Theories and Practices of Development Global economic crisis and the implications of global environmental change have led academics and policy-makers to consider how ‘development’ in all parts of the world should be achieved. However ‘development’ has always been a contested idea. While often presented as a positive process to improve people’s lives, the potential negative dimensions of ‘development’ for people and environménts must also be recognized. Theories and Practices of Development provides a clear and user- friendly introduction to the complex debates around how development has been understood and achieved. The second edition has been fully updated and expanded to reflect global political and economic shifts, a8 well as new approaches to development. The rise of China and India is given particular attention, as is the global economic crisis and its implications for development theories and practice. There are new sections on faith-based development, and the development dimensions of climate change, as well as greater engagement with development theories as they are put into practice in the Global North. The book deals with the evolution of development ideas and policies, focusing on economic, political, social, environmental and spatial dimensions, It highlights how development cannot be considered as a neutral concept, but is entwined with inequalities in power at local, as well as national and global scales. The use of boxed examples, tables and illustrations helps students understand complex theoretical ideas and also demonstrates how development theories are put into Practice in the real world. Each chapter ends with a summary section, discussion topics, suggestions for farther reading and website resources, Katie Willis is Professor of Human Geography and Director of the Centre for Developing Areas Research at Royal Holloway, University of London.Routledge Perspectives on Development Series Editor: Professor Tony Binns, University of Otago ‘The Perspectives on Development series provides an invaluable, up to date and refreshing approach to key development issues for academics and students working in the field of development, in disciplines such as anthropology, economics, geography, international relations, politics and sociology. The series will also be of particular interest to those working in interdisciplinary fields, such as atca studies (African, Aéiari and Latin American Studies), development studies, rural and urban studies, travel and tourism. If you would like to submit a book proposal for the series, pléase contact ‘Tony Binns on j.a:[email protected] ‘Third World Cities, 2nd edition David W. Drakakis-Smith Rural-Urban Interactions in the Developing World Kenneth Lynch Environmental Management and Development Chris Barrow ‘Tourisin and Development Richard Sharpley and David J. Telfer Southeast Asian Development “Andrew MoGregor Population and Development WIS. Gould Postcolonialism and Development Cheryl McEwan Conflict and Development Andrew Williams and Roger MacGinty Disaster and Development Andrew Collins ‘Non-Governmental Organisations and Development David Lewis and Nazneen Kanji Cities and Development Jo Beall Gender and Development, 2nd edition Janet Henshall Momsen Economies and Development Studies Michael Tribe, Frederick Nixson and Andrew Sumner ‘Water Resources and Development Clive Agnew and Philip Woodhouse ‘Theories and Practices of Development, 2nd edition Katie Willis Fortheoming: Global Finance and Development David Hudson Aftica: Diversity and Development Tony Binns, Alan Dixon, and Etlenne Nel Politics and Development Heather Marquette and Tom Hewitt Food and Development Ed, Young Natural Resource Extraction Roy Maconachie and Dr Gavin M, Hilson Childeon, Youth and Development, 2nd edition ‘Nicola Ansell Climate Change and Development Thomas Tanner and Leo Horn-Phathanothai Religion and Development Emma Tomalin Development Organizati Rebecea Shaaf An Introduction to Sustainable Development, 4th edition Jennifer EliottTheories and Practices of Development Second edition Katie Willis JQ Routledge LONDON AND NEW YORKFirst published 2005 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Simaltaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Second edition 2011 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2005, 2011 Katie Willis ‘Tho right of Katie Willis to be identified-as author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988, ‘Typeset in Times New Roman and Franklin Gothic by Florence Production Ltd, Stoodleigh, Devon Printed and bound in Great Britain by ‘TV International Lid, Padstow, Cornwall All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced of utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, of in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data ‘A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data Willis, Katie, 1968- ‘Theories and practices of development/Katie Willis. ~ [2nd ed.] p.cm, Rev. ed, off Theories andl practices of development, 2005. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1, Economic development. 2. Economic development — Social aspects. 3, Economic development ~ Political aspects. 1. Title. HD75.WS5 2011 338.9001 ~ do22 2010035279 } ISBN: 978-0-415-59070-9 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-415-9071-6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-844 18-2 (ebk)@®> Contents List of plates vi List of figures viii List of tables ix List of boxes xi Acknowledgements xii List of acronyms xv 1 Introduction; what do we mean by development? 1 2.-“fffodernization Keyneiaism and nolbialisn:> 36 70 103 129 6 (Environment and developinent theory’ 164 7 Globalization tad development: problems and solations? 196 8 Conclusions , 2d Bibliography : 235 Index 260> Plates 11 12 43 2A 2.2 23 24 3.4 3.2, 3.3 41 42 43 44 51 5.2 53 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 The Dutch Church, Melaka, Malaysia Teotihuacén, Mexico Spanish mission church, San Juan Bautista, California Corn stores, West Pokot District, Kenya Turkwell Dam, Kenya The Petronas Towers, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia UNICEF-funded school project, Mulanje, Malawi State housing block, Moscow, 1989 Statue at Mao Mausoleum, Beijing, Pudong District, Shanghai Evo Morales and supporters, La Paz, Bolivia Self-built house, informal settlement, Oaxaca City, Mexico Peanut seller, Aleppo, Syria Externally-funded irrigation scheme, Kenya Anti-logging demonstration, Ormoe City, Leyte Island, Philippines Tlacolula market, Mexico Entrance to a Bunun Community Site in Eastern Taiwan Sultan Mosque, Singapore Sharjah skyline ; Flower packing plant, Kenya 7 Fish sellers, Essaouira, Morocco Sexual diversity march, Oaxaca City, Mexico 121 134 135 137 14 145 149 15361 6.2 63 64 65 6.6 6.7 TA 72 13 14 15 16 17 81 Temporary road bridge, Ortum, Kenya Slash and burn agriculture, Sarawak Abandoned ship, Aralsk, Kazakhstan Community tree nursery, Marich, north-west Kenya Sign against charcoal production, Mulanje, Malawi Squatter housing, Melaka, Malaysia Tourist facilities, Petra, Jordan Industrial park, Wuxi, China HSBC branch, Bangalore, India Market selling Chinese-produced imported goods, Meatu district, Tanzania Latino murals, Santa Cruz, California Advert for female beauty salon staff, Sharjah Sign advertizing M-PESA, Eldoret, Kenya ‘Global’ influences, Beijing Colonial and capitalist influences, Hong Kong Plates © vit 170 171 172. 179 187 188 191 199 201 203 212 214 216 218 226ap Figures 5.2 5.3 61 62 6.3 64 TA 72 World Bank income classifications, 2010 Human Development Indicators, 2009 Urbanization levels by region, 2010 Mercator projection. Peters projection ‘The extent of European colonialism in Africa, 1914 Comparative advantage Multiplier effect Rostow’s stages of economic growth GDP per capita growth rates for selected Latin American and Asian countries, 1950-69 Economic growth rates by world region Economic growth and income inequality, 1965-89 Core-periphery relationships under dependency Core, semi-periphery and periphery, 2009 China’s Special Economic Zones, 1979 Female share of the labour force in Latin America, 1980-99 Population aged 65 and above by global region, 2005 and predicted for 2015 Percentage of population living at or below the poverty line by age, South Africa, 1998/9 Arithmetric and geometric growth Percentage of population living on fragile lands by global region, 2000 Limits to growth model a Evaluation of Happy Planet Index components, 2008 Growth in spending on Fairtrade products in the UK, 1998-2009 GNI per capita figures for SACU members, 2008 159 160 165 169 175 181 206 aii> Tables 5.3 5.4 55 61 6.2 Measures of income inequality Rural—urban differences in access to water and sanitation services Human Poverty Index Actors in development Main approaches to development, 195 Rostow’s stages of economic growth Balance of payments accounts Debt burden, 1970-92 Main characteristics of structural adjustment programmes Marxist stages of social development Socialist countries, 1985 Health reform and regional inequalities in China Dimensions of NGO diversity Dimensions of participation Dependence on external aid, 1990 and 2005 Countries most reliant on official development assistance, 2005 Dimensions of sustainable indigenous tourism Approaches to gender and development Women’s labour force participation as a percentage of men’s, 1970, 1992 and 2005 GDI and HDI comparisons, 2007 Summary of UN Convention on the Rights of the Child Population in the Low Elevation Coastal Zone, 2000 : Energy consumption and carbon dioxide emissions. by region s onwards. i 4 27 28 46 55 56 57 a 84 107 109 114 119 119 143 147 151 158 182 184x * Tables TA 72 13 8.1 Changing patterns of global merchandise exports by value, 1963-2008 7 Examples of regional cooperation organizations Access to communication technology by region, 1990 and 2005 Summary of development theories and approaches 200 210 216 225SS Boxes 42 Millennium Development Goals Calculations of GDP, GNP and GNI Human Development Index Gini coefficient and Gini index Inequality in the USA. Nanda Shrestha’s perspectives on development in Nepal Bretton Woods institutions Matsball Plan Structural adjustment in Jamaica Economic stimulus in the USA. Definitions of Marxist terms Import-substitution industrialization in Brazil Alliance for Progress Characteristics of socialist model of development Social development in Kerala, India New Economic Policy in the USSR Ujamaa in Tanzania Evo Morales and the MAS government in Bolivia ILO categories of basic needs Viviendas del Hogar de Cristo Project, Guayaquil, Ecuador Dimensions of power i Barefoot College, India NGOs and participation in Tanzania Living Wage campaignsxii + Boxes AT 5.1 5.2 53 55 5.6 61 6.2 63 6.4 65 6.6 TA 12 13 TA 1S 1.6 17 Social capital and hazard vulnerability in Santo Domingo . Ethnic diversity in Singapore Theocracy in Iran ‘The Grameen Bank, Bangladesh Measuring gender and development Young people as carers in Zimbabwe Older people and poverty in South Africa Destruction of mangrove swamps in Thailand The Aral Sea basin crisis Renewable energy: Small wind power systems in Sri Lanka The United Nations Climate Change Conference, Copenhagen, 2009 Household environmental conditions in Lagos, Nigeria Ecotourism in Nepal DEID White Paper ‘Eliminating World Poverty: Making Globalisation Work. for the Poot” WTO free trade policies Definitions of trade Kuapa Kokoo Cooperative, Ghana Southern African Customs Union ‘The Philippines government; emigration and remittances The Internet and pro-democracy movements in Burma 125 138 140 148 156 160 168 173 178 186 189 192 198 204 205 2h 213 220a> Acknowledgements Since Theories and Practices of Development came out in 2005, Ihave been thrilled to receive emails from students and colleagues all over the world, While not everyone agreed with my approach and analysis, it has been a real pleasure to find out how people have used the book. It was also very helpful to receive referees’ comments on the proposed revised edition. In revising the book, I have incorporated some of the suggestions from both email cortespondents and referees, but I am afraid I have not been able to address all of them. I would like to express sincere thanks to students and staff in the Geography Department at Royal Holloway, University of London. Students on the Year 1 ‘Geographies of Development’ course have been exposed to some of the revised sections of the book and their responses have been very helpful. Students on the MSc in Practising Sustainable Development and PhD students in the Centre for Developing Areas Research (CEDAR) have also provided insights or have suggested readings, which appear at various points. Finally, many thanks to my CEDAR colleagues for their good humour and support, as well as thought-provolting discussions about this thing called ‘development’, Andtew Mould at Routledge has been hinting about a second edition of Theories and Practices of Development for a couple of years. Tam very grateful that he invited me to revise the book and for his encouragement during the process. Faye Leerink at Routledge hasxiv + Acknowiedgements also provided excellent support. Jenny Kynaston. in the Graphics Unit at Royal Holloway produced most of the figures, ‘for which T would like to express my great thanks, particulatly as she was dealing with the challenges of designing and producing ‘Peru banners’ at the same time. I would also like to thank Kelly Carmichael for the images used in Plates 4.2, 5.4, 5.6 and 7.5 and Still Pictures for their permission to reprint Plates 3.4, 4.4, 6.3, 7.2 and 7.3. The base map data for the world maps comes from Maps in Minutes. Finally, 1 would like to take this opportunity to thank a number of people, both for their suggestions for the book and their friendship and companionship on travels in the UK and further afield: Kelly Carmichael, Vandana Desai, Dorothea Kleine, Emma Mawdsley, Claire Mercer, Paula Meth, Jay Mistry, Nicola Shelton and Glyn Williams, Katie Willis London, August 2010@®> Acronyms CARICOM. CARIFTA CDM CEDAR CEPAL CET CEC cis CMEA CRC Annapurna Conservation Arca Project Africa, Caribbean and Pacific Alliance for Progress Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (acronym in Spanish) African Union Mission in Somalia Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Association of Southeast Asian Countries Basic Needs Approach Business Process Outsourcing Brazil, Russia, India and China Central American Common Market Conservation Area- Management Committee Caribbean Community Caribbean Free Trade Association Clean Development Mechanism Contre for Developing Areas Research ‘UN Economic Commission for Latin America (acronym in Spanish) Common Extended Tariff Chlorofluorocarbon Commonwealth of Independent States Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (Comecon) Convention on the Rights of the Childxvi * Acronyms CRPD DAC DDT DFID ECLA EPA BU EZLN FAO FBDO FBO FDI FLO G20 GATT GB GDL GpP GEM GM GNH GNI GNP HDI HIPC HIV HPI HYV IBRD ICSID IcT IDA IFAS IFC JFL ILO IMF Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Development Assistance Committee Dichloro-dipheny!-trichloroethane Department for International Development UN Economic Commission for Latin America (acronym in English) Economic Partnership Agreement European Union Zapatista National Liberation Army (acronym in Spanish) Food and Agriculture Organization Faith-based Development Organization Faith-based Organization Foreign Direct Investment Fairtrade Labelling Organizations International Group of 20 (19 economically dominant countries and the EU) General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade Grameen Bank Gender-related Development Index Gross Domestic Product Gender Empowerment Measure Genetically Modified Gross National Happiness Gross National Income Gross National Product Human Development Index Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative Human Immuno-deficiency Virus Human Poverty Index/ Happy Planet Index High-yielding Variety International Bank for Reconstruction and Development International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes Information and Communication Technology International Development Association International Fund for the Aral Sea. International Finance Corporation International Financial Institution International Labour Organization International Monetary FundINGO IST ITDG LEDC LECZ, MAS MDG MEDC MERCOSUR. MIGA MIPAA MNC MPI MST NAFTA NAM NEP NEPAD NGO OECD OEEC OPEC PES PRA PRI PRODEPINE PRS PRSP PUA Acronyms + xvil International Non-Governmental Organization Import-Substitution Industrialization Intermediate Technology Development Group. Less Reonomically Developed Country Low Elevation Coastal Zone Movement Towards Socialism (acronym in Spanish) Millennium Development Goal More Economically Developed Country Southern Cone Common Market Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing Multinational Corporation. Multidimensional Poverty Index Rural Landless Workers Movement (acronym in - Portuguese) North American Free Trade Agreement or Area Non-Aligned Movement New Economic Policy New Partnership for Africa’s Development Non-Governmental Organization Newly-Industrializing Country New International Division of Labour Newly-Industrializing Economy National League for Democracy New Policy Agenda National Trust for Nature Conservation Organization for African Unity Official Development Assistance Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Organisation for European Economic Co-operation Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries Payment for Ecosystem Services/ Payment for Environmental Services Participatory Rural Appraisal Party of the Institutionalized Revolution (acronym in Spanish) Project for the Development of Indigenous and Black People in Ecuador (acronym in Spanish) Poverty Reduction Strategy Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper Participatory Urban Appraisalxviii ° Acronyms RAAN SACU SAP SDR SEZ TNC UN UNDP UNEP UNICEF USA USSR USAID USSR USTR VHC vsoO WCED WwTo North Atlantic Autonomous Region (acronym in Spanish) A Southern African Customs Union Structural Adjustment Programme Special Drawing Right Special Economic Zone Transnational Corporation United Nations United Nations Development Programme United Nations Environment Programme United Nations Children’s Fund United States of America Union of Soviet Socialist Republics United States Agency for International Development Union of Soviet Socialist Republics United States Trade Representative Viviendas del Hogar de Cristo Voluntary Service Overseas World Commission on Environment and Development World Trade OrganizationIntroduction: what do we mean by development? «8 Definitions of development & Measuring development ® Colonialism ¢ Development actors » Postcolonialism, postmodernism, post-development In September 2000 United Nations members adopted the Millennium Declaration, out of which came the ‘Millennium Development Goals’ (MDGs) (see Box 1.1). Since then, these goals have been widely used by multilateral agencies, governments and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), in framing development policies in order to achieve the associated targets by 2015. Such clearly stated goals suggest that defining ‘development’ is easy and that what is important is the end point that a society gets to, not how those goals are achieved. Box 1.1 Millennium Development Goals While these goals were adopted by the UN in 2000, they were the outcome of international conferences throughout the 1990s. There are eight goals, but for each goal there are a number of targets and indicators. The cight goals are: 1 eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; 2. achieve universal primary education; 3. promioté gender equality and empower women; 4 reduce child mortality;2 + Intyoduction 5 improve maternal health; 6 combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; 7. ensure environmental sustainability; 8 develop a global partnership for development. ‘The targets are much more specific and include: between 1990 and 2015, halve the proportion of people whose income is less than USSI a day; reduce by two-thirds, between 1990 and 2015, the maternal mortality rate; have, by 2015, begun to reduce the incidence of malaria and other major diseases; halve, by 2015, the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation. % - ‘Source: adapted from Dovelopment Goals (2010) In this book we will be considering theories about development and how these thieories inform policy formulation and practices to achieve development goals. However, before we embark on this journey, we need to consider what ‘development’ means. Despite the seemingly “common sense’ nature of the MDG ‘development targets’, this chapter will highlight the contested nature of the term ‘development’. In particular, we will look at how ‘development’ has been defined, who has defined ‘development? and at what scale ‘development’ has been examined. Modernity For many people, ideas of development are linked to concepts of modernity, ‘Modernity’ in its broadest sense means the condition of being modern, new or up-to-date, so ‘the idea of “modernity” situates people in time’ (Ogborn 2005: 339), Because of social, economic, political and cultural dynamism, what is ‘modern’ will change over time and also spatially. What is ‘modem’ in one place may be ‘old-fashioned’ elsewhere, y However, more specifically, ‘modernity’ has been used as a term to describe particular forms of economy and society based on the experiences of Western Europe and more recently the USA.Introduction ° 3 In economic terms, ‘modernity’ encompasses industrialization, urbanization and the increased use of technology within all sectors of the economy. This application of technology and scientific principles is also reflected within social and cultural spheres. What has been termed the ‘Enlightenment’ period in Western Europe in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries involved the growing importance of rational and scientific approaches to understanding the world and progress (Sheppard et al. 2009: 54-6). This was contrasted with previous understandings that were often rooted in religious explanations (Power 2003: 72~6). Approaches to medicine, the legal and political systems and economic development were all affected by this shift in perspective. The spatial and temporal context of these ideas about modernity is important in this understanding of what ‘modern’ was, but as we shall see throughout the book, these ideas were taken out of their context and spread throughout the world (Larrain 2004). For some, this diffusion of modernity is interpreted as ‘development’ and ‘progress’, while for others it is associated with the eradication of cultural practices, the destruction of natural environments and a decline in the quality of life. All these themes, and others, will be considered in the following chapters. Development as an economic process People defining development as ‘modernity’, look at development largely in economic terms, This conception of development underpins much of the work of international organizations such as the World Bank, and also many national governments in both the Global North and Global South. The World Bank, for example, uses Gross National Income per capita (GNI p.c.) to divide the countries of the world into development categories. Low-income countries are defined as those with a GNI p.c. figure in 2008 of US$945 or less, lower-middle-income countries have US$946-3,855, upper-middle-income countries US$3,856-1 1,905 and high-income counities are those with GNI p.c. of US$11,906 or more (World Bank 2010¢: 377) (Figure 1.1), GNI is a purely economically-based measure (Box 1.2). Because countries vary so greatly in population, the total GNI figure is divided by the number of people in the country, giving a per capita (p.c.) figure to indicate economic wealth,(9667) «seUiW UI SdeN @ BeP dem Ute :80TOZ) HUES BLOM wou, BI UO Peseq rSOINOS “oT0z ‘suoreowsseyo oulooul yue_ PHOM TT SINBLA eIep ON ‘@wicoUll MOT ew00U O;PPIL JOMOT ‘auscou! ejppiu edn auicouy.uB:H ‘od IND Ll seseseee SS SSSR e : SORA Se imalIntroduction © 5 Box 1.2 Calculations of GDP, GNP and GNI Gross Domestic Product (GDP) This measures the value of all goods and services produced within a particular country, It doos not matter whether the individuals or companies profiting from this production are national or forcign. Gross National Product (GNP) This measures the value of all goods and services claimed by residents of a particular country regardless of where the production took place. It is, therefore, GDP plus the income accruing fom abroad (such as repatriation of profits) minus the income claimed by people overseas, Gross National Income (GNI) This is an alternative name for GNP. The World Bank now refers to GNI rather than GNP in its annual World Development Report. ‘The use of a wealth measure to represent development is regarded as appropriate because it is assumed that with greater wealth come other benefits such as improved health, education and quality of life. Human development The GNI p.c. or GNP p.c. indicator is still widely used, but this has increasingly been in conjunction with other broader indicators of ‘development? which have highlighted non-economic dimensions of the concept. The most frequently used of these is the Human Development Index (HDI) which was devised by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in the late 1980s, While the measure still has an economic aspect, there are other indicators of development relating to well-being (Box 1.3). Since 1990, the UNDP has published the Human Development Report every year. The HDI is used to divide the world’s countries into those with very high, high, middle and low human development (Figure 1.2). If you compare Figures 1.1 and 1.2 you can see that there are great similarities in the patterns. The countries of Western Europe, the USA and Canada, Japan, Australia and New Zealand all rank(9667) .SAINUIN UW SOBA @ eEP dey (g-€v% +8002) dN Woy SEP UO peseG :eouNOs “6007 ‘s1o}eo;puy woUldofeneg UEWINH Z"T aunts BS RRP Ro By ROX SS A RSS SesIntroduction ° 7 [ Box 1.3 Human Development Index In the late 1980s increased awareness that the commonly-used economic measures of development were far too limited led the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) to devise the Human Development Index (HDI), This measure incorporates three dimensions of development in relation to human well-being: a long and healthy life, education and knowledge, and a decent standard of living, ‘The UNDP selected four quantitative indicators to measure these dimensions. Calculation of the HDI 4 C~) { £ oN Senses (con Cees ) (stan \( hw ‘ducal ite expectene) worcaron (He erpect i oiension (Along and Koowledge at The indicators then have to be converted to an index from 0 to 1 to allow for equal weighting between each of the three dimensions, Once an index value has been calculated for each dimension, they are averaged and the final figure is the HDI. The higher the value the higher the level of human development. ‘Source: adapted from UNDP (2009: 206)8 + Introduction highly on both GNI p.c. and IDI figures. Similarly, most Southern ‘African countries are classified as upper-middie-income countries with medium human development. Low GNI p.c. and low levels of human development at a national scale coincide in much of Central and West Africa. If GNI p.c. seems to present us with the same results does this mean that there is no real reason to use the more complex HDI measure? There are a number of reasons why this may not be appropriate, First, there is not complete overlap. For example, while Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia are categorized as ‘low-income countries’, their HDI scores put them in the category of ‘medium human development’. In addition to the lack of complete overlap, by using the HDI you are asserting that ‘development’ is more than just economic progress measured at a national scale. For some, however, these discussions of appropriate measures of national status are unimportant, because such measures do not consider inequalities in either spatial terms (see below) or in social terms. They also do not encompass how the vast majority of the people define development or how they would like their lives to change (if at all) (Friedmann 1992b). The importance of scale Development can be considered at a number of spatial scales. These go from the individual, to the local community, the regional, the national and the global (among others), How development is defined may differ by scale and, in addition, the approaches to development may be similarly scale dependent as we shall sce in the next section, Inequalities can be revealed at particular spatial scales. For example, if we consider national level development figures we get no idea of whether there are differences between regions within the country. As we shall sce throughout the book, spatial inequalities are a key factor in any discussion of development, Some forms of development may lead to increasing inequalities between places, while other development approaches may explicitly attempt to reduce spatial inequalities. At the sub-national scale, it is also important to recognize distributional issues. The Gini coefficient is a measure offinequality (see Box 1.4). At a national level, while income per capita levels and HDI may be ‘satisfactory’ according to international norms, it is important to recognize that not everyone in the country will havent nd Introduction * 9 access to that level of income or standard of living (see Table 1.1). As this table shows, these issues of inequality ate as important in the Global North as in the Global South ~ high levels of economic development do not necessarily mean great equality (see Box 1.5). In addition, experiences of marginalization, poverty and disadvantage are not restricted to certain parts of the world (Jones 2000). A key sub-national pattern of spatial inequality is between rural and urban areas. If we consider indicators of economic and social [Box 4.4 Gini coefficient and Gini index Both of these are measures of inequality and are named after the Italian statistician who formulated the coefficient in 1912. They measure either income inequality or inequalities in consumption between individuals, households or groups. Gini coefficient ‘This measure varies from 0, which means perfect equality, to 1 which represents perfect inequality. Thus, the nearer the coefficient is to 0 the more equal the income distribution, Countries with a Gini coefficient of between 0.50 and 0.70 could be described as having highly unequal income distributions, while those with Gini coefficients of 0.20 to 0.35 have relatively equitable distributions. Gini index ‘This measure, used by the UNDP, ranges from 0 to 100. A figure of 0 means perfect equality and 100 means perfect inequality ‘Souwce: adapted fro% Todaro (2000); UNDP (2009) Box 1.5 Inequality in the USA With a GNP p.c. figure of US$47,580 in 2008, the USA is among the richest nations in the world. However, these average national figures hide massive inequalities in income and very different life experiences. With a Gini index of 40.8, it is clear that not all Americans have an equal share of the nation’s riches, According to the US Census Bureau, in 1973 thé top 20 per cent of earners in the US had 44 per cent of the total income.;By 2000 this had increased to 50 per cent. Figures for all wealth, not just income, show a similar pattern of inequality, with the wealthiest | per cent of40 + Introduction households controlling 38 per cent of the national wealth, while the bottom 80 per cent of households only controlled 17 per ceiit, ‘This economic inequality is also apparent in social indicators. Amartya Sen in his book Development as Freedom (1999), argues that comparing some groups within the US to societies in the Global South demonstrates that ‘Americans can be in a worse position than their counterparts in poorer countries, While Aftican-Americans in the USA. earn far more than people born in China or Kerala (SW India), they have a lower chance of reaching advanced ages. Sen also uses the results of medical research by McCord and Freeman (1990) to state ‘Bangladeshi men have a better chance of living to ages beyond forty years than African-American men from the Harlem district of the prosperous city of New York’ (1999: 23). Soutoes: adapted from The Economist (2003); Sen (1999); UNDP (2008); World Bank (20402) Table 1.1 Measures of income Inequality HOI ranking Richest 10% to Gini index 2008 poorest 10% Australia aU 12.5 35.2 Japan 10 45 24.9 United States 43 15.9 40.8 Poland 44 9.0 34.9 Brazil 75 40.6 55.0 Turkey 79 43,2 175 China 92 13.2 ALS India 134 8.6 36.8 Nigeria 158 16.3 42.9 Zambia 164 29.5 50.7 Ethiopia 471 6.3 29.8 Niger 482 43.9 16.3 Figures for the period 4992-2007 Source: adapted from UNDP (2009: 193-8) well-being, there seems to be a clear trend of rural-urban , inequality with rural populations generally being worse off than their urban counterparts (Table 1.2). However, such distinctions must be treated with caution (Wratten 1995). First, poverty indicators are notoriously problematic. For example, in a rural area,introduction * 11. Table 1.2 Rural-urban differences in access to water and sanitation services Urban Population with Population with population access to safe access (0 improved as % of ‘arinking water (%) sanitation services (%) total (2005) (2004) (2004) Rural Urban Rural 87 94 a4 78 99 95 Botswana 57.4 100 90 87 25 Kazakhstan 57.3 97 73 87 52 Syria 50.6 98 a7 99, Bi Turkmenistan 46.3 93 54 17 50 China 40.4 95 78 99 96 India 28.7 95 83 59 22 Bangladesh 25.4. 82 72 SL 35 Cambodia 19.7 64 35 53 8 Rwanda 19.3 92 69 56 38 ‘Source; adepted from World Bank (2008: 335-7) monetary income may be lower than in the towns and cities, but the cost of living is lower and the availability of food from subsistence farming may help saye on food costs. Second, the distinctions between rural and urban areas are never as distinct as statistics may imply. In most parts of the world, the linkages between raral and urban areas are multiple, with significant seasonal migration flows between the countryside and the city (Frayne 2010; Lynch 2005; Tacoli 2006). As cities have grown, the role of the peri-urban area has also become more important for food production and employment opportunities (McGregor et al. 2606). Finally, it must be remembered, that in some regions of the Global South, particularly Latin America and the Caribbean, the population is predominantly urban (Figure 1.3). Thus, while poverty levels may be higher in rural areas, poverty is increasingly an urban phenomenon because the majority of the population is urban (UN-Habitat 2010). As will be discussed in much mote detail in Chapter 5, inequalities ate not just experienced in spatial terms, social inequalities are also very important. Throughout the world women as a group have tended to be excluded from many of the benefits which development of certain forms brings (Momsen 2010). Particular ethnic groups in regional or national contexts may also be deprived of opportunities,42 + Introduction L. America & Caribbean OECD C, & E. Europe & CIS Arab States E. Asia & Pacific S. Asia an 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Urban population 2010 (%) Figure 1.3. Urbanization levels by region, 2010. ‘Source: based on data from UNDP (2009: 194 and Tobie L Errata woanundp.ore) or may be denied decision-making power in the framing of development projects. This can lead to destructions of cultural practices and institutions, as well as a decline in self-respect and self-esteem. How to deal with social diversity is a’ key theme in development thought; not only in trying to implement development practice, but in actually defining what is meant by ‘development’. Social diversity is dealt with throughout the book, but particularly in Chapter 5. Measuring ‘development’ Jt is not only defining ‘development’ which is contested, the way that development, regardless of definition is measured is also problematic. Of course, this assumes that ‘development’ is something which needs to be measured or assessed, For various actors in development (see pp. 26~7) measuring development could be important. For example, policy-makers may want to find out what the social development position (as defined by the policy-makers) of a population is in order to inform policy formulation. Goversiments or international agencies may want to assess the impact of & particular development initiative and therefore want to have measurements from both before and after the project. Finally, campaigningIntroduction + 13 organizations seeking to improve living conditions for marginalized groups, may want information ‘about the nature of marginalization. Because of the different conceptions of development and the range of scales at which it can be considered, measuring ‘development’ requires proxies (Morse 2004). For example, in the case of the World Bank focus on economic development, the indicator used is GNI per capita. This has now been widely adopted as an appropriate measure of economic development, but other indicators or proxies could be used, such as the contribution of non-agricultural activities to GDP. In the case of the HDI, the UNDP decided that its understanding of human development included three main features: health, education and economic status. To measure each of these the UNDP needed to choose indicators (Box 1.3). This choice of indicators is certainly not straightforward. For example, Hicks and Streeten (1979) discuss the issues around trying to find proxy measures for ‘basic needs’ (see Chapter 4). While there may be agreement on what ‘basic needs’ are, including adequate shelter, food, clothing and employment, it is much more difficult to work out how these elements are to be measured, Another problem with measuring development is comparability, This can be over time, or between different countries, Collecting large amounts of information, for example through national censuses, requires significant resources in terms of trained personnel and technology for analysing the results, ‘These are clearly not equally available to all national governments (Bulmer and Warwick 1993). In addition, data collection can be disrupted by political unrest or war, and some communities or groups may be excluded from surveys and other studies because they are socially, economically or geographically marginal (Chambers 1997). Finally, development measures are nearly always quantitative, ive they can be expressed in numerical form. This focus is understandable given the need to make comparisons across time and space, and also to deal with large amounts of information. However, by focusing on quantitative measurement, the subjective qualitative dimensions of development are excluded, This means excluding the feelings, experiences and opinions of individuals and groups. This approach also tends to reinforce outsiders’ ideas about ‘development’, rather than what local people think ‘development’ is, or should be (Chapter 4). A good example of this debate is the definition of ‘poverty’ (Mellwaine 2002; White 2008). The Millennium Development Goals44 + introduction have poverty reduction at their core, The definition of poverty used in these targets is an economic one and the méasurement used is a poverty line. The original MDG target used US$1 per day as the international poverty fine, but in 2008 this was revised to US$1.25 per day to reflect cost of living increases (World Bank 2008). However, this economic view of poverty is very limited and assumes a clear relationship between income poverty and other measures of disadvantage. Because of this, the UNDP devised the Human Poverty Index (HPI), which has been used since 1997. There are two slightly different measures; HPI-2 for 31 Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development (OECD) countries (mainly Northern countries) and HPI-1 for 135 developing countries and areas, but both encompass indicators of health, education and standard of living (Table 1.3). These measures of poverty tend to be applied at a national scale. A more recent attempt to measure poverty is the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI). This identifies health, education and living standards as key aspects and uses ten indicators to measure household poverty. These indicators include nutritional level, access to sanitation services and school enrolment. However, an additional feature of this measure is an assessment of the intensity of poverty, taking into account how many of the poverty indicators are found in a particular household. Because of the household level data, the MPI Table 4.3 Human Poverty Index Dimension Measure HPI-L (for developing countries) Long and healthy life Probability at birth of not surviving to age 40 Knowledge Adult (aged 45 and above) literacy rate Decent standard of living % population without access to treated water supplies % children under five who are underweight HPI-2 (for OECD countries) : Long and healthy fife Probebility at birt of not surviving to age 60 Knowledge % adults (aged 46-65) lacking functional literacy skills Decent standard of living 4% people living below half the median disposable household income : Social exclusion Rate of long-term (over 12 months) unemployment xdopted from UNDP (2009; 206)Introduction + 45 can be used to assess differences within countries and also between different social groups (Alkite and Santos 2010). The MPI has been used by the UNDP in the Human Development Report 2010 (UNDP 2010a). Despite the growing complexity of poverty measures, they still exclude any qualitative examination of experiences of poverty. Cathy Mecllwaine (2002: 82) uses quotations to exemplify how poverty can be experienced and understood in different ways: “For me, being poor is having to wear trousers that ate too big for me." (lost, 8 years old, Guatemala City) ‘Poverly makes my children get sick and they get worse becanse we're {00 poor to buy medicines,’ (Antonia, 30 years old, Guetemala) ‘It’s poverty that makes me drink until T fall over, and drinking until I fall over makes me poor,’ (Eduardo, 35 years old, Guatemala) The qualitative examination of poverty puts the experiences of the people directly affected at the heart of the study. For some approaches to development this people-centred approach is key (sce Chapter 4) and represents a move away from national-level considerations. Although the World Bank usually uses quantitative measures of development, in preparation for the 2000/2001 World Development Report which was on ‘Attacking Poverty’, it commissioned a large study entitled ‘Voices of Poor’ which attempted to examine the experiences of poverty throughout the world (Parnwell 2003). While the information gathered in this study was incorporated into the 2000/2001 World Development Report, there seems to have been a retreat back to quantitative measures since then (Williams and Mellwaine 2003). This discussion of poverty measurements shows how even the most ‘basic’ of ‘development’ measures is difficult to assess. Terminology stent tene : ‘The UNDP categorization of countries as having ‘very high’, ‘high’, ‘medium’ or ‘low’ human development based on HDI and the World Bank use of GNI per capita to place countries into one of four classes, are two examples of how the world can be divided up according to levels of ‘development’. There are, however, many46 + Introduction other forms of classification and a range of terms to describe groups of countries. Rather than merely being a debate ‘about terminology which has no beating on real-life issues, it is important to realize that the way that different parts of the world are described can tell us a great deal about who has the power to decide what should be valued and what denigrated. There has been growing awareness of how ‘visual and textual representations of peoples and places both reflect provailing power relations and reinforce certain ways of perceiving, the world (Williams ef al. 2009: Chapter 2). Postcolonial and post- development approaches (discussed later in this chapter) are particularly engaged with examining how certain forms of knowledge are validated while others are ignored, and the real-life effects of these processes. In this book I will generally use the terms ‘Global North’ or ‘Noxth’ to describe the countries of Europe, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, USA and Canada, and the ‘Global South’ or ‘South’ to describe the remaining countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and the Pacific, While there are clearly problems with using these terms, not least the fact that not all ‘Northern’ countries are north of the equator and not all ‘Southern’ ones south of the equator, prefer to use these terms rather than other common distinctions discussed below. In addition, the North/South distinction was used by the Brandt Commission in its report on the nature of global interdependence (Brandt Commission 1980). The Commission, also known as the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, was set up in 1977 to consider issues of global inequality and poverty. It was chaired by the ex-Chancellor of West Germany, Willy Brandt. ‘The term ‘Third World” has often been used to refer to the nations of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. It was originally used to describe those countries which were part of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), i.e. they did not officially support either the capitalist USA or the communist USSR during the cold war, instead preferring a ‘third way’. Under this interpretation the ‘First World” consisted of the industrialized capitalist nations of Western Europe, the USA, Canada, Japan, New Zealand and Australia, while the “Second World? was the communist bloc of the USSR and Eastern Europe, However, despite not originally having a sense"of hierarchy, the idea of ‘First’, ‘Second’ and ‘Third’ was often interpreted as meaning the countries in the “Third World’ were in third place. Theof ed » Introduetion » 17 collapse of the ‘Second World’ in the late 1980s/early 1990s, with the transition from state-socialism, has meant that the basis for the distinction has been removed (see Chapter 3) (Friedmann 1992b). Another popular form of constructing categories is the ‘developed’ /‘developing’ binary. This was felt to be better than distinguishing between ‘developed’ and ‘undeveloped’, as the latter phase implied being unable to escape from the condition of lack of development, rather than the more positive sentiment which ‘developing’ suggests. However, for some theorists (such as Frank 1967) the concept of being ‘fixed’ or unable to escape from a position of disadvantage because of global inequalities means that the term ‘undeveloped’ or ‘underdeveloped’ is crucial (see Chapter 3). In both ‘developed’/‘developing’ and ‘developed’/ ‘undeveloped’ the first term remains the same and seems to imply that ‘development’ is an end point, i.e. once you reach a certain standard of living or economic position then you are ‘developed’, Again, such notions are important in some theorizing (such as modernization approaches discussed in Chapter 2). However, this fails to recognize the dynamism of all socictics and the continued desire by populations for improvements (not necessarily in material goods). It also fails to consider the experiences of social exclusion that are found within supposedly ‘developed’ countries or regions (ones 2000). ‘The terms ‘More Economically Developed Countries’ (MEDCs) and ‘Less Economically Developed Countries’ (LEDCs) have also gained in popularity. The explicit reference to economic development does not assume that development is automatically economic, or that economic development is necessarily associated with other forms of development, While this specificity is welcome, the emphasis on the economic, rather than other possible dimensions of development, could be regarded as implying that economic factors are the most important aspects of ‘development’. As with all the categories used, where the boundary between groupings is placed is highly contentious, not least because of the rise of certain countries including the Gulf States and Brazil, Russia, India and China (collectively known as the BRICs). Finally, some political activists working for greater global justice, tefer to Aftica, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean as.the ‘Majority World’ and the rest of the world as the ‘Minority World’. The New Internationalist magazine uses this, terminology, for18 * Introduction example, to stress the fact that in population terms, the majority of the world’s population (just over 80 per cent’ in 2008 according to World Bank 2010e: 379) lives in the nations of what I have termed the ‘South’. This is an important point to make, as it stresses the Eurocentric assumptions which underlie many terms used. "The concept of ‘Burocentrism? will be important throughout the discussions of development theories. It refers to the assumption that Buropean or Western ideas are the only ideas or approaches that are important, In some cases, this is because the theorist does not see that their approach is very context specific and that in fact there could be other interpretations, but in many other cases the Burocentrism is based on ideas of Western/Northern superiority (Blaut 1993). Of course the concept of ‘Eurocentrism’ is also based on the assumption that the ‘North’ is homogenous. This is clearly not true given the range of nations making up the ‘North’, but also because of distinctions based on gender, ethnicity, class and many other social characteristics. Burocentrism implies having power over knowledge, and because of this is regarded as reflecting existing class, gender and ethnic power relations such that the opinions of ‘White’, middle-class or elite men in the North are privileged. It is not only terminology which can reveal biases and assumptions, maps are also important bearers of ideas because they are representations of the world. Because we all have different views of the world, how we choose to present our world in a map can reveal a great deal about our own. particular biases (Wood 2010). A map projection is a way of portraying a three-dimensional globe on @ flat piece of paper. Eurocentric maps, such as those drawn using, the Mercator projection, place Europe at the centre of the map and represent the continents in the same shapes as they are in reality (Figure 1.4). However, because the Earth is a sphere this leads to the land masses nearer the poles appearing much larger relative to other continents nearer the equator. The Peters projection is an attempt to challenge this Burocentric image. The Peters projection is an equal area projection, meaning that the land area represented on the map is cottect in relation to other land areas. This means that Africa, Asia and Latin America are much more significant in the Peters projection, reflecting their importance in area terms in tality (Figure 1.5), Because of this, the Peters projection has often been used in development education schemes to.try and counterIntroduction » 19 —~] Figure 1.4 Mercator projection. Figure 1.5 Peters projection, Eurocentric bias (Vujakovic 1989). The Peters projection has, however, been criticized for making the continents appear long and thin, very unlike their shapes on the globe. In this book the world maps are drawn using the Eckert LV projection. ‘This is arequal area Projection which tries to minimize distortions to the shapes of the continents,20 + Introduction Colonialism At the start of the twenty-first century there are very few colonies left in the world following widespread decolonization processes after the Second World War (however, see McEwan 2009: 19 for a list of “overseas territories’). Despite this, any consideration of development theories and practices needs to include a discussion of the. importance and nature of colonialism. Before elaborating on these reasons, a definition of ‘colonialism’ is needed. Bernstein (2000: 242) defines colonialism as ‘the political control of peoples and territories by foreign states, whether accompanied by significant permanent settlement . . . or not’. This political contro! represents global power differentials and is associated with dominance in other spheres such as the economy and cultural practices, ‘Three main reasons for discussing colonialism in the context of development theory can be identified. First, from the middle of the sixteenth century onwards, European colonialism created more and more linkages between different parts of the world. As we shall see throughout the remainder of the book, interactions at a global scale and the bonds between different regions and countries are referred to ira range of ways in a number of development theories. While the linkages between different parts of the world cannot be solely attributed to the operation of colonialism, it was a key element in developing the basis for what we now call ‘globalization’ (see Chapter 7). ‘A second important reason for considering colonialism in a book on development theories is the nature of power relations embedded in colonial processes. The expansion of Buropean political, economic and social control over other parts of the world represented the greater power held by these nations (see pp. 21-3). In some development theories, these power inequalities between North and South help explain differential development experiences, with colonialism bringing beneficial changes to Northern couintries, at the expense of those in the South (see Chapter 3). It is argued that these inequalities also continue to limit the autonomy of Southern countries and peoples to determine their own futures through processes of what has been termed ‘neo-colonialism’. This term is used to describe global relationships which reflect the dominance of the North over the South, despite legal independence. It is used, for example, in relation to the influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) over the economies of the South (see Chapter 7), or the ability ofPlate 1.1 The Dutch Church, Melaka, Malaysia. Credit: Katie Wis ae se ries shat Introduction + 21. Northern governments to intervene in Southern governments’ decision-making through the workings of multilateral organizations such as the World Bank (see Chapter 2). Finally, the colonial experience varied across the world, depending = + on the colonial power, pre-existing social, economic and political structures in the colony, and the timing of the colonial encounter (Bernstein 2000). Whatever the experience, it is clear that colonialism changed the social structures, political and economic systems, and cultural norms in many places both North and South. ‘The legacy of these changes continued into independence. While colonialism is usually considered to be a European-led phenomenon, the dominance of some societies over others dates from before European excursions into Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean (Williams et al. 2009: Chapter 3), For example, the Aztec and Inca empires in Latin America were able to dominate other groups and territories and use them for resources. Similarly the Mogul empire (1526-1761) in what is: now north-west India ‘was built on the gathering of tribute and taxes from peasants (Bujra 2000). Throughout Africa there were significant empires, such as the empire of the Kush in the Nile Valley and a number of fslamic empires in West Africa (Stock 2004), The expansion of Western European influence had, however, much more widespread and long-standing effects.22 + Introduction Plate 1:2 Teotihuacdn, Mexico. Crecit: Katie Wiis ‘The fitst main period of European colonial expansion was led by the Spanish and Portuguese in Latin America and the Caribbean following Columbus’ arrival in the Americas in 1492. In the eighteenth century, Spanish influence also-extended northwards to what are now the southern states of the USA (Plate 1.3), During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Spanish and Portuguese used what they called the ‘New World’ as a source of raw materials, silver in particular, There was some settlement, but overall the colonial project of both these nations was focused on mercantile activities (trade). In the latter part of the seventeenth century, the Dutch and British came to the fore. While they did have some activities in Latin ‘America and the Caribbean, much of their activity was focused in. North America and South and East Asia. While the importance of trade for these colonial endeavours was still high, in particular i tobacco from North America and spices and silks from Asia, as t manufacturing became more important in Britain, the provision of | raw inaterials for these industries took on more significance. Imports of cotton from North America were transported to the burgeoningintroduction + 23 Plate 1.3 - Spanish mission church, San Juan Bautista, California. Credit: Katie Wiis, Senne ere textile factories of Northern England, and tobacco and sugar were also processed. ‘The slave trade was key in the expansion of cotton, tobacco and sugar production as slaves were the mainstay of the plantation workforce. Within Sub-Saharan Africa, European enclaves were found ‘along the western coast where slave trading took place. For example, the British had bases in Gambia, Sierra Leone, and the French in Senegal: Europeans (British, Dutch, French and Germans) settled in South Africa in 1652 in what is now Cape Town (Stock 2004). This period of colonialism also differed from the earlier Spanish and Portuguese phase because there was greater settlement by Europeans and the colonies became important markets for European manufactured goods (Bernsteit 2000), As industrial expansion-took hold in Burope in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, colonies became increasingly important as sources of raw materials and markets (see Chapter 3 for a discussion of Marxist interpretations of colonialism at this time). Spain and24 + Introduction Portugal were losing their positions as key colonial powers and at the start of the-nincteenth century wars of independence broke out in much of Latin America, leading to independence for many of the Latin American nations in the 1820s. Meanwhile, British and French colonies in South and East Asia continued to thrive. Within what became South Africa, the Cape was annexed by the British in 1795. This prompted what was Inown as the ‘Great Trek’ in the 1830s and 1840s when thousands of Boers (Dutch White settlers and descendents) moved north and established the Boer republics of Transvaal and Orange Free State (Stock 2004). European colonization-of most of the African continent only really took place in the latter parts of the nineteenth century during what became known as the ‘scramble for Africa’. At the Berlin Conference of 1884-5, the European powers divided up the continent, agreeing that if countries could demonstrate ‘effective control’, then they could legally claim that territory (Stock 2004), Britain and France were again the key players, but Belgium, Portugal and Germany also | gained territories (Figure 1.6). Following the Second World War, the pressure for decolonization in Aftica, Asia and the Caribbean increased for a number of reasons. ‘The war had caused major economic problems in Western Europe. The two main colonial powers, France and Britain, had to turn to the USA for assistance (see Chapter 2). In addition, the new global super-powers the USA and Soviet Union (USSR) both advocated decolonization, not least because it would provide new opportunities for the spread of their own influences. These factors external to the colonies were complemented by the increasing calls for independence from the populations of the colonies themselves. Changing economic processes and the growing power of multi- national corporations (MNCs) also helped. Direct political control ‘was no longer necessary for goods to be traded between countries (Potter et al. 2008). The combination of these factors led to a gradual process of decolonization. Despite the achievement of political independence, the autonomy of the newly-independent states was certainly not achieved. Economic linkages, in particular, continued to keep the ex- -colonies ina subservient or dependent position (see Chapter 3). It can also be argued that this process of neo-colonialism also extends to the continued representation of ‘Western’ or ‘Northem’ ways of doing things as ‘better’. This is a key concern of many developmenthe es of ic Introduction » 25 weal, we French. West Africa ANGIOZ Cais Stidart Ethiopia Kamerun} = Belgian G British French German ttalian Portuguese Hy Spanish Union of ‘South Africa Figure 1.6 The extent of European colonialism in Africa, 1914. Source: adapted froin Simon (1994) Map data © Maps in Minutes" (1996) theories outlined in the book and also post-development and postcolonial approaches, which are discussed at the end of this chapter. The drawing together of different parts of the world through the political and economic processes associated with colonialism was just the start of the flows of ideas, commodities and people across the globe. This increasing interconnectedness is now referred to as ‘globalization’ (Chapter 7), However, just as during the colonial period certain countries and peoples were able to dominate others, so globalization reflects continuing power inequalities, Globalization is not experienced the same way by all the world’s peoples. For example, certain parts of the woild are more ‘connected? to other26.» Introduction regions than others. Sub-Saharan Africa, for example, is markedly Jess connected to other regions through trade, investment flows and telecommunications (Dicken 2007). This, some have argued (see Chaptar 7), leaves the region unable to benefit from foreign investment and industrialization which are associated with economic globalization. The relative lack cof connectedness in this sense, does not mean that the governments of Sub-Saharan Africa are necessarily able to adopt the development policies they feel are appropriate for their peoples, ‘The importance of global institutions such as the World Bank (Chapter 2) and Northern governments, especially the USA, influences decisions at a national level. The colonial period may be over in formal political terms, but the inequalities in power and influence remain. development A key theme of this book is to understand how different definitions of, and approaches to, ‘development? ate linked to particular policy approaches, While the academic debates about “development? are fascinating, it is particularly important to consider how these debates link to actual policies ‘on the ground’ which affect millions of people throughout the world. ‘The variety of approaches involves a range of actors, with shifting emphases being placed on these actors depending on the approach adopted. The degree of agency which these actors are perceived to have will also be affected by a particular interpretation of power distributions, Having agency implies that an individual or group is able to make decisions and do things based on their own choices (Garikipati and Olsen 2008). The other extreme, having no agency, means that there is no free will and individual behaviour is controlled by other actors. ‘There are a range of actors involved in development (Table 1.4). ‘They vary from individuals to large-scale global organizations such as the United Nations. The scale differences are apparent, but it is important not to assume that there is an increase in influence as the scale increases. For example, individuals can be incredib]} influential ona large scale because of their political or economic position, but individuals can also have very little influence even within their own households, The president of the United States of America and a woman farmer on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania aretial a Introduction © 27 Table 1.4 Actors in development Actor Activities Individual Depending on income, class, gender, ethnicity, age and other social variables can have a great deal of choice and influence, or be left with very little agency Household Group of people who live together and share expenses; not always members of the same family; can operate as a unit to ensure that all household members have their basic needs met ‘Community Group of people with shared interests in some senses; usually based on shared residential location, e.g, a village oF urban district, but can also refer toa community based ‘on shared social identity Government Operates at a range of scales from local and municipal government to national government; important in setting ‘economic framework; can be interventionist, or can play a regulatory role in development Non-Governmental Organizations which are neither run by the state nor Organizations (NGOs) profit-making companies; can help local communities set Up projacts to provide services, create income-generating ‘opportunities, or improve social relations; can be very small-scale organizations, of very large global organizations such as Oxfam or Médecins Sans Frontieres Private companies Representatives of the market; can be very small 7 businesses or global corporations ‘Multilateral organizations Can set global agenda for economic policies; promote global peace; important sources of aid and technical assistance. Examples: Intemational Monetary Fund, United Nations, Wortd Bank both individuals, but their ability to influence events and their life choices are very different in scope. Approaches to development While one of the aims of this book is to highlight the complexities of the debates about ‘development’, as a starting point it is useful to have some basic framework within which to locate our discussions, Table 1.5 provides a chronology of ‘development’ approaéhes and understandings, The point of this table is not to suggest that theories of development have evolved in a unilinear way with no contestation28 + Introduction Table 4.5 Main approaches to development, 1950s onwards Decade 1950s 1960s 1970s 4980s 1990s 2000s ‘Main development a approaches ‘Movomizaton theories: all countries should follow the European model Siructuralist theories: Southern countries needed to limit interaction with the global economy to allow for domestic economic growth Modernization theories Dependency theories: Southem countries poor because of exploitation by Northern countries: Dependency theorles Basic needs approaches: focus of government and aid policies should be on providing for the basic needs of the world's poorest people Neo-Maithusian theories: need to control economic growth, resource use and population growth to avokd economic and ecological disaster Women and development: recognition of the ways in-which development has differential effects on women and men Neoliberalism: focus on the market. Governments should retveat ‘rom direct involvement in economic activities Grassroots approaches: importance of considering local context and indigenous knowedge Sustainable development: need to balance needs of current gonoration against environmental and other coneerns of future populations Gender and development: greater awareness of the ways in which gender is implicated in development Neoliberalism Post-levelopment: ideas about ‘development’ represent a form of colonialism and Eurocentrism. Should be challenged from the grassroots Sustainable development Culture and development: Increased awareness of how different social and cultural groups affected by development processes Neotiberalism: increased engagement with concepts of globalization Sustainable development Post development Grassroots approaches a Rights-based developmentIntroduction » 29 or conflict. Instead, as the following chapters will demonstrate, numerous ideas about ‘development’ can co-exist, although some theories will be adopted more widely, partly because they are advocated or supported by more powerful actors, The table only covers development theories in the period after the Second World War. This is not because there were no ideas about social and economic development before then, but because in the 1940s and 1950s there was increasing international discussion about how ‘development’, particularly in the Global South, was to take place. International organizations were set up to try and achieve ‘development’ and a number of strategies were adopted, These specific interventions as part of an international development endeavour are what Gillian Hart (2001) terms “big D” Development’, in contrast to “little d” development’, which she sees as the general progress of capitalism, However, despite the focus of this book on post-Second World War theories and practices, as you will see, many of the ideas about development in the second half of the twentieth century and the start of the twenty-first had their roots in theorizing in the nineteenth century and earlier. One feature of the chronological approach which should be highlighted is the concept of an ‘impasse’ in development theory (Schuurman 1993), In the 1980s, this idea of an impasse became increasingly common, In the 1960s and 1970s the contrasting approaches of modernization theories (see Chapter 2) and dependency theories (see Chapter 3) represented differing perspectives on development. However, the global economic problems of the 1980s and the awareness that in many senses existing ‘development’ theories had not been translated into practical success, led theorists to stop and think about what development was and how it could be achieved. While neoliberal thinking now dominates development policy-making (see Chapter 2), the post- 1980s period has been associated with a recognition of much greater diversity within conceptions of development. This has included greater awareness of environmental concerns, gender equity and grassroots approaches, All these will be discussed in later chapters, Postcolonialism and Postmodernism i ‘soreness Engaging with social diversity and also recognizing the importance of power relations in the construction and diffusion of development30 + Introduction ideas, have been greatly associated with postcolonial and postmodernist approaches from the 1980s oriwards, While the two approaches have similarities, they do not overlap completely. Postmodernism is difficult to define because it can be applied in a number of fields and in a variety of ways (Simon 1998), In the context of ‘development’ it has been particularly important in considering the ways in which previous understandings of ‘development’ assumed that the populations of the South were homogenous and that the European route to development was the only cortect way. The deconstruction of development categories is a key part of postmodern approaches to development. Rather than assuming that all ‘peasants’ are the same or all rural-urban migrants have the same experiences, postmodernism stresses diversity in social, spatial and temporal terms. For example, Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1991) focuses on the ways in which the term “Third World Women’ is used to describe all women living in the Global South. In particular, she highlights how this term is used to homogenize women’s lives and is also used in a way that always implies victimhood; ‘Each of these examples [in her chapter] illustrates the construction of “third world women” as a homogeneous “powerless” group often located as implicit victims of particular socioeconomic systems’ (1991: 57, eraphasis in the original). She argues that this approach not only denies the experiences of millions of women, but also reflects the power relations that frame understandings of the world, a key theme of postcolonial thought. Postcolonial approaches seek to disrupt ways of thinking about the world based on Northern assumptions and also to recognize difference, but this is particularly within the context of places and peoples who have experienced colonialism from the perspective of being colonized. The term ‘post-colonialism’ is usually used to indicate a time period after colonialism, while ‘postcolonialism’ describes an approach to understanding social, economic, political and cultural processes (Loomba 1998). This includes both the material legacies of colonialism, such as urban structures and social hierarchies, as well as the how particular forms of knowledge are valued at the expense of others (Radcliffe 2005). For example, Frantz Fanon’s book Black Skin, White Masks, originally published in French in 1952, highlights the effects of European ¢olonialism on the mentalities of colonized Black populations. Postcolonialism therefore attempts to understand not only the observable legacies i . }Introduction + 34 of colonialism, but also the ideas or discourses about ‘development’ that have been transferred as part of the colonial process (McEwan 2009). Edward Said’s book Orientalism (1991 [1978] is an excellent example of postcolonialism. The book is subtitled Western Conceptions of the Orient and deals with how ‘the West” has constructed the peoples of ‘the East’ as’ being ‘backward’ and ‘uncivilized’, This has been used as a justification for political interventions and colonial projects. Orientalism shows how these ideas are’ constructed by particular groups of people at particular times, i.c. they reflect global power relations, In addition, Said also demonstrates how the construction of the ‘East’ as ‘Other’ and ‘different’ to the ‘West’ not only gives the ‘East’ a particular identity, but also reflects on the identity of the ‘West’ (Mercer et al. 2003). Postmodern and postcolonial approaches to development have received some criticisms, in particular theorists are accused of ‘playing academic. games’, rather than dealing with the day-to-day problems that millions of the world’s poorest people face (Nederveen Pieterse 2000; Simon 1998; Sylvester 1999). These criticisms have also been levelled at thie related ‘post-development’ ideas (see below). However, the importance of recognizing diversity in constructing development theories and practices is clearly of great importance, as is an awareness of the context in which theories are formulated. These themes will be developed throughout the rest of the book. Post-development? Alongside the debates about how ‘development’ can be achieved, since the 1990s, the concept of ‘post-development’ has come to the fore. One of the most well-known proponents of this approach is Arturo Escobar, who uses the case study of Colombia to discuss the development process. By ‘development’ he means the highly technocratic approach adopted by the World Bank, US government and other Northern institutions:in the post-Second World War period (discussed in Chapter 2). His argument is that before’ ‘outsiders’ came into Colombia, there was no such thing as ‘poverty’ and therefore no need for ‘development’. While most people had what would. be defined as low life expectancies, many32 + Introduction children lacked access to formal education and houses lacked water and electricity, these factors were not usually régarded as problems. Escobar argues that by imposing external norms and expectations on Colombian society and economy, the country was interpreted as “Jacking development’. This lack could only be addressed by adopting Northern forms of ‘development’; hence numerous types of intervention in the form of aid and technical assistance (Chapter 2). ‘What Escobar and other post-developmentalists (see Rahnema with Bawitree 1997; Sachs 1992) argue, is that the development process as it has been experienced by Southern countries is based on Burocentric assumptions. ‘Development’ has helped incorporate large areas of the globe into a Northern-dominated economic and political system which has destroyed indigenous cultures, threatened the sustainability of natural environments and has created feelings of inferiority among people of the South (Box 1.6). Post-development theorists stress the importance of the discourse of development. This: refers to. the way that ‘development’ is defined and discussed. Rather than-being neutral, these theorists argue that understandings of ‘development’ reflect prevailing power relations and enable some ideas of ‘development’ to be piesented as ‘correct’, while others are dismissed, As Cheryl McEwan (2009: 146) states, in the context of postcolonialism, ‘Development discourse promotes and justifies very real interventions with real consequences.’ Summary Development is a highly-contested concept. 5. Multilateral agencies often use economic measures such as GNI or GNP per capita to assess development. @ National-level measures hide important spatial and social inequalities. ‘» Despite widespread decolonization, It Is important to consider the role ‘of colonialism in understanding development today. Fs @ Dovelopment.as a process Is not confined to Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. | @ Development can be understood as a Eurocentric idea which has i been forced on the rest of the world. ase er ry ties. role Introduction + 33 Box 1.6 Nanda Shrestha’s perspectives on development in Nepal Nanda Shrestha is now Professor in the School of Business and Industry at the Florida A&M University, but he grew up in the 1940s and 1950s in Pokhara in central Nepal. His family survived by cultivating non-irrigated crops for subsistence and selling millet liquor. Hunger was common and their small house fet the rain in, According to prosent-day assessments, his family and the wider community would certainly be classified as very poor and disadvantaged. However, for Shrestha, the perception of their situation was very different: To my innocent mind, poverty looked natural, something that nobody could do anything about. L accepted poverty as a matter of fate. .. I had no idea that poverty was largely a social creation, not a bad karmic product, Despite all this, it never seemed threatening or dehumanizing, So, poor and hungry J certainly was. But underdeveloped? I never thought — not did anybody else ~ that being poor meant being ‘underdeveloped’ and lacking human dignity. True, there is no comfort and glory in poverty, but the whole concept of development (or underdevelopment) was totally alien to me. (1995: 268) In 1951, after a change of ruler in Nepal, western-fuunded development projects were introduced. The concept of development in Nepali is bikas. Shrestha describes how people were ‘seduced? by this concept and saw everything that was associated with bikas as being good and of value, and everything else which was associated with existing ways of life as being inferior. This included forms of traditional medicine, manual labour, language and education, Bikas was regatded as desirable because it bought paved roads, school buildings and technology, even though hunger persisted and self-reliance and autonomy declined. Shrestha interprets this process as a form of colonialisin, where European and American ideas and cultures are presented as being superior to indigenous ways of living Source: adapted from Shrestha (1995)34 © Introduction Discussion questions 1 Outline the major patterns of Human Development Index scores and suggest reasons for the differences between global regions. 2. Ina postcolonial world, why is it important to consider colonialism in the context of development? 3 How do definitions of development vary according to scale? 4 What are the advantages and disadvantages of using quantitative measures of development? 5 What are the main features of a postcolonial approach to development? Further reading Esteva, G. ‘Development’ in W. Sachs (ed.) (1992) The Development Dictionary: A Guide to Knowledge as Power, London: Zed Books, pp. 6-25. An impi critique of ‘development’ as it has been defined in the twentieth century by policy-makers, particulasty in the North. A useful introduction to the idens of post-development. Friedmann, J. (1992b) “The end of the Third World’, Third World Planning Review 14 (3): iii-vii. Clearly-written overview of the use of the term ‘Third World? and why Friedmann believes it is no longer useful. Jones, P.S. (2000) ‘Why is it alright to do development “over there” but not “here”? Changing vocabularies and common strategies of inclusion across “First” and “Third” Worlds’, Area 32 (2); 237-41. A short article which considers why ‘development’ is often only considered within the context of the Global South when there ate problems of inequality and marginalization within Northern contexts as well. McBwan, C. (2009) Postcolonialism and Development, Abingdon: Routledge. A clearly-written introduction to postcolonial theory and engagement with development theory and practice, Rist, O. (2008) The History of Development: From Western Origins to Global Faith, 3rd edition, London: Zed Books. An excellent overview of how the concept of development has changed from the Enlightenment to the Millennium Development Goals, Williams, G, et al. (2009) Geographies of Developing Areas: The Global South in a Changing World, Abingdon: Routledge. Au accessible introduction to globalization and development. Chapter 2 provides a clear introdudtion to debates around representations of the Global South. medih, na sates Introduction » 37 Useful websites enn TRIES www.developmentgateway.org Development Gateway.-Links to a range of development information, www.developmentgoals.org World Bank Millennium Goals website, Details on what the goals ere and what progress has been made. wwweldis.org Portal for development-reiated information run by the institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, wwwophiorguk Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative, Provides information about the concept of human development and also the Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPD. www.un.org/millenniumgoels United Nations Millennium Dovelopment Goals site www.worldbankorg/poverty World Bank information and research on poverty reduction and equity,@& Modernization, Keynesianism and neoliberalism 4 Adam Smith and the free market 4 Keynesianism 1» Modernization theorios = Development ald 4 Neoliberalism ce Structural adjustment poticies 4% Good governance «= Neo-Keynesianism and global economic crisis This chapter deals with development theories that focus on the central role of the market in promoting economic progress. The role of other development actors, most notably the state, should not be ignored, but in most cases the state is viewed as an enabler for more effective market operations. Classical theories While the bulk of this book focuses on post-1945 development theories and policies, it is important to recognize that these ideas did not appear in an intellectual vacuum, but rather were rooted in the tradition of economic, political and sociological theorizing which developed in Europe from the eighteenth century onwards (Martinussen 1997: Chapter 2). One of the key theorists to influence later ideas about economic development was Adam Smith. His book, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations was published in 1776 and was a response to the mercantile (trade) focus of economic policy | at that time in Western Europe. In the eighteenth century, it was 1 trade which was the major force for economic growth; “merchants, and particularly the large trading companies (such as the Hast India i" Company), had great power in relation to national governments. | In order to safeguard theit interests, merchants supporteddid iture 8, dia Modernization, Keynesianism and neoliberalism = 37 protectionist measures which allowed them to carry out their activities without what they saw as unnecessary competition. Protectionism included high import tatiffs for goods produced outside a country. This made it cheaper for customers to buy domestically-produced goods. Adam Smith viewed this form of regulation as detrimental to the economic growth of the country and greater wealth for all citizens, rather than just the merchant classes. He argued for greater attention to be paid to production, rather than trade, in economic development. In addition, he claimed that divisions of labour would help improve productivity and therefore economic growth and wealth creation, Division of labour describes the breaking up of the production process (for example making cloth) into a number of stages; rather than one person completing all stages, different people concentrate on one aspect of the process. They become greatly skilled at this and 80 more items can be produced in the same time. ‘The operation of the proposed system, he argued, would be regulated by the ‘invisible hand of the market’ rather than by the state (see Chapter | for a discussion of these actors), Smith believed that individuals would act in self-interest; thus if a product was too expensive then nobody would buy it and the seller would either reduce the prices or change to selling something else. Similarly, if wages were too low, then workers would move to other jobs. Despite writing before the turmoil and ‘economic development’ of the Industrial Revolution, Smith’s work is still very influential today because of his theorizing about the role of the market in economic development. The market-centred approach to economic development has also been termed laissez-faire economics, Another highly influential classical economist was David Ricardo, who lived in the late eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries. He was a great advocate of free trade and developed the theory of ‘comparative advantage’. According to this theory, countries should concentrate on producing and then selling the goods that they had an advantage in producing because of their assets, such as land, mineral resource, labour, technical or scientific expertise, This meant a global division of labour. Ricardo argued that it made more sense for countries to specialize in this way, rather than trying to produce everything, because through specializing, production would be more efficient, there would be greater capacity for growth and scarce resources could be used more effectively (see Figure 2.1).3009 eas y0s%z 3e0uM, woes — Bulmoia NOLLONGOUd WiLOL 1003 (eas FOGLE you, Ww O0ZL SOIPeL NoLLonaodd TWiLol a soSeweape sanpiedwog T'Z-0anSia SOnXeL y | jas pas <— —_ | 30 pas 1003 pas +0 pag 0012 yeeUM 10 yeu, 306 qeeuM, uw org souxe]. wo soueL, woszl Sele =e pete | ‘9 Anuneg wou @ Aguneo seinen vy Anunog | A yeoum 3002 eas 3002 pas 3001 jas 30001 3e8uM 308 yeeum 3002 yeoum uw 009 soqxeL, woo SeIeL, ur oos ‘SoIXOL pue} jeanynou6e ‘seoinoses 200} jo sjunowe e867 jesounn jueouubIS anoge| deeyo e612] 9 Agunog g Aqunog { vy AgunoaFigure 2.1 Comparative advamage- Modernization, Keynesianism and neoliberatism + 39 Economic growth theory Classical economists’ belief in the market as a mechanism for maximizing efficient resource use and human well-being, was challenged in the early twentieth century by significant economic events, in particular the 1929 Wall Street Crash and the Great. Depression of the 1930s in the USA. From this extreme failure of the free market to reach an equilibrium, economists began to develop new understandings of national economies. Foremost among these was the British economist John Maynard Keynes, who in 1936 published The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. Keynes’ argument was that the free market was not necessarily the Positive force that many, following Adam Smith, believed. Keynes argued that the key to growth was real investment, i.e. investment in new (rather than replacement) infrastructure projects, This investment, he claimed, would have a positive effect on job creation and the further generation of wealth, through the multiplier effect (sce Figure 2.2). This effect could, however, also work in reverse, so that declining levels of real investment would lead to a downward spiral into economic crisis. Unlike the classical economists, Keynes saw a key role for the government in promoting economic growth. Rather than letting the market operate alone, Keynes said that governments could intervene investrnent ‘by government or private sector andl services Increased Indirect job local spending by creation a Figure 2.2 Muttiter effect.