with social interaction and a sense of purpose. So, our job is often an important part of our identity. When it ends,
it's common to struggle with the loss of that identity.
Ageism
Another challenge of aging that may seem more obvious than retirement is ageism. Although it can target any age group,
ageism generally refers to prejudice and/or discrimination against older people. Ageism can be blatant or subtle. For
example, it involves anything from refusing to hire an elderly worker to assuming an older woman needs help crossing the
road.
The elderly are often given a negative stereotype: slow, confused, helpless, resistant to change and/or generally unhappy.
Like racism and sexism, discrimination can happen when unfair generalizations like this are made. Although the stereotype
is not true of every older individual, age-related bias unfortunately exists in practically every setting.
Social Isolation

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Being alone can be extremely unpleasant at any age. It's something that many people fear about growing old because,
unfortunately, social isolation is common amongst the elderly. The two challenges we've already discussed can actually
have a big impact on this third challenge. Retirement closes off a major source of socialization, and ageism may result in
younger individuals not wanting to socialize with older people. But the greatest cause of social isolation of elderly people is
the death of a significant other. Heterosexual women, in particular, tend to experience this loss more often because they
typically outlive their husbands.
Related to the challenge of social isolation is the existence of elder abuse, which is the neglect or abuse of dependent
elderly persons. Physical and/or psychological abuse, financial exploitation, medical abuse and neglect are all forms that
elder abuse can take. So, knowingly leaving an elderly person in isolation when that person is unable to fully care for
himself or herself is one form of elder abuse. Although it certainly doesn't happen in every household, the rates of elder
abuse are disturbingly high.

Successful ageing
Although there are losses and declines with age, we have already seen that many people respond to them adaptively – one
of the remarkable characteristics of human beings throughout the lifespan is our resilience. For example, there is little
evidence among older people of a direct link between physical decline and psychological problems such as depression.
Many older people adjust well to the changes associated with ageing, and report high levels of enjoyment of life in their
later years.
What factors promote successful aging? In many respects, this is one of the final developmental issues facing us all. In
recent
years, lifespan developmental psychologists have begun to provide valuable insights. As you might expect, social support
and social networks emerge as primary considerations: people with better levels of social support from family and friends
tend to enjoy better physical and mental health in the later years.
The good news for aspirant psychologists is that a professional life involved in cognitively challenging and stimulating work
appears to promote the prospects for successful aging. Indeed, Hogan (2000) points out that there are over 30 former
presidents of the American Psychological Association who have lived into their 90s, often continuing their work and
enjoying social and leisure activities until very late in life.

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