RIPH Unit 2 (L1 - L3) 2nd Sem
RIPH Unit 2 (L1 - L3) 2nd Sem
History
UNIT 2
SPANISH COLONIZATION
TO THE PRESENT
Figure 4. The Main Academic Building of PUP and its environs. (PUP Memorabilia).
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Lesson 1
CHRONICLES ABOUT THE 16TH CENTURY FILIPINOS: THE FIRST VOYAGE
AROUND THE WORLD AND THE CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS
Introduction
The so-called Age of Exploration and Discovery which commenced between the 15th
th
and 16 centuries is considered by most historians as the turning point in the development
of Philippine history. In 1521, Magellan accidentally reached the Philippines which marked
the succeeding expeditions by subsequent explorers and by the conquest of the Philippines
by Adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. The arrival of Legaspi in 1564 and his effective
occupation of Cebu in 1565 started the 333-year rule of the Spaniards in the Philippines.
This lesson hopes to give the students an overview on the various events and turning points
which helped in shaping the course of the history the country.
This unit and its lessons include certain discussions on the expeditions commenced
by Spanish navigators, initial impressions made by the Spaniards towards the natives, the
resistance of the Filipinos against colonial rule, and the eventual foundation of the present-
day Republic of the Philippines. The flow of discussion is somewhat peculiar. Unlike the
usual method of teaching history which is based solely on chronology of events, the
sequencing of the topics is thematic and shall challenge the critical thinking ability of the
students. This lesson which is focused on the Magellan Expedition and the Customs of the
Tagalogs will look into the state of the Philippines through the narratives made by the
chroniclers in the 16th century.
Learning Outcomes
1. Determine the importance of the Philippines for the economic gains of Spain.
2. Develop concepts on the state of the Philippines during the initial East-West
encounter in the first quarter of the 16th century.
3. Evaluate the authenticity and credibility of sources based on provenance and
critical evaluation of content.
The author of the account for this topic is Antonio Pigafetta who lived sometime
between 1491 and 1531. Hailed from Vicenza, he was an Italian scholar and explorer who
belonged to a rich family. This allowed him to have the means to study astronomy,
geography and cartography. Being a member of a rich and influential family, Pigafetta was
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able to make his way and become the chronicler of the Magellan Expedition. He was
among the 18 crew members who were able to return to Spain out of the approximately 270
crew members of the ill-fated expedition.
How was the account written? There are four known manuscripts or versions of
Pigafetta‘s account. One version which is located at the Ambrosiana Library in Milan is
written in Italian. Three other versions were written in French. The first French version titled
Le Voyage et Navigation was found in Paris sometime in 1525. This version was translated
into Italian in 1536 with the title Il Viaggio fatto dagli Spagnivoli. Subsequently, it was
included in the first volume of Navigationi et Viaggi published in 1550 by Giovanni Battista
Ramusio. This French version had been the basis of subsequent translations to different
languages.
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Summary and Highlights of the Account
Ferdinand Magellan‘s expedition left Seville, Spain on August 10, 1519, although
their actual voyage started on September 20, 1519. There were five ships that comprised
his fleet. These were the Victoria, Concepcion, San Antonio, Santiago, and Trinidad along
with some 270 crew members. The expedition was able to reach the West African coast
prior to the crossing of the Atlantic. They then reached Brazil and other parts of the South
America in the Atlantic. While exploring the southern portion of the South American
continent, the Spanish captains who had resentment towards their Portuguese leader made
a mutiny. The mutiny, though, was quickly crushed later.
On October 21, 1520, after more than a year of naval voyage, Magellan was able to
discover a passage which connects two great bodies of water, the Atlantic and the newly-
discovered Pacific Ocean. This passage was named as the Strait of Magellan. During this
time, however, only three out of the five original ships were able to cross the passage
because the ship San Antonio deserted the voyage by reversing its course while the ship
Santiago was wrecked by a strong squall in the Brazilian coast. The crew members of the
expedition experienced horrible conditions while crossing the Pacific Ocean. It was even
described that some of the men were forced to eat the leathers of their gears and garments
and ropes, mice and saw dusts just to keep them alive. Their agony ended when they were
able to replenish their stocks in Guam on March 6, 1521. They initially called the island as
the Island of Sails but later changed it to Isla de Ladrones when natives stole a boat from
the ship Trinindad. Ladrones, a Spanish term, means thief in English.
On March 16, 1521 they were able to land in the island of Zamal (Samar). Their
arrival coincided with the day of the Feast of St. Lazarus that is why Magellan named the
islands that he and his men saw as the Archipelago of St. Lazarus. They then went to
Humunu (Homonhon) where they met the rulers of Butuan and Caraga, Rajah Siagu and
Rajah Colambu. On March 27, 1521, they left Homonhon and reached Masao (Mazaua?) in
Butuan on the following day. Magellan and Rajah Colambu made a blood compact as a sign
of their friendship. On March 31, 1521, Fr. Pedro de Valderrama offered a mass. The crew
later installed a cross on the mountains, signifying the conquest of the land.
From Homonhon, the expedition through the assistance of Colambu sailed to Cebu
where they met Rajah Humabon on April 7, 1521. Although reluctant at first, Humabon
welcomed Magellan and their friendship was cemented through a blood compact. On April
14, 1521, a mass was officiated in Cebu and a cross was once again erected as a sign of
conquest of the land. Magellan invited the natives to be baptized, an invitation they gladly
accepted. Along with Humabon and his wife were the more than 800 natives who were
baptized. Humabon was christened Fernando while his wife was christened Juana. As a
gesture of friendship, an image of the child Jesus (Santo Nino) was given as a gift by
Magellan to Juana. This image is revered in Cebu by multitudes of devotees until the
present time.
Not all of the chieftains in Cebu wanted to establish friendship with Magellan. Lapu-
lapu, the chief of Mactan refused to accept the Spaniards. Apart from Lapu-lapu, another
chief in Mactan named Zula wanted to defeat the former. Zula sought the assistance of
Magellan, who without hesitation agreed to fight Lapu-lapu. Magellan was too confident that
they could defeat Lapu-lapu to the point that he refused the offer of Humabon for help. A
group of sixty men arrived in Mactan on April 27, 1521. Out of this number, eleven were left
behind to man the ships while fourty-nine waded towards the shore. Magellan and his men
were overwhelmed by Lapu-lapu‘s warriors. The Mactan warriors totaling to more than
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1,050 formed three divisions to repel the Spaniards. The foreigners where shot with arrows,
bamboo lances and stones. A poisoned arrow hit Magellan on his leg. It was only then
when he ordered a retreat. A bamboo lance then hit his arms while a javelin struck his back,
causing him to fall facing downwards. Upon seeing the death of their leader, the Spaniards
soon retreated to their ships. The surviving crew of the voyage requested that the body of
Magellan be handed to them which, unfortunately, the natives denied. For them, the body
was an accolade and a symbol of their valor and victory.
The horrors experienced by the Spaniards did not end there. Humabon was quite
disenchanted with the defeat of the Spaniards that he connived with Enrique, the slave of
Magellan who was abused by Duarte Barbossa, the successor of Magellan as the leader of
the expedition, to kill the remaining Spaniards. He invited the remaining Spaniards to have
a dinner with him in his palace. Twenty-six Spaniards went to feast, and while they were
eating, they were treacherously killed by the natives. Out of this number, twenty-four were
killed, including Duarte Barbossa, Juan Serrano, and Pedro de Valderrama, the priest who
baptized them.
The remaining crew members quickly left Cebu and started their voyage to return
home. On their way southwards, they were able to reach Palawan, Brunei, Mindanao, and
Moluccas. They then decided that the two remaining ships–Trinidad and Victoria would take
two different routes. The Trinidad which was commanded by Gomez de Espirera would
cross again the Pacific in the hope of reaching Mexico while the Victoria which was
commanded by Sebastian de Elcano would sail to Spain by crossing the Indian Ocean and
the African coast. The Trinidad was not able to complete its goal for it was captured by the
Portuguese in Moluccas. The Victoria, on the other hand, was able to return to Spain on
September 6 1522, after 2 years, 11 months and 16 days. Out of the 270 original crew
members of the expedition, only eighteen, along with four Indians survived the journey.
The author of the Customs of the Tagalogs is Juan de Plasencia, a Franciscan friar
who came from Extremadura, Spain. As a religious missionary, he adopted the life of
poverty and the life offered for the purpose of preaching and helping the poor. He is among
the first batch of missionaries who came to the Philippines in 1578. He was assigned to
different mission areas in Luzon, particularly in Laguna and the present-day provinces of
Quezon, Bulacan and Rizal. He became the custos or superior of the Franciscans in the
Philippines from May 23, 1584 until 1588. He later died in Laguna in 1590.
Written in Nagcarlan, Laguna and finished on October 21, 1589, the Costumbres de
los Tagalos (Customs of the Tagalogs) was among the series of accounts written by various
friar-missionaries and colonial officials during the early years of Spanish occupation in the
Philippines. These accounts were attempts to know and describe their new subjects more.
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Plasencia was ordered by the king of Spain to write an account that described the
natives in the areas assigned to his Order. As Plasencia was not able to primarily witness
all of the events he would describe, he collected information from old men and individuals
whom he thought as most able—all of whom were known to him. Thereafter, he weeded out
much foolishness in order to obtain the simple truth regarding native practices on
government, administration of justice, inheritances, slaves and dowries. It became clear
that Plasencia was tasked to account his observations of the natives so that the colonizers
would have a basis in effectively dealing with the former.
On Government and Social Organization. The Tagalogs were ruled by their chiefs called
by them as datos (spelling in the account). They governed and served them as their
captains in times of war. They were obeyed and revered to a point that any offense
committed against their person or word spoken against their wives and children were
severely punished. Plasencia likened the datos to the knights of the Spaniards. Their
communities were referred to as barangay, a term which was drawn from the boat they used
to reach these islands. Barangays were small communities composed of thirty up to one
hundred families.
Next to the datos were the Maharlicas (nobles) who were required to accompany the
dato especially in times of war. This was their main duty, especially because they were not
required to pay taxes or tributes. Apart from accompanying the dato in his exploits, the
maharlicas had to pay their own expenses such as food, clothing, armor and their boat to be
used in war. Next were the commoners which Plasencia referred to as the Aliping
Namamahay. Although they lived in their own houses while serving their masters, one
privilege they could enjoy was their immunity from being sold to anyone. Moreover, they
could also be inherited by their master‘s son although they could not be brought with him
should the son wish to transfer to another barangay.
The last level belonged to the slaves. Plasencia identified them as Aliping Sa
Guiguilir/Guiguilid who were usually the captives in war and enslaved together with their
children. They lived with their master and served as farmers in their master‘s field. Since
they were slaves, they could be sold, including their children. If any of the Sa Guiguilir
happened to possess gold beyond the sum of his value as slave and could pay it to his
master, then he could ransom himself and become a Namamahay or a commoner. The
price for ransom could not go below five taels. If the agreement with his master went
beyond the minimum ransom price or ten taels for that matter, then he could be totally free.
The difference between the Aliping Namamahay and the Aliping Sa Guiguilir should
be noted because in page 168 of the book, a confusion between the two terms was
encountered. Many were classed as slaves even when they were really not. The Indians,
seeing that the alcalde mayor did not understand this, adopted the custom of taking away
the children of the Aliping Namamahay, making use of them as Aliping Sa Guiguilir, as
servants in their households which was considered illegal. If the Aliping Namamahay would
appeal to justice, it would be proven that he was an alipin like his father and mother before
him. And whether or not he was indeed an Aliping Namamahay, his status would be taken
in the context of Aliping Sa Guiguilir. Without further declaration, he would be considered as
an alipin at once, thus becoming a Sa Guiguilir who could also be sold elsewhere. The
Aliping Sa Guiguilir, together with their master, could be transferred to another barangay by
virtue of inheritance, provided that he and his master would remain in the same village.
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On Marriage. These are the different situations concerning marriage among the
Maharlicas, Aliping Namamahay and Aliping Sa Guiguilir.
Situation 1: Those who were considered Maharlicas both on their paternal and maternal
sides could continue to enjoy their status forever. If, for instance they became
slaves, it happened because of marriage.
Situation 2: If the Maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their
mothers would be considered freemen.
Situation 3: If the Maharlicas had children with the female slaves of another Maharlica, the
female slave would be compelled, when pregnant, to give her master half of a
gold tael because of her risk of death, and for her inability to work during
pregnancy. In this case, the child would be considered half-free due to his
father. If his father would not supply him with food and hence would not
recognize him, the child would be considered totally as slave.
Situation 4: If a free woman had children by a slave, the children would be regarded as
freemen, provided that he was not the free woman‘s husband.
The classification of the children was irrespective of their sex. What was evident was
those who inherited the status of the mother would work as slaves. If, in case, the last child
were an odd birth, the child would consider as half free and half slave.
After marriage, the Maharlicas could not move from one barangay to another without
paying a certain amount of fine in gold. The fine ranged from one to three taels and also a
banquet sponsored for the entire barangay. This fine was larger or smaller according to the
inclination of the different villages. Failure to pay the fine might result to a war between the
barangays, the one where he left and the other where he would live anew. This tradition
was equally applied to men and women, except that when a man from a certain barangay
would marry a woman from another, their children would later on be divided equally between
the two barangays.
On Loans. The debtors were condemned to a life of toil because of the excessive interest
added to their debts. As a result, debtors were plunged into difficulty until they became
slaves, together with their children. In order to earn a living, sometimes their debt was sold
to other people, so the debtor had to pay more debt and had to experience an increasingly
pitiful state.
On Inheritance. Though legitimate children could inherit equally, there were some
situations wherein the mother or father showed favoritism by bestowing more gold or gifts to
a child. The dowry they gave to a son in order to marry the dato‘s daughter was not
included in the partition of the inheritance. In like manner, the property that was provided by
the parents to their child could not be considered inheritance, unless it was declared a
necessity and not for accumulating a wealth. If a man had a child by one of his slaves, their
children would not inherit anything. Instead, his legitimate child would be bound to free the
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slave and must give her a tael or a slave. A man‘s child from another woman would inherit
everything when there was no legitimate child with the wife. However, if it happened that
the man died without an heir—legitimate or natural, the inheritance could be acquired by his
parents, grandparents or the closest relative in their absence.
On Inheritance of Adopted Children. The adopted child could inherit twice of the amount
paid in his adoption. For example, if one tael of gold was paid upon a child‘s adoption, he
should be given two taels of inheritance by the adopting parents thereafter. Children whose
fathers died before their adoption could not inherit anything from the adopting parents. The
rule was simple: the arrangement on inheritance stopped at the death of their biological
fathers.
The account of Plasencia proved the adherence of the Filipinos to moral standards.
They had laws by which they could condemn a man of low birth to death if he insulted the
daughter or wife of a chief. They condemned no one to slavery, unless the person merited
the penalty of death. They also killed witches after they had made some recompense to the
injured persons. The children of the witches and their accomplices would become the
slaves of the chief. All other offenses were punished by fines in gold which, if not paid with
promptness, the offender would be compelled to serve the aggrieved until payment would
be made.
The payment of fine had to be done on the following day, so the offender had to
surrender half of his cultivated lands and that of his produce to his master in exchange for
money. The master, in turn, would provide him and his children with food and clothing, thus
remaining him and the children to servitude until such time that he could compensate the
debt. If he could pay his debt, his master would claim that he fed and clothed his children
and should also be paid thereof. In this way, he would keep possession of the children if the
additional payment could not be met promptly.
The last scenario became an unsettled problem usually on the part of the debtor, the
reason why he and his children would remain as slaves. If the debtor had some relatives or
friends who could pay for him, he would be obliged to render half of his services to them
until he could settle his payment. The services to be rendered would not be in the context of
being an Aliping Sa Guiguilir but within that of Aliping Namamahay. If the creditor could not
or refused to serve his creditor then he would have to pay twice the amount of what was
previously lent to him. In this way, slaves were made by debt by being a Sa Guiguilir if they
served the master who was favored by the judgment or by being an Aliping Namamahay
when they served the person who lent them money to pay the value of their offense.
On Marriage Dowries. Dowries were given by the men to the women's parents. If the
parents were still alive, they could enjoy the dowry given to them. If the dowry was not
consumed by the parents because of death of the parents, the wife and her siblings would
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equally inherit it in addition to the rest of the estate. If the wife, at the time of her marriage,
did not have a living father, mother or grandparents, she would enjoy the dowry by herself.
As regards to unmarried women, their customs would not allow them to own a property—be
it an estate or a dowry. This is because their labors were usually considered as devotion to
their parents.
When the sons were about to get married, their fathers would bestow instantly upon
them the half of the dowries that they should give to the parents of their brides. Failure to
provide dowries would require a certain sum which varied according to the practice of the
barangays or the individual‘s affluence. The fine was at its heaviest when the groom or the
bride would withdraw from the marriage because the nuptial was a pre-arranged affair by
their parents who previously died. In this scenario, the dowry had to be returned by the
family of the bride. If the parents of the bride were alive, the fine was heavier because it
was thought that her parents wanted her to marry for the sake of financial gains alone.
On Divorce. The pre-colonial Filipinos practiced divorce, contrary to what the present
Filipinos have. Until the coming of the Spaniards, divorce was practiced due to certain
grounds. For instance, when the wife left the husband before giving birth to a child for the
purpose of marrying another, the entire dowry would go to the husband. But when the wife
left him and would not marry another man, the dowry would be returned. When the husband
left his wife, he would lose his half of the dowry.
When the husband and wife had a child, the entire dowry and fine would go to the
child. The dowry for the children would be taken cared by the grandparents or close
relatives. If they were childless and the wife died, the parents would return half of the dowry
to the husband. If the husband was the one who died, half of the dowry would be returned
to his relatives.
The Worship of the Tagalogs, their Gods, their Burials and Superstitions
On the Worship Practices of the Tagalogs. Plasencia noted the absence of temples
consecrated for the performance of sacrifices, the adoration of native idols and the general
practice of idolatry in all the villages or in other parts of the archipelago. Although the
Tagalogs used the term Simbahan which meant a temple or place of adoration, in reality
festivals referred to as pandot or worship were celebrated not in the Simbahan but in the
large house of the chief. There, they constructed a temporary shed on each side of the
house, with a roof called sibi for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, and to
protect them from the rain.
They also constructed the house in a manner that could accommodate many people,
dividing it into three compartments following the fashion of ships. On the posts of the house,
they set small lamps called sorihile. At the center of the house was placed a large lamp
which was adorned with leaves of the white palm wrought into many designs. They also
brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast
lasted for four days. During this time, the whole barangay or family would unite and join in
the worship which they called nagaanitos. The house, for the above-mentioned period of
time, was called a temple.
On the Tagalog Deities. Among their many idols, there was one called Badhala (Bathala)
whom they especially worshiped. The title seems to signify ―all powerful‖ or ―maker of all
things‖. They also worshiped the sun which, on account of its beauty, was almost
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universally respected and honored by infidels. They worshiped also the moon, especially
when it was a new moon. At which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it
welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their
names with the exception of the morning star which they called Tala. They knew, too, the
seven little goats (the Pleiades) and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they
called Mapolon and Balatic. They possessed many idols called lic-ha which were images
with different shapes. At times they worshiped some particular dead men who were brave in
war and endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for
protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian Masalanta, who was the
patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons
of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid reverence to water lizards called by
them as buaya or crocodiles due to fear of being harmed by them. They were even in the
habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into
the water or placing it upon the bank.
On their superstitious beliefs. If they left their house and met on the way a serpent or rat,
or a bird called Tigmamanuguin which was singing on a tree, or if they chanced upon
anyone who sneezed, they returned at once to their houses. This is because they
considered the incident as an augury that some evil might befall them if they should
continue their journey, especially when the above-mentioned bird sang. This song had two
different forms: one was considered as an evil omen while the other one was a good omen.
They also practiced divination to see whether weapons such as a dagger or knife would be
useful and lucky for their possessor whenever occasions would offer.
Young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded for four
days and four nights. In the meantime, their friends and relatives were all invited to share
food and drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water,
bathed her and washed her head and removed the bandage from her eyes. The old men
claimed that they did this in order that the girls would bear children and have fortune in
finding husbands whom they liked and who would not leave them widows in their youth.
There were also ghosts, which they called vibit and phantoms which they called
tigbalaang. They had another superstition. If there were any woman died in childbirth, it
was believed that she and the child suffered punishment. At night, she could be heard
lamenting. This was called patianac.
On their Knowledge of Time. The natives had no established division of years, months,
and days. These were determined by the cultivation of the soil, their counting by the moons,
and the different effect produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, fruits, and leaves.
All this helped them in making up the year. The dry and wet seasons were distinguished as
sun-time and water-time.
Plasencia noted that since the Tagalogs became Christians, the seasons were not
really the same all throughout the year for he observed that at ―Christmas‖ would be colder.
The Spaniards, since their advent in the country, had determined the seasons, introduced
the months which were divided into weeks.
On their Sacrifices and Other Forms of Idolatries. Their manner of offering a sacrifice
was to proclaim a feast and offer to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of
the idol which they anointed with fragrant perfumes such as musk and civet or gum of the
storax-tree and other odoriferous woods. They praise their idol with poetic songs sung by
the officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The participants made
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responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they
were in need, and generally, by offering repeated health, they all became intoxicated. In
some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over
the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without
having a sight of him.
The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and,
assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance. The devil, being
the cause of it, would seem to influence the catalonan that she seemed to shoot flames from
her eyes. Her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding and she uttered words of
arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when in those
idolatries that the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had
to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from
destroying him.
The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed,
decapitated, and laid before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of
rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as
an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few
buyos—which was a small fruit wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in
these regions—as well as fried food and fruits. All of the above-mentioned articles were
eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being offered, as they
expressed it, were cooked and eaten also.
The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever
personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of
those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars,
a successful delivery in childbirth, and a happy outcome in married life. If this took place
among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days.
On the Priests of the Devil. The first was called catolonan who was either a man or a
woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives and was held ordinarily by
people of rank. This rule was general in all the islands.
The second was called mangagauay or witches who deceived by pretending to heal
the sick. These priests even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the
strength and efficacy of the witchcraft, were capable of causing death. In this way, if they
wished to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the waist
a live serpent, which was believed to be the devil, or at least his substance. This office was
general throughout the land.
The third was called manyisalat, which was the same as the magagauay. These
priests had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and
despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from having intercourse with the
latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness
upon her; and on account of the desertion she would discharge blood and matter. This
office was also general throughout the land.
The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty was to emit fire from himself at night,
once or often each month. This fire could not be extinguished except as the priest wallowed
in the ordure and filth which fell from the houses. And he who lived in the house where the
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priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself fell ill and died. This office was
general in the islands.
The fifth was called hocloban which was another kind of witch, of greater efficacy
than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the
hand, they killed whom they chose. But if they desired to heal those whom they had made
ill by their charms, they did so by using other charms. Moreover, if they wished to destroy
the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were able to do so without instruments. This
was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon.
The sixth was called silagan who was clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it,
thus causing the victim‘s death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes.
Let no one consider this a fable because, in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the
anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan
de Mérida.
The seventh was called magtatangal whose purpose was to show himself at night to
many persons without his head or entrails. In such wise, the devil walked about and carried,
or pretended to carry his head to different places. In the morning, he would return to his
body and remained alive as before. This seemed to me to be a fable, although the natives
affirmed that they saw it because the devil probably caused them so to believe. This
occurred also in Catanduanes.
The eighth they called osuang which was the equivalent of a sorcerer. They said
that they saw him flew and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the
Visayas Islands and not from the Tagalogs.
The ninth was another class of witch called mangagayoma. This witch could make
charms for lovers out of herbs, stones, and wood which would infuse the heart with love.
The tenth was known as sonat which was the equivalent of a preacher. It was his
task to help a person to die. Likewise, he could predict the salvation or condemnation of the
soul. It was not lawful for the functions of this priest to be fulfilled by others than people of
high standing, on account of the esteem in which he was held. This priest was general
throughout the islands.
The eleventh was the pangatahojan who was a soothsayer and a predictor of the
future. This type of priest was also general in all the islands.
The twelfth was the bayoguin who was signified a cotquean. A cotquean was a man
whose nature inclined toward that of a woman.
All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as was stated: catolonan,
sonat (who was a sort of bishop who ordained priestesses and received their reverence, for
they knelt before him as before one who could pardon sins, and expected salvation through
him) mangagauay, manyisalat, mancocolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuang,
mangagayoma and pangatahojan.
On the Belief on Death and Other Associated Rituals. Their manner of burying the dead
was as follows: the deceased was buried beside his house. If he were a chief, he was
placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. Before
interring him, they mourned him for four days and afterwards laid him on a boat which
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served as a coffin or bier. He would be placed beneath the porch where a guard was kept
over him by a slave. In place of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each
one being assigned a place at the oar by twos. These animals, for example two goats, two
deer or two fouls, were male and female of each species. It was the slave's care to see that
they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body
until in this wretched way he died. In the course of time, all would suffer decay and for many
days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges and praises of his good
qualities until finally they wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and
drinking. This was a custom of the Tagalogs.
The Aetas, or Negrillos (Negritos) who were inhabitants of the island had also a form
of burial but different. They dug a deep, perpendicular hole and placed the deceased within
it, leaving him upright with head or crown unburied. On top of the deceased, they would put
half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a shield. Then they went in pursuit of some
Indian whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To this end they
conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until one of them procured the
death of the innocent one.
These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they
called maca, just as if we should say ―paradise,‖ or, in other words, ―village of rest.‖ They
say that those who go to this place are the just, and the valiant, and those who lived without
doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They said also that in the other life and
mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction, called casamaan, which was
―a place of anguish;‖ they also maintained that no one would go to heaven, where there
dwelt only Bathala, ―the maker of all things,‖ who governed from above. There were also
other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said,
casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons,
whom they called sitan.
Plasencia ended his account with this statement: ―May the honor and glory be God
our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos [sic] not a trace of this is left; and that those who are
now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which
has banished it.‖
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References:
de Navarrete, M. F.. (1837). Coleccion de los viajes y descubrimientos que hicieron por
mar los espanoles desde fines del siglo XV. Madrid: Imprenta Nacional.
de Plasencia, J. (1903). Customs of the Tagalogs. In The Philippine islands (Vol. 7, pp.
173–98). Cleveland: A.H. Clark Company.
Howell, M., & Prevenier, W. (2001). From reliable sources: An introduction to historical
methods. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Stearns, P. (1998). Why study history? In American historical association. Retrieved from
https://www.historians.org/about-aha-and-membership/aha-history-and-
archives/historical-archives/why-study-history-(1998).
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Lesson 2
History
KARTILYA NG KATIPUNAN
Introduction
The Colonial Period was a harsh phenomenon that compelled an opportunity for the
Filipinos to act in solidarity towards sovereignty. It was the regime which caused Andres
Bonifacio to organize the Katipunan on July 7, 1892. Obliged by the defunct of Rizal‘s La
Liga Filipina and the absence of hope on the Reform Movement, Bonifacio had to make
options in order to achieve the freedom dreamed by the whole nation.
With the hope of instilling order and respect among its members, the Katipunan
introduced a set of guiding principles and teachings. To its author, Emilio Jacinto, what was
important for its members was the cognizance of katwiran and kaliwanagan. The existence
of the Kartilya proved the correctitude and adherence of the Filipinos to established
principles and their merit for the regard of humanity.
Learning Outcomes
3. Explain the need of the Kartilya for the members of the Katipunan.
4. Recognize the relevance of the Kartilya as an ethical-moral guide to the Filipinos
then and now.
Ever since, the authorship of the Kartilya has been ascribed to Emilio Jacinto, the
young adviser of Andres Bonifacio and the so-called Brain of the Katipunan. Due to his
brilliance, he rose from the position of fiscal to the rank of a general in the underground
movement. Under the leadership of the Supremo, he served as intelligence director in the
assault made in San Juan del Monte on August 30, 1896 in order to seize a Spanish
garrison in the area. His friendship with Bonifacio allowed him to naturally provide the latter
with weapons and ammunitions, money, printing materials and artistic creations (Filipinos in
History, 1995).
In spite of his failure to finish a university degree, Emilio Jacinto was a man of
intellect, refinement and literary indulgence. He wrote Liwanag at Dilim which contained
some essays about his political and social philosophies. Included in this collection were the
essays Sa Anak ng Bayan, Ang Ningning at ang Liwanag, Kalayaan, Ang Tao‘y
Magkakapantay, Ang Bayan at ang mga Pinuno and Ang Maling Pagsampalataya (―Liwanag
at Dilim‖, n.d.). In the hills of Majayjay, Laguna where he set up his secret headquarters, he
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contracted malaria which became the cause of his death on April 6, 1899 at the age of 24
(Filipinos in History, 1995).
The Kartilya is a primary source which contains the oaths and orders that the
katipuneros had to follow. According to the British scholar Jim Richardson (2013), the
Kartilya was sold at four kualta per copy although it was not clear whether the members
were responsible for the payment or their respective chapters. Richardson suspects that the
Kartilya was still used at the time of the revolution against the United States as evidenced by
its version in the Philippine Insurgent Records, bearing the seal used by General Artemio
Ricarte in 1899. Richardson also relates the story that Emilio Jacinto‘s Kartilya was seen as
superior by Andres Bonifacio who had intended of his Decalogue to be published and
distributed to the new members. The two documents, he posits however, are different from
one another because Jacinto‘s Kartilya expounded aspirations and moral values while that
of Bonifacio enumerated the duties of the katipuneros.
Richardson also claims that the Kartilya took influence from the declaration used by
the masonic lodges in Manila. Following a declaration which is believed to have been
written in Spain, it resembled certain parts or aspects. The statement of purpose of the
Kartilya, for instance, can be identified as an imitation from the other, including the ideal on
the equality of men and women.
The Kartilya resonated the teaching of discipline, virtue and morals to individuals
who wished to join the secret society. It established a foundation that would govern the
affairs of the Katipunan and its members. Anyone who violated the teachings would be
punished in accordance with the gradation of the offense.
Below is the copy of the Kartilya (pp. 131-134) taken from Jim Richardson‘s The
Light of Liberty: Documents and Studies on the Katipunan, 1892-1897 published by the
Ateneo de Manila University Press in 2013.
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References
Andres Bonifacio‘s decalogue and the kartilya ng Katipunan. (n.d.). Malacañan Palace
Presidential Museum and Library. Retrieved from http://malacanang.gov.ph/
7013-andres-bonifacios-decalogue-and-the-kartilya-ng-katipunan.
Liwanang at dilim. (n.d.). National Commission for Culture and the Arts. Retrieved from
https://www.flickr.com/photos/nccaofficial/18260917309.
Only the creepiest photos from Philippine history. (2019). FilipiKnow. Retrieved from
https://filipiknow.net/ philippine-history-creepiest-photos/
Richardson, J. (2013). The light of liberty: Documents and studies on the Katipunan, 1892-
1897. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
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Lesson 3
THE DECLARATION OF PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE
Introduction
After the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, the American naval squadron in
Hongkong was instructed by the secretary of the navy to come to the Philippines in order to
challenge and destroy the Spanish fleet. Commodore George Dewey, later to become a
Rear Admiral, was faced by the Spanish fleet coming from the direction of Sangley Point in
Cavite. Though outnumbered by the Spanish fleet, the American squadron was able to
defeat the poorly armed Spanish ships and by mid-day, the Spanish fleet would be brought
to a complete destruction. Eventually, the Spaniards in Cavite hoisted a white flag as a sign
of surrender in the face of humiliating defeat.
Subsequently, Emilio Aguinaldo and his party returned to the Philippines with the
belief that the Americans would help him secure independence from the Spaniards. With
this belief, Aguinaldo and his men were highly spirited. His forces were able to capture not
only places like Imus, Parañaque, Bacood, Las Piñas, Laguna, Batangas, Tayabas up to as
far as Camarines in the South and San Fernando, Macabebe, Bulacan, Nueva Ecija and
Bataan in the North but also seized thousands of prisoners (Agoncillo, 1990). With these
triumphs against their former colonizers, Aguinaldo established a dictatorial form of
government. The government would direct the course of the revolution and that governance
should be based on decrees he would issue. With a government that could enforce
obedience from the people, Aguinaldo thought of declaring the country‘s independence.
Objectives
1. Analyze and interpret sources by means of critically reading the Act of the
Proclamation of Philippine Independence.
2. Understand the key issues concerning the Declaration of Philippine
Independence.
Emilio Aguinaldo, who had become the president of the newly established dictatorial
government, planned to proclaim independence in order to inspire his forces to fight the
Spaniards and to lay down the basis through which other countries would recognize the
independence of the country (Agoncillo, 1990). The proclamation was made on June 12,
1898 in Cavite el Viejo now known as Kawit. On that day, the prominent leaders of the
revolution who gathered in the house of Aguinaldo, proclaimed independence and conferred
upon him numerous powers in order the direct thoroughly the affairs of the government.
The powers granted on him included the right to issue pardon and amnesty proclamations
and the adoption of an official flag (Cortes, Boncan and Jose, 2005).
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The Acta de la Proclamacion de la Independencia del Pueblo Filipino, as the
document is aptly called, was penned and read by Ambrocio Rianzares Bautista before the
presence of thousands of people from the various provinces. The flag which was made in
HongKong was hoisted and waved for the first time and the music of what would become as
the Philippine national anthem was played likewise for the first time. Julian Felipe, the
composer, was instructed that the anthem should sound like a march and exuberant of
triumph, that it should be expressive of a gratitude for the contributions of Spain in the
Philippines, and that it should symbolize the determination of the country and its love for
freedom (Molina, 1960).
Commodore George Dewey, the commander of the American naval squadron that
crippled the Spanish fleet commanded by Admiral Montojo, was invited but due to a certain
alibi, he failed to grace the inauguration. Of the ninety-eight people who signed the
declaration document was an American military officer named Colonel L. M. Johnson.
(Molina, 1960) Surprisingly, President Aguinaldo‘s signature was nowhere to be found in
the document (Ocampo, 2020). Apolinario Mabini, who arrived right before the start of the
inauguration rites and met Aguinaldo for the first time, was not in favor of the proclamation
which he considered ―reckless and premature‖ (para. 6). To Mabini, it would have been
better if the Filipinos gathered more weapons and ammunitions rather than flaunting their
aspiration for independence.
According to the book Filipinos in History (1995) by the then National Historical
Institute, Ambrocio Rianzares Bautista, or Don Bosyong as he was popularly known to
many, was born on December 7, 1830 in Biñan, Laguna. He finished a Bachelor of Laws
degree from the University of Santo Tomas. Among the legal luminaries who became his
contemporaries were Chief Justice Cayetano Arellano, Chief Justice Florentino Torres and
well-known lawyer Rafael del Pan.
A distant relative of the Rizal family, he served as their first lawyer concerning the
Calamba Hacienda Case. However, he backed out from the case for fear of being
denounced by the Dominican friars, the administrators of the Hacienda. Later on, the case
was taken over by Felipe Buencamino who also eventually gave it up because Jose Rizal
had come up with a different agenda against the Spaniards (Quibuyen, 2008).
When Aguinaldo had returned from his exile in HongKong in May 1898, Bautista
became one of the first individuals who offered his service. He became Aguinaldo‘s political
adviser. As principal adviser, he convinced Aguinaldo to constitute a dictatorial regime
instead of a constitutional government, arguing among others that the latter best suited the
exigencies of the times. However, after the proclamation of independence, Apolinario
Mabini became the principal adviser of Aguinaldo (Filipinos in History, 1995).
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The Acta de la Proclamacion de la Independencia del Pueblo Filipino
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References
Agoncillo, T. A. (1990). The history of the Filipino people (8th ed.). Garotech
Publishing.
Guevara, S. (1972). The laws of the Philippine republic (The laws of Malolos)
1898-1899.
Manila: National Historical Institute.
Molina, A. M. (1960). The Philippines through the centuries (Vols. 1 & 2).
UST Cooperative.
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