Development Theory Book
Development Theory Book
Development Theory Book
DEVELOPMENT
DEVELOPMENT THEORY
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DEVELOPMENT THEORY
Four Critical Studies
Edited by
DAVID LEHMANN
Volume 104
First published in 1979 by Routledge
This edition first published in 2014
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 USA
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 1979 Taylor & Francis
Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint but
points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be apparent.
Disclaimer
The publisher has made every effort to trace copyright holders and welcomes
correspondence from those they have been unable to contact.
DEVELOPMENT
THEORY
Four Critical Studies
Edited by
David Lehmann
FRANK CASS
First published 1979 in Great Britain by
FRANK CASS AND COMPANY LIMITED
Gainsborough House, Gainsborough Road,
London, E ll IRS, England
P reface vii
I n t r o d u c t io n David Lehmann 1
T h e M e a n in g o f D e v e l o p m e n t ,
W it h a P o s t s c r ip t Dudley Seers 9
A C r it iq u e o f D e v e l o p m e n t E c o n o m ic s
in t h e U.S. E. Wayne Nafziger 32
M o d e r n is a t io n , O r d e r a n d t h e E ro sio n o f a
D e m o c r a t ic I d e a l Donal Cruise O’Brien 49
S o c io l o g y o f U n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t versu s
S o c io l o g y o f D e v e l o p m e n t ? Henry Bernstein 77
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Preface
Over the past few years the Journal of Development Studies has published
several articles which, taken together, represent a substantial critique of
the theories and approaches which pass for orthodoxy in the study of
development and underdevelopment. We have therefore decided that these
articles should be published together and the articles by Donal Cruise
O’Brien and Wayne Nafziger, published first in 1972 and 1976, are re
printed in their original form. Dudley Seers has added a post-scriptum on
the ‘New Meaning of Development’ to his ‘Meaning of Development’,
published in 1972. Henry Bernstein, whose ‘Modernization Theory and the
Sociological Study of Development’ dates from 1971, has written a com
pletely new piece for this volume, which now presents a Marxist critique
of both the ‘conventional sociology of development’ and the ‘radical
sociology of underdevelopment’.
D a v id L e h m a n n
v ii
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Introduction*
The essays published in this volume, taken together, constitute little less
than an indictment of twenty or thirty years of theory and practice in the
economics, sociology and politics of development. Or so it would appear.
Further reflection would remind us that the indictment is almost exclusively
directed at Anglo-Saxon theories, that those theories do have their de
fenders, but above all that the study of development is potentially one of
the most creative areas in social science today, although, at the level of
theory, that potential has still largely to be realized. The reasons for this
can be sought in the relationship between ‘development studies’ and the
development (or lack thereof) of social, economic and political theory in
the period since the Second World War.
The mainstream concerns of development theory as described and
criticized in these pages are not different in fundamental ways from the
concerns of the ‘founding fathers’ of social science in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. Evolution, the division of labour, industrialism, class
conflict and social cohesion, the conditions for the emergence of capitalism,
the relations between state and civil society; the relations between theory
and practice, and between the scholar and politics; and in economics, the
‘optimum allocation of resources’, the concept of comparative advantage
and the theory of international trade, and the terms of trade between
industry and agriculture. There are also echoes of nineteenth century
Russian debates, between slavophiles and westernizers, between populists
and marxists. This is hardly surprising, for the development of social
science in the last century was in large part an effort to interpret the
process of industrialization, and industrialization is a central concern of
the study of development, even among its opponents. Whether this
element of continuity between the traditions of social science and the
theory of development testifies to sterility and stagnation, or to the abiding
nature of the founding fathers’ concerns is not clear, for other features of
the relationship do testify to a questioning of or at least a departure from
those same traditions—at least in the form in which they have been ‘given
and inherited’ and passed on by modern sociology and economics. The
ambiguities of the relationship are numerous, and we shall see that the
‘critical’ element in development studies can also be viewed as a reflection
of criticisms of a purported orthodoxy which range across all the social
sciences. It is merely unfortunate that what starts out as radical questioning
tends so often to end up as a restatement, occasionally in ever-more-
obscure language, of time-honoured formulations.
The study of development began in an era of optimism and growing
prosperity for the advanced countries, and that climate is reflected in the
1
2 DEVELOPMENT THEORY
subject’s early concern for evolution and stability. Within a short space of
time, however, it has fathered a radicalism which, in part at least, reflects
the peculiar political involvement of social scientists in the political life of
underdeveloped countries, as well as more general challenges to orthodox
social theory—an orthodoxy which must rank as one of the shortest-lived
in the history of social thought, having been removed from a position of
hegemony to one of merely powerful influence in twenty years. It does not
require an inordinately deep reading of the essays in this book to grasp a
strong undercurrent of policy, or, better, political issues ; it is difficult to
believe that the authors would have been moved to make their analyses
had they not felt at the time deep dissatisfaction with patterns of develop
ment they had observed, and had they not wished to discover a more
egalitarian and autonomous pattern for the future. This concern and
involvement which lie so close to the surface of writing on development
problems are not a defect but a virtue, and are one (but only one) element
which makes the subject so potentially creative. In advanced societies
intellectuals rarely have easy access to the well-established policy-making
machines, or to the closely knit networks of civil servants and apparatchiki
and the politicians who are so heavily dependent upon them (Wildavsky
and Heclo, 1974). Intellectuals are not, for those who occupy positions of
power, a sensitive political group. In underdeveloped countries, in contrast,
intellectuals are highly sensitive, and both local and foreign social scientists
are taken seriously, if only to repress them ; they may not ultimately have
much independent influence on policies, but they do take part in the
discussion of policy. Occasionally, as when they act as emissaries of some
international institutions, their influence is substantial—for better or for
worse. The involvement of social scientists in a far more ‘wide open’ arena
than that available to them in the policy-making apparatuses of advanced
countries, draws them into political and intellectual confrontations from
which they are protected both in the groves of academe and in their forays
into the predictable world of government administration and consultancy.
The opportunities and consequences are not unambiguous. The oppor
tunity to ‘advise a government’ in a poor country may yield illusions of
grandeur, resulting in the application of dogmatic models by professionals
who are not willing to assume the responsibility for the political impli
cations or preconditions of their advice. Evidently, governments choose
advisers whom they find politically congenial, and to some extent
whose advice they can safely predict, but this does not convert the
adviser into an agent without responsibility. There are some quite frighten
ing examples of technocrats’ political ventriloquism: the prescription of
draconian stabilization policies is an obvious example. The economic
strategy followed by General Pinochet with the support and advice of
Professors Harberger and Friedman and their pupils illustrates the
thinness of the line between naivety and cynicism. Inverse examples are
found in a progressive technocratism which advocates egalitarian policies
in countries where the political conditions for their adoption are scarcely
conceivable in the foreseeable future. Thus the ILO reports on employment
to which Dudley Seers refers in his post-scriptum on the New Meaning of
Development, and the pessimism of Clive Bell in his chapter on politics in
the World Bank’s Redistribution with Growth (Chenery et al. 1974). In
Cuba, where ‘progressives’ might have found a more receptive audience,
Charles Bettelheim, Ernest Mandel and, in a different vein, René Dumont,
INTRODUCTION 3
(a) which provides a comprehensive framework for the analysis of social pro
cesses resulting from the incorporation o f new territories, societies and
polities into the world economic and political system, and
(b) which includes enough variables on which to base explanations of variations
observed in this process o f incorporation.
It is surely enough merely to state this agenda in order to realize that any
theory of development which is neither teleological nor functionalist is
highly unlikely to succeed. It is therefore hardly surprising to note the
strong element of teleology in many theories of development, even in those
which profess an opposition to teleology and functionalism. One must
distinguish, as Henry Bernstein does, implicitly, between the hitherto
unfruitful theories of development and theories applied to the study of
social and economic structures of underdeveloped countries. It is in the
attempt to draw from the tradition of social science (as interpreted by
Parsons) a theory applicable to the Third World as a whole and to the
totality of social processes within it that failure has been most evident.
More limited—but nevertheless ambitious—enterprises, such as those of
Barrington Moore and Perry Anderson, who confine themselves to class
relations and politics, turn out to be firmly in the traditions of Marx and
Weber, to find favour with the critics of orthodoxy and to lack that
aspiration to the infinite which characterized the theory of modernization.
One may therefore wonder whether the limits of development theory have
lain in the globality of its project rather than in its theoretical origins.
The creative potential of development studies arises precisely from
those features thereof which I have discussed and on whose dangers I have
insisted perhaps too much: the inescapable political involvement, the
difficulty of confining an analysis to one particular discipline, and the
possibility it offers of comparative study and of extracting generalizations
therefrom. The theories criticized in this volume relied on a comparison of
today’s advanced countries and their history with the social and economic
structure of underdeveloped countries, but in the future we may see more
and more comparative study between different countries and regions of
the Third World, thus enriching the subject substantially.
6 DEVELOPMENT THEORY
REFERENCES
Perry Anderson: Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism, London, New Left Books, 1974.
Perry Anderson: Lineages o f the Absolutist State, London, New Left Books, 1974.
Edmar Bacha and Lance Taylor: “ Brazilian Income Distribution in the 1960’s: Model
Results and the Controversy” , Journal o f Development Studies, XIV, 3, April 1978.
T. J. Byres: “ Land Reform, Industrialization and the Marketed Surplus in India: an
essay in Rural Bias” , in David Lehmann (ed.): Agrarian Reform and Agrarian
Reformism, London, Faber and Faber, 1974.
Hollis Chenery et al.: Redistribution with Growth, London, Oxford University Press,
1974.
René Dumont: Cuba, est-il Socialiste?, Paris, Seuil, 1970.
Alexander Erlich: The Soviet Industrialization Debate, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard
University Press, 1960
Barry Hindess and Paul A. Hirst: Pre-capitalist Modes o f Production, London,
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975.
Simon Kuznets: “ Economic Growth and Income Inequality” , American Economic
Review, XLV, March 1955.
Albert Fishlow: “Brazilian Size Distribution of Income” , American Economic Review,
LXII, pp. 391-402, May 1972.
David Lehmann: “ Neo-classical Populism” , Peasant Studies, VI, 4, October 1977.
Moshe Lewin: Russian Peasants and Soviet Power, London, Allen and Unwin, 1968.
Jonathan Levin: The Export Economies, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press,
1960.
Colin Leys: “ Underdevelopment and Dependency: Critical Notes” , Journal o f
Contemporary Asia, VII, 1, 1977.
Michael Lipton: Why Poor People Stay Poor: Urban Bias in World Development,
London, Temple Smith, 1977
Robin Luckham: The Nigerian Military, London, Cambridge University Press, 1971.
Robin Luckham: “ Militarism: Force, Class and International Conflict” , Bulletin of
the Institute of Development Studies, IX, 1, July 1977.
Robin Luckham: “ Militarism: Arms and the Internationalisation of Capital” , ibid.
VII, 3, March 1977.
Ashok Mitra: Terms o f Trade and Class Relations, London, Frank Cass, 1977.
Barrington Moore Jr.: The Social Origins o f Dictatorship and Democracy, Boston,
Beacon Press, 1967.
INTRODUCTION 7